RAPTORIAI BIRDS AS ICOMS OF SHAMAMISM IN THE PEEHISTOMC CAMBBEAN AND AMAZONIA

Arle Boomert

ABSTRACT 77MS paper discusses the cosmological associations and iconographie representations of raptorial birds such as

the king vulture and the harpy eagle among the past and present Amerindian peoples of Amazonia and the Caribbean. It is concluded that the origins of the mythological cycles in which these raptorial birds species play a decisive role, such as these are known from the present Tropical Forest cultures in the South American tropi­cal lowlands, can be dated back to at least the first horticultural peoples in the region.

Resumen Este papel discute las asociaciones cosmológicas y las representaciones iconográficas de aves de rapiña como el

zamuro rey y el águila harpía entre los pueblos amerindios antiguos y actuales de Amazonia y del Caribe. Se con­cluye que los orígenes de los ciclos mitológicos en los cuales estas especies de pájaros rapaces desempeñan un papel decisivo, como éstos son sabidos de las culturas actuales de la selva tropical en las tierras bajas tropicales sur americanas, datan por lo menos de los primeros pueblos hortícolas en la región.

Résumé Cet article discute les associations cosmologiques et les représentations iconographiques des oiseaux de proie tels

que le vautour de roi et l'aigle harpie parmi les peuples passés et présents d'amérindiens en l'Amazonie et les îles des caraïbes. On le conclut que les origines des cycles mythologiques dans lesquels ces espèces des oiseaux de proie jouent un rôle décisif, tel que cela ces derniers sont connues des cultures tropicales actuelles de forêt dans les basse-terres tropicales sud-américaines, peut être remonté au moins aux premiers peuples horticoles dans la région.

INTRODUCTION

Although the religious beliefs of the present Amerindian peoples in the South American tropical low­lands show numerous local variations, one basal world view, explaining the origin of the universe and man's place in it, appears to underlie all of them. It can be assumed that the inception of this cosmo­logical perspective, which is closely associated with shamanistic practices, dates to pre-Columbian times, partially even as far back as the first colonization of the New World. Consequently, using the direct historical approach, reconstruction of at least a portion of the world view system of the tribal horticulturalists who inhabited Amazonia and the West Indies in the late-prehistoric period, should be possible. Especially the traditional iconography reflected by the incised, modelled and/or painted decorative motifs enlivening the pre-Columbian pottery and stone, shell and bone artefacts of the region, can be interpreted in terms of Amerindian cosmology and ritual. It betrays a profound belief

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in the total spirituality of the universe, similar to the animistic world view shown by the present

Tropical Forest peoples. Indeed, many vessels are really anthropomorphic and zoomorphic effigies,

representing 'mythic transforms' of creatures which also act as the major symbols of South American

mythology (Roe, 1989). The biomorphic head lugs (adornos), dating from the Ceramic Age, represent

images of which the symbolism is quite understandable in terms of Amerindian cosmology. The dis­

tinction between animals and humans is flexible in Amerindian belief and mutual transformations are

considered to be common, both in the mythic primordium and the shamanic present. Accordingly,

many adornos show composite images, the profusion of which on the prehistoric earthenware illus­

trates the high value placed by the Indians on communication with the spirit world in order to ensure

health, fertility, social order and group survival.

Present Tropical Forest religion centres around a common belief in a vast number of spirits,

including spirits of nature, of the woods, sky, rivers and mountains, as well as ghost spirits, the shades

of the deceased. A central organizing aspect is formed by the dichotomy between culture and nature,

which is related to the duality between the male and female principles, this in itself no doubt both

reflecting and justifying the fundamentally sexual division of labour in Tropical Forest society. The

cosmos is seen as a layer cake', consisting of principally three disc-like levels, connected by the World

Tree, i.e. the axis mundi. The Sky World is inhabited by positive spirits; it has male associations and is

symbolized by the Sun and various animals, especially the (yellow) jaguar. Destructive spirits live in

the Underworld which has female connotations and is characterized by the Moon, murky waters and

reptilians. In the middle is the world of material experience, This World, with the village in its centre.

The Sun is seen as the principal factor of cosmic energy, its fertilizing power penetrating and direct­

ing all major aspects of earthly life. The sexual division underlying this model of Amerindian world

view is linked with a classification of the flora and fauna of the tropical lowlands according to the var­

ious forest strata reflecting the vertical division of the multi-tiered universe, another one using the

human body to this end, and schemes of colour codes and cardinal points (Roe, 1982,1995). The sys­

tem operates on the community level. The village 'shaman' functions as a curer, advisor and diviner,

also directing the ceremonies of the life cycle, performing rituals to promote the growing of food crops

and acting as a game-keeper by magically controlling the availability and fertility of wild game. The

shaman contacts the realm of the spirits through trances invoked by the use of hallucinogenic drugs

(Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1975). Archaeologically, the presence of this semi-specialist in the prehistoric com­

munities of Amazonia and the Caribbean is shown by the profusion of typically shamanic parapher­

nalia found at the Ceramic sites in the region (Boomert, 2000:478-490). As a mediator and moderator

between society and the spirit world, the shaman is both respected and feared as he can use his power

for good and bad ends, either to cure or to kill.

RAPTORIAL BIRDS IN TROPICAL FOREST COSMOLOGY AND RITUAL

Birds of prey take a special place in South American Indian world view. They are predominantly asso­

ciated with the Sky World, i.e. the realm of the Sun, the jaguar and the masculine principle. The celes­

tial sphere is further linked with connotations such as hardness, dryness, daylight, fire, culture (the

village), order, life, aggressiveness, verticality, semen, saliva, the east, gold, quartz crystal, and the

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colours white and yellow. In contrast, the feminine Underworld is connected with softness, concavity,

wetness, horizontality, nature (the forest), darkness, death, passiveness, the colours green and black,

the west and the major animal predators of the subaquatic realm, the anaconda and the cayman. Other

animals living in riverine and subterranean habitats such as turtles, frogs, fishes and armadillos, next

to reluctant flyers and birds with dull and dark plumage, e.g. owls, form minor Underworld symbols.

Fast-flying, brightly coloured diurnal birds such as toucans, macaws and hummingbirds are typically

affiliated with the Sky World and are seen as messengers of the Sun. The most powerful raptorial bird

of the tropical forest, the harpy eagle (Harpía harpyja), forms a major icon of the celestial realm. It illus­

trates the place taken in Amerindian cosmology by the primary carnivores of the three basic natural

domains (land, water and sky), i.e. the terrestrial jaguar, the subaquatic anaconda and cayman, and

the aerial harpy eagle. Each of these superpredators is seen as mediator between the cosmic domains,

controlling the passage from life to death amongst the other lifeforms in its realm. These animal

'paragons' are typically liminal in nature, i.e. crossing easily the boundaries between various spheres.

For instance, the jaguar is a master of all elements as apart from being an excellent climber, it takes to

water both to hunt and play. Due to its predatory nature, strength and agility, it is an model of vitali­

ty, power and male prowess. Besides, the jaguar hunts in daylight as well as nocturnally, associating

it with shamanic activities. Similarly, by mediating between the worlds of the living and the spirit

ancestors, the shaman controls the passage from life to death in the human world (Hugh-Jones,

1979:124-125; Roe, 1998; Saunders, 1989:95,128).

Raptorial birds of t he South American tropics

It is the impressive strength, size, keenness of vision, acoustic faculties and powers of flight shown by

the some eighty species of diurnal birds of prey (Falconiformes) of the tropical lowlands, that strike

the Amerindians of which the men take these raptors as models of their hunting and warring activi­

ties. Their curved beaks and deadly talons are the typical signifiers of the birds of prey in Amerindian

iconography. The creamy white and brown harpy eagle, the wings of which may reach a span of

almost two metres, is the unrivalled 'jaguar of the sky'. It is the most powerful of the world's eagles,

feeding on monkeys, sloths, opossums, etc. Observing the forest from its canopy, the harpy strikes

while chasing its prey between the trees. The bird is characterized by a bushy divided crest, which is

hornlike when erected. Imposing other eagles of the tropical lowlands, which are often put on a par

with the harpy in Amerindian cosmology, include e.g. the Guiana crested eagle (Morphnus guianensis)

and the various species of hawk-eagles (Spizaetus spp.). Kites belong to the same family as the eagles

(Accipitridae). Especially the swallow-tailed kite (Elanoides forficatus) is often referred to in

Amerindian mythology. It is an elegant and swift flyer with deeply forked tail which is frequently seen

high in the air, gliding and soaring gracefully in circles. This black, white and glossy green raptor feeds

on frogs, snakes and insects. The distribution of the swallow-tailed kite reaches well into North

America. The falcons and caracaras belong a separate family (Falconidae), of which the laughing hawk

(Herpetotheres cachinnans) forms the most distinct member. This sluggish, black-masked bird, which

lives on snakes, is able to turn its head almost 180 degrees, just like an owl. The white and dark brown

osprey (Pandion haliaetus) represents the most characteristic raptorial bird of the sea coast and the large

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inland lakes and rivers of the continent. Its diet consists exclusively of fish (ffrench, 1980:95-121; Meyer

de Schauensee & Phelps, Jr., 1978:34-52).

The vultures (Cathartidae) deviate from the other birds of prey in their feeding primarily on

carrion. They are the best soarers among the flying birds in general. Showing a wingspread of over

one metre and a half, the king vulture (Sarcoramphus papa) is the largest and most powerful of all the

vulturine birds of the tropical forest. It dominates the other vulture species which have weaker beaks

and talons. The latter tend to disperse on its approach, reason why in the Guianas the king vulture

(zamuro rey, rey de zopilotes, urubú rei) is known as the 'Governor' or 'Boss'. The adult is creamy white

and black, showing a bare head and neck, brightly coloured with orange, yellow and blue, and a grey

ruff around the lower neck. It has a large wattle-like swelling (carúncula) at the base of the bill. The

king vulture is typically a bird of the tropical lowland forests and is often seen soaring at considerable

height, circling higher and higher on wings that are almost motionless. It is a close relative of the

largest of the long-flight birds in the world, the Andean condor (Vultur gryphus), which has a wing-

spread of more than three metres. While a carrion-feeder, it also attacks newborn or helpless animals.

The condor is restricted to the high mountains of the Andes, nesting on high, rocky ledges like the

eagle. It is mainly dark brown in colour, showing a downy white neck ruff. The males have a fleshy

comb extending from the base of the beak to the forehead. Apart from the king vulture, several other

species of vultures ('carrion crows') are known from the South American tropical lowlands, e.g. the

black vulture (Coragyps atratus), the turkey vulture (Cathartes aura) and the yellow-headed vulture (C.

burrovianus). These vulture species are predominantly brownish black, showing bare heads and necks.

Their heads are black-, red- or yellow-coloured, respectively. Because of their feeding habits, all vul­

tures generate mixed feelings among the Amerindians, They are often seen perching with wings

spread for some time before flying up. Their distribution reaches well into Central America or even

further north (ffrench, 1980:91-95; Meyer de Schauensee & Phelps, Jr., 1978:33-34).

Eagles, hawks, falcons and kites in Amerindian cosmology

Behaviour and physical characteristics of the South American animals and birds determine their place

in Tropical Forest cosmology and the esteem granted to the individual species by the Amerindians.

Birds are invariably seen as helpers of the shaman in his curing role, accompanying his soul or

'essence' on airborne journeys to the Sun in order to contact the spirit world. In fact, when the shaman

gets into an ecstatic trance due to the intake of particular hallucinogenic substances, he often experi­

ences the kinaesthetic sensation of being weightless and able to lift himself - a perception felt by the

Amerindians as celestial transport (Wassen, 1965; De Goeje, 1932). Such a spiritual flight to heaven,

destined to achieve the future assistance of guardian spirits, is made by apprentice shamans as the cul­

mination of a long learning period under the tutelage of an elder shaman or his ghost spirit. This mag­

ical soul flight is an action symbolizing death followed by rebirth in a state of knowledge acquired

from another cognitive dimension. Experienced shamans are able to make such a celestial voyage reg­

ularly; otherwise they can summon their guardian spirits from the Sky World at will to assist him dur­

ing healing séances (Butt Colson, 1977; De Goeje, 1942). The ability of the birds of prey, especially vul­

tures, to soar, even flying 'above the clouds' by dwindling into a point on the sky, associates them

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firmly with the celestial realm. As a result, raptorial birds are often believed to embody one of the

shaman's souls, i.e. his 'shadow' soul or psychic 'double' ('alter ego'), a heavenly guardian spirit

which continually accompanies and protects him. Although each person has such a mirror image, only

shamans are able to induce them to descend from the sky and assist them during drag-induced

séances (De Goeje, 1943:8-13,53; Guss, 1989:31,229; Roe, 1982:114-117; Zerríes, 1962a, 1962b). The

Amerindians believe in the plurality of human souls, distinguishing souls residing in the heart, the

head, the articulations of the body and elsewhere. For instance, the Island Caribs believed that after

death only one soul went to the Sky World. Others were thought to remain, changing into spirit ani­

mals, while still another one would nestle in the hair and bones. The latter were curated by the rela­

tives of the deceased for oracular purposes (Métraux, 1949).

Many Amerindian peoples believe that after death all or some of the souls of male warriors

metamorphose into harpies or other eagles. According to Amazonian mythology, these raptorial bird

spirits take off their wings and change into humans in the celestial world. In several parts of the South

American lowlands, notably the Upper Xingú and Upper Uaupés areas, a harpy eagle is kept in a cage

situated in the proximity of the men's house on the village plaza. When the bird is moulting, its feath­

ers are collected. Serving as signs of authority and heavenly approbation these plumes are put into

headdresses and used as arrowshaft feathering. In fact, this caged harpy eagle is probably seen as the

'alter ego' of the village headman (Matthai, 1977:18-35,81,90,170-171,186-187). Elsewhere the bird

serves exclusively as the double of the shaman, acting as his trusted companian which accompanies

him on his celestial flight. Some peoples believe that particular shamans can metamorphose into

harpies in order to kill humans, just as others can transform themselves into jaguars (Fock,

1963:102,116; Matthai, 1977:41-44; Roe, 1982:258; Verswijver, 1992:56-57; Zerries, 1962a). Present

shamanic paraphernalia from the tropical lowlands, notably snuff trays, snuffing tubes and benches,

often show avian representations including those of harpy eagles, hinting at the close association

between raptorial bird spirits and the activities of shamans as intermediaries between This World and

the celestial realm. Indeed, occasionally harpy bones are made into snuffing tubes (Matthai, 1977:127-

134; Torres, 1987:70,76,85-88; Wassén, 1965). A number of stylistically related, seventeenth- to eigh­

teenth-century wooden ceremonial objects from the Lower Amazon, encompassing shaman's staffs,

trumpets, snuffing trays and an axe handle, are decorated with sculptured 'alter ego' representations

of harpy eagles surmounting jaguars. The latter can be interpreted as depicting shamans metamor­

phosed into were-jaguars, a well-known theme in the Tropical Forest area (see e.g. Reichel-Dolmatoff,

1975:43-50; Wilbert, 1987:191-197). The harpies are 'kenned' by the bird's major signifiers, the curved

beak and horned crest. Present shamans of the Kashuyéna in the Upper Nhamundá region still use

comparably decorated shaman's staffs during curing rituals involving drug-induced ecstatic-vision­

ary dreams (Matthai, 1977:115-120; Polykrates, 1960, 1962; Torres, 1987:74-75; Zerries, 1962b, 1965,

1977). As the Kamayura of Central Brazil explain, during a tobacco trance the soul of the shaman

leaves his body and surmounts his head in the shape of an animal (Matthai, 1977:40).

Amerindian peoples such as for instance the Akawaio (Kapon), Waiwai, Warao and Palikur of

the Guianas next to the Matsigenka of East Peru consider the swallow-tailed kite rather than the harpy

eagle to represent the prime tutelary spirit of the shaman, if not his 'double'.'The bird is felt to be close-

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ly affiliated with tobacco and the tobacco juice spirit is seen as its major ally in lifting the shaman's

soul upwards to the celestial sphere (Baehr, 1992; Butt, 1977; Fock, 1963:101; Matthâi, 1977:68,106-

107,277). During his trance, the Palikur shaman sits on a wooden bench, decorated with the sculptured

head of the swallow-tailed kite, allowing him to acquire the power of the bird spirit (Nimuendajú,

1926:88; Nordensköld, 1930:28). The Warao imagine the kite's heavenly abode as an egg-shaped

dwelling made of tobacco smoke, situated near the zenith. It is attached to This World by a suspen­

sion bridge of ropes, equally made of tobacco smoke. According to Wilbert (1985), the kite's hunting

behaviour is seen by the Warao as exemplary for the persistent archer. A comparable belief formed the

basis of the obligation of a seventeenth-century Island Carib boy in the Lesser Antilles to eat parts of

the heart of the American kestrel (Falco sparverius) during his initiation ceremony, i.e. in order to

become courageous. The skull of a live specimen of this spotted white and brown falcon species,

known in the West Indies as the mansphenix (malfini) hawk, was smashed on the head of the boy who

afterwards wore dried pieces of the bird's heart and its talons in his necklace (Anonymous, 1987:169-

170; Gullick, 1985:57). The generally positive feelings attributed by the Tropical Forest Indians to the

diurnal raptorial birds are illustrated by mythical accounts referring to important gifts to mankind

made by eagles or hawks from the celestial realm through the agency of culture heroes (Matthâi,

1977:51,235-236). For instance, the Kashuyéna attribute the origin of curare to a harpy eagle spirit

which rescued a man who was left marooned in the top of a tall tree by his monkey-spouse (Lévi-

Strauss, 1969:273-274), while several of the Gê-speaking tribes in Central Brazil have a myth relating

how the first shaman received his magic powers and weapons from a celestial harpy eagle spirit

(Matthâi, 1977:69-70,88).

Vultures In Amerindian cosmology

Truly mixed feelings are generated by the vulturine birds. Because of their soaring behaviour, they are

considered to belong to the heavenly realm. However, their feeding on carrion is detested by the

Amerindians while, similarly, the predominantly black plumage of the ordinary vultures is anomalous

for a celestial bird. The king vulture takes a different position as this bird has a relatively colourful

appearance. Accordingly, the vulturine birds have both masculine and feminine connotations in terms

of Tropical Forest cosmology. The latter prevail especially with regard to the common vulture species.

Nevertheless, many Amerindian peoples believe that a major portion of the heavenly realm is inhab­

ited by vulture spirits, reigned by the gigantic king vulture 'grandfather' spirit. All of them are con­

sidered to take off their feather cloaks in heaven, showing themselves as Indians. According to the

Waiwai of South Guyana, the vultures even inhabit the highest level of the celestial domain. The posi­

tion of the king vulture in the belief system of the tropical lowlands is not unlike that of its Andean

relative, the condor, in highland cosmology (De Goeje, 1941; Fock, 1963:101-102; Hugh-Jones,

1979:300-301; Koch-Grünberg, 1956:17; Matthâi, 1977:185-187,196,243-244). The king vulture acts as a

messenger of the Sun and is considered to be the shaman's prime tutelary spirit, GVGH ills alter ceo .

by a number of Tropical Forest peoples. For this reason the bird is valued very positively by e.g. the

Kalina (Carib) of the Guianas and Orinoco Valley. Appearing to the Kalina shaman in human form,

the king vulture (tukayana) spirit takes him to heaven during a tobacco-induced ecstatic-visionary

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trance, using a winding staircase attached to the celestial realm. While on a heavenly flight the initi­

ate shaman is introduced by the mighty king vulture spirit to all good spirits which may assist him

during future curing séances (Ahlbrinck, 1931:406; Aluman, 1999; Andres, 1938; Civrieux, 1974:76; De

Goeje, 1941, 1942, 1943:44,53; Penard, 1928). According to the Arawak (Lokono) and Kalina of

Suriname, the 'mother' spirit of the bird is said to revenge the human killing of a vulture by throwing

stones and taking the life of children (Cirino, 1977, 11:41-42; De Goeje, 1942). Similarly, the Warao

believe that the swallow-tailed kite carries a pebble in its beak which it shoots at children (Wilbert,

1985).

Amerindian myths expressing the idea that the king vulture spirit acts as an intermediary of

the Sun, taking humans to heaven during shamanic flights, are well-known from especially the Kalina.

The myth of Orion, the 'one-legged warrior', is exemplary. According to one of the variants of this tale,

an Amerindian kills his wife after having been tied up in his hammock by his brothers-in-law during

a cold, rainy night. In fact, he has her remains eaten by his mother-in-law, after which his in-laws,

wishing to kill him, cut off one of his legs. Subsequently, the king vulture carries him to heaven where

he becomes the constellation Orion, the appearance of which announces the dry season (Ahlbrinck,

1931:370-372; De Goeje, 1942; Koch-Granberg, 1916/1923, 11:270; Magaña & Jara, 1982; Penard &

Penard, 1907/1908,11:39-43,57-58). Similar beliefs about the beneficent role of the king vulture spirit

as a mediator during shamanic flights are current among various other Amerindian peoples, e.g. the

Waiana, Arawak and Trio in the Guianas, the Bale in the Orinoco Valley next to the Kashuyéna, Ctíbeo

and Ayoré in Amazonia (Koch-Griinberg, 1916/1923,11:7-9, 1956:15; Koelewijn & Rivière, 1987:11-12;

Matthâi, 1977:107,109; Pérez, 1988; Wilbert, 1987:195; Zerries 1962a). During his trance, the Kalina

shaman may sit on a wooden bench showing the carved head of the animal or bird the 'power' of

which he wishes to acquire. Among the Arawak, Warao and Kalina most of these benches are sculp­

tured and painted in the form of caymans, jaguars, macaws and turtles or combinations of two of these

(Ahlbrinck, 1931:307-308,405; Aluman, 1999; Roth, 1915:192,330,1924:274). Shaman's benches showing

the head of the king vulture are known only from the Kalina of Suriname (Ahlbrinck, 1931, Fig. 79).

Mythological traditions reflecting equally positive attitudes towards the vulturine birds are

known from various Amerindian groups. For instance, the Taurepang (Pemon) and Yekuana

(Makiritare) of the Guiana Highlands relate how the mighty king vulture spirit provides the jaguar

with new eyes when those of the latter have been devoured by voracious fishes (Civrieux, 1980:67-

68,184; Koch-Granberg, 1916/1923,11:132-134,1956:158-162), In addition, during his initiation a Cubeo

shaman magically obtains new eyes from his tutor, consisting of pieces of a white resin believed to

have been excreted by a giant mountain vulture or eagle (Goldman, 1963:264; Matthâi, 1977:71).

Another Cubeo myth narrates the story of a culture hero whose mother drowns while being pregnant.

He is saved by a vulture who pierces the woman's abdomen sothat he can crawl out of her womb.

Flying on the back of the vulture he performs a series of wonderful deeds (Lowie, 1947). The Apinagé

of Northeast Brazil relate how two gigantic king vultures bandage a wounded hero and take him on

their wings to heaven where he is provided with a bow, arrows and a horn, afterwards returning him

to the earth (Matthâi, 1977:190-191,236). A comparable Yekuana myth recounts the heavenly flight of

a shaman, to whom the king vulture spirit gives a magic dagger-like wooden club with which the

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shaman is able to defeat a cannibal tribe preying on his people (Guss, 1989:111-114). Similarly, accord­

ing to a myth told by the Iranxé (Münkü) of Central Brazil, a vulture rescues a man from the top of a

tree where he was left marooned by a fellow tribesman, taking him to heaven where he is taught the

use of tobacco smoking for curing (Lévi-Strauss, 1983:61). Other Amazonian myths relate how in pri­

mordial times the knowledge necessary for establishing the social and cultural order was obtained by

tricking and deceiving vulture spirits. Accordingly, some groups believe that cassava, cotton, maize or

particular utensils had to be misappropriated from the vultures (Fock, 1963:86-90; Koch-Griinberg,

1956:10; Matthài, 1977:219,225). Myths elaborating on the theme that fire, and thus the art of cooking,

was originally in the possession of the heavenly vultures and was stolen from the latter by a culture

hero who attracted them by pretending to be dead or dying, are widespread among the Tupian-speak-

ing peoples south of the Amazon (Bierhorst, 1988: 32,244; Lévi-Strauss, 1969:139-143; Matthâi,

1977:200-201,213-217,269; Nimuendajú, 1915).

The element of a culture hero feigning death and expressing a foul smell in order to lure the

vultures to come down from heaven, is a theme found across the Tropical Forest area and beyond. It

hints at the invariably mixed feelings the Amerindians have regarding the feeding habits of the vul-

turine birds (see e.g. the Warao; Wilbert, 1970:181-183). This distinctly negative behavioral feature of

these birds is felt to express a major feminine and thus anticultural, Underworld-related, aspect of the

vultures in Tropical Forest cosmology (Roe, 1982:157,174,259-263). While the heavenly origin of the

vulturine birds is not doubted, the recognition of a dark and negative side to them is reflected in a

series of myths stressing ambiguous, both negative and positive, attitudes towards humans by vulture

spirits. For instance, an Arawak (Lokono) myth narrates how a woman, made pregnant by the Sun, is

murdered by vultures while, on the other hand, her twin children are saved by a vulture woman who

keeps them hidden. Afterwards this vulture woman is killed by these divine twins who are to become

major culture heroes. In another Arawak version of the tale one of the twins metamorphoses into

Orion (De Goeje, 1928:287-289,1942). Also, according to the Bororo of Central Brazil, a man who is left

marooned at a mountain cliff, is attacked by vultures who eat away his buttocks, but afterwards save

his life by lifting him in the air and depositing him gently at the foot of the mountain. Consequently,

first the vultures show no mercy, but afterwards they behave with compassion (Lévi-Strauss, 1969:35-

37, 1983:62,339). Still other myths exclusively stress the negative aspects of the vulturine bird spirits.

Some peoples, e.g. the Yekuana, associate vultures primarily with evil, death and cemeteries (Guss,

1989:111-112; Reichei-Dolmatoff, 1971:106-107,209), while the Arekuna (Pemon) have a myth accord­

ing to which the Sun wishes to match his daughter with a human, whereas the latter prefers vulture

women, as a result of which he loses the promise of eternal life and beauty (Koch-Griinberg, 1956:19-

22). A comparable motif is known among the Trio (Koelewijn & Rivière, 1987:37-46). Finally, on the

Lower Amazon a caracara (falcon) species (Milvago chimachima) is considered to be a bird of ill-omen,

warning of death (Roth, 1915:275), perhaps because it sometimes feeds on carrion, just as the vultures.

The theme of a giant bicephalous king vulture or eagle spirit

The ambiguous behaviour of the vulturine birds towards humankind forms the major subject of a

series of related myths narrating the vicissitudes of a man who marries the daughter of the king vul-

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ture spirit and visits his in-laws in the celestial realm. This myth cycle is known in numerous variants

among the Kalina (Ahlbrinck, 1931:251-252; Girino, 1977,1:11-13; Gillin, 1936:194-195; Kloos, 1971:229),

Arawak (Brett, 1880:29; Girino, 1977, 11:51-52; De Goeje, 1942; Roth, 1915:212,343-345; Van Coll,

1907/1908), Warao (Roth, 1915:206-208; Wilbert, 1970:118-120,315-319), Akawaio (Kapon) (Butt

Colson, 1977), Wapishana (Matthai, 1977:190), Makusi (Pemon) (Roth, 1924:486-488), Taurepang

(Pemon) (Koch-Grünberg, 1916/1923, 11:22,81-91,278-289, 1956:97-115,202-203), and Kamarakoto

(Pemon) (Bierhorst, 1988:71-72,246; Simpson, 1944) in the Guianas, as well as the Tembe, Tenetehara,

Tukuna, Chañé and Shipaia of Amazonia (Matthai, 1977:187,192; Nirnuendaju, 1915). It is often told as

an account of shamanic initiation involving a heavenly flight, but it similarly reflects common emo­

tional problems which derive from the social structure of tribal Amerindian life, i.e. the strained rela­

tionship between a man and his in-laws in general and more specifically the service he has to provide

to his father-in-law (Bierhorst, 1988:74; Kloos, 1971:231-232). The different versions of the myth show

aspects of other tales, e.g. the theme of the man who is left marooned on top of a cliff or tree, that of

the world fire and the flood, and that of the man feigning death and expressing a foul smell in order

to attract vultures (Lévi-Strauss, 1969:140,184,326-327). Especially the latter element, which is to be

found in the various tales on the origin of fire, is quite common. According to one of the variants of

the myth widespread among the Guiana Amerindians, the vultures gather around the hero who is dis­

guised as a piece of carrion, but disperse when the king vulture comes down, which, taking off its

feather cloak appears to be a beautiful young woman. Now the man grabs the girl and she consents

to become his wife. In a deviant Arawak version of the myth the girl, though being a king vulture her­

self, is the daughter of a cayman and a female king vulture (Dance, 1881:259-280; Van Coll, 1907/1908).

The subsequent portion of the myth narrates the adventures in the celestial domain of the cul­

ture hero, his king vulture wife and, according to some versions of the tale, their son, born in the inter­

im. They fly to heaven in order to visit the woman's parents and get the approval of her father for their

marriage. In a different version of the tale the man kills a male king vulture, puts on his feather cloak

and attempts to take his place in heaven. However, the wives of the king vulture he tries to replace,

get suspicious and warn their parents. According to still another variant, it is a king vulture which

takes an Amerindian girl to heaven (Girino, 1977,1:18-19). Practically all versions of the myth now con­

tinue with a series of three marriage ordeals which the hero has to fulfill, warned that if he fails, he

will be devoured by his father-in-law or in an Arawak variant by his mother-in-law. These tests

include in varying combinations the building of a house on impenetrable rock, roofing it with the

feathers of celestial (colourful) birds, emptying a lake with a leaking basket, clearing a garden plot in

the forest where the trees resurrect overnight, taking an arrow from a tall tree, and making a shaman's

bench showing the face of his father-in-law (or mother-in-law), which as a result of the rules of avoid­

ance he has never seen. Only due to the assistance of numerous animal and bird spirits, the hero suc­

ceeds (De Goeje, 1942; Matthai, 1977:188-190). The final part of the myth varies. In most versions the

man's in-laws still wish to kill him, but able to grab a feather coat, he can fly to safety, occasionally

with the help of particular animal and bird spirits. According to a number of Arawak variants, war

between the vultures, who attempt to raise fire to the entire world, and the man's fellow tribesmen

and /or beneficent animal spirits ensues. It ends with the victory of the latter. In these variants the

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beginning of enmity between the culture hero and his in-laws is explained by the fact that the man

kills unknowingly the half-brother of the king vulture girl he is to marry, a cayman who empties his

fish baskets. According to this version of the myth, the culture hero is slain by his own son (e.g. Brett,

1880:29).

Many versions of the myth present the king vulture father-in-law as a giant cannibalistic

devourer which, moreover, shows two heads. In the Guianas this theme is found back in the variants

of the tale recorded among the Wapishana, Makusi, Taurepang, and Kamarakoto, while one of the

Arawak versions speaks about a cannibalistic king vulture mother-in-law with not less than a thou­

sand heads (De Goeje, 1942; Van Coll, 1907/1908). Besides, the bicephalous nature of the king vulture

'grandfather' is mentioned in myths known from the Warao (Wilbert, 1970:118-120,181-183,315-319),

Waiwai (Fock, 1963:86-90) and Yekuana (Civrieux, 1980:179; Guss, 1989:112,117). It is not alluded to in

Kalina mythology which may be related to the fact that, as we have seen, the Kalina consider the king

vulture as the foremost messenger of the Sun and the prime tutelary spirit of the shaman. This sug­

gests a close relationship between the assumed character of the primordial king vulture spirit as a

devourer and that of its bi-headedness. Apart from the Guianas, the theme of a two-headed king vul­

ture 'grandfather' spirit, reigning part of the heavenly realm, is known from Amazonia, especially the

Lower Amazon and Central Brazil (Fig. 1). During healing rituals shamans of the Kashuyána on the

Upper Nhamundá use staffs showing two king vulture heads, facing into opposite directions (Zerries,

1962b), while myths featuring a bicipital, cannibalistic king vulture spirit have been recorded among

the Waura and Kuikuru in the Upper Xingu area (Matthâi, 1977:193,283). Finally, shaman's benches

carved as a bicephalous king vulture are or were made by the Emerillon and Wapishana in the Guiana

Highlands and the Trumai in Central Brazil (Hartmann, 1986:255; Matthâi, 1977:132-133,190).

The motif of a huge cannibalistic king vulture spirit, showing two heads, is closely related to

that of a similarly devouring and often equally bicephalous giant harpy eagle or falcon, featuring in

numerous myths and tales across the tropical lowlands (Matthâi, 1977:89,132). Indeed, in several tra­

ditions these heavenly birds of prey blend into each other. According to the Yekuana, for instance, for­

merly a gigantic harpy eagle with two heads preyed on them. Simultaneously they recognize a huge,

bicipital king vulture spirit (Civrieux, 1980:85-87,179; Guss, 1989:112,117). Myths featuring primordial,

cannibalistic eagles are numerous (Fig. 1). The Kamayura of Central Brazil believe that such a giant,

two-headed harpy eagle devours human souls in heaven. They still carve shaman's benches showing

this bird spirit (Matthâi, 1977:73-74,89). Perhaps, the Taino image of two flying eagles, crowned with

gold diadems and fastened together, which was recorded by Castellanos (cited by Fernández Méndez,

1993:32), forms a related theme. Often the primordial, cannibalistic harpies or king vultures are

believed to inhabit and guard high mountains in the interior of the lowlands, e.g. among the Kalina

(Ahlbrinck, 1931:89; Cirini, 1977, 1:9,61), Makusi (Roth, 1924:486-488), Shipibo (Roe, 1982:258),

Taurepang and Yukpa (Matthâi, 1977:210-211). Several myths are known, narrating the struggles of

culture heroes to kill or magically control these giant devouring bird spirits. Tales of this kind are well

known from Amerindian peoples such as the Warao, Waiwai, Arekuna and Taurepang in the Guianas

(Fock, 1963:79-82; Matthâi, 1977:210-211,230; Wilbert, 1970:315-319; Zerries, 1962a), the Bale of the

Upper Negro (Pérez, 1988), the Barasana and Desana of the Uaupés (Hugh-Jones, 1979:279; Reichel-

130

Dolmatoff, 1971:29,106-107), the Kashináua, Campa and Quijos of East Ecuador/Peru (Matthài,

1977:230-231; Roe, 1982:259), the Parintintin, Kaiapó, Nambicuara, Waura, and Bororo of Central

Brazil (Lévi-Strauss, 1969:313-314; Matthâi, 1977:73,89,126,229-230; Verswijver, 1992:52-57), the Tembe,

Apinagé, Krâho, Ramkokamekra, and Timbira of Northeast Brazil (Lévi-Strauss, 1983:119-120;

Matthâi, 1977:227-229; Nimuendajé, 1915), as well as the Cabéear and Bibri of Costa Rica (Matthâi,

1977:231).

A Taurepang (Pemon) myth explains how Kasánapódole, the cannibalistic 'grandfather' king

vulture known from the myth on the heavenly visit of his son-in-law, got his two heads. Originally

this primordial avian devourer had only one head, his present right one known as Möjitnöng. His left

head, Àtito, is called after a human who was a very accomplished fisher and hunter thanks to the fact

that he possessed of a series of magic utensils. However, the latter were stolen by his brother-in-law,

after which Àtito metamorphosed himself into a skull-shaped devourer, eating his wife and all of his

in-laws. Subsequently placing himself on the shoulder of a tapir, he consumed everything the animal

wished to eat as a result of which the tapir died of hunger. Attracted by the smelling carcass, vultures

gathered around it, at night followed by the king vulture. Now Àtito attached himself to the left shoul­

der of Kasánapódole and flew with him to heaven (Koch-Grünberg, 1916/1923, 11:92-98, 1956:115-

125,203). Zerries (1962a) and Matthai (1977:210-211,248-252) relate the theme of the giant cannibalistic

king vulture spirit of the Taurepang to that of Mézitne, the equally huge and devouring primordial

harpy eagle of their neighbours, the Arekuna (Pemon), suggesting that both represent different man­

ifestations of the same mythical character. It is noteworthy that the motif of the skull-shaped devour­

er or 'rolling head' is well-known from all over the Americas. A Shipaya myth narrates how at night

the head of a woman separated from her body, devouring all that is edible. Finally, the head attached

itself to the shoulder of the woman's husband and only by trick he could get rid of it (Lévi-Strauss,

1983:451; Lowie, 1947, Matthài, 1977:251; Nimuendajú, 1915; Roth, 1915:29). Again, the strained rela­

tionship between a man and his in-laws is at the core of the myth explaining the origin of the bicipi­

tal nature of the king vulture spirit, just as it is at that of the myth on the man who married the king

vulture's daughter.

There cannot be any doubt, that the bicephalous character of the cannibalistic king vulture or

eagle spirit reflects duality, possibly the ambivalent nature of the king vulture as a heavenly bird,

shamanic advisor and tobacco spirit, and, simultaneously, an earthly devourer feeding on carrion, all

of this corresponding to the classic dualism between life and death (see De Goeje, 1943:53,72-73;

Matthâi, 1977:275-276). The blending of the characters of the gigantic devouring harpy eagle and the

king vulture spirit can be explained by assuming with Roe (1982:4-5,16-17), that the various dyadic

oppositions in South American Indian cosmology are not complete or static and that primarily mas­

culine symbols may have limited female associations and vice versa. Consequently, there are two man­

ifestations of the jaguar, i.e. a yellow and beneficial major one, serving as a 'paragon' of male culture,

and a black and dangerous minor one, forming an embodiment of female nature (Roe, 1998). Similarly,

the harpy eagle, while predominantly representing a Sky World symbol, can be opposed against a

minor manifestation of itself, connected with the Underworld, death and putrefaction (Roe, 1982:259-

262). Mythical references to this kind of 'black eagles' are known from several parts of the Tropical

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Forest area. According to the Tukano Indians of the Uaupés River (Colombia), the harpy eagle is asso­

ciated with thunder and rain just as the (roaring) black jaguar (Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1975:78). Likewise,

the Arawak of the Guianas believe that the sound of the laughing hawk announces rain (Roth,

1915:267,343-345). Clearly, the symbol of the feminine, Underworld-related 'black eagle' amalgamates

with that of the king vulture, itself a definitely ambiguous character. The latter's dualism is analogous

to that of the shaman in Amerindian society.

RAPTORIAL BIRDS IN CARIBBEAN AND AMAZONIAN ARCHAEOLOGY

Birds of prey belong to the zoomorphic motifs shown as head lugs on the pottery or as decorative ele­

ments on the stone, bone and shell implements of the pre-Columbian Amerindians of the South

American tropical lowlands. In several instances the mythological and shamanic connotations of these

iconographie symbols can be inferred from comparison with the present Tropical Forest beliefs and

practices discussed above. Utilization of these vessels and artifacts in shamanic rituals and ceremoni­

al contexts, even as profane as village festivals or communal meals among warriors and/or traders,

seems indicated. In the latter case their use can perhaps be interpreted as a way of invoking the direct

approval by the spirit world of the actions involved. Otherwise, effigy vessels used during shamanic

rituals may have formed the temporary repositories of the shaman's guardian spirits when sum­

moned for advice and assistance.

Amazonia The oldest examples of prehistoric avian imagery in South America are known from Huaca Prieta on

the Peruvian coast. This preceramic site, dating back to the third millennium BC, yielded gourds

engraved with decorative motifs among which condor-like representations, and cotton fabrics includ­

ing one showing a male condor with spread wings and a snake in its stomach (Moseley, 1975:70-73;

Willey, 1971:95-96). Huaca Prieta also yielded the oldest snuff trays of the continent, associated with

snuffing tubes made of bird bones (Torres, 1987:23). Ornate, highly stylized figures intermingling

zoomorphic and anthropomorphic elements are characteristic of the iconography of the Chavin style

during Peru's Early Horizon (1500-300 BC). Images of composite creatures intricately amalgamating

jaguars, caymans, harpy eagles and condors, next to humans, decorate the Chavin temples, 'obelisks',

textiles and ceramics. Although by this time Peruvian society had already become more complex than

that of the Tropical Forest Indians until the contact period, in view of its typical iconography the roots

of Chavin have been sought in the tropical lowlands east of the Andes (Benson, 1997:80; Olsen Bruhns,

1994:229; Saunders, 1989:76,84,89-100). Chavin is ancestral to the various manifestations of Andean

religion as they developed in the Moche and Nasca states during the Early Intermediate Period (300

BC-AD 650). Raptorial birds depicted most frequently in Moche iconography comprise (male) condors

and ospreys. The latter are 'kenned' by their long plumed tails and erect head feathers. While compos­

ite warrior-osprey creatures are typically shown in the context of battle scenes, condors are often

depicted eating human offerings, probably prisoners of war. Interestingly, ordinary vultures are occa­

sionally shown carrying a pebble in their beaks (Benson, 1997:89; De Bock, 1988:79-80,86, 1992:79;

Purin, éd., 1990, 11:78). This reminds of the Tropical Forest beliefs, discussed above, regarding the

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shooting of stones at humans by the swallow-tailed kite and king vulture 'mother' spirits. Composite

condor-eagles and harpies devouring human trophy heads belong to the major themes of Nasca reli­

gion (De Bock, 1992:156-157; Prouk, 1990).

Much less complex iconographies are typical of the contemporaneous tribal cultures of the

South American tropical lowlands. Due to the lacking of monumental architecture withstanding decay

as a result of natural causes, the symbolic imagery of the Tropical Forest Indians dating from prehis­

toric times is known only from mobile objects. Petroglyphs and rock paintings are the only exceptions

to this rule. Unfortunately, examples of rock art unequivocally showing birds of prey, are not known

from the South American tropical lowlands to date. A widespread petroglyph theme, the 'bird drying

wings' motif, which is to be found throughout the area, might be interpreted as representing a vulture

with spread wings, but it could as well symbolize a cormorant, stork or heron in the same position

(see Dubelaar, 1986a:231-233, Fig. 239; 1986b:102,109,130-131,155, Fig. 14:D; Williams, 1979). Indeed,

the Trio informers of Frikel (1969), discussing such a 'bird drying wings' petroglyph from

Tühtakáriwai in the Paru savanna of North Brazil, state that it represents a passarao bird, i.e. a stork

(Mycteria sp.), symbolizing the soul of a shaman which the Trio believe metamorphoses into this bird

after death. The oldest definite representations of raptorial birds in Amazonia are formed by simple,

modelled-incised adornos in the shape of stylized king vultures, attached to medium-sized effigy ves­

sels associated with the Itacoatiara complex of the Rio Negro-Amazon confluence, dating back to the

first centuries AD (Hubert, 1968:220, Taf. 43:d, 44:g-h). A much more complicated, largely unre-

searched, symbolism characterizes the highly ornate ceramics of the late-prehistoric Santarém com­

plex of the Lower Tapajós-Amazon floodplains. Santafém is considered to form a member of the

Incised-and-Punctate Tradition, a ceramic series widespread in Amazonia. The Santarém ceremonial

pottery encompasses caryatid dishes, 'winged' bottles and annular-based bowls showing extremely

high and exuberantly modelled-incised anthropozoomorphic head lugs figuring e.g. jaguars, frogs,

caymans and birds such as toucans, curassows, parrots and king vultures, frequently surmounting

each other. Some of the king vulture adornos show perforated carbuncles on top of the bird's heads,

which may have served for the insertion of feathers (Fig. 2; see also Bezerra de Meneses, 1972:6-8, Figs

4-5, 7; Lovén, 1935:252; Mason, 1948; Netto, 1885:380, PL 31; Nordenskiöld, 1930:28,48,51-53, Figs

3:D,F, PI. 24, 28:b, 32:a-h; Palmatary, 1939, Figs l:a, 5:c, 7, 32:c, 1960:42-43,51,57, Fig. 2:a,c, PL 35:a, 36:a,

38:a, 39:b, 74:g, 75:b-g).

Green-coloured, possibly nephrite pendants, sculptured as birds of prey, have been encoun­

tered at cemetery sites of the contact-period Aruâ complex on the islands of Caviana and Mexicana in

the mouth of the Amazon (Meggers & Evans, 1957:534,553, Fig. 188). A comparable nephrite pendant

was collected in the early nineteenth century at Obidos at the junction of the Rio Trombetas and the

Amazon (Zerries, 1980:266). It may represent an individual find of the late-prehistoric Konduri com­

plex of the Lower Trombetas-Nhamundá region, which is noted for its lapidary work (Boomert, 1987),

Konduri is closely affiliated with Santarém and equally belongs to the Incised-and-Punctate Tradition,

which appears to be distantly related to the Arauquinoid series of the Orinoco Valley. Showing curved

beaks but no carúnculas, the Konduri and Aruâ pendants may represent harpy eagles or vultures. The

latter interpretation seems to be the most likely one as the colour green is typically associated with the

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female aspect in Tropical Forest cosmology, just as ordinary vultures. The individual find of a Konduri

complex modelled-incised pottery head lug from Sâo Lourenço, close to the Amazon-Nhamundá con­

fluence, forms the only example of an 'alter ego' image involving a raptorial bird, known from

Amazonia to date. It shows an anthropomorphic face surmounted by the head of a king vulture,

which is identifiable as such due to its curved beak and a knob most likely signifying the bird's wat­

tle-like swelling (Nordenskiöld, 1930:55-56, PL 38:b). This adorno can be interpreted to represent a

Konduri shaman who under the influence of hallucinogenic drugs untertakes a ecstatic-visionary

flight to the celestial realm under the care of his prime tutelary spirit, the king vulture, in order to con­

tact a series of beneficent spirits for curing purposes. As we have seen, the king vulture is still believed

to act as such by a number of present Amerindian groups of the Upper Orinoco, the Guianas and

Amazonia.

The Orinoco Valley, Trinidad and the Guianas

Intricately modelled-incised, strongly sculptural anthropozoomorphic head lugs, including 'alter ego'

representations, typify the ceramic development of the Barrancoid series in the Lower Orinoco Valley,

Northwest Guyana and Trinidad around the time of Christ. Avian examples, predominantly king vul­

tures, appear to adorn especially the spouts of double-spout-and-bridge bottles and the rims of open

bowls and jars clearly used for ceremonial purposes (Fig. 3; see also Boomert, 2000:214-216, Fig. 53:2-

6; Cruxent & Rouse, 1958/1959:225, PL 92:10; Evans & Meggers, 1960:90, PL 18:g; Fewkes, 1914, PL

16:b-c, 1922, PL 6:B-C; Lovén, 1935:182-183,241-242,253; Osgood & Howard, 1943, Fig. 22:A, PI. 10:E,

11 :E). Highly stylized 'alter ego' figures consisting of king vultures superimposing human faces, are

known from the latter part of the Barrancoid sequence, until AD 750. Undoubtedly, they symbolize

shamanic flights induced by hallucinogenic drugs such as tobacco, yopa (Anandenanthera peregrina) or

caapi (Banisteriopsis spp.). In many instances the anthropomorphs of these 'alter ego' compositions

hold both hands at the chins and lower cheeks while showing slightly extruding tongues (Fig. 4; see

also Antolinez, 1941; Arroyo, 1971:12; Boomert, 2000, Fig. 53:1; Boulton, 1978:22-23,26-27; Rouse &

Cruxent, 1963, PL 34:a; Soto de Atencio, 1971, Fig. 38). The position of the hands suggests that the

shaman supported his head with his arms while the elbows were resting on the upper legs and knees.

This obviously formed the shaman's usual way of sitting on his bench during a trance as it still does

at present. Other Barrancoid head lugs showing this hands-at-cheeks motif, may equally refer to

shamanic flights. The slightly extruding tongue theme is less easy to explain. In the Andes and

Amazonia protruding tongues are often associated with the Sun and the jaguar (e.g. De Bock,

1992:123,146; Palmatary, 1960:90; Torres, 1987:73,89). The occurrence of the motif within the context of

'alter ego' representations referring to celestial flights, may suggest shamanic metamorphosis into

were-jaguars. Otherwise, the theme may symbolize the state of death with which the shamanic ecstat­

ic-visionary trance is often compared. The extruding tongue motif is not restricted to 'alter ego' fig­

ures, but occurs in association with other anthropozoomorphic head lugs as well (Boomert, 2000:463-

464,468,476).

Several of the Barrancoid 'alter ego' representations are illustrative of the way shamans used

body paint to adorn themselves while preparing for a drug-induced heavenly flight. For example, an

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adorno from Saladero on the Lower Orinoco shows a king vulture surmounting a red-painted human

head with black-painted eyes, mouth and nostrils (Rouse & Craxent, 1963, PL 35:B; Soto de Atencio,

1971:100, Fig. 41). This recalls the way Arawak (Lokono) and Taino shamans were accustomed to paint

themselves, using anatto (Bixa orellana) and genip (Genipa americana) for red and black pigment,

respectively (Boomert, 2000:477; Stevens-Arroyo, 1988:119). Ornately modelled-incised rim lugs show­

ing two juxtaposed 'alter ego' figures composed of king vultures surmounting human heads, looking

into opposite directions, have been encountered exclusively on the Lower Orinoco to date (Fig. 5; see

Osgood & Howard, 1943:99, Fig. 16:A; Cruxent & Rouse, 1958/1959, Fig. 191:4; Willey, 1971, Fig. 6-9).

These adornos may form the oldest references to the still existing Amerindian beliefs, discussed above,

regarding the existence of the bicephalous king vulture 'grandfather' spirit as the master of tobacco

and mighty advisor of the shaman. Of course, a similar effect is reached when the spouts of a double-

spout-and-bridge bottle are provided with king vulture heads, looking into opposite directions.

Interestingly, the human faces of most Barrancoid 'alter ego' figures show widely perforated eyes and

occasionally slightly opened mouths, corresponding to the hollow interiors of the sculptures and

through them with those of the bowls or jars to which they were attached. This may indicate that at

least a portion of these apparently ceremonial vessels were used for the burning of hallucinogenic

drugs or incense, the smoke of which was meant to escape partially through the eyes and mouth of

the adorno. Which particular herbs or other vegetable materials were burned, remains unknown, but

it is remarkable that among the present Kalina of the Guianas initiate shamans have to drink large

amounts of tobacco juice and to inhale the fumes from a pot of burning takini latex (Kloos, 1971:210-

214). The takini tree (Helicostylis sp.) is considered to be inhabited by a powerful spirit. According to

Dance (1881:285), if thrown into the fire, the leaves and bark of this tree stupify 'all who inhale its

fumes'.

A single specimen of an 'alter ego' figure consisting of a king vulture surmounting a human

face, has been encountered in Late, i.e. Barrancoid-influenced, Saladoid context at Puerto Santo on the

East Venezuelan coast (Vargas, 1978, Lám. 1:B). Further west, a squarish, tetrapod vessel showing two

king vulture or condor head lugs, has been found as a burial gift at the contemporaneous Quibor (Las

Locas) cemetery near Guadeloupe in the Venezuelan Andes. The birds have been placed opposite and

facing each other (Soto de Atencio, 1971:234; Sanoja & Vargas, 1978, Lám. 34). Related adornos are

known from the Lagunillas complex of the Laguna de Maracaibo, to be dated around the time of

Christ (Wagner, 1980, Lám. 22). None of the local pottery assemblages of the Arauquinoid series,

which replaced the Barrancoid continuum in the Lower Orinoco Valley by about AD 750, has yielded

'alter ego' representations, although ceramic head lugs showing simplified king vultures are well-

known e.g. from the Arauquin and Camoruco complexes of the Middle Orinoco (Matthai, 1977:120-

121; Petrullo, 1939, PL 26a,e,g; Vargas, 1981, Fig. 26:1, Lám. 52:B), the Apostadero complex of Coastal

Guyana and the Lower Orinoco (Cruxent & Rouse, 1958/1959:235, PL 102:6-9; Verrill, 1918, PL 8), as

well as the Hertenrits complex of Northwest Suriname (Boomert, 1978, Fig. 4,1980, Fig. 16:7-9). While

these adornos are occasionally positioned as twin pairs on the vessel rims, thusfar Arauquinoid sites

have not yielded any head lugs showing juxtaposed king vultures, looking into opposite directions.

Next to forming the subject of the Barrancoid 'alter ego' representations, the theme of the

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shamanic flight is at the base of the Andean manufacture of 'eagle' pectorals, i.e. chest pendants, made

of thinly hammered gold or a gold /copper alloy known as tumbaga, often representing double- or

triple-headed birds of prey (Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1988). While these pectorals were exchanged widely

over much of northern South America and the West Indies during prehistoric times, to date only one

example has been found in the tropical lowlands east of the Andes: a trapezoidal specimen represent­

ing a double-headed raptorial bird with spread wings, dregged from the Mazaruni River in Guyana

(Whitehead, 1990). Closely resembling 'eagle' pectorals from major manufacture centres such as the

Tairona, Quimbaya and Sinú regions in Colombia, it may represent a trade item which reached the

Guianas via the Venezuelan/Colombian llanos (Boomert, 2000:428-431). In fact, the iconography

shown by these pectorals can be called truly 'international' as their style of manufacture is typical of

the goldwork of the entire Intermediate area, as far west as Costa Rica. The birds of prey represented

are difficult to identify. Many show cockscomb-like, curly head crests, suggesting that eagles, hawk-

eagles or ospreys are meant. However, similar head crests are associated with representations in gold-

work of non-raptorial birds and even snakes or jaguars, forming composite creatures. Besides, sever­

al of these bird pectorals show beaks provided with carúnculas, thus referring to male condors or king

vultures. Those without either head crests or wattles may signify swallow-tailed kites, as is sometimes

suggested also by the shape of the pectoral as a whole (Bray, 1978:130,154-156,162,170-173,179,198,209,

1991; Cooke, 1998; Herreman & Holsbeke, 1993:125,175; Legast, 1987:43-47,81,90-91; Olsen Bruhns,

1994:233-237; Snarskis, 1991; Torres, 1987:87-88). Apart from shown on pectorals, birds of prey form

part of 'cacique' pendants consisting of humans or composite human-animal creatures, dressed in full

regalia including enormous headdresses. These were apparently worn by chiefs. All of these pendants

suggest shamanic metamorphosis during drug-induced ecstatic-visionary trances.

The West Indies

A series of nicely finished pendants made of various exotic-looking stone materials, mainly serpenti-

nite, form the oldest iconographie references to raptorial bird symbolism in the West Indies. Dating

from about the time of Christ, these microlapidary items have been found associated with the

Cedrosan and predominantly the Huecan subseries of the Saladoid ceramic series. The pendants typ­

ically show vulturine birds, either king vultures or condors, which hold other, smaller, animals or per­

haps human heads in their claws (Fig. 6:1-2). The sites of La Hueca /Sorcé on Vieques and Punta

Candelero on the east coast of Puerto Rico apparently formed the major manufacturing centres of

these generally bluish green-coloured pendants, as here most specimens have been found next to

chips of waste material. Besides, several of the examples encountered at La Hueca /Sorcé appear to

have been reworked (Oliver, 1999). The overall distribution of these vulturine pendants is genuinely

pan-Caribbean and their appearance in the Saladoid series seems to be culturally and chronologically

highly circumscribed. Individual specimens have been found at Pearls, Grenada, and Tecla, Puerto

Rico (Cody, 1991), made of unspecified 'green stone' and nephrite, respectively. Besides, Fewkes

(1907:137-138, P1.56:b) illustrates an example made of highly polished stone described as 'soft soap-

stone or serpentine', which he purchased in Trinidad in 1904 (Fig. 6:3; see Boomert, 2000:410, Fig. 65:9).

Oliver (1998:57) mentions a comparable pendant from an unprovenanced location in the West Indies,

136

curated in the British Museum, England. Finally, Durand & Petitjean Roget (1991, PL II:c) unconvine-

ingly argue that one of the zoomorphic pendants found associated with a human burial at Morel I,

Guadeloupe, represents a vulturine-shaped pendant of the Huecan type which was modified after the

bird's beak had been broken off.

No consensus opinion exists regarding the iconographie interpretation of the Early Ceramic

vulturine pendants of the Caribbean. First of all, it is disputed whether they represent king vultures

or condors. The Huecan locus at La Hueca /Sorcé yielded in all 40 pendants, made of nephrite, calcite

and predominantly (36) serpentinite, while one example was discovered in a midden of its Cedrosan

locus. It may represent an exchange item. Their length varies between 6.1 and 4.0 cm (Chanlatte Baik,

1983:40-42,78; Narganes, 1995). Exclusively serpentinite was used for the in all seven Punta Candelera

specimens (Rodríguez, 1991, Fig. 13). The raw materials employed at both the La Hueca /Sorcé and

Punta Candelera sites may have been procured from Southwest Puerto Rico. The La Hueca /Sorcé

specimens include in all thirteen pendants showing beaks clearly provided with carúnculas while two

examples lack indications of these swellings (Chanlatte Baik, 1983, Lám. 22:A-B, 47:A; Chanlatte Baik

& Narganes, 1983, Lám. 6-7, Foto 1, 1990, Lám. 2:B). The presence of carúnculas in association with

most specimens invalidates the opinions of Fewkes (1907:138) and McGinnes (1997) that macaws or

parrots are represented. The same applies to Fewkes' alternative interpretation of the bird's head as

the sting at the end of a scorpion's tail, since many specimens show incised motifs suggesting wings.

Narganes (1995) interprets the examples from La Hueca/Sorcé not showing wattle-like swellings at

the intersections between beaks and heads, as female condors. Furthermore, in her opinion form and

size of the carúnculas shown by the La Hueca /Sorcé pendants suggest those of male condors, not king

vultures. However, the evidence is certainly inconclusive in view of the numerous pendants at this site

which are considered to be damaged or only partially worked. In fact, only six pendants are described

as complete and finished. The majority is fragmentary. Besides, in view of the biogeography of the vul­

turine birds, it is most likely that king vultures, not condors, are represented. As the king vulture does

not inhabit the West Indies, the Saladoid peoples must have carried their ideas about the bird's

appearance with them from the South American mainland during their colonization of the Antilles.

The opinion of Chanlatte Baik & Narganes (1983:77-78,22,27,30,32,49, 1990:13,15), that the

Huecan pendants represent condors carrying human trophy heads, is rejected here. The most detailed

specimens suggest that the bird holds either a turtle or indeed a human head in its talons. However,

this can be taken to indicate that the pendants show the king vulture in its capacity as the prime tute­

lary spirit of the shaman, being instrumental in assisting him to visit the celestial world. Consequently,

the Huecan pendants are iconographically quite close to the Barrancoid 'alter ego' head lugs as well

as the Andean 'eagle' pectorals and the beliefs behind them (Boomert, 2000:415). They form obvious

references to the shamanic flight due to the ingestion of hallucinogenic or otherwise psycho-active

substances. The turtle can be seen to signify the (communal) roundhouse from which the Saladoid

shaman operated, probably sitting at the foot of the central house post as is still customary among the

Amerindians of the tropical lowlands. In turn, the turtle or shaman's head in the king vulture's talons

rests on top of an object which, if indicated, shows either a spiral or two concentric circles. This may

symbolize a conch. In comparison: among the phosphenes imagined by the Tukano Indians of

137

Colombia during the first stage of a drug-induced trance, spirals typically form symbols of gastropods

(Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1975:170,177). Shells are clearly associated with the shamanic ecstatic-visionary

trance. The Island Carib chewed tobacco adding pulverized shell to the quid, while on the mainland

at present tobacco, yopa and coca are usually kept by the Tropical Forest Indians in sealed containers

made of large land snails of the Strophocheilus genus. Besides, often the trance is evoked by sniffing

tobacco or yopa combined with lime, produced of burned shells (Boomert, 2000:452,475; Wassén, 1965).

It can be concluded that most likely the Huecan pendants formed male-associated objects which were

worn by the Saladoid shamans to display their identity as mediators between the world of material

experience and the celestial realm.

A second category of pre-Columbian artifacts from the West Indies showing design motifs

clearly related to the raptorial bird symbolism of the present Tropical Forest Indians, is formed by a

series of stone axe blades known from the Lesser Antilles, primarily the Windward Islands. The axes

(or adzes) of this type are generally considered to represent a specific class of 'eared axes', the latter

forming a morphologically rather heterogeneous category of stone axe blades widespread in the

Antilles (see Harris, 1983). They display typically bifurcated, sculptured butts, decorated with double,

juxtaposed heads of raptorial birds, which look into opposite directions. The wattle-like protuberances

on their beaks clearly identify these birds-of-prey as king vultures (Fig. 7; see Boomert, 2000:468-

469,485). The most elaborate and detailed specimens of this type of axes/adzes include the large

majority of the 'eared axes' belonging to Harris' butt type 6 ('Beak & notch or stud'). However, part of

the axes grouped within his butt type 2 ('Cutaway beak & notch'), notably the examples showing butts

with three notches, next to one axe belonging to his butt type 7 ('Special'), and the elaborate specimens

of both his butt types 8 ('Fishtail & groove') and 9 ('Flat, notch & groove') can be taken to reflect this

specific form of raptorial bird iconography as well. Most of these axe blades are unprovenanced and

undated. According to Fewkes (1922:142,263), several of them have been found in caches, suggesting

that they had been 'hidden in this way intentionally'. They are known primarily as individual finds

from Grenada (Joyce, 1916, PL 24:8; Loven, 1935:184-187), St Vincent (Bullen & Bullen, 1972:50,59,125,

PL 12:i, 35:a; Fewkes, 1907, PL 19:c, 21:d, 1922:99,102,104, PL 14:H, 15:B,H, 20:A,G, 23:D, 31:A-G; Im

Thurn, 1882, PL 1:1-3,1884, PL 8:5; Joyce, 1907, Fig. 3:3,1916, PL 24:7,9; Loven, 1935:185-188), St Lucia

(Haag, 1970, Fig. 1:A,F; Jesse, 1968; Pinchón, 1961, PL 4:13, 5:18, 7:23, 5:17; Lovén, 1935:187-190),

Martinique (Petitjean Roget, 1975:114, 1978), Dominica (Petitjean Roget, 1978, PL 2), Guadeloupe

(Fewkes, 1922:108,140-143,147, Fig. 3,14-18,22; Loven, 1935:187-191; Petitjean Roget, 1975:110-111, Fig.

1,1996:41,51, Fig. 27) and St Kitts or Nevis (Branch, 1907, PL 23:19; Lovén, 1935:188).

According to Harris' sample, St Vincent has yielded most examples of this specific category of

stone axe blades, in all 28 pieces, while Guadeloupe and St Lucia range second and third with 15 and

11 specimens, respectively. The total number of 'eared axes' belonging to this type amounts to 75 spec­

imens, i.e 13.6% of the entire sample of non-petalloid stone axes/adzes discussed by Harris (1983).

Apart from the sculptured butts, the morphology of the axes varies. According to the measurements

of 28 specimens reported in the literature, their mean length is 18.9 cm (range 10.7 to 28.7 cm). Blades

are rectangular, trapezoidal, and pear-, spade- or arc-shaped in the sense of Harris. Many rectangular,

trapezoidal and spade-like pieces of Harris' butt type 6 are 'shouldered', showing blades that are

138

clearly offset from the butts. Others have contracted necks, notably those of Harris' butt types 8 and

9. A minority has blades which show elaborately incised, geometrical decorative motifs. A few pieces

are provided with marginal perforations, perhaps intended for suspension (Fewkes, 1922:147). All of

this suggests ceremonial usage which is strengthened by the fact that several pieces have blades with

used faces. According to Petitjean Roget (1975:114), these may have served as ritual plateaus for the

preparation of hallucinogenics. Be this as it may, as a rule the edges of the axes are insufficiently sharp

to cut wood or other objects, although surfaces are generally well polished. Besides, there is no evi­

dence that they were ever hafted (Fewkes, 1922:142,263). An extremely heavy piece from St Lucia

weighs 1560 g (Pinchón, 1961). Only one specimen was found in controlled archaeological context, i.e.

an axe from Stubbs, St Vincent, which was encountered in association with ceramics of the Suazoid

series of late-prehistoric times. The Stubbs site yielded also 'eared axes' in various stages of manufac­

ture (Bullen & Bullen, 1972:59). Elsewhere, e.g. in Guadeloupe, these axe blades may be somewhat

older, dating back to Horizon III or the 'Terminal' Saladoid period (Petitjean Roget, 1975:110).

Most authors agree that the sculptured butts of this specific type of 'eared axes' resemble bird

heads (Fewkes, 1922:140,263; Joyce, 1907). It was Lovén (1935:180-183) who first pointed out that king

vultures are represented. Interestingly, he compared the style of sculpturing shown with that charac­

terizing the modelled-incised pottery of the Barrancoid series found at Erin, Trinidad. Whether indeed

the inspiration for the raptorial bird imagery displayed by the 'eared axes' of the Lesser Antilles, was

derived from the Barrancoid ceramic series, remains uncertain. However, there cannot be any doubt

that the iconography displayed by these axe/adze blades is closely related with the mythological

ideas of the bicephalous and cannibalistic king vulture or eagle spirit which, as we have seen, are still

quite alive among the Amerindians of the Guianas, the Orinoco Valley and Amazonia. In view of the

fact that these axes were apparently used for ceremonial purposes, they may have formed shamanic

paraphernalia. Their actual function can only be guessed at. Elsewhere the author speculated that they

may have served to deliver the first blow in cutting trees intended to be used as the posts of a

shaman's hut or the central post of the Saladoid (communal) dwelling, symbolizing the World Tree or

axis mundi, at the foot of which the shaman perhaps officiated (Boomert, 2000:485). Only a few mytho­

logical traditions are known from the Tropical Forest area, associating bicephalous raptorial birds and

axes. One of these myths, told by the Arekuna of the Guiana Highlands, narrates the story of the cul­

ture hero Emezimaipu who succeeds in killing Mézime, the giant bicipital harpy eagle living in the high

mountains, by decapitating this monstrous bird with his freshly sharpened axe when it was rubbing

its wings in preparation of devouring him (Koch-Griinberg, 1916/1923,11:119-120,111:187-188; Matthâi,

1977:230). A comparable tale on the death of the two-headed king vulture 'grandfather' is known to

the Warao of the Orinoco Delta (Wilbert, 1970:315-319). Finally, it is noteworthy that although the king

vulture is not mentioned in any known Taino myth, an unprovenanced grinding slab {guayo) from the

Dominican Republic shows a sculptured arrangement of juxtaposed bird heads, probably identifiable

as king vultures, which is comparable to that encountered on the ceremonial axes of the Lesser Antilles

(Montas et al., 1983:189). It may represent a grinder especially used for the preparation of hallucino­

genics.

139

CONCLUSIONS

The widespread occurrence of specific categories of pre-Columbian artifacts in Amazonia and the

Caribbean displaying an elaborate raptorial bird symbolism closely resembling that revealed by the

cosmological views and shamanic practices of the present Tropical Forest Indians, suggests that the

beginnings of these religious beliefs date back to as early as at least late-prehistoric times. The pro­

found dualism shown by the iconography of many of these artifacts is concurrent with that character­

izing the world view of the contemporary Amerindians of the tropical lowlands. Besides, the numer­

ous representations of 'alter ego' images in the ceramics of pre-Columbian times closely reflect pres­

ent ideas on the ability of shamans to contact the spirit world under the influence of hallucinogenic

drugs, using raptorial bird spirits, notably those of the king vulture and harpy eagle, as their vehicles

on these celestial flights.

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Figure 1. Map of northern South America, showing the distribution of Amerindian myths referring to giant, cannibalistic harpy eagle or king vulture spirits. Recording of bicephalousness shown by underlining of num­bers. Legend of indigenous peoples: (1) Arawak (Lokono); (2) Kahna; (3) Warao; (4) Waiwai; (5) Wapishana; (6) Makusi (Pemon); (7) Taurepang (Pemon); (8) Arekuna (Pemon); (9) Kamarekoto (Pemon); (10) Emerillon; (11) Yekuana (Makiritare); (12) Bale; (13) Barasana; (14) Besana; (15) Yukpa; (16) Motilones; (17) Bibri; (18) Cabécar; (19) Quips; (20) Kashináua; (21) Shipibo; (22) Campa; (23) Paríntintín; (24) Kaiapó; (25) Nambicuara; (26) Waura; (27) Bororo; (28) Kamayura; (29) Trumai; (30) Tereno; (31) Timbira; (32) Apinagé; (33) Krâho; (34) Kuikuru; (35) Tenetehara & Tembe; (36) Kashuyéna. Bar = 200 km.

151

Figure 2. Modelled-incised pottery head lugs shaped as king vultures. Santarém site, Lower Tapaps River,

Santarém complex, Inctsed-and-Punctate Tradition, Late Ceramic Age. Redrawn after (1) Palmatary (1960, Fig.

2:c); (2) Netto (1885:380); (3-4) Nordenskiöld (1930, Fig. 3:F,D). Bar = 1 cm. Scale of (2) unreported.

152

Figure 3

Figure 3. Modelled-incised pottery head lugs shaped as king vultures. Barrancoid series, Early Ceramic Age.

Legend: (1-2) Erin site, Trinidad (adapted from Boomert, 2000, Fig. 53:2-3); (3) Los Barrancos, Lower Orinoco

Valley (redrawn after Osgood & Howard, 1943, PL 22:A). Bar = 3 cm. Scale of (3) unreported.

153

Figure 4. Modelled-incised pottery head lugs showing 'alter ego' compositions made up of king vultures sur­

mounting anthropomorphic heads. Barrancoid series, Early Ceramic Age. Legend: (1) Whitelands site, Trinidad

(adapted from Boomert, 2000, Fig. 53:1); (2) Saladero site, Lower Orinoco Valley (redrawn after Boulton, 1978,

Fig. 38:2). Bar = 1 cm.

154

Figure 5. Pottery vessel fragment with modelled-incised rim adorno showing a bicephalous 'alter ego' composi­

tion made up of two juxtaposed king vultures surmounting anthropomorphic heads, looking into opposite direc­

tions. Los Barrancos site, Lower Orinoco Valley, Barrancoid series, Early Ceramic Age (redrawn after Osgood

& Howard, 1943, Fig. 16:A). Scale unreported.

155

Figure 6. Stone pendants probably showing 'alter ego' compositions made up of a king vulture holding either a

turtle or a human head next to a gastropod in its claws. Huecan subsenes, Saladoid series, Early Ceramic Age.

Legend: (1-2) La Hueca site, Vieques (redrawn after Museo de Historia, Antropología y Arte, 1996, Figs 8,7);

(3) 'Trinidad' (redrawn after Fewkes, 1922, PL 56:b). Bar = 1 cm.

156

Figure 7. Stone axes showing butts modelled as two juxtaposed king vulture heads, looking into opposite direc­

tions. Individual finds from the Lesser Antilles, Late Ceramic Age. Legend: (1) St Lucia (redrawn after Jesse,

1968); (2) Guadeloupe (redrawn after Fewkes, 1922, Fig. 16); (3) St Vincent (redrawn after Fewkes, 1922, PL

23:D); (4) St Lucia (redrawn after Jesse, 1968). Bar = 5 cm.

157