RHETORICAL HISTORY AND THEORIZATION: THE CASE OF ONTARIO

FINE WINE

Abstract

Although theorization has been identified as a crucial social mechanism in a variety of

context – from institutional creation and change to management innovation – it has rarely

been studied, and there is little that is known about the “how” of theorization. Our

contention is that a key aspect of theorization is strategic construction and deployment of

historical constructions in order to influence audiences, also known as rhetorical history.

We explore the role of rhetorical history in the context of actors’ attempts to theorize the

emerging Ontario wine industry as “world class”.

The notion of theorization has been used in a variety of research contexts within as well as

outside of institutional theory. It is the process whereby broad, abstract categories and

relationships between these categories are defined (Greenwood, Suddaby, & Hinings,

2002; Strang & Meyer, 1993), and it has been credited for playing important roles in such

diverse spheres as creating or transforming institutions (Greenwood et al., 2002; Hwang &

Powell, 2005; Strang & Meyer, 1993), legitimizing management innovations (Birkenshaw

et al, 2008), bridging diverse actors’ interests (Maguire et al, 2004), and so on. More

broadly, theorization enables actors to make sense of their institutional environments

(Weber & Glynn, 2006) and prescribes and proscribes certain actions (Suddaby &

Greenwood, 2005; Tolbert & Zucker, 1996), making some actions seem legitimate and

normal (Birkenshaw et al, 2008) and others unacceptable (Greenwood et al, 2002). Thus,

theorization has already been shown to be a very illuminating social mechanism (Davis &

Marquis, 2005).

However, in spite of the variety of contexts in which the notion of theorization has

been evoked, little is actually known about how it works. Typically it is seen as a step in

some more elaborate process – whether it be institutional change (Greenwood et al, 2002),

the development of a management innovation (Birkenshaw et al, 2008), or creation of a

new style (Svejenova et al, 2007) – but not a research topic in its own right. Continued

utility of theorization in organization studies as a mechanism for explaining various

phenomena is conditional upon the explication of how the mechanism itself works. Thus,

we propose a shift from what to how of theorization. Because theorization inevitably

involves some form of engagement with the past – whether in the form of advocating a

break with the status quo (e.g., Suddaby & Greenwood, 2005) or claiming that current

practices represent a continuity of the status quo (e.g., Lounsbury & Crumley, 2007), we

argue that a core theorization activity is the strategic construction of particular versions of

history in order to persuade audiences about the desirable relationship between the past,

current and the future states. In other words, we argue that an essential component of

theorization is the utilization of rhetorical history (Anteby & Molnar, in press; Suddaby,

Foster, & Trank, 2010), or “the strategic use of the past as a persuasive strategy to manage”

key actors’ perceptions (Suddaby et al, 2010: 157). It operates by constructing a particular

version of the past in order to rhetorically establishing either a continuity or a discontinuity

with past practices in order to legitimize and normalize one’s preferred course of action.

We examine the role of rhetorical history in theorization by studying the ways in

which rhetorical history is used by Ontario wineries in order to theorize the reputation of

Ontario fine wine as “world class”. We conduct a qualitative case study of rhetoric used by

Ontario wineries in the course of their routine communication through web sites and

newsletters. We find that as an emerging wine region lacking its own legitimate history of

fine winemaking, Ontario wineries tend to borrow the legitimate Old World winemaking

history while repressing the illegitimate local history of winemaking.

The remainder of the paper is structured as follows. First, we discuss the wide-

ranging but non-specific usage of theorization in organization studies. We then argue for

the importance of understanding the role of rhetorical history in theorization work. After

that, we introduce our case study of the Ontario wine industry and conclude by discussing

the implications of our findings for future research on rhetorical history and theorization

more generally.

THEORIZATION AS A PAST ORIENTED RHETORICAL ACTIVITY

Theorization in Organization Studies

Theorization refers to “the rendering of ideas into understandable and compelling

formats” (Greenwood et al., 2002: 75), a mechanism which develops abstract categories

and patterned causal relationships, and the interactions between them (Strang and Meyer,

1993). It may operate in either a top-down (i.e., by some authority figures) or a bottom-up

manner (i.e., by adopters themselves; Strang and Meyer, 1993), and the resulting categories

may provide the impetus for the large-scale adoption of an institution within a field by

specifying general organizational failings, justifying a possible solution, and asserting or

demonstrating the solution’s legitimacy (Greenwood et al., 2002).

It is noteworthy that various scholars have used theorization differently and for

different purposes. Strang and Meyer (1993) first defined it as “self-conscious

development and specification of abstract categories and the formulation of patterned

relationships such as chains of cause and effect” (p. 492), and they conceptualized it as an

ex ante (i.e., before actions took place) vehicle that facilitates diffusion of practices.

Greenwood et al’s (2002) influential article similarly emphasized the ex ante properties of

theorization – but as a vehicle for initiating institutional change that specifies past failings

and offers up solutions. These ex ante properties of theorization are also apparent in

Maguire et al’s (2004) study, where it is used to bridge diverse actors’ interests.

Yet, there are some studies that seem to conceive of theorization as ex post (i.e.,

retrospective). For example, Birkenshaw et al (2008) note that theorization could happen

after a management innovation has been developed and function to legitimize or rationalize

it. Similarly, Svejenova et al (2007) explain that theorization “takes place through record-

keeping, self-reflection, and categorization” (p. 541), which implies a degree of ex post

reflection. Elsewhere, Lounbury and Crumley (2007) highlight the role of theorization in

legitimizing mutual funds’ shift to active money management, and by highlighting the role

of media in legitimizing nouvelle cuisine, Rao et al (2003) also appear to acknowledge ex

post facet of theorization. In a slightly different take, Munir (2005) argues that theorization

could be an ongoing activity that takes on different forms at different phases of a change

process, thereby acknowledging both its ex ante and ex post proprties.

In some, we argue that there are in fact two facets of theorization. Ex ante

theorization is used to initiate or motivate some kind of a change activity, and ex post

theorization is used to legitimize and rationalize change oriented activities that have taken

place.

Theorization and Engagement with the Past

The other key facet of theorization involves a rhetorical construction of history,

whether for the purpose of motivating change or to rationalize and legitimize the changes

that have already taken place. Table 1 illustrates, what we would argue, is the inherent

connection between theorization and rhetorical history, or strategic deployment of historical

constructions in order to influence audiences (Anteby & Molnar, in press; Suddaby et al,

2010; Zerubavel, 2003). We note here the different ways that rhetorical history is used by

actors in prior studies of theorization.

Ex ante theorization that represents continuity with the past involves the proactive

assertion that the proposed changes will represent continuity with the past and attempts to

hide or obscure threats to the status quo that might result from these changes (see Table 1,

upper left). For example, Hargadon and Douglas (2001) describe the case of Edison’s

invention of the light bulb, as he actively worked to theorize it in a fashion similar to the

gaslights that were familiar to the consumers. Edison aided consumer identification of his

product by aligning it alongside existing categories that were easily understood by

audiences, thereby attempting to demonstrate that his radical invention was actually

consistent with the status quo. This form of theorization might be most useful where

audiences see the way things have been done in the past as legitimate and normal. Thus

theorizers may attempt to simultaneously reaffirm the legitimacy of the past practices and

assert that the new practices will not violate the accepted norms. Ex ante theorization

alongside normative constructions of a familiar past allow audiences to recognize and value

innovations by obscuring or lessening their perceived novelty. Thus, Campbell (2004)

argues that neoliberal tax policy was relatively easy to theorize in the US, because it could

be connected neatly to the categories of neoclassical economics that were already

entrenched in the culture.

Ex post theorization that demonstrates continuity with the past involves denial of

assertions that newly implemented practices are abnormal or different from previous, older

and legitimate ones (see Table 1, upper right). Similar to the above, this involves

constructing past as desirable and relying on this perception of the desirability of the past to

legitimize the novel activities (Zerubavel, 2003), but in this case the continuity is asserted

after the fact. For example, Lounsbury and Crumley (2007) suggest that in order to

rationalize the shift from passive to active money management, mutual funds sought to,

retroactively, theorize their novel activities as being consistent with the traditional

understanding of what mutual funds did.

On the other hand, ex ante theorization representing discontinuity with the past

involves proactive assertion of the inferiority of the way things have been done compared

to the preferred new practices (see Table 1, lower left). The main task of such theorization

is demonstrating that the way things have been done is unacceptable, and that a new way of

doing things is needed and possible (Greenwood et al, 2002; Tolbert & Zucker, 1996). This

implies the need to construct a version of the past as “bad”, undesirable and needing to be

abandoned (Zerubavel, 2003). For example, in Greenwood et al’s (2002) study

professional associations are credited as playing key roles in identifying the problems with

the way things had been done in the field and theorizing solutions to such problems (c.f.,

Suddaby & Greenwood, 2005).

Finally, ex post theorization espouses discontinuity with the past by reflecting

retroactively on what has been done to demonstrate how newly implemented practices are

superior to the old ones (Hinings et al., 2004; see Table 1, lower right). Similar to the

above, it involves constructing an undesirable version of the past that is worth abandoning

(Zerubavel, 2003) and juxtaposing the novel practices to this negative construction, thereby

legitimizing them by their difference, rather than similarity, to the past. For example,

Birkenshaw et al. (2008) note the importance of retroactive theorization for legitimizing

management innovations, and Rao et al (2003) highlight the role of media in retroactively

conferring legitimate identities upon nouvelle cuisine chefs. In both cases, theorization

confers legitimacy upon novel practices by demonstrating how they represent improvement

over undesirable old ways of doing things.

As the preceding discussion illustrates, rhetorical history is a crucial theorization

mechanism. Whether at organizational (e.g., Birkenshaw et al, 2008) or field (e.g.,

Greenwood et al, 2002) level, and whether theorizers seek to emphasize or hide the

innovative aspects of the practices they seek to introduce, they construct a particular version

of the past in a strategic manner (Suddaby et al, 2010) – highlighting and obscuring parts of

the history in order to maximize its rhetorical power (Anteby & Molnar, in press;

Zerubavel, 2003).

Furthermore, because theorization can operate in either top-down or a bottom-up

manner (Strang & Meyer, 1993), we argue that the work of constructing and reconstructing

such historical narratives in the course of theorization work is quite routine, ongoing and

distributed. Accordingly, it is important to examine how actors utilize rhetorical history in

the course of their routine functioning within the field. To do so, we turn to our case study

of the Ontario wine industry.

METHODS

Research Setting

The setting for the study is the Ontario wine industry, and we seek to understand

how various actors in the field use historical constructions as rhetorical strategies to

theorize the product category of Ontario wine as “world class”. Although winemaking in

Ontario dates back to the middle of the nineteenth century, many attribute the birth of

“serious” winemaking in Ontario to the founding of Inniskillin Winery in 1975. In 1988,

the Free Trade Agreement with the United States threatened to destroy the Canadian wine

industry, but it also forced the local industry to uproot the cold hardy labrusca grapes, such

as Concord, that dominated Ontario vineyards but are not traditionally used in winemaking

in Europe. Instead, they planted vinefera grapes, such as Riesling, Chardonnay, and Pinot

Noir, associated with high-quality wines.

Since then, the industry has focused on producing high-quality wines in accordance

with global tradition. The challenges encountered by the Ontario wine industry have been

two-fold: (a) to overcome the perception, even domestically, that Ontario is too cold to

produce high quality wine, despite having a climate that is similar to that of Burgundy,

France, and (b) to erase the bad reputation that the pre-1988 wine had built among many

domestic consumers. Several Ontario wineries have since earned major international

awards and garnered critical acclaim from such sources as the noted British critic Jancis

Robinson, American critic Matt Kramer and the prestigious U.S.-based Wine Spectator

magazine, among others, and the region’s profile and prestige has been steadily increasing.

In 2009, the industry produced 13 million liters of wine with a retail value of $210 million.

The most famous and commonly exported Ontario wine product is Icewine, which in 2009

comprised 550,000 liters. The main export destinations for Ontario wine include US,

China, South Korea, UK, and Hong Kong, among others. Nonetheless, because Ontario

wine does not yet enjoy universal acceptance among consumers, wineries still have to work

to theorize Ontario wine as “world class”, at times attempting to overcome negative

perceptions. This ongoing and salient bottom-up theorization (Strang & Meyer, 1993)

makes the industry an excellent setting to study theorization. Furthermore, the mechanism

of interest, rhetorical history is quite interesting to study in this context because Ontario

wine industry does not have a “glorious” history that it can use strategically. Thus, we

thought it would be valuable to examine how the industry might be coping with the lack of

such a history and wanted to find out whether and how rhetorical history could still be used

by Ontario wineries in theorization work. The lack of taken-for-granted glorious history

makes Ontario wine industry an extreme case that allows researchers to examine the

processes through which historical constructions are developed, rather than simply being

available to actors, the way it might be the case in a more established wine region (e.g.,

Burgundy).

The focus of the present study is on the period of 2007-2011, which finds the

Ontario wine industry at an important juncture. The increased recognition of Ontario wine

by international critics, combined with greater enthusiasm among Canadian consumers,

which suggests that wineries’ theorization attempts have had some success in establishing a

credible narrative of what Ontario wine is or should be about.

Data Collection

The data sources used in this paper are excerpted from a broader study of the

organization of Ontario wine industry that has collected qualitative data in various forms

(interviews, observations and various documents) over a period of four years. This study

consists of the analysis of 326 electronic newsletters from 40 wineries and web sites of 15

wineries.

Although newsletters represent just one manifestation of theorization work, these

documents offer a unique opportunity for researchers to understand the discursive practices

through which organizations attempt to explain what they are about and how they operate to

their clientele. Newsletters allow researchers to uncover the actual discursive techniques

used by organizations as well as the implicit rules at the field level that guide the selection

and deployment of such techniques. We were especially interested in understanding how

wineries tapped into various historical resources in order to create theorizations that enable

specific Ontario wineries to claim that their products – and Ontario wine in general – are

excellent.

While newsletters typically target loyal customers and other individuals that have

ongoing relationships with particular wineries, web sites represent wineries’ attempts to

represent themselves in a desirable manner to a more general audience. Thus, this data

source offers a useful complement to the newsletters.

Analysis

To understand discursive activity, such as theorization, both the strategies employed

and the broader context of relevant societal discourses and their links must be examined and

analyzed (Phillips et al, 2004), and rhetorical analysis offers a method for doing so (e.g.,

Heracleous & Barrett, 2001; Sillince & Brown, 2009; Suddaby & Greenwood, 2005).

Because newsletters and websites have a persuasive intent and are designed

purposefully to influence attitudes and beliefs of audiences, attending to the rhetorical

devices used enhanced our understanding of the ways in which wineries are persuasively

using history. Repeated readings of the web sites and newsletters, in consultation with the

literature on rhetoric, allowed us to identify various rhetorical strategies identified in prior

rhetoric research that could be used as sensitizing devices in our data analysis. Although a

great many such devices is available, we found the following to be especially relevant in the

context of Ontario wineries’ deployment of rhetorical history, and we used these as a

starting point to sift through the plethora of text generated by the wineries.

Characterization refers to particular vivid and idiosyncratic representations of

persons as portrayed within the texts. We took this to “include direct methods like the

attribution of qualities in description or commentary, and indirect (or ‘dramatic’) methods

inviting readers to infer qualities from characters’ actions, speech, or appearance.

“ (Baldick, 2008: 52). According to Burke (1962), it allows audiences to ascribe particular

moral qualities to an actor. In this way, we can ascertain that characterization involves

attempts to portray wineries and their representatives as having certain values, morals and

characteristics. These might include, for example, accounts of a winemaker’s heroic effort

to produce a superb wine and the sacrifices that had to be made to accomplish that.

In utilizing identification as a rhetorical device, we relied heavily upon Burke’s

(1962: 580) observation that: “you persuade a man only insofar as you can talk his

language by speech, gesture, tonality, order, image, attitude, idea, identifying your ways

with his,” thereby attempting to establish a shared sense of values with the audience. Thus,

wineries might try to ingratiate themselves to the audience or invite the audience to

participate in certain winery experiences that should be especially appealing to them.

Diatyposis, or “a rhetorical figure in which advice is given” (Mills, 2010; 115) is

used as a way to provide instruction to audiences through rules and precepts and indicates

that the wineries occupy a space of authority in their ability to provide such direction

(Whately, 1962). These include, for example, suggesting traditional pairings of particular

food with a certain wine. Denotation provides “the most literal and limited meaning of a

word, regardless of what one may feel about it or the suggestions and ideas it

connotates.” (Cuddon & Preston, 1998: 215). As Burke (1962: 24) suggests, “to tell what

a thing is, you place it in terms of something else. This idea of locating, or placing, is

implicit in our very word for definition itself: to define, or determine a thing, is to mark its

boundaries, hence to use terms that possess, implicitly at least, contextual reference.” Thus,

in providing literal definitions for audiences, wineries can work to define the boundaries of

meaning surrounding a word, and can ensure congruity of understanding among readers.

For example, wineries might explain in detail the meaning of a particular grape growing or

winemaking practice.

Personification refers to a rhetorical device that describes inanimate objects, and

other nonhuman concepts as having human characteristics and qualities (Baldick, 2008;

Cuddon & Preston, 2010). For example, wineries often endow wines with person-like

traits, such as “personality”. Imagery involves the use of language to represent various

sensory experiences that extend beyond mental pictures and may appeal to senses other

than sight (Baldick, 2008; Cuddon & Preston, 2010). As such, the use of imagery allows

audiences to participate in the texts on a deeper, sensory level that provides a different

experience as individuals can witness what the text describes. For example, wineries may

attempt to use such a device in order to help the reader to imagine herself in the vineyard,

experiencing the beauty, the sounds and other sensations that are associated with it.

The stages of analysis were similar for both the newsletters and the websites.

Similarities and difference between the two genres of texts were examined throughout the

research process because they are directed at slightly different audiences and might use

rhetorical devices in slightly different ways to theorize practices and activities. The first

stage of the analysis involved reading over the newsletters and websites to understand their

general content and format. While reading, general impressions were noted, possible

themes for coding identified, and notes taken on how and why these themes were

emerging. For example, the fact that wineries often use historical depictions of the land

upon which their grapes are grown was noted as a potential theme.

The coding stage of analysis entailed looking for words and phrases that were

frequently used within the newsletters and websites, primed by our research interest in

rhetorical history. For example, phrases involving the notion of terroir were quite

prevalent, and were easily coded under “terroir”. Themes within the websites and

newsletters were identified, as were broader ideas, concepts, activities, relations and

terminology used. Because rhetorical analysis requires grasping the significance of a

particular utterance in its context (Heracleous & Barrett, 2001), we designated the units of

analysis to range from a paragraph to a whole newsletter – whatever smallest passage that

could be interpreted meaningfully. Wherever a rhetorical strategy could not be identified or

no link to rhetorical history could be made by utilized, no further analysis on a particular

passage or even a document was undertaken. At this stage we began to use the

aforementioned rhetorical device to identify various discursive themes and interpretive

repertoires that emerged from the body of texts as a collection. For example, we intended to

understand what role actors’ use of terroir plays in the newsletters and websites, and how

and why they act rhetorically to persuade audiences. The notion of terroir here presented an

interesting role, as it is used by wineries to both conform to broader, traditional Old World

values while at the same time to confer a sense of distinctiveness and uniqueness to

wineries by appealing to a more local history.

As the newsletters and websites were further categorized, other themes were

identified and served as subcategories. For example, the notion of terroir, was sometimes

used in reference to soil composition as being similar to that of more legitimized wine

regions, while at other times it was used to highlight the uniqueness of local plots of land.

We attempted to substantiate the existence of shared discourses by comparing and

contrasting these themes and categories, and by moving back and forth between broader,

more general societal discourses and the specific utterances. For example, the use of terroir

may be related to the broader societal construct of geological history, which details the

origins and history of the development of Earth, and essentially describes time as sequential

in attempting to make sense of the events that have taken place in a region.

As a result of the above analyses, it became apparent that the biggest categories of

rhetorical strategies involved attempts to either connect to the global history of fine

winemaking or to the local cultural and/or geographical history. As the analysis continued,

and definitions of those categories were refined and new categories identified that did not fit

with existing categories of rhetorical strategies. For example, it became obvious that some

wineries were making explicit references to rule breaking and not adhering to tradition,

which fit neither into the connection to global history nor the local history. Thus, it became

necessary to identify to analyze this manifestation of rhetorical history as a. The similarities,

differences and patterns within and between subcategories were compared, contrasted and

noted. The process of category building continued, in order to examine and interpret the

newsletters and websites, until no new themes were found and a point of saturation was

reached.

We ensured the trustworthiness of the data in several ways. First, all data were

carefully managed using NVivo qualitative data management software. Second, we

continually triangulated the multiple sources of data (Miles and Huberman, 1994),

comparing and contrasting across the different sources to validate that a particular practice

reported to us in the interviews could be corroborated either by multiple interviews, our

own observations, or written documents. When disagreements emerged among the sources

with respect to the possible meaning of a particular passage or a particular assignment of

data to particular categories, we re-examined the data to understand the reasons for the

differences until a consensus was reached. Third, we used peer debriefing (Corley and

Gioia, 2004). Most of the analysis was done by the first author, who had no access to the

field and relied purely on the newsletters and web sites to do the coding. She periodically

engaged the second author who had conducted the interviews and observations to assess

the similarities and differences of the interpretations resulting from the researchers’

differences and the access to different data. As the study progressed, the second author also

independently analyzed a sample of the newsletters and web sites previously analyzed by

the first author. Disagreements were discussed, and the coding was refined. This allowed

the study to benefit from both, detached analysis of the first author and in-depth industry

insight acquired by the second author (Pratt, 2009).

FINDINGS

We found three primary categories of rhetorical history strategies that actors used to

theorize Ontario wine. The first category involves attempts of wineries to connect to the

global – especially European – history of wine. The second category pertains to the

attempts of wineries to connect to regional cultural and geographical history. The third

category involved an open rejection of historic tradition in favor of innovation and rule

breaking.

Connecting to Old World History of Wine

This category of rhetorical history strategies involves attempts to demonstrate

continuity between winemaking as practiced in Ontario and the idealized notion of a

traditional small scale and earth bound winemaking tradition that supposedly has thrived in

established wine regions, such as Burgundy and Bordeaux, for hundreds of years.

Statements are made that connect the actions of wineries with traditional methods, styles,

terroir-based approaches and links to family heritages of winemaking and grape growing.

Table 2 includes quotes that exemplify different manifestations of these strategies and the

associated rhetorical devices used.

Insert Table 2 about here

Terroir-driven and earthbound winemaking. Perhaps the most distinctive

hallmark of the fabled French tradition of fine winemaking is the notion of terroir, rooted in

careful historical construction of the narrative that certain plots of land are inherently

superior for wine production than others (Ulin, 1995; 2004). Terroir-based winemaking

places supreme importance on grape growing and farming, relegating winemaking to a

somewhat lesser role, and claims that one’s winemaking is terroir driven is deployed – at

least ceremonially (Robinson, 2006) by wineries all over the world.

Ontario wineries routinely deploy this notion either explicitly or implicitly to show

the continuity between the idealized low technology, small scale and “hands-in-the-dirt”

winemaking tradition that presumably has characterized European winemaking for

hundreds of years and their own practices, as illustrated by the following use of

identification rhetorical device: “We are proud to offer you a wine that we believe defines a

time and place like no other.” Wine is supposed to be made primarily in the vineyard and

not in the winery, and the role of the winemaker is to merely facilitate such a process,

without much intervention. This is illustrated poignantly in the following quote from a

winery’s web site, representing personification rhetorical device: “The measure of a

winemaker is not his ability to speak for great vineyards, but rather his faith in the idea that

great vineyards can speak for themselves.”

Within the newsletters, it is often noted that wineries use minimal amounts of

technology in winemaking, relying instead, on traditional and laborious hands-on grape

growing and winemaking techniques. Hand pruning, tying, picking, sorting and bottling

tend to be described as essential to outstanding results. Furthermore, the usage of

technology and machinery is often downplayed, and wineries sometimes even disparage it.

This is apparent, for example, in the following quote:

When we first planted to vinifera grapes we knew that no mechanical harvesters

could pick these sensitive grapes and harvest would have to be manual. Then,

during our first harvest in 1985 new harvesting machines from Europe came to

Niagara and mechanical harvesting of even vinifera varieties became the norm. Over

the years we've done both, and find the quality from manual harvests is far superior

to mechanical harvesting. Today all our grapes are harvested by hand.

The above quote, reflecting denotation, also illustrates that the rhetorical connection

is made to the European history of winemaking, rather than to current winemaking

practices, as evidenced by the expression of dissatisfaction with the results obtained using

current European technology.

Slow grape growing and winemaking. Related to the above, wineries also tend to

emphasize that it takes a long time for wine to go through the various steps of wine

production. Growing, pruning, harvesting, processing, pressing and fermenting activities

are some of the various stages highlighted in the laborious procedure of winemaking.

Descriptions of these various events are prevalent throughout the newsletters, and indicate

the amount of time and effort required to produce fine wines. This is apparent, for example,

in the following quote: “We have finished our pruning and tying, and are now into the

hoeing and cultivating stage. The next major activity is to plant our replacement vines.

Then we are into the summer drudgery of shoot thinning, shoot placement, cluster thinning,

etc.” This “slowness” and labor intensiveness characterizes not only grape growing but the

winemaking techniques, as well, as illustrated by the following quote: “After hand

harvesting and after manual sorting a long, slow fermentation in tank was followed by

malolactic fermentation and 9 months aging in older 225L and 600L French oak barrels.”

Both of the above quotes, describing matter-of-factly and in detail the various steps taken to

ensure quality – hence reflecting denotation – tap into the Old World history of fine wine

by simply listing steps of winemaking process that would be recognizable to a wine

connoisseur familiar with European tradition of fine winemaking.

Furthermore, old vines, in contrast to younger vines, are privileged as wineries

boast of the link between terroir, age and premium wines. The root systems of older vines

are better apt to reach nutrients and water existing further underground, and thus produce

grapes from which wines of depth can be created. Commonly, the age of vines is heavily

related to quality and flavor of wines made by wineries, and wineries tend to emphasize,

when possible, how old the vines are, as seen in the following quote: “A remarkable wine

lending insight into the intimate relationship between the 30-year-old vines and the

premium terroir.” This statement, reflecting both personification and imagery, implicitly

taps into Old World history of fine winemaking, whose mythology constructs wine as a

living thing (Robinson, 2006).

Age is often seen as a virtue with wine, and it is not uncommon for consumers to

see fine wine as something age-worthy. This is another and somewhat different

manifestation of “slowness”. Consistent with the idealized Old World winemaking

tradition, there is a great deal of emphasis – especially with respect to high end wines – on

the amount of time a particular wine might have aged in a barrel and/or in the bottle before

being released to the public. This is illustrated by the following quote: “Each batch is

fermented and barrel aged separately to ensure the highest quality. Our cellar team

monitors the development of these wines noting their complexity, body, and mouth-feel.”

Further aging in the bottle is often recommended within descriptions even upon being

released to the public after large amounts time devoted to aging within wineries. The use of

French Oak barrels is often used by wineries to emphasize their commitment to producing

complex, full-bodied wines that are akin to those from more established wine regions. The

discussion of the specific aging techniques connects the current activities of Ontario

wineries with traditional methods of barrel and bottle aging.

Similarly, wineries often emphasize that particular wines or wines from a particular

vintage might be especially age-worthy, connecting to the traditional construction of wine

as a product that either gets better with age or that makes for a good memento of a particular

point in time. Vintages are represented as the culmination of labor-intensive work and

efforts on the part of wineries, and are often celebrated as marking the unique interplay of

weather, climate and winemaking processes of a years growing season and efforts.

Further, older wineries boast of wider back-vintage selections, establishing themselves as

prominent players in wine making history and exceptional wine quality.

Rejection of the local winemaking history. The history of winemaking in Ontario

is often referred to as new when compared to more established wine making regions of

Europe. Interestingly, despite winemaking history in Canada extending to the nineteenth

century, credit is only given to Canadian history of winemaking within the past forty years.

This relatively young portrayal of history of wine production in Canada can be seen as a

way to eradicate or repress the illegitimate history of, supposedly, poor quality wine

production in Canada prior to the 1980s, and it further underscores the concerted effort

undertaken by Ontario wineries to connect to the Old World history of wine. Even the

oldest wineries only make reference to their winemaking history in Canada that falls within

this timeframe that is characterized by emulation of French (and Continental European)

winemaking conventions despite the fact that many connect a family heritage of wine

making dating sometimes centuries prior in more established, European wine regions.

Thus, the eradication of the labrusca grape varietals (such as Concord), not found in

established wine regions, that flourished in and were dominant in the region until 1988 is

widely celebrated as a turning point that signaled a commitment to quality winemaking.

This is apparent in the following quote (characterization) from a winery’s web site:

In 1984 when our father, along with each of us (Matthew, Daniel and Paul), tore

out the Concord and Niagara grapes at our own expense, people thought we were

crazy. When we planted Riesling and Chardonnay under newly contoured hills and

under drainage, many said they would never grow. We knew, after studying the

heat scans and speaking with some of the other more progressive growers, that our

vineyard was not only suitable for these special varieties but also located on the

prime grape growing lands of the Short Hills Bench.

Wineries also emphasize their commitment to the classic European vinifera varietals,

implicitly distancing themselves from the winemaking of the old, as seen in the following

quote: “Vincor Canada's land holdings in Canada's largest wine growing regions, the

Okanagan Valley in British Columbia and the Niagara Peninsula in Ontario, are dedicated

almost exclusively to the production of European vitis vinifera.” This quote comes from a

winery that, unlike most Ontario wineries, uses many hybrid grapes (due to their ease of

production) in its low-end wines (that make up a significant portion of its business), and

helps to further underscore the “illegitimacy” of the local winemaking history. These claims

of emphasis on vinifera grapes are often supported by emphasizing geographical features of

Canada as being ideal, providing conditions in which consumer preferred vinifera varietals

are able to thrive. These explanations may at times involve comparing Ontario’s geography

to that of European wine regions. This is seen, for example, in the following quote

(characterization): “The similarities between the climates of Burgundy and the north

Niagara Peninsula encouraged him [the winery proprietor] to focus on grape varieties

typically to northeastern France.”

Connecting to the Local History

The second category of rhetorical history strategies captures that in spite of the

desire to distance current winemaking from the local winemaking history, there are attempts

to connect current winemaking to the local geographical and cultural history. Such

references to local history and regional heritage work to imbue wineries with a unique

connection to the region that distinguishes one winery from another. Table 3 includes the

strategies and illustrative quotes, along with associated rhetorical devices.

Insert Table 3 about here

Leveraging local history and events. Some wineries attempt to use local historical

events to tell interesting stories about their winemaking or to simply stand out from

competition. For example, one winery, Organized Crime, derives its name from a famous

feud between rival Mennonite denominations that took place in the 1800s, and another

winery documents and emphasizes the 150 years of farming that has characterized the

family operating it. Yet another winery explains the origins of its name on its web site as

follows, using denotation:

The roots go back to 1784 when United Empire Loyalists took over the land.

Recognition came from Lord Dorchester in 1788, when the area became one of four

numbered districts in Meckleburg. This name was changed in 1792 to Midland with

the districts becoming 19 electoral counties. At this time the island peninsular was

named after Prince Edward the Duke of Kent (1767-1820) the fourth son of George

III, who at the time was Governor of Upper Canada residing in Niagara. Prince

Edward County was subsequently incorporated in 1850 and became a municipality

prior to Confederation in 1867.

References are made frequently to historic buildings restored or used by wineries

that demonstrate commitment to traditional winemaking techniques as well as to the local

history of these heritage buildings. Scenery and tourism are also frequently linked to

heritage sites associated with or near winery locations.

Explaining and emphasizing local terroir. Although we note above that the

evocation of the notion of terroir constitutes an attempt to connect to the Old World history

of winemaking, the meaning of the term implies extracting uniqueness from a particular

wine producing location. Hence, to explain what makes the local terroir unique, wineries

attempt to communicate not only the specific tastes that are the manifestations of their

terroir, but also how that terroir came about. Significantly, they evoke the local geographic

history to do so. The emphasis is on highlighting, for example, how certain events during

prehistoric times created the kind of soil structure and mineral composition that putatively

makes the region conducive to excellent winemaking. Stoney and clay soils are often

described as providing unique nutrients that contribute to unique flavours of wine produced

from those soils. Further, prehistoric events are sometimes described as contributing, via

sedimentation and mineral remains, to the unique and distinct growing conditions and

terroir of wineries. All of these are illustrated by the following quote (denotation) from a

winery’s web site:

The geologic history of the Niagara Peninsula is the foundation of our region’s

finest wines. The forces of sun, wind and water, combined with the passage of

time, formed the area’s ancient bedrock more than 450 million years ago. Deposited

by continental ice drifts over the past 100,000 years, our glacial till soils are unique

in the winegrowing world. A complex blend of local sedimentary stone and

metamorphic rock from the world-renowned Canadian Shield, these soils help

define the distinctive character of Cave Spring wines.

Innovativeness

In spite of the above noted emphasis on following and demonstrating continuity vis-

à-vis the Old World winemaking tradition – though combined with some local cultural and

geographical elements – we also found the third category of rhetorical history strategies that

consists of wineries emphasizing innovativeness or breaking/modifying rules. Table 4

includes illustrative quotes representing and the specific rhetorical devices used by

wineries.

Insert Table 4 about here

Use of Technology. In contrast to the historical construction of wine as essentially

agrarian and technology free product, wineries do use a great deal of technology in their

work, and at times they highlight these technological advances in their newsletters.

Protecting grapes from pests, fungus and damaging weather conditions, such as rain and

frost, compel some wineries to utilize and prize their applications of innovative technology.

Modern techniques, such as screw caps over cork, are often portrayed as essential to

maintaining and enhancing quality of wine production, while they are clearly perceived by

many as going against traditional methods of making and bottling wine. Yet, these

emphases on technology are typically couched within the Terroir discourse, and as such, do

not represent complete break from Old World winemaking tradition. The following quote

(characterization) from a winery web site highlights such an attempt to blend technology

and the pursuit of terroir:

The use of high technology and leading edge techniques in the vineyard and winery

are the only way for us to maintain competitiveness while striving for quality. We

are constantly searching and developing new ways of improving our art form.

However, we have not lost sight of some of the more traditional aspects and

techniques of winemaking. Since it is an art form based on nature, in many cases it

is impossible to perfect. We continue to develop and refine our viticultural and

winemaking techniques so that our wines reflect our unique soil and are truly wines

of character and finesse.

Unorthodox methods, styles and grape varietals. Wineries sometimes promote

innovative and contemporary wines by explaining how the process of creating those wines

was unorthodox. In continuation, explicit valuations of not abiding by customs and rules

are made by some wineries. At times, wineries appear to value unusualness and originality

that allows them to create a sense of uniqueness that distinguishes wines and wineries by

creating a unique flavor experience. This is illustrated by the following quote

(characterization): “Blending several varieties and employing some unusual winemaking

techniques (he'll tell you all about them), Derek has produced something special.”

Some wineries highlight their use of weather resistant hybrids, despite those grapes

not having the “noble” Old World lineage. Such grapes are exalted by some wineries for

their resistance to weather and disease challenges, and for their heartiness and strength. In

addition, some wineries have developed unusual takes on well known grape varietals and

emphasize those unusual wines in the newsletters. For example, several wineries have

developed a more distinctive style of Gamay Noir, a grape traditionally associated with

Beaujolais region of France but enjoying relatively low regard among wine connoisseurs.

The distinctive “Ontario” take on the varietal makes it more full-bodied, complex and age-

worthy, and these aspects are emphasized in those wineries’ newsletters.

DISCUSSION AND CONCLUDING REMARKS

We argued that rhetorical history is an inherent aspect of theorization, because,

whether attempting to initiate change or normalize and rationalize changes that have taken

place, theorizers inevitably have to construct some kind of a version of the past that is

worth either preserving or uprooting. We then examined how actors use rhetorical history

in the context of their ongoing theorization work. Specifically, in our empirical context

actors do so in an attempt to theorize Ontario wine, an emerging product category that does

not yet enjoy universal acclaim and acceptance, as “world class”.

In the aggregate our findings indicate that as actors try to theorize the nature of

Ontario wine in a manner that enhances its reputation, they use and combine historical

constructions in a flexible manner. Thus, we find that wineries attempt to demonstrate the

continuity between Old World and Ontario winemaking histories, tapping into the cultural

understandings of wine as a traditional and age-old product. Further, we also find that

wineries seek to distance the region from the history of putatively bad winemaking, thereby

not only embracing Old World history but also attempting to suppress the local history.

However, even as they attempt to do so, on the one hand, on the other hand they still

attempt to tap into the region’s history and use the various historical and geographical

historical materials to endow Ontario wine with a sense of uniqueness. In addition, it is

interesting that wineries attempt to preserve the impression that they make wine in the same

low-tech, hands-on and earth bound way as has been done in Europe for supposedly

hundreds of years, on the one hand, while proudly displaying technological advances on

the other. Further, although they emphasize rigid compliance with tradition, they also

attempt to highlight innovativeness, rule-breaking and unorthodox approaches. It is also

important to note that the three categories of rhetorical history strategies are not mutually

exclusive, and the same winery might switch between different categories of strategies. For

example, a winery might emphasize its compliance with low tech winemaking conventions

during certain vintages, while highlighting some judicious technology use during

challenging vintages when technology might help “enhance” terroir.

By focusing on a region suffering from the stigma of “bad history” and aspiring to

align itself with the more glorious history of European winemaking while also integrating

local history and cultural elements, along with technological advances, we underscore that

history is not merely a revelation of the past or utilization of historical construction that are

already in existence, but rather is a malleable rhetorical construction of categories. We

further argue that the management of history is not purely an individual firm’s activity and,

accordingly, the investigation of rhetorical history is relevant beyond strategic management.

Rather, it lies at the very core of theorization or re-theorization of product categories, and

we make two arguments about the role of rhetorical history in theorization.

First, we argue that rhetorical history is inherently collective (c.f., Zerubavel, 2003).

In our study, for example, it is not up to any one winery to create the imagery of glorious

history of Old World winemaking and “bad” local winemaking. Rather, there is a collective

understanding of these two “histories” that is shared among and reproduced by wineries,

critics, consumers and other actors in the field. Thus, we found no evidence of wineries

embracing the pre-1988 winemaking history of Ontario or of attempts to question the

soundness of following the age-old European conventions of winemaking. Individual

wineries then are not-so-much as constructing these histories but are reproducing,

subverting or modifying these histories that are not properties of any one of them but of the

collective. In this regard, the notion of rhetorical history connects to the more familiar idea

of institutional work (Lawrence & Suddaby, 2006), in that the production and reproduction

of histories is an important aspect of institutional work. Historical constructions can only

persist to the extent to which enough actors in a particular field continue to reproduce them.

Individual actors, in turn, have some flexibility with respect to being able to tweak or

modify these constructions to suit their needs, but such tweaking must not stray too far

from the widely accepted narratives. However, we do know that historical narratives

change, and individual actors might then be able to alter them. Future research then should

explore the extent to which individual actors might be able to exercise agency in

transforming historical narratives.

Second and related, we argue that rhetorical history is inherently ideological because

histories are constructed in ways that define what is “good” and “bad” (c.f., Anteby &

Molnar, in press), often creating caricature-like accounts. In our study, for example, it is

apparent that the constructions of “glorious” Old World winemaking history and “bad”

local history do not necessarily stand up to critical scrutiny. Thus, although the Old World

tradition is constructed as very hands-on and small scale, there are and have been large

scale industrial wine producers in France, and the quality of Bordeaux wine has not always

been perceived as excellent (e.g., Ulin, 1995). Furthermore, the large scale wine production

in the Old World has relied, to an important extent on technological advances (e.g.,

Nossiter, 2005; Robinson, 2006). In addition, with respect to the construction of the local

winemaking history as “bad”, in spite of the public repudiation of all non-vinifera grape

varietals, several wineries have demonstrated that it is possible to produce critically

acclaimed wines from hybrid grape varietals. The implication of this casual critique of the

two “histories” is to underscore how a potentially arbitrary construction of history

nonetheless has very real disciplining and dominating effects (Lawrence, 2008) on the

actors in a particular field. Our findings suggest that particular historical constructions and

meanings attached to them that might be seen as natural or traditional in a particular field

become so through a systematic and selective suppression and marginalization of rival (and

perhaps equally viable) historical constructions and associated meanings. The disciplining

and dominating effects of historical narratives further problematize the above point about

the likelihood of individual actors being able to transform historical narratives. The

implication is that future research needs to examine how actors acquire the ability to

question what appear to be objective chronology of the past (Zerubavel, 2003) that does not

appear to be subject of debate, because without such questioning they seem especially

unlikely to be able to transform extant historical narratives.

In addition, our research offers some broader research implications by connecting to

the sociology of globalization. While that research tends to be conducted at very macro level

(e.g., Ritzer, 2007), our study examines some micro-processes of globalization.

Specifically, building on Ritzer’s (2003) argument that globalization involves both the

colonizing of the local by the global and the resistance to that imposition on behalf of the

local, we show some micro level manifestations of that dialectic. Thus, on the one hand

Ontario wineries appear to be eager to embrace the global history, connecting to it to the

point of marginalizing or erasing their own local history. Yet, on the other hand, they

attempt to express the unique local cultural and geographical elements of Ontario, albeit

within the confines of the globally imposed (and locally embraced) templates.

With respect to our attempts to start fleshing out the “how” of theorization, we note

that rhetorical history is but one aspect of theorization. It is apparent that wineries use

rhetorical history not to construct a theorization that conforms to cognitive schema (e.g.,

through demonstrating continuity with the global history of fine winemaking) but that is

also emotionally resonant (e.g., by connecting the product category to the region’s history

and folklore in an attempt to intrigue the audience or to enhance the emotional bond

between the consumers and the producers). An important future direction in investigating

how theorization works might then involve examining its emotional underpinnings.

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TABLE 1: EX ANTE AND EX POST THEORIZATION AND CONTINUITY/

DISCONTINUITY

Ex Ante Ex PostContinuous Proactive assertion that new

practices will be consistent with those seen as normal and acceptable in the past (e.g., Hargadon & Douglas, 2001)

Retrospective denial that current practices are abnormal or different from those seen as normal or acceptable in the past (e.g., Lounsbury & Crumley, 2007)

Discontinuous Proactive assertion that new practices will result in improvements over those seen as normal and acceptable in the past (e.g., Greenwood et al., 2002; Suddaby & Greenwood, 2005)

Retrospective reflection to demonstrate that new practices have resulted in improvements over those seen as normal and acceptable in the past (e.g., Svejenova et al., 2004; Birkenshaw et al., 2008; Hinings et al., 2004)

TABLE 2: CONNECTING TO OLD WORLD HISTORY OF WINEStrategy Illustrative Quotes [rhetorical devices]Emphasizing Old World ContinuityIdealized old World Traditions “This wine was produced in the traditional method

with the fermentation occurring in the bottle. It was disgorged after resting on the lees for three years.” [denotation]

“Our Merlot Bianco is produced in the classic European style made famous in places such as Provence and Spain - that is by having only about 20 hours of skin contact to give that light pink colour, and fermented dry with no residual sugar. [denotation and imagery]

“Our Winemaster, Marc Bradshaw, was able to draw on some Old World techniques from France and Italy to help create this superb wine.” [characterization]

Traditional Farming Methods Used “It`s been a 4 year love affair with this wine, let us just say that it involved a lot of hand holding (read: hand picking, hand sorting, hand bottling, hand labeling) but it was certainly worth all the effort because we think the result is outstanding.” [characterization and personification]

“Early on we made the decision not to use herbicide for weed control in our vineyards. Instead mechanical, tractor driven, grape hoeing is used followed by a little manual hoeing. In this way we have avoided years of herbicide accumulation and soil fatigue.” [imagery]

“Other ‘tried and true’ measures we practice every year include carrying a small crop, which provides the vine with more carbohydrates and improves its winter-hardness, and hilling up the soil over the lower trunk of the vine. Hilling the soil provides protection of basal buds but provides no protection to the buds located higher on the vine.” [denotation]

Terroir-based “The return is a wine that expresses the diversity and age of our vines, complexity in our soils and the vagaries of Mother Nature — all adding up to be a very fine wine!” [personification and imagery]

“Wine has been associated with its point of origin for hundreds of years and is often referred to as an “expression of place”. Recognizing that the character of a wine is directly influenced by where the grapes are grown, European countries with a long history of winemaking slowly evolved appellation systems to identify different wines for consumers. The "terroir" — the combination of location, soil, topography and climate — is an important indicator of the character of a wine and in many cases, its quality.” [denotation]

“With his knowledge and passion for winemaking, his style of traditional winemaking focuses on creating wines which showcase the purity of fruit and exhibit the unique terroir, or environment, in which the grapes are grown.” [characterization and imagery]

Slow Grape Growing and Winemaking “We undertook additional care during processing. Essentially, the grapes are hand-sorted prior to going into the destemmer to remove any damaged fruit, debris, leaves and lady beetles. We then pressed at low pressure to minimize undesirable extracts. The juice after pressing was then allowed to settle overnight in our cold storage, racked off the solids, bentonited, settled a second time and again racked. At this point the juice was visibly clear and ready to be fermented.” [characterization]

“Grapes were harvested from multiple small vineyard blocks throughout Niagara at an average 22.5° brix. The grapes were gently pressed and fermented on the skins in stainless steel tanks. The individual vineyard components were put in predominantly French oak barrels (56% new wood) and aged for an average of 22 months. Blending trials were conducted throughout August of 2009 with the final blend Bottled September 4th 2009.” [denotation]

“The grapes where harvested and destemmed on October 25th. Two days later we picked the Viognier. After destemming the grapes, they were gently pressed and all the Viognier wet skins were added to the Syrah and fermentation was started. Fermentation and skin contact lasted for 26 days. The wine was aged in French Oak barrels for 18 months.” [denotation]

Old Vines “The 2006 Unoaked Chardonnay brings forward the newest vintage of our most popular wine. Made from our youngest vines (still 20+ years old, the same age as most “Old Vines” in Ontario), it represents Chardonnay at its purest.” [personification and imagery]

“Minerality, elegance, and complexity have come to define the wines crafted from our Old Vines. These qualities are a direct result of the deep roots, stony soils, and winemaker Derek Barnett's dedication to producing a sincere expression of these venerable vines.” [characterization and imagery]

“Made from our oldest blocks of vines (30+ and 40+ years old) only in the best vintages, the Signature Chardonnay has received critical and customer acclaim wherever it’s been poured!” [denotation]

Barrel and Bottle Aging “The 2006 spent nearly three years in barrel, giving it depth and maturity despite its bottle youth.” [personification]

“Sourced only from the oldest vines in the best vintages, and aged in French oak for 18 months, its depth, power, viscosity and complexity are unmatched.” [imagery]

“A barrel performs two important functions for the wine placed in it. It allows the very slow introduction of oxygen into the wine (micro oxidation) and it imparts the character of the oak as the wine ages. For example, the barrel lacktones impart a subtle coconut flavour, the eugenal results in the clove-like flavours you can often pick up, and the ketones give the wine a vanilla-like flavour.” [denotation and imagery]

Vintages “As we wrap up a challenging but promising harvest, we look now toward the wines that have finished their journey from vine to bottle. The next few months will feature periodic releases of the winemakers' efforts from the 2005, 2006, and 2007 vintages.” [personification and characterization]

“Therefore as we are working we can view the vineyards, which are pruned and ready to go for another year. Thus the anticipation of another vintage begins...” [imagery]

“We have all been waiting patiently for the wines from one of the most fantastic vintages Niagara has ever had. We were only able to bottle one of our 2007 Red wines before the start of harvest, the rest will have to have to rest a little longer in barrel.” [characterization]

Rejection of “Bad” Local HistoryNew Canadian Wine History “When compared to the likes of France, Italy, and

Greece, all of which have hundreds or even thousands of years of wine making history under their belts, Canada has a mere 40 or so years of solid wine making roots to draw from.” [denotation]

“In the wine world, Canada, and more specifically Niagara, is a relatively young wine producing region.” [denotation and personification] “By the spring of 1987 we managed to get the balance of the farm planted to Gamay. As is typical of farming, the weather is never constant and we experienced our share of “good years” (1991, 1993 and 1995) and poor years – with hail and winter injury (1992 and 1996). In 1992 an adjacent 8 acre property became available. With some hesitation we purchased it and planted half of it to Cabernet Franc and Cabernet Sauvignon in 1993 and the balance to Chardonnay in 1996.” [characterization and imagery]

Vinifera Over Labrusca Grapes “At the time vinifera grapes were not yet as popular as they are today and so the decision to grow only vinifera grapes was a difficult one for us to make, but we were encouraged by our mentor Paul Bosc at Chateau des Charmes.” [characterization]

“Mountainview speaks to our location which is nestled against the escarpment while having a commanding view of Lake Ontario in the distance. These two geographical features create the ideal conditions for growing premium vinifera grapes.” [denotation]

“During the day we tore up the original vineyards planted by Henry a century and a half before, we chased the sheep off of the farm and shovel planted the initial 65 acres over a few summers with our friends (then later we planted a hundred more).” [characterization]

TABLE 3: CONNECTING TO LOCAL HISTORYStrategy Illustrative QuotesConnecting to Regional History

Local History and Stories “You will experience the history of 19th century homes, views of the Niagara River, both country and Old Town properties.” [identification]

“This historic building was the inspiration for our new wine boutique which mirrors the original cupola of the carriage house as well as interior design elements of the Victorian era. Klaus was inspired to create a building reminiscent of the works of William Morris who was the principal founder of the Arts and Crafts movement of the Victorian era, embracing simplicity, clean lines, and good design. Klaus feels this movement is not only reflective of Reif's commitment to winemaking techniques and thirteen generations of craftsmanship but also remains true to the history of the estate.” [characterization]

“In 1842 Nicholas’ youngest son Henry built an Inn, tavern and carriage house (which serves as our tasting room and wine boutique today). The construction of the Inn approximately coincided with plantings of vineyards, some of Niagara’s first. When signing for the tavern’s liquor license Henry Smith dropped his last name, choosing the moniker Henry of Pelham to both recognize his ownership of the toll road he lived along and what must have been a tongue-in-cheek reference to the recent British Prime Minister, Sir Henry Pelham. The joking moniker stuck and Henry Smith was referred to thereafter in official archival documents as Henry of Pelham.” [characterization]

Local Terroir

Local Geographic History “The vineyards are located in the Niagara River sub-appellation which is mapped as the warmest area of the region with the highest number of growing degree days in the Peninsula. The sub-appellation also contains lighter, well-drained red shale soils which warm rapidly in spring. In fall, winter and spring, the heat capacity of the enormous flow of the Niagara River creates convection currents and moderates temperatures of adjacent vineyards on clear calm nights.” [denotation and imagery]

“The Niagara Escarpment is a limestone ridge, a prehistoric dorsal fin composed in layers of petrified armoured fish and tiny crushed crustaceans. They lend their mineral remains to our soil in the Short Hills Bench, the same soil my settler and pre-settler ancestors are buried in, the same soil we spread our father’s ashes on, the same soil I may one day be added to myself. Around here we believe you are what you drink; you might even be related to it.Our lands soils are the residue of an eroded mid-continental mountain range dragged here by prehistoric glaciers. Shards of limestone ground fine off of the escarpments rock face by icy glacial teeth are tossed up in forty feet of dark bronze clay.” [imagery, characterization and identification]

“Soils are a complex series of glacial, fluvial and lacustrine sediments underlain by Queenston shale.” [denotation]

Unique and Distinct Terroir “When you taste these wines we want you to taste the essence of the Reif Estate Vineyard.” [identification]

“The distinct essence of the Niagara terroir captured with purity, passion and precision.” [imagery]

“This enables us to produce outstanding wines with a distinct sense of place and time. This is what the French call terroir.” [denotation and imagery]

TABLE 4: INNOVATIVENESSStrategy Illustrative QuotesFlexibility and experimentationFlexible rule following “It's a project that satisfies our inherent need to

break all the rules, to act in defiance of established customs, and it happens to be a tribute to our founding Rogue.” [characterization]

“As you might know, Flat Rock Cellars doesn’t believe in tradition for the sake of tradition - we use that which makes our wines better and disregard the rest.” [identification and characterization]

“Tradition may run deep at Henry of Pelham but we are not static.” [characterization]

Unorthodox Methods “Naturally, German ingenuity and frugality got hold of him and Hans decided to harvest the grapes anyway. Initially the grapes were meant to produce a late harvest wine. These grapes dry out on the vines over time and loose some of their water content and the sugars and flavours get more concentrated. But now Hans had an unusual dilemma whereby these frozen grapes had no water content... they were solid ice! Hans was pressing like a mad man and he only managed to get a drop of concentrated syrup-like juice from each grape... insert German swear words here... . Thus far into the process Hans decided to start fermentation on this sticky sweet juice to show his boss that he did at least try his best. Well, the rest is history!!!” [characterization and imagery]

“We created the Whimsy! label in order to give our winemakers a place to experiment, to play, to push the limits, to work with tiny batches of special things. The wines' subtitle is ‘The Winemaker's Palette’ - suggesting both the "range of colours that an artist uses" and, in an alternate spelling, the ‘penchant’ or ‘taste’ of the winemaker. However you spell it, these wines are unusual, quirky, and yes, whimsical. They are made in limited quantities and they are always interesting.” [characterization]

Grape Varietals “Frankly, when it comes to this variety we’re competing against ourselves. If our ‘98 Foch set the mark for power and our ’99 set the mark for structure, this ’07 raises the bar on both fronts.” [characterization]

“A rounder, fuller, richer take on gamay. Dark crimson in colour, with dried currant, cherry syrup, clove and hickory aromas. Plum, ripe raisin, rhubarb and raspberry treat the palate. The finish is satisfyingly lengthy.” [imagery]

Modernity

Use of Technology “The use of leading techniques and technology in both the vineyard and winery are central to allowing the terroir to express itself while also allowing our ever evolving house style to remain a contemporary classic.” [denotation]

“In pursuit of superior quality, we are working with a company in southwestern Ontario that manufactures products for the Ginseng industry to develop a structure that will protect the grape clusters from damaging rains, which so often occur after veraision.” [denotation and characterization]

“The quality of the grapes, the level of ripeness, the flavour profiles knocked our socks off! In fact, when Colin (our wine-maker) handed me the lab results from the grape testing I swore he had made a mistake somewhere and sent him back to retest and you know what?? The numbers were correct!!!” [characterization and imagery]

Modern Techniques “Thomas’s attention to detail and cutting edge winemaking techniques have garnered him special attention from top wine critics such as Robert Parker, John Szabo MS ,Winespectator, and Jancis Robinson MW with many of his wines scoring in the mid 90’s.” [characterization]

“As the grapes begin to ripen we will be spraying “Prep-501” (cow horn silica) on our vineyards. This will enhance the ripening process this season and allow us to harvest more ripe, richer fruit and produce wines with stronger, purer and more vibrant aromas and flavors.” [denotation and imagery]

“The crown cap eliminates cork taint, keeps more bubbles in solution, it`s safer (you don`t have to worry about projectiles), and frankly it just looks cool." [denotation and imagery]

This notion refers to “the relationship between the characteristics of an agricultural product (quality, taste, style) and its geographic origin, which might influence these characteristics” (Van Leeuwen and Seguin, 2006: 1).