Renewables in Africa - Meeting the Energy Needs of the...

Renewables in Africa - Meeting the Energy Needs of the Poor / Energy Policy 1

Renewables in Africa - Meeting the Energy Needs of the Poor

Stephen KarekeziAFREPREN/FWD

African Energy Policy Research NetworkP.O. Box 30979, Nairobi, KenyaTel: +254-2-566032 or 571467

Fax: +254-2-561464E-mail: [email protected]

Web-site: www.afrepren.org

Abstract

This paper presents estimates of renewables energy technologies disseminated in sub-SaharaAfrica and evaluates the potential of renewables in meeting the energy needs of AfricaÕs poor.Using data mainly from eastern and southern Africa, the paper examines five major renewableenergy technologies, namely: (i) large-scale biomass energy; (ii) small scale biomass energy(iii) solar photovoltaic; (iv) solar thermal; and, (v) wind. It then evaluates how suitable eachrenewable energy technology is to meeting the energy needs of the urban and rural poor. Thepaper ends with key measures that could encourage the large-scale dissemination of renewableenergy technologies to the poor in Africa.

Keywords: Renewable energy technologies, Africa, poor

1. What is Driving the Interest inRenewables?

Recent interest in renewable energy inAfrica is driven by, among others, thefollowing important developments. Thefirst is the recent increase in oil prices,which, recently, peaked to US$ 33.16 perbarrel (Economist: Jan, 98 - Dec, 2000) at atime when AfricaÕs convertible currencyearnings are very low due to poor worldmarket prices and decreased volumes of itscommodity exports. Consequently, it isestimated that in the year 2000, petroleumimports as a percentage of export earningshas doubled from about 15-20% to 30-40%for a number of African countries(AFREPREN, 2001).

{Insert brief regional profile: SSA here}

The second important development that hasincreased interest in renewables in theregion is the recurrent crises faced by mostpower utilities in the region. For example,in year 2000 alone, Ethiopia Kenya,Malawi, Nigeria and Tanzania facedunprecedented power rationing which

adversely affected their economies. Therapid development of renewables is oftenmentioned as an important response optionfor addressing the power problems faced bythe region.

Two important global environmentinitiatives have also stimulated greaterinterest in renewables in Africa. The firstwas the United Nations Conference onEnvironment and Development (UNCED)held in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil in 1992. Atthis Conference, an ambitious environmentand development document entitled"Agenda 21" was reviewed by one of thelargest gathering of Government Heads ofStates and, perhaps more importantly, wasendorsed by a large number of multi-nationals companies. Agenda 21 sought tooperationalise the concept of sustainabledevelopment. In addition, the RioConference provided the venue for thesecond important event, the signing of theUnited Nations Framework Convention onClimate Change (UNFCCC) by 155Governments (United Nations, 1992). TheConvention came into force in early 1994after ratification by 50 States.


Renewables featured in both Agenda 21and the Climate Change Convention(United Nations, 1992). Because of theimportant role of fossil fuels in the build-upof greenhouse gases in the atmosphere (it isestimated that the energy sector accountsfor about half the global emissions ofgreen-house gases) and concomitantclimate change concerns, renewables areperceived to constitute an important optionfor mitigating and abating the emissions ofgreenhouse gases (Socolow, 1992).

Figure 1 Electrification %

The above perspective was, however, notinitially shared by the many energy analystsin Africa. In contrast to the industrializedworld which is worried by the long-termglobal environmental impact of currentpatterns of energy production and use,African countries are largely pre-occupiedwith the immediate problems of reversingthe persistent decline of their centralizedpower systems as well a meeting the long-standing and pressing demands for aminimum level of modern energy servicesfor the majority of their poor - many ofwhom have no electricity and continue torely on inefficient and environmentallyhazardous unprocessed biomass fuels.

Although the contribution of Africancountries to global greenhouse emissions(GHGs) is, on a per capita basis, muchsmaller than that of industrialized countries(some projections, however, indicate amuch higher contribution in the future),there is growing realization that Africa islikely to be dis-proportionately affected bythe impacts of climate change. Of particularconcern is the dependence of the poor inAfrica on rain-fed agriculture, which isbelieved to be already under threat fromunpredictable weather patterns triggered bywhat appears to be climate change. Therecent floods that adversely affectedsouthern parts of Africa appear to indicatethat the impact of climate change mayalready be a reality.

In spite of the growing evidence of climatechange, the position of the African energycommunity on the climate change questionhas not been unanimous. Support forrenewables was, at best, lukewarm on thepart of energy experts from oil-exporting

African countries such Algeria, Angola,Cameroon, Nigeria and Libya. In spite ofthe continued divergence on the part ofAfrican energy analysts on how to respondto the climate change challenge, theconsensus around the further developmentof renewables appears to be growing. Thechallenge of engendering a consensus onrenewable energy development appears tobe less onerous than that faced by theAfrican energy efficiency community.

In contrast to energy efficiency that couldhave an immediate impact on fossil fuelexports, the long-term nature of renewableswould allow a more gradual and lessdisruptive transition away from dependencyon fossil fuels. Mobilizing support forrenewables has, consequently, beensomewhat less arduous. This viewpoint isbolstered by some evidence indicating thatat the global level, the medium-termoutlook for fossil fuels demand may not beas high as previously anticipated due toconcerns over associated negativeenvironmental impacts. In the long-term,fossils fuels may also becomeuncompetitive in cost as reliance on morecostly oil reserves grows and alternativeenergy systems such as fuel cells becomemore affordable. Consequently, manyAfrican energy analysts believe thatrenewables constitute a reliable andecologically sound long-term alternative forvirtually all African countries includingcurrent oil-exporting nations, many ofwhich have abundant and unexploitedbiomass, hydro, solar and wind resources.What is not yet clear is the extent to whichrenewables can assist in addressing theenergy needs of AfricaÕs poor - the subjectof this paper.

2 . Renewables and the Poor inAfrica

2 .1 Large-scale BiomassUtilization

Knowledge of large-scale biomass energysystems is not as widespread in Africa asthat of small systems. Large-scale biomassutilization encompasses: direct combustionfor process heat; ethanol production;gasification; heat co-generation; biogasproduction; and, briquetting. The best-


known large-scale biomass energy systemswith sound economic track records are co-generation using biomass as fuel stock andthe production of ethanol as a substitute forpetroleum fuel.

Figure 2 Power Generat ion ÐMauritius: Capacity (MW)1998

Co-generation using bagasse as feedstock toproduce both process heat and electricity isa well-established technology in the Africa.As a result of extensive use of co-generation in Mauritius, the country's sugarindustry is self-sufficient in electricity andsells excess power to the national grid(Baguant, 1992). As shown in the followinggraph, in 1998, close to 25% of thecountry's electricity was generated fromsugar industry, largely using bagasse, a by-product of the sugar industry (Deepchand,2000). In the next few years, it is expectedthat the sugar industry may be able toaccount for close to a third of the countryÕselectricity needs (Karekezi and Ranja,1997).

It is estimated that modest capitalinvestments combined with judiciousequipment selection, modifications of sugarmanufacturing processes (to reduce energyuse in the manufacture of sugar) and properplanning could yield a 13-fold increase inthe amount of electricity generated by sugarfactories and sold to the national Mauritianpower utility (Baguant, 1992).

The potential impact of increasedinvestment in co-generation for the poor isnot well understood. Most of the potentialbenefits appear to be indirect. It is,however, possible that a growing co-generation industry could lead to increasedincomes for the smallholder sugar farmers.Mauritius provides a model case exampleof where the benefits flowing to the low-income farmer have increased over timethrough direct policy interventions and aninnovative revenue sharing mechanism.This mechanism could provide a model forthe rest of region.

Ethanol programmes that produce a blendof ethanol and gasoline (gasohol) for use inexisting fleets of motor vehicles have beenimplemented in Malawi, Zimbabwe and

Kenya. Available evidence indicates thatthese programmes have registeredimportant economic benefits. At its height,the Zimbabwe alcohol programme wascapable of producing about 40 million litresand there are plans to increase annualoutput to 50 million litres (Scurlock andHall, 1991). In the Zimbabwe ethanolprogramme, 60 % of the whole plant waslocally produced and significant staffdevelopment took place (Scurlock, et al,1991). The plant has been in operation fortwenty years with few maintenanceproblems (World Resources Institute, 1994;Karekezi and Ranja, 1997).

The total investment cost of Kenya'sethanol plant is estimated to be US $ 15million. At its peak, plant productionaveraged about 45,000 litres per day(Baraka, 1991). The plant used surplusmolasses that were an environmental hazardbecause of the past practice of dumpingsurplus molasses in a nearby river. Theethanol was blended with gasoline at a ratioof 1:9. Since it was commissioned, Kenya'sethanol programme has continued toregister annual losses mainly due to theprevailing low Government-controlledretail prices (which have since beenliberalized); inadequate plant maintenanceand operation; resistance from localsubsidiaries of multinational oil companies;and, unfavourable exchange rate which hassignificantly increased the local cost ofservicing the loan that financed theestablishment of the plant. In an attempt tobreak even, the plant has had to export 13.3million litres of crude ethanol (KenyaTimes, 1991). The plant has, however,generated an estimated 1,000 rural jobs(Baraka, 1991).

The large number of cane processingindustries in Africa indicates significantpotential for expanded ethanol productionand co-generation (Dutkiewicz and Gielink,1991, 1992; Eberhard and Williams, 1988;Scurlock and Hall, 1991; Baraka, 1991;Karekezi and Ranja, 1997). The long-termprospects of widespread use of ethanol,however, are unclear because ofuncertainties pertaining to the performanceof the cane sugar industry and the worldmarket for molasses as well as the worldmarket price of petroleum fuels (Karekezi,1994; Karekezi and Ranja, 1997).


Just as with the co-generation industry, thepotential impact of the ethanol industry onAfricaÕs poor is likely to be indirect.However, the implementation of a revenuesharing mechanism akin to what isoperating in Mauritius (for the co-generation industry) could ensure that poorsmall-scale sugar farmers benefit from anyrevenues that flow to the ethanol industry.

The development of large-scale anaerobicdigestion (popularly known as biogas)technology in the region is still embryonic,but the potential is promising. Tapping ofmethane can also prevent air pollution;mitigate greenhouse gas emissions; and,abate the hazard of fire and explosionsarising from accidental ignition of methaneleakages. A recent initiative to tap energyfrom waste land fills, was the US $ 2.5million Global Environment Facility(GEF)-financed project in Dar-es-salaam,Tanzania which was expected to utilize anestimated 23,000 m3 of methane generatedby the process of anaerobic digestion(Global Environment Facility, 1993). It wasestimated that large-scale replication of thepilot GEF Tanzania biogas project couldresult in the generation of electricityequivalent to over 10% of the Tanzania'stotal electricity generating capacity (GlobalEnvironment Facility, 1993).

This promising initiative was, however,ended prematurely primarily due toproblems of cost escalation which werepartially linked to technology selectionproblems. The project also faced significantinstitutional constraints. Establishing a self-sustaining institutional system that cancollect and process urban waste on a largescale; and, effectively market the generatedbiogas fuel is a surprisingly complexactivity that calls for sophisticatedorganizational capability and initiative(Karekezi, 1994; Karekezi and Ranja,1997). The growing problems of urbanwaste management (in many cities of theregion less than 50% of waste is collectedand disposed of in an environmentallysatisfactory fashion) that Africa facesappears to indicate that this option may stillprove to be attractive for the region.

If well designed, large-scale urban waste-to-energy projects can benefit the urban

poor who are already extensively involvedin waste collection, sorting, recycling anddisposal. It is conceivable that the wastecollection and sorting functions could bewholly sub-contracted to the urban poorthus providing a steady and attractiveincome stream.

2 .2 S m a l l - s c a l e B i o - e n e r g yTechnologies

In terms of energy used per system, small-scale traditional bio-energy systems appearmarginal but their importance lies in thevery large number of end-users that thesesystems serve. Bio-fuelled cookstoves meetthe bulk of cooking, heating and lightingneeds of most rural households in Africa.

Charcoal is an important household fueland to a lesser extent, industrial fuel. It ismainly used in the urban areas where itsease of storage, high energy content andlower levels of smoke emissions, makes itmore attractive than woodfuel (Karekeziand Ranja, 1997). It is the principal fuel forthe urban poor.

Traditional charcoal production, a majorsource of employment for the rural poor,relies on the traditional and rudimentaryearth kiln which is considered to be a majorcontributor to land degradation in manyperi-urban regions of sub-Saharan Africa.Efforts to improve and modernize small-scale biomass energy systems to ensureenvironmentally sound use of biomassenergy constitute an important componentof national energy strategies in many sub-Saharan African countries and couldpotentially yield major benefits to both theurban and rural poor.

In the last 20 years, substantial effort hasbeen directed towards the modernization ofsmall-scale biomass energy systems. Twoof the most sustained efforts have been thedevelopment of an energy efficient charcoalki ln and an environmentally-soundimproved cookstove for rural and urbanhouseholds in sub-Saharan Africa. Boththese initiatives have delivered significantbenefits to both the urban and rural poor.The informal sector, which providesemployment to the urban poor, is theprincipal source of improved stoves. Urbanimproved stove initiatives deliver several


benefits to the urban poor. First, in terms ofjobs created in improved stoves programsand second, in terms of reduced charcoalconsumption through the use of improvedcharcoal stoves. The rural poor can derivesimilar benefits from rural improved stovesinitiatives.

Table 1 Estimated number ofimproved bio-fuelled stovesdisseminated in selected sub-Saharan African countries inearly 1990s

Another small-scale biomass energytechnology that has attracted considerableattention over the last three decades isbiogas. Conceptually, biogas technologyappears deceptively simple andstraightforward. The raw material is animaldung, which is plentiful in many rural areasof sub-Saharan Africa; the technologyappears not to be overly complicated; and,it requires a relatively limited level ofinvestment. The technical viability ofbiogas technology has been repeatedlyproven in many field tests and pilot projectsbut numerous problems arose as soon asmass dissemination was attempted.

Table 2 Small and Medium-ScaleBiogas Units in Selected sub-Saharan African Countries

First, collection of animal dung turned outto be more problematic than was originallythought, particularly for farmers who didnot keep their livestock penned in onelocation. Secondly, small-scale farmerswith small herds of livestock were not ableto get sufficient feedstock to feed thebiodigestor unit and ensure a steadygeneration of biogas for lighting andcooking.

Thirdly, the investment cost of even thesmallest of the biogas units is prohibitivefor most poor African rural households.Evidence from the experiences in manyAfrican countries is still limited, but thegeneral consensus is that the largercombined septic tank/biogas units that arerun by institutions such as hospitals andschools have proved to be more viable thanthe small-scale household bio-digestors.

There is some anecdotal evidence, however,

that biogas technology can be successfullydisseminated to the rural poor if it isconceived as both an energy as well asagricultural/health intervention. In additionto energy, biogas provides valuablefertilizer in the form of effluents that canimprove agricultural productivity. Throughanaerobic processes the effluent iseffectively sterilized which checks one ofthe important vectors of rural diseases.There is anecdotal evidence indicating thatthe liquid effluent from biogas plants can bean effective and organic pesticide (Karekeziand Ranja, 1997).

Biomass energy is an important fuel formany small and medium scale industries ineastern and southern Africa. Examplesinclude brick manufacture, lime production,fish smoking, tobacco curing, beer brewing,coffee and tea drying. Many of theseindustries operate in rural or peri-urbanareas and provide employment to both theurban and rural poor sectors, which arepoorly covered in official statistics.Although information on this importantbiomass energy consumption sub-sector ispoor, the author believes that more pro-active development and dissemination ofappropriate biomass energy technologiesfor small and medium scale rural industriescould yield significant benefits to both therural and urban poor of Africa.

2 .3 S o l a r P h o t o v o l t a i cTechnologies

An important driving force to the wide-scale use of PV technology in Africa hasbeen a dramatic drop in production costsexperienced over the last 20 years. Theproduction of photovoltaic modules,worldwide, has increased over the past twodecades, rising from about 1 MWp in 1976to over 35 MWp by mid 1988 and 48 MWpin 1990 (Karekezi and Turyareeba, 1994).Although reliable, region-wide data on thedissemination of PV technologies have notyet been compiled, available informationfor selected countries indicate growing usein eastern and southern Africa (Table 3).

One of the main PV initiatives in the regionis the Zimbabwe GEF-financeddecentralized rural electrificationprogramme. The Global EnvironmentFacility (GEF) project provided US $ 7


million for investment in a revolving fundthat, within five years, supplied 25,000rural homes with modern lighting(Thondhala, 1994). South Africa haslaunched a major PV solar lightinginitiative aimed at the rural institutionalmarket, namely rural health clinics andschools.

Table 3 PV Systems in Selected sub-Saharan African Countriesin 1990s

PV technology has proven very successfulin high-tech applications of communication.It is also an ideal alternative for poweringvaccine refrigeration. Vaccines candramatically improve the health of the ruralpoor and in this respect PV can play a rolein delivering benefits to AfricaÕs rural poor.There is growing evidence that PV does notbenefit the rural poor because of prohibitivecost and high import content. A number ofAfrican energy analysts believe that PVshould be confined to the few niches whereit has proven to be cost-competitive and notbe perceived as an important option formeeting the modern energy needs ofAfricaÕs rural poor.

2 . 4 Solar Thermal Technologies

Solar thermal technologies that have beendisseminated in African countries includesolar water heaters, solar cookers (Kammen1991; 1992), solar stills and solar dryers.With increased efficiency and reduced costof solar water heaters, small-scale solarwater heaters now have a payback period of3 - 5 years (Karekezi and Karottki, 1989;Karekezi and Ranja, 1997). However, thediffusion of these systems has in recentyears been slower than anticipated. Insome developing countries, LPG subsidiesmake it difficult for solar water heaters tobe competitive (Vanderhulst et al 1990).

In sub-Saharan Africa, not much aggregatedata on dissemination of these systems hasbeen gathered (Ward et al, 1984; Karekeziand Ranja, 1997). The data available isfrom a few country studies. For example, inBotswana, about 15,000 domestic solarwater heaters have been installed(Fagbenle, 2001). In Zimbabwe, about4,000 solar water heaters are in use(AFREPREN, 2001). The bulk of the solar

water heaters in use are bought by high-income households, institutions and largecommercial establishments such as hotelsand game lodges. The urban and rural poorhave not enjoyed significant benefits fromsolar water heating technologies.

One solar water heating technology thatcould yield major benefits to the poor issolar pasteurisation. Exposure of water in aclear plastic bag to sunlight for a few hourscan substantially reduce harmful micro-organisms. Slightly more sophisticatedsolar waters pasteurizers incorporatingsome form of distillation can providepotable water.

Although solar cookers have not provenparticularly popular with end-users(because of several cultural and socio-economic barriers), the extensive work andfield tests of solar cookers have providedvaluable technological insights, fieldexperience and dissemination that could beeffectively deployed in the dissemination oflow-cost solar pasteurisation technologiesto the rural poor of Africa.

In eastern, southern and western Africa,extensive research has been carried out todevelop reliable solar dryers. Researchprojects have developed suitable solar cropdryers in Ghana, Kenya, Mauritius, Nigeria,Uganda, Zambia and Zimbabwe amongother countries (Brenndorfer, et al, 1985;Karekezi and Ranja, 1997). Solar dryersthat dry agricultural products such as grain,tea leaves and other crops, fish, and alsotimber (called solar kilns) are available.

In general, research has shown that solardryers perform well and produce betterresults than the traditional method of dryingcrops in the open sun (Wereko-Brobby andBreeze, 1986; Bassey and Schmidt, 1987;Karekezi and Ranja, 1997). Solar dryerscan assist in reducing post-harvest lossesbecause dried produce is less susceptible tonatural deterioration and insect infestation(Garg, 1990). Existing solar dryers are,however, still too expensive for the averagesmall-scale farmer (Sebbowa, 1987;Brenndorfer et al, 1985; Karekezi andRanja, 1997). Consequently, only themiddle to large - scale farmers can affordthem. More work on the development oflow-cost solar dryers could potential deliver


significant benefits to AfricaÕs rural poor.

2 . 5 Wind Energy Technologies

Much of Africa straddles the tropicalequatorial zones of the globe and only inthe southern and northern regions overlapwith the wind regime of the temperatewesterlies (Grubb and Meyer, 1993).Therefore, low wind speeds prevail in manysub-Saharan African countries particularlyin land-locked nations (Bhagavan andKarekezi, 1992; Kimani and Nauman,1993; Dutkiewicz, 1990; UNDP/WorldBank, 1982, 1983; Milukas et al, 1984).

In sub-Saharan Africa, South Africa hasbeen named as the country with the highestwind potential in the region. For example,wind speeds of 7.2 to 9.7 m/s have beenrecorded around Cape Point and CapeAlguhas (Diab, 1986). It is, however,difficult to specify a general mean annualwind speed for South Africa due to greatvariations within the country (Diab, 1986).The North African coast is anotherattractive wind speed region. Large-scalewind power generation projects that exploitthis abundant wind regime are nowunderway in Morocco. Other countries inthis region have relatively low wind speeds(table 4). Available data indicates that thenext highest annual average wind speed inthe region is 4 m/s in Djibouti (Milukas, etal, 1984),

Largely as a result of low wind speeds, thebulk of wind machines found in eastern andsouthern Africa are used for water pumping(Smalera and Kammen, 1995) rather thanelectricity generation (Table 4). Windenergy development continues to behampered by the absence of adequate windenergy resource assessment especially atthe micro-level.

Table 4 Wind Energy Potentials andNumber of Wind Pumps andWind Generators forSelected Countries

The dissemination of wind turbines forelectricity generation in the region has beenvery low which is in part attributed to lowwind speeds and high cost. Kenya hasinstalled a few wind generators, which areconnected to the grid (Kenyan Engineer,

1994). Morocco is one of the leadingAfrican countries in wind powerdevelopment. Plans to install large windpower farms of the order of 50-100 MW inMorocco are at an advanced stage(Abramowski et al, 1999).

Prices for wind pumps in several countrieshave been estimated to range from US$2,500 to US$ 13,000 (Bogash et al, 1992;BHEL, 1994), which limits this technologyto large and medium-scale farmers andrural institutions. In spite of theselimitations, a number of sub-SaharanAfrican countries have registered someencouraging progress, notably Namibia andSouth Africa which have disseminated over30,000 and 100,000 wind machines,respectively (Linden, 1993). Botswana,Kenya, Zambia and Zimbabwe have severalwell-established manufacturers of windpumps (Karekezi and Ranja, 1997). It isestimated that over 90% of the value addedof a typical wind pump is now undertakenin the region.

3. Key Benefits of Renewables

To the casual observer, the problems facingthe development of renewable energytechnologies in Africa may appearoverwhelming. A closer look would,however, demonstrate that the nature of theenergy sector in Africa provides enormousopportunities for formulating andimplementing ambitious renewable energyprogrammes that will bring anenvironmentally-sound and secure energyfuture for AfricaÕs poor closer to reality(Davidson and Karekezi, 1992).

Firstly, although a number of sub-SaharanAfrican countries have significantunexploited reserves of fossil fuels, theprospects for major increases in fossil fuelsupply are constrained by the unequaldistribution of reserves, which entails large-scale investments in distribution. Forexample, it is estimated that over 80% ofsub-Saharan Africa's oil reserves are inAngola and Nigeria while 76 % of theregion's natural gas reserves and 90 % ofthe region's bituminous coal reserves are inNigeria and South Africa, respectively.Renewable energy resources are, on theother hand, relatively well distributed in the


region and would not require majorinvestments in new energy distributionnetworks.

Secondly, even if significantly new findingsof fossil fuel resources were to be found,the already onerous debt burden and fragileeconomies of many sub-Saharan Africancountries would limit the investments thatcan be made in conventional, centralizedenergy systems. Competition for the limitedcapital available is more intense due toincreased demand from the emergingmarket economies of Eastern Europe, Asiaand Latin America. In addition, theperformance of central ized andconventional power systems continues to bewell below expectations in spite ofaccounting for the bulk of the energyinvestment in the region.

Thirdly, the capital requirements ofrenewables are generally lower than thoseof conventional and centralizedinvestments. More importantly, the modularnature of renewable energy allows even thepoorest of African countries to begin aphased energy investment programme thatwould not strain its national investmentprogramme or draw investment funds awayfrom other pressing basic nutrition, health,education and shelter needs.

Fourthly, the decentralized nature of humansettlements in the region implies very highdistribution costs for conventionalcentralized power systems. Contrary topopular belief, a large number of ruralAfricans reside in individual scatteredhomesteads and not in concentratedvillages. Extending power from centralizedgenerating stations to individual homes is acostly undertaking. In this context,renewables and other decentralized energyoptions are particularly competitive indelivering modern energy to AfricaÕs ruralpoor.

Fifthly, numerous energy agencies in boththe Government and non-Governmentalsectors have emerged. In a number of sub-Saharan African countries, the rapidinstitutional development is beginning to bematched by the development of a criticalmass of local energy expertise willing toface the challenge of formulating andimplementing effective renewable energy

programmes aimed at both the urban andrural poor. In addition, there are growingnational and regional links that are beingforged by energy institutions, especially inthe non-Governmental sector, leading tobetter networking and informationexchange. This can provide an importantavenue for rapid diffusion of informationon renewable energy technologies that canbenefit the rural and urban poor.

Measures that would encourage the large-scale dissemination of renewable energytechnologies to the poor in Africa can begrouped into the following six categories:

• Implementation of long-termr e n e w a b l e e n e r g y p o l i c yprogrammes;

• Development and application ofcarefully-selected technological andinstitutional leapfrogging strategies;

• Initiation of long-term renewableenergy training and capacity buildingprogrammes;

• Institution of new and flexiblefinancing mechanisms; and,

• Wider application of innovativedissemination strategies.

4 . Policy Options for thePromotion of Renewables

Pro-active and long-term policy-orientedrenewable energy programmes aimed atsenior decision-makers in both Governmentand the private sector should be initiated.The innovative energy policy programme ofthe African Energy Policy ResearchNetwork (AFREPREN/FWD) provides amodel example (Christensen and McCall,1994). The policy programmes should bedesigned to demonstrate the economic andenvironmental benefits of renewablestechnologies to AfricaÕs poor and proposeshort and medium term policy initiativesthat would engender large-scaledissemination of renewables. Priorityshould be given to highlighting the real andtangible economic benefits (such as jobcreation and income generation) thatrenewable energy programmes can deliverto the region at both the micro and macrolevels. For example, renewable energytechnologies are generally more labour-intensive than conventional and centralized


energy projects and can help to addressproblems of employment of the urban andrural poor.

Of particular interest to policy-makers insub-Saharan Africa would be revenueneutral policy and institutional measures.For example, it is possible to make the casethat the loss of revenue associated with theremoval of duties and taxes on renewableenergy technologies such as windpumpscan be recouped from the long-term savingsin imports of petroleum fuels that requirescarce convertible currencies as well asfrom the income and sales tax remittancesfrom a large and functional windpumpindustry.

4 . 1 T e c h n o l o g i c a l a n dInstitutional Leapfrogging

Many experts in the South have recognizedthe importance of technological andinstitutional leapfrogging in countrieswhere physical infrastructure andinstitutional development are still in theirembryonic stage. In contrast to otheremerging market such as central andEastern Europe, Africa does not possess alarge stock of conventional energyinvestments (e.g. coal power stations) andcan, therefore, more easily chart analternative energy development path.Renewable energy technologies representsuch an alternative.

In contrast to conventional energytechnologies that are mature and haveconsequently evolved into large-scaleinvestment industries, renewables arerelatively newer technologies that do notrequire large-scale capital. Secondly,renewable energy technologies arerelatively less complex and the level ofsophistication is still embryonic.Consequently, the limited African technicalexpertise that is available in the region canbe used to develop a significant renewableenergy industry in the region. The chancesthat an African country (outside of SouthAfrica) can become a significant player inthe worldÕs conventional energy market are,at best, very slim. With limited financialresources (available on a long-term basis),it may be possible for an African country tobecome a significant player in the globalrenewable energy industry.

At the institutional level, African countriesneeds to realize that the centralized energymodel is becoming increasingly obsolete indeveloped countries where independentpower producers riding on the back of theprivatisation wave are increasingly thenorm rather than the exception. Rather thancontinue to expand its centralized powersystems, African countries should begin todevelop a decentralized energy structurewhich would better match its current capitalresources and management capability aswell as position it well to adapt to futureenergy technologies and systems.

4 .2 Tra in ing and Capac i tyBuilding Initiatives

Long-term renewable energy trainingprogrammes designed to develop a criticalmass of locally-trained manpower with therequisite technical, economic and social-cultural skills are urgently needed. Many ofthe engineering and technical courses thatare currently taught at universities andcolleges in Africa provide little exposure toenergy technologies. Modest changes in thecurricula of existing colleges anduniversities could significantly increase thesupply of skilled renewable energyengineers, policy analysts and technicians.

Both capacity and demand for localanalyt ical expert ise to providecomprehensive evaluations of availablerenewable energy resources and options forutilizing them are needed in Africa. Non-partisan groups, such as NGOs andindependent research institutes andnetworks are well placed for performingsuch studies. Fostering the development ofhuman resources and encouraging their useis a valuable area for investing assistance,as it directly equips recipient countries withtools for managing their resources on theirown.

Efforts to integrate analytical expertisewithin the energy sector with that of otherkey actors in the development process -such as expertise within the banking,social/community development and publicsectors - should be included in this area ofsupport. This is key to understanding notonly the resources and technologiesavailable but the institutional setting


through which they may be adopted and theneeds and interests of the targetcommunities as well.

The energy policy research programme ofthe African Energy Policy ResearchNetwork (AFREPREN/FWD) which bringstogether over 104 African academics andpolicy makers from 10 sub-Saharan Africancountries provides a model example of howeffective collaboration between energyresearchers and policy makers can berealized (Christensen and McCall, 1994).

4 . 3 New and Flexible FinancingMechanisms

Priority should be given to theestablishment of innovative and sustainablefinancing programmes for renewableenergy technologies. This may range fromthe creation of a National Fund forrenewable energy projects financed by amodest tax on fossil fuels to credit schemesspecifically aimed at developing renewableenergy industries and endowment fundingof renewable energy agencies.

In Ghana, a national energy fund has beensuccessfully utilized to finance renewableenergy projects and energy efficiencyactivities on a sustainable basis. Animportant challenge is the bundling ofdiscrete renewable energy projects intolarge programmes which can be financedby major bilateral and multilateral donorand financing agencies.

4.4 I n n o v a t i v e D i s s e m i n a t i o nStrategies

Support should be channelled towardswider application of the new renewabletechnology dissemination strategies thathave demonstrated encouraging signs ofsuccess. Many of these strategies largelyrevolve around the idea of participation,income generation and small-scaleenterprise development. The rationale isthat if producers and distributors can makean attractive income from the manufactureand marketing of renewable energyequipment and users are fully involved inthe dissemination process, then the issue ofsustainability is resolved in a much morecost-effective fashion.

The second important innovation is the ideaof using existing systems of production,marketing and information dissemination.By using an existing production system, thecost of disseminating renewable energytechnologies is dramatically reduced. Thispiggyback principle is particularly effectivein rural areas where the cost of establishingnew marketing and distribution networks iscostly. Renewable energy disseminationinitiatives can be a component of anexisting integrated income-generatingproject or environment programme orhealth extension programme.

The rural stove component of the Kenyastove programme successfully utilized thisstrategy and has managed to disseminateover 180,000 improved woodstoves usingthe existing nation-wide network of homescience extension workers. In a similarfashions, solar and wind-energy technologyprogrammes that have registeredencouraging results have largely relied onexisting agricultural extension or marketingnetworks to engineer rapid and low-costdissemination.

Of particular interest to policy makers anddevelopment assistance agencies would bethe provision of relatively reliable estimatesof the critical mass of RETs systems,manufacturers or assemblers of RETsrequired to initiate a self-sustaineddissemination process. This would provideprogramme managers with clear andmeasurable targets as well as re-assurepolicy makers and financiers that theassistance and subsidies channelled towardsrenewables have a finite lifetime afterwhich a self-sustained industry and/ormarket would be able to move theprogrammes forward.

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Table 1 Estimated Number of Improved Bio-Fuelled Stoves Disseminated in SelectedSub-Saharan African Countries in Early 1990s

Country Number distributed

KenyaBurkina FasoNiger TanzaniaEthiopiaSudanUgandaZimbabwe

1,450,000 200,000 200,000 54,000 45,000 28,000 52,000 20,880

Source: Karekezi and Turyareeba, 1994; Karekezi and Ranja, 1997; AFREPREN Data Base, 2000


Table 2 Small and Medium-Scale Biogas Units in Selected sub-Saharan AfricanCountries

Source: Ward, 1982; Wauthelet et al, 1989; Traore, 1984; and, Manawanyika, 1992; Karekezi andRanja, 1997; AFREPREN/FWD, 2001

Country No. of Small and MediumScale Digesters < 100 cubic meters

Tanzania > 1,000Kenya 500Botswana 215Burundi 279Zimbabwe 200Lesotho 40Burkina Faso 20


Table 3 PV Systems in Selected sub-Saharan African Countries in 1990s

Country Estimated No. of systems Estimated kWp

Uganda 538 152

Botswana 5,724 286

Zambia 5,000 400

Zimbabwe 84,468 1,689

Kenya 120,000 3,600

S. Africa 150,000 11,000

Sources: Nieuwenhout, 1991; Bachou and Otiti, 1994; Diphaha and Burton; 1993; Karekezi andRanja, 1997, AFREPREN, 2001


Table 4 Wind Energy Potentials and Number of Wind Pumps and Wind Generatorsfor Selected Countries

Country Potential (m/s) Number ofWind Pumps

BotswanaBurundiDjiboutiEritreaKenyaMoroccoMozambiqueNamibiaRwandaSeychellesSouth AfricaSudanTanzaniaUgandaZambiaZimbabwe

2-3>64

3-83

>100.7-2.6

--

3.62-6.347.29-9.7

334

2.53-4

20017

<10272

-50

30,000--

300,00012587

100650

Sources: Abramowski et al, 1999; Milukas et al, 1984; World Bank, 1987; Bhagavan and Karekezi,1992; World Bank, 1988; Dutkiewicz and Gielink, 1992; Ranganathan, 1992; Katihabwa,1993; Stockholm Environment Institute, 1993a, 1993b; Linden, 1993; Maya and Rudidzo,1989; BHEL, 1994; Mbewe, 1990; Ward, 1992; Sawe, 1990; Mwandosya and Luhanga,1993.


Captions to Figures

Figure 1 National Electrification Levels (%)Figure2 Power Generation Ð Mauritius: Capacity (MW) 1998


0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100

Mauritius

S. Africa

Zimbabwe

Zambia

Kenya

Ethiopia

Tanzania

Uganda

Malawi

Lesotho

Source: AFREPREN/FWD, 2001

Figure 1 National Electrification Levels (%)


Figure 2 Power Generation Ð Mauritius: Capacity (MW) 1998

Others

Sugar Industry

Capacity (MW) - 1998

Power Generation - Mauritius


Brief Regional Profile

Sources: World Bank (2000); World Bank (2001); AFREPREN (2001)

• Population (million): 600.8 (1999)• Area (km2): 22,407,000• GNP per Capita (US$): 306 (1999)• Modern Energy Consumption per Capita (kgoe): 355 (1997)• Rural Population (million): 420.7 (1999)• Urban Population (million): 179.7 (1999)• Number of people living below US$ 1 a day (%): 50 (1998)• Number of people living below US$ 2 a day (%): 81 (1998)• Biomass Contribution to total energy consumption (%): (40-90)

Sub-Saharan Africa (excluding South Africa): Selected Indicators

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