NEW ASPECTS IN UNDERSTANDING LATE POSTCLASSIC MAYA RITUAL AND RELIGION:

Sacred Cave Use, Miniature Masonry Shrines, and Associated Ceremonial Paraphernalia

by Karl James Lorenzen, Ph.D.

Correspondence:

Dr. Karl James Lorenzen40000 Tinderbox WayMurrieta, CA 92562

Email: karljameslorenzen@hotmail.com

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Summary

Introduction

The focus of this paper is sacred cave use in Late Postclassic Maya religion, and the

interpretation of ritual paraphernalia found commonly in caves and even more so in midden

deposits surrounding above-ground miniature masonry shrines. Therefore, I begin this study

with a brief discussion of these shrines, which have been well-defined in a number of previous

studies (ADD OTHERS; Lorenzen 1995; 1999; 2003, 2005). Miniature masonry shrines, prolific

throughout the Late Postclassic Maya lowlands, and are important in this discussion for the

simple reason that apart from sacred caves and their rare occurrence inside caves, they are the

places where cave-associated rituals were performed above-ground in antiquity. Through an

examination of artifacts and other cultural material directly associated with these sacred areas,

an ethnoarchaeological approach in their interpretation indicates that many, if not the majority,

of the activities carried out at these ritual loci were closely connected to ancestor veneration,

sacred cave use, rain rites, and other agricultural fertility rituals.

Previous to recent studies by the author and others, relatively little was known regarding

the function, role, and significance of diminutive shrines in Late Postclassic Maya society. Early

on, a religious connotation was assigned to these small structures, given the incredible number

of smashed ceramic human-effigy censers (known as Chen Mul Modeled; Robles-Castellanos

1990), found littering shrine floors, doorways, and areas surrounding shrine altars. In addition,

sub-floor shrine and altar caches are frequently encountered during excavation and

reconstruction, many filled with water- and agricultural fertility-related artifacts including marine

shells (conch and sponyllus), worked shell necklaces (Olivella), nude figurines of both sexes

suggesting human fertility, blue and green jade beads and pendants, stingray spines, etc. Quite

interestingly, speleothems (cave stalactites and stalagmites and other cave flow stone) have

recently been identified, both in shrine caches and in associated midden surrounding shrine

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complexes (a combination of miniature shrine(s), stairway, and a series of frontal stone altars),

indicating rituals performed at these shrines were related to water, sacred wet caves, and by

extension agricultural abundance and rain.

Late Postclassic Occupation of El Naranajal

Observations in architectural style, ceramic analysis, and a series of radiocarbon dates

conducted by The Yalahau Regional Human Ecology Project in 1993, directed by Karl Taube

and Scott Fedick, determined that the site of El Naranjal is a Late Preclassic (100 B.C. to A.D.

100) to Early Classic (A.D. 100 to A.D. 300) megalithic civic-ceremonial center that was

abandoned around A.D. 400 (Boucher and Dzul 1996; Fedick and Taube 1995; Lorenzen 1997;

Mathews 1995). The site remained unoccupied for nearly 1,000 years until it was reoccupied

during the latter part of the Late Postclassic (A.D. 1250 to A.D. 1500) and possibly into the Early

Postcontact period (lasting from Spanish contact to approximately the end of first century of

Spanish occupation circa A.D. 1600) (Lorenzen 1995, 1997, 1999, 2003, 2005).

Although started in 1993, research by the author focused solely on the Late Postclassic

reoccupation of El Naranjal began in earnest in 1999 under the auspices of Proyecto El

Naranjal. In 1993, miniature masonry shrine complexes were discovered on the summits of 12

of the 23 monumental structures that compose the core of El Naranjal, one on the summit of the

a large structure in the South Group (a cluster of monumental structures approximately a

quarter of a kilometer south of the site center), and a series of three shrine complexes

distributed over five structures that compose a small dependant site called San Cosme, a

satellite center of El Naranjal connected directly to the site by a one-kilometer sakbeh (a raised

and once plastered limestone road) (Taube 1995, Lorenzen 1995, Reid 1995). Shrine

complexes were found to overlay the architectural collapse of these earlier megalithic

structures, which were clearly left in a state of complete ruin when the shrine complexes were

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incorporated – used as basal platform substructures for the addition of new construction during

the Late Postclassic (Lorenzen 1995, 1999).

As a result of the 1999 field season of Proyecto El Naranjal, test excavations were

carried out in midden deposits around the base and summits of Structures 7, 9, 14, and 21

(Lorenzen 2003: Appendix I, 2005). Interestingly, 43 small natural/unworked spelethems were

recovered in midden deposits that were restricted to the fronts of shrine complexes, mostly

concentrated adjacent to basal altars at the bottom of shrine stairways – the significance of

which will be discussed in detail further on (Lorenzen 2003: Appendix I). The majority of

speleothems were found in front of Structure 21, which has been identified as a water shrine

dedicated to the performance of rain- and agricultural-related religious rites during the Late

Postclassic (Lorenzen 2003; 2005). Other ritual paraphernalia recovered in direct context with

these speleothems were large numbers of ceramic sherds from shattered human-effigy censers

typed Chen-Mul Modeled (Robles-Castellanos 1995);1 ceramic sherds from offertory plates,

bowls, and jars; stone beads of jade, serpentine, and travertine; marine shell (Olivella and

Conch – ADD SPECIES NAMES); obsidian blade fragments; chert flakes; and large-diameter

hollow burned bird-bone fragments (see Lorenzen 2003: Appendix I for a complete accounting

of recovered cultural material during the 1999 field season).

The speleothems average 8 to 10 cm in length and 2 to 4 cm in width, snapped off of at

the base, removed from local caves, and given their provenience with the other artifacts

recovered from a ritual context, makes it apparent that speleothems composed a constituent

part of Late Postclassic rites performed before shrine entrances.2 ADD SPELEOTHEM

DOCUMENTED IN SHRINE ON STRUCTURE 2 IN 1993. Intriguing and unknown at the time, a

1 An in-field initial analysis of all ceramic sherds recovered (GIVE NUMBER) revealed that Chen-Mul Modeled human-effigy censers composed approximately 82% of the total ceramic count (Lorenzen 2003: Appendix I). 2 Their exclusivity in shrine/altar midden deposits was verfied by their complete absence in areas 2 to 5 meters from shrine complexes – determined by systematic post-hole test pitting. See Lorenzen 2003: Appendix I for a detailed discussion of excavation methods.

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long (7 cm) tubular bead fashioned from a speleothem, exactly within the range of the 43 natural

speleothems recovered and identified in 1999, was found in a one-meter deep midden deposit

directly associated with the SE corner of Structure 8 located at the very edge of Sascabera Pit 2

during the 1996 field season of The Yalahau Regional Human Ecology Project (Lorenzen 1997).

Add INAH find in 2001 at Structure 14 for further confimation.

Discuss Dom’s Regional Cave Survey and proof of systematic speleothem

removal from local caves.

Discuss 2001 field season and find of huge spalled speleothem.

THE SIGNIFICANCE OF SPELEOTHEMS AND CONNECTION WITH ZUHUY-HA

Definitions from Cordemex

Ethno-Historic Information

Ethnographic Information

LATE POSTCLASSIC RAIN- AND AGRICULTURAL-RITES

Ch’a Chaak Rite

Tupp-Kak Rite

Okot-Batam

Milpa Burning/Sowing Rites

Other Related Rites

DISCUSSION

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Discuss phallic associations of speleothems, the phallic-cult related to rain-rites, and

other water-related ritual aspects.

Discuss relation of other ritual paraphernalia recovered during excavations to

speleothems and all together in conjunction with the performance of rain rites and other

rites related to agricultural abundance.

Link all aspects of paper together and demonstrate clear relationships

CONCLUSION

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

REFERENCES

FIGURES

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