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1 Roberto Carlos Castillo Bautista B.A. (Hons), M.A. HKPFS Reference Number: HKPF10-13944 Research Proposal PhD in Cultural Studies Working Title New Transnational Social Spaces: The Emergence of an African Community in Guangdong Province, China. Objective This study will investigate the contemporary African presence in China from a Cultural Studies/Cultural History perspective. The focus of the research will be to examine the plausibility of the emergence of an African community in Guangzhou, and how ‘new’ African diasporic identities are being formed in this region/city. In particular, this research will gather and evaluate data from historical records, popular culture, political discourse, personal journeys, racial representations, and global economic and cultural trends that inform how people from several different African nationalities might experience China. Proposed Study Area Are African communities emerging in China? Several sources account for up to 100,000 Africans from different nationalities already legally settled in the country – along with an unknown number of illegal migrants. If the Chinese economy continues to grow, and China’s involvement in Africa deepens, it is likely that the African presence in China will persist and expand. This will result not only in the emergence of African communities in major Chinese cities, but could potentially set the foundation for a new ethnic group in China: African-Chinese people.

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Roberto Carlos Castillo Bautista B.A. (Hons), M.A. HKPFS Reference Number: HKPF10-13944 Research Proposal PhD in Cultural Studies

Working Title New Transnational Social Spaces: The Emergence of an African Community in Guangdong Province, China. Objective

This study will investigate the contemporary African presence in China from a Cultural Studies/Cultural History perspective. The focus of the research will be to examine the plausibility of the emergence of an African community in Guangzhou, and how ‘new’ African diasporic identities are being formed in this region/city. In particular, this research will gather and evaluate data from historical records, popular culture, political discourse, personal journeys, racial representations, and global economic and cultural trends that inform how people from several different African nationalities might experience China.

Proposed Study Area Are African communities emerging in China? Several sources account for up to 100,000 Africans from different nationalities already legally settled in the country – along with an unknown number of illegal migrants. If the Chinese economy continues to grow, and China’s involvement in Africa deepens, it is likely that the African presence in China will persist and expand. This will result not only in the emergence of African communities in major Chinese cities, but could potentially set the foundation for a new ethnic group in China: African-Chinese people.

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The African presence in China came to international and Chinese media attention in July 2009, when traders from several African nationalities had a conflict with the law enforcement authorities in Guangzhou. A crowd of around 200 angry traders gathered in front of Guangzhou’s Municipal Security Bureau demonstrating against what some of them described as police harassment and racial persecution. The incident was – as Adams Bodomo (2010) suggests – reported by Western media to create the impression that ordinary Chinese citizens and members of the African community ‘were at each other’s throats’. Surprisingly, Chinese media (Xinhua) did carry the episode, but portrayed it as evidence of an uncontrolled growing population of illegal aliens. Both Chinese and international media, however, highlighted the fact that the incident was the first time in the history of the ‘New China’ that a group of foreign nationals had demonstrated against the law-enforcing authorities on Chinese territory.

Nevertheless, the African presence in China dates back to long before 2009, and is one of the least researched areas within the wider framework of Sino-African cultural and political exchanges. Most of the scholarship concerning Sino-African relations considers recent historical, political and economic factors from an international relations or business perspective (see David Shinn’s [2008] comprehensive bibliography on China-Africa relations), and primarily concerns Chinese investment in Africa and its likely implications. Relatively few sources cover the area of contemporary cultural exchanges between African and Chinese people; and there are even less sources assessing the socio-cultural impact of the ‘emerging’ African community in Mainland China (from different perspectives, Bodomo, 2010; Li Z, et al, 2008; Li, 2008; and, Bertoncello & Bredeloup, 2007; have outlined a few aspects of this phenomenon). Attempts to seriously investigate this remarkable case from a cultural studies perspective are difficult to locate. In light of this, and with the objectives of filling this research gap and building an authoritative account of the African presence in China, this study will: look at historical contacts and exchanges between Africa and China; research previous African migratory experiences to other parts of the Chinese world (namely, Macau and Hong Kong); explore historical and contemporary representations of Africans in the Chinese imagination and of Chinese in the African imagination; analyse the impact of globalisation on Chinese social spaces; and examine theories of diaspora,

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community building, globalisation, and transnationalism concerning African migration to China. In the following sections, I will: introduce the research topic; outline the objectives of the research; provide a literature review on the relevant debates; establish a theoretical framework and methodology for the study; state the purpose of the research and its relation to my previous work; present a work plan; and provide a sketch of the preliminary bibliography.

Research Topic: the African community in Guangzhou Nobody really knows how many Africans live in China. There are no official statistics, no authoritative account, and there seems to be an immense silence around the African presence. Nevertheless, from 2003 to 2009, different sources (Bodomo, 2010; Osnos, 2009) reported an estimated 30 to 40 percent annual increase in the African population in Guangzhou alone. Several sources account for up to 20,000 traders and entrepreneurs (mainly from West African countries), legally living, visiting and doing business in what Guangzhou’s taxi drivers have baptised qiaokeli cheng (‘chocolate city’) (Li, 2008; Osnos, 2009; Li Zhigang et al, 2008; Bodomo, 2010). On one hand, Li Zhigang et al. (2008) claim that the majority of African traders come from francophone countries such as Mali, Togo, Guinea, Senegal and Congo, and are unable to communicate in either English or Mandarin. On the other hand, Bodomo claims that young Nigerian males (English speakers) account for more than 70 percent of the community. This illustrates that there are marked disagreements on the ethnic composition of this highly mobile community.

The greatest concentration of Africans in Guangzhou is in Tianxiu Building, located at a walkable distance from the core of qiaokeli cheng: the Canaan Export Clothes Trading Centre, in Yuexiu District. The rest of the population is spread through the neighbourhoods surrounding the Trading Centre – the Nigerian neighbourhood, the Malian, the Ghanaian, and so forth (Brautigam, 2010). While nationality and language still play an important role in forging ties between Africans in China, religion (Islam and Christianity) provides a more fundamental divide (Li, 2008). The Huaisheng Mosque and the Shishi

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Church are cultural landmarks that work – as Li suggests – as places of ‘enforceable gathering’ in which ‘ethnic’ and ‘inter-ethnic’ connections are built.

Li (2008) reports that most of the traders describe themselves as self-employed importers who enter China on tourist visas with limited capital to outsource different types of merchandise (Li, 2008; Li Z. et al, 2008). Once these visas expire, it is possible to renew them in Hong Kong, but visa runs can only be made a few times before exhausting the possibility for consecutive renewal (renewal is strongly dependant on nationality). In the last three years, the Chinese government has tightened its regulations on visas, making it particularly difficult for Africans to renew their visas; as a result, many of them have opted to stay illegally in China. As depicted by several media reports, the lack of visas or residence permits (and the consequent police harassment) is perhaps the most widely experienced problem amongst Africans in Guangzhou (Wei, 2009: sina.com.cn).

The contemporary presence of African people in China is the outcome of a recently invigorated exchange between these two regions. There are two major global processes informing this presence. The first is China’s intensification of its ‘opening-up’ after joining the WTO in 2001. Following that event, several African traders shipping Chinese products back to their homelands via Hong Kong decided to reduce their expenses by relocating to Guangzhou – a city where they found significantly different social and institutional conditions. By 2003, foreign traders (of all nationalities) had become a common sight in major Chinese cities, and Africans had become very active in southern China’s import-export sector (Michel, 2009: 13). The second is Beijing’s interest in investing in, and extracting resources from, the African continent. Between 2002 and 2007, trade between the two regions – mainly oil, timber, copper and diamonds – increased by about 700 percent to US$73 billion, ranking China as Africa’s second largest trading partner behind the United States (Osnos, 2009: 52).

It could be argued that contemporary exchanges between these two civilisations mark a significant shift in their relation. For the first time in the modern era they are completely free from the mediation of third parties. If China’s economic plans in Africa are long-term and coherent with Chinese political discourse, then the African presence in China is likely to increase. If Bodomo, who foresees the rise of an African-Chinese ethnic minority in less than

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100 years from now, is right, then it is imperative to thoroughly investigate how the microscopic stories of these African diasporic subjects in China are positioned within these macroscopic global processes. Objectives of the Investigation In order to achieve the research objectives outlined below, I will take a cross-disciplinary approach grounded in my existing disciplinary expertise (Cultural Studies, History, International Relations), and developed (during the proposed research) through engagement with other relevant theoretical and methodological perspectives. The objectives of this research are:

1. To highlight an important migration pattern that has been under-researched; and to build a comprehensive account of the experience of African people in China.

2. To investigate who immigrates to China from Africa, and explore the ideas informing Africans before they go to China.

3. To explore how new diasporic Sino-African identities are being created. 4. To examine the cultural preconceptions that people from Africa have

about Chinese people and vice versa; and to examine how these preconceptions appear in popular representations.

5. To assess whether discriminatory practices against African migrants exist in China, and if so, research how they impact on the lives of the migrants.

6. To evaluate the extent to which this current migratory trend is a consequence of China’s renewed engagement with distinct African nations.

7. To evaluate the possibilities for the long-term establishment of a viable African community within the Chinese socio-political establishment.

8. To locate this ‘African community’ within the framework of globalisation and against the backdrop of China becoming a strong,

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and sometimes controversial, player in African politics (fair trade, resource extraction, development, human rights, etc.).

9. To investigate to what extent the stance the Chinese government adopts in its treatment of the African diasporic population within its borders mirrors the government’s prevailing (real) approach to African continental affairs.

Current debates on the topic Literature on the African presence in China is far from extensive. Nonetheless, there have been some recent scholarly efforts to locate, describe and outline the key issues surrounding this phenomenon: Bertoncello and Bredeloup, 2007; Li, 2008; Li Zhigang et al., 2008; Morais, 2009; and Bodomo, 2010. Two main approaches dominate the discussion about the African population in Guangzhou. On the one hand, Bodomo (2010) – somewhat more enthusiastically than rigorously – strongly supports the idea of the ‘emergence of a community’. He argues that the ‘community’ works as a ‘bridge between civilisations’ and proposes what he calls the bridge theory for describing the role of the ‘emergent migrant community’. On the other hand, Li Zhigang et al (2008) and Li (2008) reject the idea of the ‘emergence of a community’ and, instead, describe the African population of Guangzhou as an ‘ethnic enclave’. So, while Bodomo sees the emergence of a community that acts as a linguistic, cultural and economic bridge between the source and the host communities (2010), Li Zhigang et al. describe the phenomenon as one purely dependent on trade factors and link the idea of ‘enclave’ to a physical place (a market, ‘Chocolate City’): a ghetto of traders.

It seems that Bodomo (a Ghanaian researcher based in Hong Kong) and Li Zhigang (a Mainland Chinese researcher) not only disagree on the number of Africans in Guangdong (and in China) or on the national composition of the African population, but on the very nature of the African presence in Guangzhou. With the African population being as mobile as it is, there is the possibility that things changed substantially from when Li Zhigang made his study (2008) and when Bodomo surveyed the area (2009). Clearly however, there seems to be a bias in at least one of these studies. The proposed research will not fully support either of these approaches. Rather, it will suggest that instead of being depicted as two

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opposing concepts (the ethnic enclave and the community), the two approaches should be regarded as consecutive stages in the establishment and consolidation of a sizable African presence in Chinese territory.

If few things are known about Africans in China, even fewer things are known about the transnational networks and social structures that inform this diasporic process. Li Zhigang et al. (2008) locate the ‘African enclave’ within the narrative of globalisation. Li (2008) suggests that the formation of spaces such as the Tianxiu Building is a consequence of the evolution of spatial dynamics at the neighbourhood level (like those in Chungking Mansions in Hong Kong, see Mathews, 2007), and represents ‘a local reaction to changing market opportunities brought by globalisation’ (2008). However, along with economic implications there are socio-spatial implications of globalisation in Chinese cities. Arguably, new ‘transnational social spaces’ have been appearing (and will continue to) as a consequence of ‘from below/low end’ globalisation processes (Kivisto, 2003). Li Zhigang et al. (2008) argue that these transnational social spaces add a new dimension to Chinese cities: that of socio-spatial segregation based on ethnicity. Furthermore, they suggest that these transnational social spaces are spaces that are not limited by geographical constraints. They are spaces in which decisions taken by (or in) organisations, institutions, networks and people, based in different countries, converge in a geographical location – in this case, Guangzhou.

Notwithstanding the differences in their approaches (and certain contradictions), the sources presented in this short literature review have contributed significantly to the study of the contemporary presence of Africans in China. The proposed research aims to use these ideas as a starting point for building a more comprehensive understanding of the local and global dynamics that structure this migration pattern, and as a foundation to further the discussion around the possible emergence of a community.

Theoretical Framework and Methodology This project will focus on the creation of new transnational social spaces outside the centre-periphery paradigm that has traditionally informed conceptions of globalisation. The idea of a single globalisation process that expands from the centre to the outskirts of the modern world seems difficult to sustain (as suggested

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by Hannerz [1998]). Consequently, an assumption will be made that it is not one, but multiple globalisations taking place as a consequence of the disorganised expansion of capital. The notion of multiple globalisations will allow us to decentre the analysis of the African population in China and make sense of the recent historical factors informing the Sino-African relationship.

The methodological and theoretical frameworks of this study will concentrate on the concepts of: migrant community, bridge theory, ethnic enclave, diasporic identity, transnational social spaces, transnationalism and low-end globalisation, as understood in current Social Sciences and Cultural Studies debates. The research will investigate the manner in which these concepts interact with each other in the case study; and move between micro-analyses (individual migrant stories) and macro-analyses (theoretical discussions) concerning transnationalism and globalisation.

At the micro level, the significant disagreements outlined in the last section over the positioning of Africans in China indicate a need for further research and clarification. This study will aim to fill this gap by undertaking extensive ethnographic work during a one-year residence in Guangzhou (potentially during the second year of the research) and making frequent visits to the area before and after that year. Along with academic investigation, surveys, questionnaires, and participant observation, this research will attempt to document the everyday lives of African people in China – building on other efforts to outline the major features of the phenomenon. Extensive interviews will be conducted in French, English and Mandarin (over a 12 month period) with members of both the African and Chinese communities in Guangzhou and other parts of China (potentially, Beijing, Shanghai and Hong Kong). The fieldwork, however, will predominantly take place in central Guangzhou, focusing on repositories of everyday life such as churches, mosques, hairdressing salons and marketplaces. Qualitative data produced by the residence will be assessed with regard to the existing sources relating to the emergence of an African population in Guangzhou and to the theories of globalisation outlined below (when applicable).

At the macro level, a core theme in contemporary discourses of transnationalism is the penetration of national cultures and political systems by global and local forces. Although the idea of transnationalism is not new, some of its proponents (Smith & Guarnizo, 2006) consider it as a useful concept for

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understanding phenomena that have reached a particular intensity at a global scale in the last three decades. This project will argue that it is this phenomena that structures contemporary migration from Africa to China through: the intensification of global capitalism with its destabilising effects on less industrialised countries; the technological revolution in the means of transportation and communication; global political transformations such as decolonisation; and, the expansion of social networks that facilitate the reproduction of transnational migration, economic organisation and politics (Smith & Guarnizo, 2006: 4). This project will also draw from the subsidiary concept of transnationalism from below to assess how this process affects power relations, cultural constructions, economic interactions, and, more generally, social organisation at the level of the locality.

Alongside the aforementioned concepts comes the notion of transnational social spaces. Consequently, this study will also analyse how these transnational social spaces organise exchanges that are not limited by geographical constraints. The concept of transnational social spaces explores the principles by which ‘geographical propinquity, which implies embeddedness of ties in one locality, is supplemented or transformed by transnational exchanges’ (Faist, 2004). Conceptualising this community as a transnational social space will allow for the analysis of sociospatial organisation and symbolic relations, namely ties and transactions that impact these diasporic processes. As Faist suggests, space (in transnational social spaces) denotes the cultural, economic and political practices of individual and collective actors within territories and places (2004: 4) Thus, the term ‘space’ not only pertains to physical characteristics (the traditional geographical understanding), but the links between actors in different places, whereas place refers only to specific locations (Faist, 2004).

The backbone of this project will be a cultural analysis of the diasporic identities being formed in these transnational social spaces, with particular emphasis on African diasporic subjectivities in China. Accordingly, the study will follow in the footsteps of academics such as Paul Gilroy, Stuart Hall, Frantz Fanon, Arjun Appadurai, Ien Ang and Rey Chow who have extensively and intensively analysed diasporic subjectivity and identity. This study will draw on theories of diaspora, as diasporas are ‘fundamentally and inevitably transnational in their scope, always linking the local and the global, the here and the there, past

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and present, they have the potential to unsettle static, essentialist and totalitarian conceptions of "national culture" or "national identity" with origins firmly rooted in fixed geography and common history’ (Ang, 1993: 26). Thus, the project will be informed by three assumptions: 1) migration is not a singular experience, it takes place under a multitude of conditions and circumstances in vastly varied contexts (Ang, 1993); 2) transnationalism is a multifaceted, multi-local process (Smith & Guarnizo, 2006); and 3) African presence in China is a multidimensional phenomenon. In addition, Arjun Appadurai’s (1996) macro-analysis of cultural flows brings ethnicity and diaspora together in the notion of ethnoscapes, providing a solid framework for the study of migration patterns (such as the one concerned in this proposal) against the backdrop of intensified, multiple and low-end globalisations. Nonetheless, this project will also interrogate the appropriateness of framing the African presence in China within the notion of low-end globalisation. Finally, echoing Appadurai, this project will contend that the increase in economic and cultural flows between China and Africa will eventually make this case study a crucial one to the understanding of global politics and cultures. This research will be conducted in four stages: a literature analysis of the case study and related theories (a content analysis of newspapers and other periodicals dealing with processes that impact on the presence of Africans in China will also be undertaken); ethnography (which will also involve conferring with relevant academics in the region); evaluation and assessment of qualitative sources and data; and writing.

Required resources:

• During the first year, access to coursework units on ethnographic research. • Support and permission to undertake research and fieldwork from a

residence position in the city of Guangzhou.

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Purpose of the study Direct contact between African and Chinese cultures (and its consequences on both societies, and in transnational spaces) provides a unique opportunity to investigate how cross-cultural, transnational and diasporic identities are being formed against the backdrop of economic and cultural globalisation. By investigating the creation of diasporic African identities in China, the proposed research will also help us learn about ‘other’ faces of globalisation - away from the centre-periphery paradigm of north to south relations.

This project will endeavour to describe the journeys undertaken by African migrants in China. Moreover, I intend to present and promote the outcomes of this study in order to assist and inform certain political decision-making processes at a global level that have impact on the lives and experiences of these migrants. Policy-makers on both side of this relationship need to acknowledge that their economic and business exchanges will bring on higher levels of integration amongst their peoples. It is necessary for governments in Africa and in China to lay down a comprehensive and functional framework that protects and facilitates the movement of migrant subjects between the two regions. Furthermore, I have plans to publish journal articles during the research process, and to present a book draft about Africans in China after the completion of the study. Also important is that I will aim to further this research by looking for a post-doctoral fellowship in a West-African university, researching not only what informs Africans in Africa before going to China but also researching Chinese representations in different African imaginations. Relation to my previous work Over the last twelve years, I have been academically educated in the disciplinary areas of International Relations, History and Cultural Studies. As part of my academic training, I completed a 35,000-word thesis that investigated a variety of scattered sources on the history, culture, geography and economy of the Republic of Tajikistan. The final outcome was a well-grounded comprehensive report (available here) that assessed the viability of peaceful and successful state transitions in post-Soviet environments, with a focus on the struggle between political Islam and anti-communist forces.

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I have lived in three countries (including China and Australia), and speak Mandarin and French, in addition to English and Spanish – the languages I acquired as a child. Linguistically, I am strategically positioned to undertake this research as French, Mandarin and English (along with Cantonese), will be required for the proposed research. From 2006 and 2009, I lived in Beijing and travelled extensively around China – an experience that has left an indelible impression on my scholarly ambitions and prepared me linguistically and personally to undertake research in a Chinese environment.

In addition, I am a trained journalist. Over the last decade, I have been committed to contributing to global intercultural dialogue through my journalistic practice and my scholarly contribution to emerging national and cultural identities in countries of the Global South.

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Work plan

Total word count: 80,000 to 100,000

Semester Research Writing Revisions Semester 1, September 2011 Literature Review

Reviewing literature on the theoretical framework Transnationalism, transnational social spaces, diasporic identities China in Africa

Literature Review 15,000 to 20,000 words

N/A

Semester 2, January 2012 Literature Review

Research on historical contacts between Africa and China Formulation of questionnaires and other ethnographic elements

Cultural history of the Sino-African exchange 20,000 words

Literature Review

Semester 3, September 2012 Ethnography

Research on representations of Africans in China Surveys, questionnaires and interviews will be undertaken

Compendium of representations of Africans in popular Chinese culture and online realms 15,000 words

Cultural history of the Sino-African exchange

Semester 4, January 2013 Ethnography Data Evaluation Chapter outlining

Content analysis of newspapers and other periodical literature Conferring with academics More interviews

Transcripts of interviews and questionnaires Evaluation of collected quantitative and qualitative information

Compendium of representations of Africans in popular Chinese culture and online realms

Semester 5, September 2013 Writing

Evaluation and assessment of ethnographic process Locating the phenomenon within globalisation theories

Comprehensive structure of final paper Writing

N/A

Semester 6, January 2014 Writing Polishing Proofreading

Writing Writing N/A

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Preliminary References Alden, C. 2007. China in Africa. New York: Zed Books. Anderson, B. 1991. Imagined Communities. London: Verso. Ang, I. 1993. Migrations of Chineseness. Journal for South Pacific Association for

Commonwealth Literature and Language Studies 34-35. Available at http://wwwmcc.murdoch.edu.au/ReadingRoom/litserv/SPAN/34/Ang.html - last accessed October 28th, 2010.

Appadurai, Arjun. 1996. Disjuncture and Difference in the Global Culture

Economy in Theorising Diaspora: A Reader, Braziel and Mannur eds. (2006) London: Blackwell Publishing.

Bertoncello, B. and Bredeloup, S. 2007. The emergence of new African ‘trading

posts’ in Hong Kong and Guangzhou. China Perspectives 1: 94 – 105. Bodomo, A. 2010. The African trading community in Guangzhou: An emerging

bridge for Africa - China relations. The China Quarterly 203: 693 – 707.

---------------2009. Fresh faces for future Africa-China relations: A note on the

experiences of newly-arrived African students in China on FOCAC funds. Paper for the Symposium on Reviews and Perspectives of Afro-Chinese Relations organized by the Institute of African and West Asian Studies/Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, October 13, 2009, Beijing, China. [Draft, pre-symposium version: October 9, 2009].

Brautigam, D. 2010. China in Africa: The Real Story. Digging into the myths and

realities of Chinese aid, investment and economic engagement. Available at http://www.chinaafricarealstory.com/ - last accessed on November 10, 2010.

Castells, M. 2000. The Rise of the Network Society. London: Blackwell. Chow, R. 1993. Writing Diaspora. Tactics of Intervention in Contemporary

Cultural Studies. Indiana University Press. Faist, T. and Ozveren, E. 2004. Transnationals Socials Spaces. Agents, Networks and

Institutions. London: Ashgate. Fanon, F. 1966. The Wretched of the Earth. New York: Grove Press.

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Foucault, M. 2007. Nacimiento de la Biopolítica. Curso en el College de France (1978 – 1979). Fondo de Cultura Económica: Buenos Aires.

Gilroy, P. 1993. The Black Atlantic. Modernity and Double Consciousness.

Penguin Books: New York. Hall, S. 2005. Disjuncture and Difference in the Global Culture Economy in

Theorising Diaspora: A Reader, Braziel and Mannur eds. (2006) London: Blackwell Publishing.

Hannerz, U. 1998. Conexiones Trasnacionales. Cultura, Gente, Lugares. Madrid:

Cátedra Ediciones. Kivisto, P. 2003. Social spaces, transnational immigrant communities, and the

politics of incorporation. Ethnicities 3(1): 5 – 28. Li, Z. 2008. Ethnic congregation in a globalizing city: the case of Guangzhou,

China. Cities 25: 383 – 395. Li, Z., Xue, D., Lyons, M. and Brown, A. 2008. Ethnic enclave of transnational

migrants in Guangzhou: a case study of Xiaobei. English version of The African enclave in Guangzhou: a case study of Xiaobeilu. Acta Geographica Sinica (2): 207 – 218.

Massey, D. 1994. A Global Sense of Place in Space, Place and Gender.

Cambridge: Polity Press. Mathews, G. 2007. Chungking Mansions: a center of ‘low-end globalization’.

Ethnology 46 (2): 169 – 183. Michel, S. 2009. China Safari: on the trail of China’s expansion in Africa. New

York: Nation Books. Morais, I. 2009. ‘China Wahala’: the tribuations of Nigerian ‘Bushfallers’ in

Chinese territory. Transtext(e)s Transcultures 跨文本跨文化. Available at http://transtextes.revues.org/index281.html - last accessed July 25th, 2010.

Osnos, E. 2009. The Promised Land. The New Yorker. February 9 & 16, 2009:

50-54. Shen, S. 2009. A constructed (un)reality on China’s re-entry into Africa: the

Chinese online community perception of Africa (2006-2008). Journal of Modern African Studies 47 (3): 425 – 448.

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Shin, D. 2008. China – Africa Relations: A Bibliography. African Research and

Documentation. 108: 3-87. Smith, P. and Guarnizo, L. 1998. Transnationalism from below. New Jersey:

Transaction Publishers. Snow, P. 1988. The Raft Star. China’s encounter with Africa. London: Weidenfeld

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