Renewing Black Politics

A discussion pamphlet by Dr Sanjiv Lingayah

About the Author

Dr Sanjiv Lingayah is a researcher and author working on issues of equality and social justice. His re-cent PhD is a study of contempo-rary policy debates on nation, mul-ticulture and race equality and the role of Black and Minority Ethnic (BME) social sector organisations in influencing this agenda.

Sanjiv has been a strategic advisor to Voice4Change England – who also provided him with a Fellowship to support his PhD studies at the London School of Economics.

He began his career at the new eco-nomics foundation (nef ) think tank and is a Board member of Charities Evaluation Services – the UK s leading provider of evaluation support for the voluntary and community sector.

Sanjiv is a 2014 Clore Social Leader-ship Fellow – the Fellowship provides a unique programme that develops leaders with a social purpose.

Acknowledgements

The author would like to thank the fol-lowing people for their support in pro-ducing this paper: Kunle Olulode and Saqib Deshmukh, from Voice4Change England; Nabila Munawar from the London School of Economics and Dr Malcolm James, from City University for his comments on an earlier draft.

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Voice4Change England commis-sioned this pamphlet to explore the question of whether advocates for race equality and justice are adapt-ing to changing identities or just repeating the same campaigns to smaller audiences without reflecting or adapting. The reason is for looking at this question is simple: there are many community conferences that rightly castigate decision-makers and the media for failing to address insti-tutional racism and for the virtual ab-sence of ‘race’ on the political agenda; yet despite mounting evidence of unequal racial outcomes - in employ-ment, health, housing and criminal justice – we are not seeing diverse communities responding to activists and demanding change in the way they might be expected to in this age of austerity.

Somehow campaigners and commu-nity workers do not seem able to fully mobilise for change and connect with their core audience. Is that because advocates of change have themselves failed to adapt to the changing land-scape of race, racism and identity?

This pamphlet are the views of Dr San-jiv Lingayah not necessarily V4CE. Per-haps every individual activist would have written a unique take on these

issues or would have referenced dif-ferent aspects of the BME experience and history in the UK. However we are pleased to publish his thought-provoking work and we hope that it will act as a catalyst to stimulate de-bate at the Alternative Perspectives: Flipping the Script conference on 26 June. Here are some questions aris-ing from this paper:

What does this think-piece mean to the BME voluntary and community sector and its’ members and what does it offer them?

Is Dr Lingayah right in his critique of a mindset of ‘Black collectivity’ among activists that has failed to embrace fragmenting identities and multiple identities?

Has the nature of ‘the struggle’ changed even if many of the old issues remain? Is there still a Black struggle today?

If identities have changed so much over time, can we realistically ex-pect to build a mass movement for race equality even with a different outlook on identity and race?

What is Stuart Hall’s legacy and the role of critical race thinking in 2014?

KEY ISSUES EMERGING FROM THIS PAMPHLET

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Introduction

In the postwar period, especially through the 1970s and the 1980s, Black was ‘the political colour of oppo-sition to racism’ (Back, 1994: 3). Black-ness was ‘based on people’s direct, first hand, experience of racism… and how they are treated by ‘white’ society, rather than what culturally distinct groups they belong to’ (Jef-fers, 1991: 63). However, as both ‘racial’ and ethnic identities and identifica-tion fragment (Hall, 1991, 1992) and racism adapts and spreads its reach, Blackness, as a political perspective, struggles to keep up. Convention-ally, Black anti-racist politics is more comfortable in dealing with forms of ‘old racism’, such as the killing of Mark Duggan, a young African-Caribbean man in Tottenham, than responding to examples of ‘new(er) racism’ (Barker, 1981), such as that advanced by the United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP) about European migrants (The New Statesman, 2014) or the ‘moral panic’ about Muslims (Dodd, 2013; Garner and White, 2014; New States-man, 2012).

This paper asks whether, in these times when the politics of race and racism are more complex and not black and white, there is a future for a reconfigured ‘Black’ politics in a col-lective struggle for equality. The argu-

ment made here is that while there are (politically) Black actors currently making anti-racist interventions there is not a broad, popular or meaningful Black politics in existence. Without re-form and reconfiguration, the demise of Black politics will continue; the pol-itics of equality and social justice will be weakened; and Black and Minority Ethnic (BME) populations will remain at significant disadvantage when compared to their white British coun-terparts (Equalities and Human Rights Commission, 2011; Phillips, 2009).

A brief history of Black politics

There is a long history of BME/Black organising for race equality in Brit-ain (Ramdin, 1999; Solomos, 2003). ‘Ethnic’ associations were established before World War I in maritime in-dustries and port cities and spread in the 1950s after immigration from the Caribbean and Indian sub-continent (McLeod et al., 2001). In the aftermath of World War II, BME organising in Brit-ain was based on geographical links such as to the ‘colonies’ and struggles for independence ‘back home’ (Bru-baker, 2005). In addition, there were cultural/welfare groups which includ-ed faith organisations and activities such as education about heritage as well as providing advice to deal with the day to day realities of education,

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housing, working with young people, elders and so on (Goulbourne, 1990). The building blocks of some kind of collective political ‘Blackness’ were set in place in the early post-war pe-riod of the 1950s and 1960s as the British state homogenised people of African, Caribbean and South Asian heritage into the category of ‘co-loured Commonwealth immigrants’ (Shukra, 1998) and/or simply saw a ‘black mass’ (Ramdin, 1999). By the end of the 1960s, the orientation of black politics in Britain was based on ‘black power’ and ‘black conscious-ness’, spurred on by developments across the Atlantic, where US civil rights organisations appeared to be at the heart of a vibrant mass move-ment (Shukra, 1998).

Through the 1970s and the early 1980s Black was a political colour (Back, 1994; Sivanandan, 1990) that was established to recognise and re-sist African-Caribbean and Asian ‘ex-clusion from Britain and Britishness’ (Gilroy, 2002: 323). Blackness direct experiences of racism and was not about cultural distinctiveness (Jeffers, 1991: 63).

Stuart Hall named this form of collec-tivity and organising the ‘first phase’ of Black politics (Hall, 1992a: 252) or ‘Identity Politics One’ (Hall, 1991: 52). Hall explained that Black in this con-text ‘… is not a question of pigmen-

tation. The Black I’m talking about is a historical category, a political cat-egory, a cultural category’ (Hall, 1991: 53). Hall argued that this form of Black was the basis of a ‘counter-politics’ (Hall, 1991: 52).

The unsettling of Blackness

At its height Blackness was a unified/unifying concept. However, it was never without problems. In order for it to bring people together it contained problematic silences to set aside differ-ences, e.g. in relation to the specificity of Asian languages, traditions and his-tories (Banton, 1977; Hall, 1992; Haza-reesingh, 1986; Modood, 1988, 1992). Hall also noted that Black collectivity silenced African-Caribbean dissent-ers who did not subscribe to Black political identity and, perhaps more significantly, Black treated ‘individuals and groups in exactly the same way’ and, as a consequence, ‘… an unre-constructed conception of Black was to reconstitute the authority of Black masculinity over Black women’ (Hall, 1991: 56). Therefore, Black ‘Identity Politics One’ was homogenising, male and disinterested in or even hostile to culture and ethnicity.

In the mid to latter part of the 1980s, Hall (1988) pointed to the work of young Black and Asian cultural pro-ducers who were reflecting ‘the ex

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traordinary diversity’ (Hall, 1992: 252) of social experiences and cultural identities amongst the BME popula-tion. For Hall, this shift represented a ‘second phase’ of Black politics built on an understanding that there were a variety of Black experiences and no Black essence. In contrast to ‘old eth-nicities’ which attempted to side-step cultural difference in order to main-tain Black unity, ‘new ethnicities’ rel-ished such diversity, disrupting fixed notions of minority ethnicity and Blackness.

Counter-politics in this context need-ed to engage with the diversity of ex-periences and diversity of identifica-tions that people carried with them and the resulting counter-politics needed to, somehow, combine ‘anti-racism, anti-sexism, and anti-classi-cism’ (Hall, 1991: 57).

However, as Hall recognised, shifting from phase one of Black politics to this more complex phase two was a risky enterprise involving political ac-tors being ‘… plunged headlong into the maelstrom of a continuously con-tingent, unguaranteed, political argu-ment and debate…’ (Hall, 1992: 254).

We are still in that period of turbu-lence and, if anything, the tumult has increased over the past two decades.

New ruptures and fault lines

Further developments since Hall first mapped out the territory of new eth-nicities have made the idea of a first phase of Black politics/Identity Politics One/old ethnicities even more prob-lematic and perhaps even redundant. These developments have both re-duced the numbers of BME people that might identify themselves as part of some collective politically Black population and they have made it more difficult for activists to galvanise BME collective action against racism based on a recognisably Black politi-cal model.

Alternatives to Black

In terms of personal dis/identification the past two decades has seen a rise in Muslimness as a political and per-sonal identity. This deeper and broad-er Muslim identity has generally been tied to the framing of Muslims as a threat to security (Kundnani, 2007, 2014; McGhee, 2005) and British val-ues (Blair, 2006) – due to events such as the unrest in Bradford, Burnley and Oldham in 2001; 9/11; the 7 July Lon-don bombings; and more recently in the ‘Trojan Horse’ Islamic takeover of schools in Birmingham (Garner and White, 2014). The ‘Muslim question’ also has a geo-political dimension in-cluding connection to wars and mili-tary action in Iraq, Af

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ghanistan, Mali and elsewhere. The vilification of Muslimness may have encouraged some people to iden-tify as Muslims in solidaristic defi-ance to such animosity (Alexander, et al., 2013) and Muslimness may have become a primary political or ethnic identifier for some people who might have previously have self-identified as south Asian and/or Black. The rise and suspicion of Muslimness has also had knock-on consequences, such as attempts by some Hindus to distance themselves from Muslims.

A second reason for the decline of identification of the common identi-fier of Blackness is that, by the 1980s, the state increasingly began to view and treat ‘coloured Commonwealth immigrants’ differently (Sivanandan, 1990), for example along cultural lines in certain modes of multiculturalism (Anthias and Yuval-Davis, 1992). Fur-thermore, Asians, Africans and Ca-ribbeans also experienced different kinds of structural positioning, dis-advantage and socio-economic tra-jectories (Ramdin, 1999) as evident in equalities data on educational at-tainment, household incomes, em-ployment and so on (Equalities and Human Rights Commission, 2011; Phillips, 2009), implying the need for specific kinds of organising and in-tervention beneath and beyond the Black umbrella.

A third, less obvious, possible cause of decline in personal identification with Blackness is due to the multiple identities that people may assign im-portance to. For example, Kimberlé Crenshaw (1989) in her analysis of black women’s employment in the United States found that gender, race and class combined forces to lead to disadvantage. This work led Crenshaw to define the term intersectionality as ‘the multidimensionality of marginal-ized subjects’ lived experiences’ (Cren-shaw, 1989: 139). By way of contrast the first construction of Blackness as a (political) identity emphasised ‘mono-dimensionality’ of marginalisation – and the need to downplay other identity features, even if they contrib-uted to experiences of discrimination. Recognition of intersectional and multiple identities make the idea of a dominant Black identity appear some-what simplistic and less appealing to people wishing to assert their person-al complexity and individuality.

New Racism

The developments above have served to undermine affiliation with Black as a collective identity. Other develop-ments have also made it difficult to intervene against racism from a Black political perspective. The issue here is not how BME people identify but how racism operates. Racism never

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stands still and it can and does take unfamiliar but logical turns in order to carry out its work of excluding certain groups from mainstream society and its rewards.

White people can also be subject to racism, as evident in the case of white central and eastern European migra-tion to Britain. Through a form of new racism (Barker, 1981) Nigel Farage, leader of UKIP, has objected to Roma-nians as neighbours (The New States-man, 2014) and non-English speak-ers on rush hour trains from London Bridge (Hodges, 2014). It is a small step to move from this anti-white immigrant-bashing to more familiar forms of racism, as illustrated when a UKIP Member of the European Parlia-ment referred to ‘Bongo Bongo Land’ (BBC, 2013). At the same time, racism is also steadfast in its pursuit of Brit-ain’s non-white populations. And it is these forms of racism and inequalities – that affect ‘settled’ black and brown people – which conventional Black politics is most equipped to campaign against. For example, this form of poli-tics understands and is able to effec-tively respond to episodes such as the killing of Mark Duggan in Tottenham in August 2011 or the prosecution of Nicky Jacobs for the killing of Police Constable Keith Blakelock in the 1985 Tottenham riots. It is much less well-placed or used to dealing with UKIP-

style anti-immigrant sentiment.

It is not that Black political actors do not care about or have not spoken out against the anti-immigrant or an-ti-Muslim turn. Instead it is the case that two decades after Hall argued that new ethnicities demanded a new Black politics, a reconstructed concep-tion of Blackness is not yet in place to cope with the mobility of identity or of racism itself.

The question about why Black poli-tics is not more adapted is an im-portant issue. One reason for this ap-parent rigidity in Black politics is that although Black was not ‘a question of pigmentation’ (Hall, 1991: 53) the place of white people in Black poli-tics has always been a difficult one. Black politics – contrary to the rest of society – has prioritised the ad-vancement of black and brown lives. At the same time this organising has, largely, been informed by secular leftist leanings. This is not to say that faith communities were not involved in anti-racist organising but some Black political activists are not at ease with faith and politics that is located in and ultimately for the benefit of a faith community.

Whatever the exact points of resis-tance, it is clear that Black political ac-tivism has not yet come to terms with more fluid multicultural, multi-ethnic

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and BME times – where both identity and racism are on the move.

Black politics in BME times

In some ways the section above points to a tale of two politics: the politics of racism and race-thinking and the Black politics of anti-racism. The politics of racism combines anti-immigrant, anti-Muslim and (‘tradi-tional’) antagonism towards brown and black-skinned people together to form a broad interconnected front. In contrast, the Black politics of anti-racism has been more fragmented, struggling to cope with shifts in iden-tification amongst people that may have once identified as politically Black but no longer do so. Therefore a broad racist front has been met by pockets of resistance. Neither a Black political perspective nor a pro-immi-grant position nor an anti-islamopho-bic stance alone can resist racism in its various guises and draw attention to the common logic and threat of rac-ism. Instead, the effect of fragmented resistance is that: racist norms are al-lowed to develop unchecked; these become part of the ‘common sense’ that drives public and policy debate; and the usual (black and brown) sus-pects, as well as other marginalised groupings suffer.

When Stuart Hall (1991) argued for a

renewed Black politics capable both of adapting to new ethnicities and producing a counter-politics it was a time of flux. Today those processes of unravelling that Hall identified have become supercharged and even more complicated. However, in a per-verse way, the scale of the change in BME identity and developments in racism might make a renewed Black politics somehow easier to imagine in that this conjuncture has new di-mensions compared to when Black politics was first being formed.

Towards a new black politics

In order that Black political perspec-tive might become more relevant to the current moment and help to lead and shape a renewed debate about discrimination, disadvantage, inequality and injustice, there are two areas that have shaped ‘conventional’ Black politics that require particular attention.

One such consideration is about con-struction of ‘race’ as a pillar of Black politics. A second issue is about the conduct of Black politics itself and discussion of how this constrains the redesign of Black politics.

It is widely recognised that ‘race’ is not a meaningful scientific or biological category (Denton and Deane, 2010) but is an important social and politi

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cal one (Gilroy, 1987; Solomos, 2003). Race or racial categories can be in-vested with important identifications, e.g. black African-Caribbean people may attribute a version of history and heritage to their ‘race’ and this might differ compared to Indian-Caribbean people.

However, identity and personal stories are not fixed. Nor, even, is heritage a settled thing, as new understandings and different interpretations devel-op about ancestor practice and ‘cul-ture’. Therefore, as minority identities change shape and de-identification with Blackness takes place, rather than insisting on certain racial classification and identification, a more productive stance for a renewed Black politics might be based on ‘race critical’ think-ing (Bhattacharyya and Murji, 2013). This would recognise the relationship between race, racism, and power; ac-cept the desire to deploy Blackness as a constructed political resource; but also maintain an intention to be able to work beyond racial category (Ali et al., 2004) with the ultimate aspiration to allow people to be human in the manifold ways that this might entail.

In this way Black might be maintained as a meaningful political identity but Blackness is not used as a disciplin-ing device to bring brown and black people into line – which is, anyway, a hopeless project. In opening out the

category of Blackness in this way it might become something that peo-ple feel more comfortable identifying with, e.g. as a counter-politics against discrimination that is not about pig-ment or ‘authentic’ ways of being.

A second, related, area that might contribute to a renewal of Black poli-tics is to alter the conduct of Black politics itself. Here again we can look to Stuart Hall for inspiration.

In 2013 John Akomfrah produced a multi-media installation and a docu-mentary film about cultural theorist and social activist Stuart Hall. Tell-ingly the installation was called ‘The Unfinished Conversation’ and there is something in the idea of ongoing dialogue, reflection and renewal that could helpfully inform the process to reconfigure Black politics. In the film by Akomfrah, called the ‘Stuart Hall Project’, one can see images of Hall on the frontline – for example speak-ing at Campaign for Nuclear Disarma-ment (CND) rallies – but also behind the lines discussing, and debating, crafting and honing a politics of social justice with colleagues.

Black politics – certainly of the ‘tradi-tional’ form – has a ‘frontline’ bias. The frontline has been defined by Phil Co-hen in the following way:

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The Frontline is where barricades are custom built, and wars of fixed positions waged, where revolu-tionary vanguards make their first and last stands and where the mili-tarisation of the body politic rules OK (Cohen, 1997).

The Black politics of the first phase was certainly synonymous with the frontline. The frontline would often be located in dangerous and con-tested physical space, for example those streets where marches, dem-onstrations and battles against racists and racism took place. The frontline is also a state of mind. It is the home of hard politics and a politics of hard-ness. The frontline is where ideas do battle. There is no space for ambigu-ity on the frontline; you are either in or you are out. Furthermore, the poli-tics of the frontline is conventionally masculine and patriarchal without room for tenderness, creativity and other ways of being Black and male that have been written out of Black masculinity (hooks, 2004).

Yet there is another space where re-flection or meditations on Black poli-tics might take place. Cohen calls this space the ‘backyard’ and according to him: ‘Backyards privilege everything that is marginalised by the rhetoric of front lines’ (Cohen, 1997). The backyard is a less gendered and (alpha) male space than the frontline. It is a place

for lived reality, complexity, working out and working through issues. It is potentially a site and a state of mind where alternative perspectives and another phase of Black politics can be contemplated. There is still absolutely a role for the frontline – although it is important to think about less pa-triarchal and masculine versions of the frontline – but the renewal and re-imagining of Black politics cannot take place there or with that state of mind. For that project to be advanced the physical and metaphorical back-yard needs to be cultivated.

A final word: Back to Black?

Black politics has made an important contribution to the progress in race equality that has taken place in this country and in facing down some of the most blatant and violent forms of racism that were once prevalent. Black political actors still carry out vital work.

Against this reality, this paper may seem overcritical and unduly pes-simistic. It is intended to be neither. Instead it attempts to respond to the fact that the old lines of Black solidar-ity can no longer be relied upon as a collective basis of resistance to racism that works across issues of race, eth-nicity, faith and immigration status to marginalise a variety of groups in so-ciety. This paper is a call to renew

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and reconfigure anti-racist politics on new lines.

However, a new Black politics is un-likely to take hold quickly or easily. Hall described the deeply destabilis-ing effects of the shifts that necessi-tate such a renewal as akin to plung-ing Black activists into a ‘maelstrom’. The only way through is, in the words of Brett St Louis, to ‘face the hard ethi-cal labour of working out what their ideals, commitments and aspirations are and might be’ (St Louis, 2009: 571). This paper is a reminder that this work still needs to be carried out. Further-more, I suggest that, despite decades of Black struggle, it appears as if the hard labour for renewed social justice-orientated Black counter-politics has only just begun.

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For our Alternative Perspectives: Flipping the Scriptconference, June 2014