RELIGIO-POLITICAL MOVEMENTS IN THE NORTH WEST FRONTIER PROVINCE: A CASE STUDY OF

JAMIAT-UL-ULAMA-I-SARHAD (1920-1947)

BY

MUHAMMAD TARIQ

DEPARTMENT OF HISTORYUNIVERSITY OF PESHAWAR PAKISTAN

(SESSION: 2010– 2011)RELIGIO-POLITICAL MOVEMENTS IN THE NORTH

WEST FRONTIER PROVINCE: A CASE STUDY OF JAMIAT-UL-ULAMA-I-SARHAD (1920-1947)

Thesis submitted to the Department of History, University of Peshawar, in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the

Award of the Degree of

Doctor of Philosophy In

HISTORY

May, 2018

2

DECLARATION

I hereby declare that this thesis under the title of “Religio-Political

Movements in the North West Frontier Province: A Case Study of Jamiat-ul-

ulama-i-Sarhad (1920-1947)” is my own work and it has not been submitted in any

previous application for a degree anywhere else.

________________________MUHAMMAD TARIQDepartment of History,University of Peshawar

SUPERVISOR’S DECLARATION

I hereby declare that the Ph.D. candidate MUHAMMAD TARIQ has

completed his dissertation titled “RELIGIO-POLITICAL MOVEMENTS IN THE

NORTH WEST FRONTIER PROVINCE: A CASE STUDY OF JAMIAT-UL-

ULAMA-I-SARHAD. (1920-1947)” under my supervision. I recommend it for

submission in candidacy for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History.

____________________________PROF. DR. ABDUL RAUFDepartment of Political Science,University of Peshawar

FINAL APPROVAL

We hereby certify that we have read the dissertation “Religio-Political

Movements in the North West Frontier Province: A Case Study of Jamiat-ul-

ulama-i-Sarhad (1920-1947)” submitted by Muhammad Tariq in candidacy for the

degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History. We consider the said dissertation to be of

sufficient quality to merit the award of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History.

Supervisor ___________________________PROF. DR. ABDUL RAUFDepartment of Political ScienceUniversity of Peshawar

Internal Evaluator/ Examiner __________________________ Dr.Mujeeb Ahmad Associate ProfessorDepartment of History & Pakistan Studies, International Islamic University, Islamabad.

Internal Examinar 1

Dr. Husnul Amin __________________________Assistant Professor,Department of Politics and International Relations,International Islamic University, Islamabad.

Internal Examinar 2

Prof. Dr. Javed Iqbal __________________________

Department of History, University of Peshawar

Chairman ____________________________

Dean ____________________________

Dedication

To all those who spent their lives for the peace and prosperity of

Pakhtunkhwa

ABSTRACT

Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-Sarhad established in 1920s in the British North-West

Frontier Province (NWFP) soon spread in all parts of the province. The study is

analyzing the role played by ulama for the social reforms and political awakening of

Muslims in the British India in general and particularly in Frontier region during the

decisive period of freedom movement (1920-1947). The legacy of Shah Waliullah’s

thoughts and its impact on the socio-religious mobilization of the Mujahedin

movement and the Pakhtun resistance towards foreign powers during the 19th century,

created multiple individualities of the people of NWFP as Pakhtun, Muslims and

Indians. The Frontier province had 93% Muslim population during the time under

review and thus had a special position among the eleven provinces of the British

India. The study focuses on the questions of the contributions of Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-

Sarhad in the political development of NWFP; the nature of its struggle for the sharia

laws in the colonial era; its success and failure in seeking help and cooperation of

other organizations in the preservation and promulgation of sharia; its responses to

the British policies in the region and the internal differences on the question of

creation of Pakistan. It was found that Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-Sarhad played a vital role in

mobilizing the people during the Khilafat and Hijrat movements against the British.

The ulama were also helpful in connecting the people of NWFP with other parts of

Indo-Pak Sub-continent by organizing different conferences in the province. The

ulama contributed in organizing Pakhtun against the British imperial policies during

the inter wars period. The religio-political leadership also responded to different

parliamentary Acts/regulations and actively engaged in Islamic legislation in the

province. They motivated members of legislative council and successful in getting a

sharia bill passed from the provincial legislative council in 1936. They also

cooperated with other political parties in the socio-economic development as well as

electoral politics in the province. However, after the Pakistan Resolution of 1940,

differences emerged between different ulama over the question of Pakistan. This

continued until the referendum of 1947 and the partition of Indian subcontinent. The

study, in the light of document analysis techniques, employing descriptive, historical

methods and analyzing archival materials and documents available inside and outside

Pakistan, concludes that the ulama in NWFP were very instrumental in the socio-

political awakening of the common masses in the region in the light of which the

subsequent waves of religiosity can be understood academically.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

S.No. Topic Page No.

Abstract IAcknowledgments VAbbreviations ViiiGlossary IxChapter – 1

1 Introduction 1

1.1 Statement of the problem 71.2 Significance of the Study 8

1.3 Literature review 81.4 Research Questions 11

1.5 Methodology 121.6 Organization of the Study

Chapter – 2 12

2. SHAH WALIULLAH’S IMPACT ON FRONTIER SOCIO-RELIGIOUS MOBILIZATION

14

2.1 The Islamic Vision of Shah Waliullah 172.2 Shah Waliullah and North-West India 192.3 British Colonization and Ulama Resistance 21

2.4 The Ulama and Mujahedin Movement in Frontier 252.5 Frontier as Bastion of Mujahedin Movement 282.6 The British and Frontier 322.7 Deoband Madrisah and the British North-West Frontier 352.8 Impact of Deoband Madrisah on Frontier Region 38

Chapter – 3 433. RELIGIO-POLITICAL CONDITION IN THE NWFP (1901-

1924)3.1 Geographical Location of NWFP 433.2 Pakhtun Settlement in Frontier Region 443.3 Strategic Importance of the Frontier 473.4 British Policies toward the North-West Frontier 513.5 Sheikh-ul-Hind Movement, Ulama and NWFP 563.6 Local People and Sheikh-ul-Hind Movement 653.7 Political Activism of ulama after World War I 693.8 Jam’iat Ulama-i-Hind Foundation 713.9 Impact of Hijrat and Khilafat Movements on Frontier 75

3.10 Ulama and Khilafat Movement in the NWFP 803.11 Foundation of Jam’iat-ul- ulama-i-Sarhad in NWFP 863.12 Regional Jam’iats of Frontier 88

Chapter – 4 92 4 JAM’IAT ULAMA AND THE FRONTIER POLITICS (1925-

1929)4.1 Introduction 92

4.2 Hindu-Muslim Tension and Frontier Political Situation 994.3 JUH Annual Session at Peshawar 1927 1014.4 The Important Features of JUH Conference (1927) 1164.5 Simon Commission and Jam’iat 1184.6 Sarda Act 1929 and Jam’iat’s Civil Disobedience Movement 1235. Chapter – 5 1295 STRUGGLE FOR THE SHARIA LAWS (1930-1936)

5.1 The Incident of 1930 and the Religious Parties 1295.2 Constitutional Developments in NWFP 1395.3 First Legislative Council 1932 141

5.4 Local Mobilization by Ulama for Sharia Bill 1465.5 Legislative Council Debates 1495.6 Sharia Conference 1575.7 The Impact of Sharia Bill on the Socio-Political Life of the

Province164

Chapter – 6 1676. BRITISH IMPERIAL POLICY AND JAM’IAT RESISTANCE

(1937-1940)167

6.1 1937 Elections and Jam’iat’s Electoral performance 1666.2 Jam’iat and British Inter-War Tribal Policy 1776.3 Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-Sarhad and the Waziristan Problem 1786.4 Ulama Relations with the British 184

6.5 Waziristan Problem and Jam’iat Politics 1896.6 World War II and J.U Sarhad/Congress 1996.7 World War II and J.U Sarhad/Non-Congress

Chapter – 7203207

7. PAKISTAN MOVEMENT AND THE ROLE OF JAM’IAT (1940-1947)

7.1 Pakistan Resolution and Jam;iat-ul- ulama-i-Sarhad 207 7.2 Split in the JU Sarhad 215

7.3 British Urge and Jam’iat Role in Pakistan 2197.4 Ulama and the Quest for Pakistan 2237.5 Jam’iat Formula of Partition 2277.6 Shabir Ahmad Usmani (Jam’iat-ul-Ulama-i-Islam) Response to

Madani 230

7.7 The 1946 Elections and JU Sarhad 2317.8 1947 Referendum in NWFP and the ulama 2407.9 Jam’iat and Congress Stand on Referendum 2488. CONCLUSION 2539. BIBLIOGRAPHY 26410. APPENDICES 277

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

First and foremost all praises to the Almighty Allah, for giving me the courage

to complete this work and the showers of blessing “He” bestowed upon me at every

stage of the study.

I would like to express my deep and sincere gratitude to my research

supervisor Prof. Dr. Abdul Rauf. Without his guidance, cooperation and supervision,

this accomplishment would not have been possible. His academic assistance pushed

me to undertake this grand task and complete it. His dynamism, vision, sincerity and

motivation have deeply inspired me. I deeply appreciate his understanding of my

problems both academic and personal during my studies. Indeed, I am very lucky and

honored to have the opportunity to work with him.

I am also indebted to Dr. Jan Peter Hartung, for all that, he did for me during

my stay at SOAS, University of London. My special gratitude to the faculty members

in the History Department i.e. Prof. Dr. Taj Moharram Khan, Dr. Salman Banghash,

Dr. Altaf Qadir, Dr.Ghayyur Ahmad Dr. Sayed Wiqar Ali Shah, Dr. Javed Iqbal

Dr.Fakhr ul Islam, Dr. Atta ul Rahman,Dr.Abdullah Khan and Sohaib Abdullah for

their trust in my abilities. They not only provided their ultimate support and

encouragement but also gave me their valuable suggestions and assistance when

needed.

My parents who have always been a source of strength and inspiration, needs

special mention. What I am today is because of their sacrifices for educating and

preparing me for my future. To Nazia Shah my wife, for her love, understanding,

prayers and continued support for making this work possible. Her love and helpful

spirit have motivated me to achievements beyond my own expectations. My gratitude

is also to her parents whose prayers and generous concern to my children during my

absence kept me relieved and comforted, especially when I was abroad.

My friends have always been a source of encouragement for me and I want to

take the opportunity to thanks them especially, Dr. Wajid Khattak, Hasan Shah,

Asfandyar Durrani PhD scholars of University of Peshawar and my collegues at

GHSS Manki Sharef Nowshera for their help and guidance. I would also like to thank

all of my friends who supported me in writing, and inspired me to complete my work

in the best way possible. Naveed Ahmad and Meraj Gul were my significant

companions who provided me the opportunity and introduced me to various ulama

during my stay in London.

I must acknowledge the support and encouragement of Mr. Ikramullah Shahid,

Mardan (Ex-Deputy Speaker Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Provincial Assembly) and Mr.

Nazim Khan (Nowshehra) who facilitated me with the collection of materials which

were needed in this research. I would also take the opportunity to thanks Madam

Raeesa Toor (London) who guided me at various sections of the British Library and

National Archives at London.

I humbly extend my thanks to Dr. Abdul Haseeb Khan, the Librarian of the

Department of History, Mr. Shahzada Ghulfam, PhD scholar and Librarian of the

Department of Political Science, University of Peshawar, Mr. Sharef Chitrali the

Editor of Nowshehra Nama magazine. The faculty and other administrative staff of

Pakistan Study center, Central Library University of Peshawar and the Khyber

Pakhtunkhwa Provincial Archives and Library of Peshawar (especially Mr. Said Khan

and Mr. Ismail Khan) deserve many thanks and gratitude.

I am grateful to Higher Education Commission Islamabad (HEC) for granting

me six months fellowship under HEC, IRSIP scheme in SOAS, University of London.

I am also thankful to the Dar-ul-ulum Haqqaniya Librarian Mawlana Jalil-ur-Rasheed

and Mr. Nisar Ahmad, the office in charge of the Al-Haq Magazine. Mawlana Sami ul

Haq and Mawlana Hamid ul Haq Haqqani also deserve special mention for their help

and cooperation.

Finally, my thanks go to the Department of History and its entire staff, which

has been my second home. Maqbool Lala superintendent, Rohulamin and his

colLeagues in the department were very much instrumental in the file work and

keeping the record straight and up to date. They deserve special mention.

Muhammad Tariq

ABBREVIATIONS

AIML All India Muslim League

BL British Library

PLCD Provincial Legislative Council Debates

CID Central Intelligence Department

FCR Frontier Crimes Report

HDP Hazara Democratic Party

IOR India Office Record

IP Intelligence police

IPA Intelligence police abstract

JI Jamaat-i-Islami

JUH Jam’iat-ul- ulama-i-Hind

JUP Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-Pakistan

JUS Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-Sarhad

MLC Member of Legislative Council

MLA Member of Legislative Assembly

NDC National Documentation Center

NAI National Archive of India

DOA Directorate of Archives

KP Khyber Pakhtunkhwa

NWFP North West Frontier Province

GLOSSARY

Alim A Muslim scholar specially a graduate of a madrisah.

Anjuman Association, a group of organized people.

Bay’ah Allegiance or Commitment. Homage usually to one’s spiritual

guide.

Dars-i- Nizamiya The curriculum taught at Indian madaris (seminaries)

originated by Mullah Nizamuddin (d. 1748) of Oudh.

Dar-ul-Harb Literally meaning the land of war; In Islamic law where Islam

is under constraint.

Dar-ul-Islam According to Muslim jurisprudence Dar ul Islam is a country

that is under a Muslim rule;

Dar-ul-Ulum A house of Islamic learning.

Fatwa An authoritative opinion based on the sharia given by a Mufti

or an Alim or a body of the Ulama.

Fiqh Islamic jurisprudence, the science of interpreting sharia.

Fuqaha Plural of Faqih, Scholars of Islamic jurisprudence well versed

in Fiqh

Hadiths A saying reported or action of the Prophet Muhammad (SAW)

that is not found in the Quran but that is accepted as a valid

source of fiqh.

Hafiz A person who had memorized the complete Quran.

Hanfi Those Sunni Muslim who belong to the school of jurisprudence

of Imam Abu Hanifa 700-767 A. D.

Haram Prohibited/ unlawfull.

Hijrah Migration- the migration of the Prophet Muhammad (SAW)

from Makkah to Madinah in 622 A.D. Migration of a Muslim

individual or the community from Dar-ul-Harb to Dar-ul-

Islam.

Ijtihad Establishing an opinion on a rule of law by reasoning.

Imam Head of the Muslim community, founder of the Muslim school

of jurisprudence, also used for the prayer leader.

Jamaat Organization, a party, congregation of prayer.

Jam’iat An association.

Jihad Struggle for the propagation of Islam, popular meaning the war

against the non-Muslims.

Kafir Non-believer, popular meaning non-Muslim.

Kufr The act of non-believing.

Khatib Preacher.

Lashkar Tribal army.

Madrisah The place of teaching, Muslim religious school where Islamic

law and theology are taught primarily.

Maktab The place of writing, elementary school where basic religious

and secular education is provided.

Mawlana Literally means our master, respectful form for addressing the

Ulama

Mazhab Religion. Path

Millat A community of faith, the Muslim community across the

world.

Mufti A person qualified and authorized to issue a fatwa.

Mujahed Who struggled for the propagation of Islam and goes for Jihad.

Murid A spiritual disciple, particularly of a Pir (spiritual leader).

Qaum The community, the nation.

Qaumiyat Nationality.

Qazi A judge, especially one who has been appointed by the state to

decide cases according to the laws of sharia.

Sharia The laws of Islam comprising the rules and regulations based

on the Quran, the Hadith and the Fiqh that govern the

individual and community life.

Shaikh A spiritual guide, a tribal chief.

Sufi Muslim mystic.

Sunnah The way of life according to the customs and traditions

associated with Prophet Muhammad (SAW) that has come to

the Muslims through reliable sources.

Tafsir Commentary on the Quran.

Taqlid Contrary to Ijtihad, it is to follow and accept without question

the authority of Muslim Jurists in the matters of sharia.

Taqva Piety, righteousness.

Tauhid A theological term that refers to the oneness of God

Ulama Plural of Alim, the learned Muslim scholars.

Ummah The Muslim community of the world.

Ziyarat Shrine of a holy man

CHAPTER – 1 INTRODUCTION

Ulama have a considerable status in the Muslim community. They played a

vital role in the past Muslim dynasties of the Indian sub-continent due to their

religious sanctity and knowledge. After the collapse of Mughals, the role of ulama1

was minimized in the state affairs.2

Eighteen century was the century of revolutions and chaos. Mughal Empire

was near to collapse due to the increased confusion and disorder of deteriorated

nobility. The religious leadership feared that the political disintegration would be

followed by religious collapse in India. Shah Waliullah (1703-1762) started his

mission to bring about changes in the social and political order and gave valuable

instructions to the government, elite class, Ulama and common people of India.3 He

was a bridge between the medieval and the modern period of the intellectual and

religious history of Muslim India. He was one of the most outstanding personalities of

his age. He always thought ahead of his time and deeply influenced contemporaries

and all the subsequent generations of Ulama. He brought about the intellectual

renaissance of the Muslims in the sub-continent and realized the stagnation among the

thoughts of ulama,4 which had developed the sectarian differences in the Muslim

community. At that time, a broader and realist approach was needed to eliminate the 1 The word ulama is an Arabic word, which is the plural of Alim. It has derived from “Ilm” literally

meaning, knowledge. Alim means the knowledgeable. Commonly in Muslim society, an Alim is a religious scholar but in the technical sense, an Alim is the person who is expert in the commands of Sharia and in a common parlance a Muslim who has completed his education in a madrassa (Religious Seminary). The Encyclopaedia of Religion defines an Alim as a learned religious scholar of Islam, guardian, transmitter, an interpreter of its science, doctrines, laws, chief guarantor of continuity in the spiritual and intellectual history of the Islamic community. Anybody who had acquired the knowledge up to a generally accepted and prescribed standard could become an Alim. Leonard Binder defined an ‘Alim’ anyone who studied law can be an Alim. (Leonard Binder, Religion and Politics in Pakistan (Berkely: University of California Press, 1963), 25.

2 H. B. Khan, Barr-i-Saghir Pak-o-Hind kay Jang-i-Azadi mai Ulama-i-Hind ka Siyasi Kirdar, Besween Sadi say 1940 tak (Islamabad: National Institute of Historical and Cultural Research Quaid-i-Azam, University, 1985), 388.

3 Khaleeq Ahmad Nizami, Shah Waliullah Kay Siyasi Maktubat (Lahore: Idara-i-Islamyat, 1978), 6. 4 Ibid.

confusion and conflicts of various groups like Sunnis and Shias, Sufis and Mullahs

etc. He put forward a view of balance and liberal attitude to bring differences to a

level where they ceased to be menace to the corporate life of Muslim India.5 Shah

Waliullah wrote a number of books on various topics to assess the situation but the

main reason of the various sectarian quarrels was the lack of fundamental knowledge

of Quran and Sunna. He translated the Holy Quran in to Persian language in order to

make it easy to understand for the common people.6

The commencement of nineteenth century brought two challenges for the

Muslims of India, i.e. the setback of the Mughal Empire and the British system of

education. The indigenous system was abolished and the Christian missionaries

wanted to provide modern education and intended to convert the Indian masses to

Christianity.7

During the lifetime of Shah Abdul Aziz (1746-1824), the situation became

shocking. The Muslim judiciary system of Sharia Law was replaced by common law.

The Land Tax collection system was changed, and opportunities of employment for

the Muslims were decreased due to the fear of Christianization. Owing to these state

of affairs, Shah Abdul Aziz gave the historic verdict (Fatwa) 8 in 1806 declaring India

5 Shaikh Muhammad Ikram, Modern Muslim India and the Birth of Pakistan (Lahore: Institute of Islamic Culture, 1990), 10.

6 Ibid. 7 Sayed Masroor Ali Akhtar Hashmi, Muslim Response to Western Education (New Delhi:

Commonwealth Publishers, 1989), 5. 8 ? Formal judicial decree by a learned religious figure. William Wilson Hunter has summarised Shah

Abdul Aziz fatwa as “When infidels get hold of a Muslim country and it becomes impossible for the Muslims of the country and of the people of the neighbouring areas to drive them away or to retain reasonable hope of ever doing so; and the power of the infidels increases to such an extent that they can abolish or retain the ordinances of Islam according to their pleasure; and no one is strong enough to seize on the revenue of the country without the permission of the infidels; and the Muslim inhabitants do not, no-longer live so secure as before; such a country is politically a country of the Enemy (Dar-ul-Harb)”. William Wilson Hunter, the Indian Musalmans (Calcutta: The Comrade Publishers, 1945), 134. Cited in Faruqi, 3.

as Dar-ul-Harb, (a land of war where Islam is under constraint).9 The fatwa proved to

be a turning point in the relations of Muslims with the British.10

Shah Abdul Aziz dedicated himself for the cause of overall Islamic revivalism.

For this purpose, he appointed Shah Muhammad Ishaq as leader of the organization

and Sayed Ahmad Shaheed (1786-1831) as Ameer of jihad party.11 They launched

Jihad movement from 1826 against the Sikhs of Punjab for Islamic revival. Sayed

Ahmad Shaheed and Shah Ismail Shaheed died fighting with the Sikhs at Balakot on

5th May 1831.

On the other hand, Mawlana Muhammad Ishaq, the nephew of Shah Abdul

Aziz took charge of the Madrassa. He reorganized the madrassa strictly on two

principles;

1. Strict obedience of the Hanafi Madhab;

2. A coalition with the Sultan of Turkey.12

He made a board of four prominent Ulama to run the affairs of guidance and

propagation for the Muslims. Mawlana Mamlook Ali was made the head of that

board. He was the teacher of Mawlana Qasim Nanutawi, founder of Dar-ul-ulum

Deoband.

After the failure of the war of independence in 1857, two school of thoughts

emerged among the Muslims i.e. Aligarh and Deoband. Sir Syed Ahmad Khan led

Aligarh, with a reconciliatory outlook towards the British. Whereas Deoband, with an

indifferent attitude towards the British, was led by Mawlana Muhammad Qasim

9 Ishtiaq Husain Qureshi, Ulema in Politics A study relating to the political activities of the ulema in the south-Asian sub-continent from 1556 to 1947 (Karachi: MA’AREF Ltd; 1972), 392.

10 The Ulama associated their religious affairs under the nominal patronage of sultan of Tukey. They were addressing him in their Khutba of Friday (Juma) prayers. Ziaul Hasan Faruqi, the Deoband School and the Demand for Pakistan (Lahore: Progressive Books, 1962), 2.

11 Ubaidullah Sindhi, Shah Waliullah Owr Unki Siyasi Tahrik (Lahore: Sindh Saghar Academy, 2008), 56.12 Faruqi, The deoband school….19.

Nanotawi. The former wanted to develop and reform Muslim society through Western

education while the later focused on religious traditional studies.13

Dar-ul-uIoom Deoband continued its policy of indifference to the British

government until 1905 when Mawlana Mahmud Hasan was appointed as head of the

Dar-ul-ulum who adopted an active resistance to the British rule. He launched a

movement later on known as “Tehreek-i-Raishmi Romaal” (Silk Handkerchief

Movement) which was a secret plan to overthrow the British government with the

help of Turkey, Afghanistan, and Pakhtun of Tribal Areas during the World War 1.

Later on, with the failure of this movement, the Ulama moved towards non-violent

political struggle for freedom.

In the first and second decades of Twentieth Century, some events related to

the Muslim politics of India like the resentment on the annulment of the partition of

Bengal, the Balkan wars, the incident of Kanpur mosque, World War 1 and the issues

related to Khilafat-i-Usmania changed the thinking of the Muslim leadership in Indo-

Pak sub-continent. In this backdrop, Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-Hind (JUH) was established

at Delhi on 22nd November 1919. The objectives were, to guide the Muslims in

politics and religious matters, to organize the Ulama on a common platform and to

preach Islam as well as to struggle for the freedom of India.14 As per instructions

given by the central organization, the Ulama began to establish regional branches of

JUH in NWFP. The first meeting of JUH was held in Azad Islamia High School,

Shahbaz Garhay Mardan, presided over by Mawlana Shah Rasul Deobandi.15 After

that, they held another meeting at Ziyarat Kaka Sahib Nowshera on 8thAugust 1924.

The first session was presided by Sayed Husain Shah of Surukh Dheri and the second

13 Mawlana Muhammad Miyan, Jam’iat Ulama Kiya Hay (Lahore: Maktaba Mahmudia, Shuba Nashr-o-Ishaat Jam’iat Ulama-i-Islam, 2004), 10.

14 Perveen Rozina. History of Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-Hind(1919-1947), Unpublished M. Phil thesis, Islamabad: Quaid-i-Azam University, Department of History, 1986), 14.

15 Intelligence Bureau, D. O. A, Peshawar, K.P., File No. 25/1/15 Bundles No. 85, S. No. 1562.

by Mawlana Shah Rasul of Bala Garhy, Mardan. The office bearers of the first

organization of Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-Sarhad16 for the District of Peshawar were Sayed

Meera Jan of Ziyarat Kaka Sahib (President), Miyan Hamid Gul (Secretary) and Qazi

Abd ul Rabb (Treasurer).17

Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-Hind’s eighth session held at Peshawar in December 2-5,

1927 was the most important religio-political event that took place in the history of

NWFP. The session proved a test for the mature and purposeful political struggle in

the province. The Jam’iat, in the subsequent years, played an important role in the

provincial politics. Organization of the provincial Jam’iat was established (JUS) with

Mawlana Abdul Hakim as president and Mawlana Shakirullah as vice president.

Jam’iat also worked in close collaboration with the Khilafat Committee. Mawlana

Abdul Hakim remained president of both Jam’iat as well as the Khilafat committee.

The Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-Sarhad (JUS) worked as a provincial branch of Jam’iat-ul-

ulama-i-Hind (JUH), successfully along with the other political organizations in

NWFP.18

The incident of Qissa Khawani Bazaar in 1930 is another milestone in the

history of NWFP. Among other causes, one was the arrest of Ulama active in the non-

cooperation movement in 1930s. Khilafat Committee, Congress and Naujawanan-i-

Baharat Sabha made a council and Mawlana Abd ul Rahim Popalzai was appointed

the president. At 23rd April 1930, when a Sikh police officer insulted him, people rose

against the administration and the clash between public and police resulted in the

death of forty persons and arrest of several dozens of the agitators.19 The Indian

National Congress constituted an inquiry committee to investigate the incident

16 It was established as regional Jam’iat-ul-ulama in NWFP.17 P. A. I, NWFP, D. O. A. Peshawar K.P.,31/7258, Para, No. 327. August 28, 1924. 18 C. I. D. Dairies, B. No. 54, S. No. 920. F. No. 1772. D. O. A. Peshawar.K.P. 19 Muhammad Shafi Sabir, Tarikh-i-Suba Sarhad (Peshawar: University Book Agency, 1986), 757.

happened in the NWFP. The committee, headed by Wallabhai Patel. Mufti

Kefayatullah, and Mawlana Muhammad Naeem of Abbottabad participated on behalf

of JUH. Although, they were not allowed to visit Peshawar, yet they recorded the

statements of the people of Peshawar in Rawalpindi.20

Agitation for Sharia Bill in 1930s was another important chapter in the history

of religio-political parties of this province. The British courts were deciding cases

according to Riwaj (custom) rather than Sharia.21 The JUS held a Sharia conference

attended by Mufti Kefayatullah (1875-1952), Mawlana Habib ul Rahman Ludhyanwi

(1890-1956), Mawlana Zafar Ali Khan (1873-1956) and Mawlana Husain Ahmad

Madani (1879-1957). Sharia Bill was prepared and passed by the provincial

legislative council in 1936.22 Khudai Khidmatgar organization also cooperated with

the JUS in the Sharia movement. Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan and Khudai Khidmatgars

were going side by side with the Ulama.23 The Sharia conference and Muslim Family

Laws bill was a landmark in the constitutional development of the province which

distinguished the profile of JUS compared to other provinces in India. The Sharia bill

made the Ulama to strengthen coordination with other political parties to be helpful in

representing demands in the legislative council in future.24 In the elections of 1946,

two members of the JUS Nawabzada Allah Nawaz Khan and Asadullah Jan Khan

were elected from Dera Ismail Khan for the Provincial Legislative Council.25

Nawabzada Allah Nawaz Khan was later on elected unanimously as deputy speaker of

the provincial legislative council of NWFP.26

20 Ibid. 21 Miyan, Jam’iat ulama Kiya Hay, 20, and Muhammad Qasim Zaman, The Ulama in Contemporary

Islam: Custodians of Change (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2002), 23. 22 C. P. A., NWFP. Para No.47. ACC. No. 42/7269, 1935. D. O. A.& Libraries Peshawar, K.P.23 C. P. A., NWFP. Para No.447.ACC. No . 39/7266, 1934. D. O. A.& Libraries Peshawar, K.P. 24 Legislative Council Debates NWFP, 1935. Vol.VI. No. 1-5. Official Report ACC. No. 1751 /55, to

1756 /60. D. O. A.& Libraries Peshawar, K.P. 25 Erland Jansson, India Pakistan or Pakhtunistan, the Nationalist Movement in the North West

Frontier Province (Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell International, 198l), 151. 26 Aziz Javed, Sarhad ka Ayini Irtiqa (Peshawar: Azeem Publishing House, 1975), 272.

After the passage of Lahore Resolution in 1940, a new twist came in the

struggle of the Ulama. Most of the Ulama of Deoband were at the crossroads, when

differences developed in the center on the question of partition of India. Mawlana

Ashraf Ali Thanvi and his followers were in favor of the Muslim League. When

Jam’iat-ul-Ulamai-i-Hind split into two factions, in 1945, Shabir Ahmad Usmani led

one faction and Hussain Ahmad Madani who allied with the Congress led the other.27

JUS was also divided into two groups; those supporting the Congress and those

opposing the Congress. The pro-Congress JUS continued its struggle along with the

JUH policies and the Non Congress came under the influence of Muslim League. The

struggle of JUS helped the Muslim League in getting favor for Pakistan in the

Referendum of 1947.28

1.1 STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM

Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-Hindwas established during the Khilafat movement to

provide a platform to the ulama and to safeguard the religious interests of the Indian

Muslims. Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-Sarhad was established as a provincial branch of the

JUH in the former NWFP. The religio-political movements of NWFP were complex

in nature in the colonial rule. The first half of the twentieth century lacked clarity of

the role of Ulama in NWFP. Ulama strived and launched various movements for the

political development and the preservation of sharia in Indian sub-continent. The role

and activities of Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-Sarhad (hereafter JUS) influenced the politics and

society of NWFP in the colonial era. The research aims at an assessment of the role in

the evolution of religious politics and struggle for freedom of the sub-continent, the

early organizations of the provincial Jam’iat, the structure and nature of their

27 Faruqi, The deoband school…103. 28 Shah, Ethnicity, Islam and Nationalism, 21.

organizational activities and response of the ulama towards imperial policies is the

central theme of the study.

1.2 SIGNIFICANCE OF THE STUDY

Ulama under Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-Sarhad were mostly affiliated with the

Deoband school of thought. The present religious political parties, having strength

such as JUI (F) and JUI (S) also belong to the same school. Likewise, majority of the

people29 of NWFP belong to the Sunni Deobandi school of thoughts30 and it is very

important to conduct a research on the role of J. U. Sarhad and its impact on the post-

colonial politics of the province.

The role of Jam’iat ul Ulama-i-Islam (JUI) in Pakistan, in the promotion of

religious education, mobilization of people and role in politics is important. On many

occasions JUI, NAP/ANP worked together even formed a coalition in the 1970s. This

coalition, of apparently two ideologically varying groups could not be estimated

unless there is a common historical tradition. In this study that common tradition will

be investigated by digging out the genesis and development of the religio-political

movement with special reference to J.U. Sarhad.

1.3 LITERATURE REVIEW

There is a considerable research work done by scholars on the pre-partition

political parties of NWFP but Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-Sarhad is always neglected. There is

no full-fledged research regarding the detailed study of JUS as a provincial religio-

political party in the pre-partition period. The prevalent literature is mostly rhetoric in

29 Jamal Malik, Colonialization of Islam Dissolution of Traditional Institutions In Pakistan (Lahore: Vanguard Books (pvt), 201.30 A report of 1988 of Ministry of Education Islamabad declared, NWFP/K.P religiouse madaris as 631 Deobandies,32 Barelvies, 5 Ahli Hadiths, 2 Shias and 8 Others.This report declared 93 percent deobamdi madaris in the province.(Salim Mansor Khalid, Deni Madaris me Talim; Kafiyyat, Masayil Imkanat (Islamabad: Institute policy studies, 2005), 150.

nature and based on the autobiographical (published and unpublished) material

available in the traditional cleric families.

The available literature on the subject can be divided into three categories;

books written by Ulama and scholars in India and Pakistan, work done in NWFP

(now Khyber Pakhtunkhwa) and the research conducted in different universities. As

far as the first category is concerned, Mawlana Sayyed Muhammad Miyan, a scholar

of Deoband School has written books like Jam’iat-ul-Ulama Kiya hay (What is

Jam’iat-ul-Ulama?) and (Ulama-i-Haq owr Unky Mujahedana Karnamy) (Pious

Religious Scholars and their Achievements) etc. The writer based his work on the

political struggle of Ulama-i-Deoband for freedom along with the Congress. Mawlana

Muhammad Miyan remained the Nazim (administrator) of JUH and his work presents

the viewpoint related to his own political party, and the facts may be otherwise.

Ishtiaq Husain Qureshi’s Ulema in Politics is also a brief survey covering a period of

four centuries from the reign of Akbar to the establishment of Pakistan. It sheds light

on the Indian Khilafat and Hijrat movement but ignores the Frontier Ulama and their

struggle in the freedom movement.

The second category belongs to the NWFP local writers like Mawlana Abd-ul-

Dayan, ‘Ulama-i-Deoband Kay Siyasi Khidmaat (Political Services of Deoband

Scholars). This is merely a narration and biographical sketches of the graduates of

Deoband belonging to the NWFP, and he did not touch the political agitation and

various events took place in the province. Another book written by Sayed Ameer

Shah Qadri “Tazkira Ulama-o-Mashayekh-i-Sarhad” (The Story of Ulama and Saints

of Frontier) comprises biographical sketches of different Ulama and noble persons of

Frontier. The book is restricted to the religious activities and especially discusses the

Sufis of Frontier. The eighth session of Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-Hindin 1927 and Sharia

Conference of 1934 for the Sharia Bill passed by the Legislative Council of NWFP in

1936 are not discussed in the whole literature.

The third category is the work done in different universities. Ziya-ul-Hasan

Faruqi’s “The Deoband School and the Demand for Pakistan” is a good work but, it

is mainly about the political role of Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-Hindand paradoxical position

of Deoband School in pre-partition politics. It is mainly the study of central policies

and activities of ulama during Pakistan movement and there is no discussion on the

role of provincial Jam’iat of British India. Perveen Rozina’s M. Phil thesis ‘History of

Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-Hind; is a description of the early Deoband movement and policies

of Jam’iat Ulama-i-Hind. It has nothing about the role of JUS in politics and freedom

struggle. Qari Fayuz-ul-Rahman’s “Mashaheer Ulama” (The Renowned Scholars) is

his Ph. D work done at the University of Punjab that contains information about the

prominent Ulama of Pakistan related to the Deoband school of thought but there is

deficiency in details about the political role of Ulama and their freedom movement in

the British India. Sana Haroon’s book Frontier of Faith, Islam in the Indo-Afghan

Borderland (2007), is one of the more recent work that has done as post-doctoral

study. The work provides a detailed survey in respect of the militant Islam in tribal

areas. The main theme of the study lying in the topographical zone of Frontier and

cartographically defined regions where armed mobilization led by Mullahs. The study

highlights the Mullahs’ connection to one another by Sufi silsilas as well as Pakhtun

ethnicities. It has presented good discussion on the British colonial presence in the

region, a discourse on the reasons for the legacy of religious revivalism and anti-

American imperialism that generated in the tribal areas in the recent days in Pakistan.

It covers a vast variety of the armed struggle of tribal Mullahs as well as some

important events in the settled districts. However, the work does not cover much on

the historical details of the political activism of the JUS Ulama, constitutional

islamization that seems fundamental in the history of the province.

There are a few other publications by frontier scholars that have covered ulama

struggle and provide source material. The work of Sayed Wiqar Ali Shah Ethnicity,

Islam and Nationalism has discussed some aspect of frontier ulama in politics during

the period 1937-47. Mawlana Mufti Mahmod Ki Elmi, Deni-o-Siyasi Khidma’at by

Dr. Mawlana Abdul Hakim Akbari, Mawlana Ghulam Ghous Hazarvi Ki Mazhabi-o-

Siyasi Khidma’at by Suhail Ahmad Awan and Reforming the Pukhtuns Resisiting the

British: An Appraisal of the Haji Sahib Turangzai’s Movement, By Dr. Altaf Qadir,

focus on one personality in details and donot address the momentous events of

Jamiat-ul-ulamai-i-sarhad in a pre-independence scenario.

1.4 RESEARCH QUESTIONS

The study seeks to obtain answers to the following questions:

1. What was the contribution of JUS in the political development of NWFP?

2. What was the nature of their struggle for the sharia laws in the colonial era?

3. Whether JUS succeeded in seeking cooperation of other organizations in the

preservation and promulgation of sharia?

4. How JUS responded to the British policies in the region?

5. Why there were differences within JUS on the question of Pakistan Movement?

1.5 METHODOLOGY

The research has conducted by employing descriptive, historical and analytical

methods. The topic is new and, therefore, the main sources consulted from the

archival materials. Apart from the K. P. Archives, there has been found enormous

material in the shape of declassified political diaries of the police intelligence as well

as personal diaries of the British officials consulted in British Library U.K. The

important portions have been explained with the historical background in a

descriptive manner. The personal diaries of religious personalities and biographies of

the Ulama available in Pashto and other languages have been assessed with analytical

methods. In this study documents and records are involved, all such sources has been

thoroughly scrutinized and analyzed in the light of document analysis techniques.

As a secondary source material, books and monographs written by different

Ulama, scholars of various school of thoughts, magazines, journals, newspapers has

been consulted. National Documentation Wing (NDW), National Archives Islamabad

was also visited. The government records, India office oriental collection in British

Library and official publications were also studied during the research. Many gaps

and difficulties were filled through interviews with the religious scholars, religious-

political leaders, senior political workers and activists.

1.6 ORGANIZATION OF THE STUDY

The first chapter provides a brief account and introduction of the efforts of

Ulama for the social reforms and political awakening of Muslim society in India

particularly in the North West Frontier.

The second chapter throws light on the influence of the efforts of Shah

Waliullah during his lifetime and the impact of his teachings on the Muslim society in

India. It also provides an insight in to the socio-religious mobilization of the disciples

of Shah Waliullah and the impact of Mujahedin movement and the Pakhtun resistance

towards various foreign powers during the nineteen century.

The third chapter describes the strategic importance of the new province and

its benefits for the Muslims of the Frontier region and its role in the political

development of the Indian administration. The impact of the Khilafat and Hijrat

movements and its role in the political awaking of the Ulama and Pakhtun society is

also discussed.

The fourth chapter deals with the political reforms and the establishment of the

JUS and its provincial and regional branches in the province.

The fifth chapter focuses on the new developments, governor level province

and reforms in the legislative councils and electoral politics and the role of Ulama in

the Islamic legislation in the Frontier.

The sixth chapter sheds light on the British imperial policies during the World

War II and the struggle of the JUS/Congress for the complete independence and

JUS/Non Congress for the development of the peaceful environment in the North

West Frontier.

The seventh chapter assesses the role of Ulama on the question of Pakistan

and the efforts during the referendum in the NWFP, the last episode in the partition of

Indo-Pak sub-Continent. Some Ulama established Jam’iat-ul-Ulama-i-Islam under the

leadership of Shabbir Ahmad Usmani contrary to Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-Hind.

CHAPTER – 2

SHAH WALIULLAH’S IMPACT ON FRONTIER SOCIO-RELIGIOUS MOBILIZATION

Ulama had a leading role in the Muslim society since the inception of Muslim

rule 1206 in the Indo-Pak sub-continent. Muslim Indian emperors had followed the

administration and personal matters according to Sharia. Although there is no

priesthood in Islam, yet the clergy had recognized itself in the Muslim state and

government affairs through the ages.31 The clergy as priestly class appeared when

religion became complex and religious knowledge was monopolized by them. The

influence of the Ulama strengthened when the Turks, Persians, and non-Arabs

founded their kingdoms. The class of Ulama was considered the custodian of the

religious knowledge who interpreted the Quran and Hadith. Professional Ulama were

categorized into different classes, highly educated as Qazis and muftis while the less

educated got the posts of Khateeb and Imam. Every class has its own duties and

powers to interpret religion and settled Muslim personal matters32 for that reason they

had an authority over the common people.33

The main reason of the involvement of the Ulama in the affairs of the state

was the system of Bay’at34 by which the ruler was designated and he needed the

affirmation for his rule and support of Ulama.35 This institution continued during the

31 Rasheed Ahmad Jalandri, Bartanvi Hind Mai Musalamanu Ka Nizam-i-Talim, Aik Naqidan Jaiyza Vol. 1 Daruloloom Deoband (Islamabad: Al’umar Printers, 1989), 6.

32 H. B Khan, 6. 33 Mubarak Ali, The Ulema Sufis and Intellectuals (Lahore: Fiction House, 2005), 13-14. 34 The classical method of making a ruler since the time of Sahaba (the companion of Prophet). At

first, the companions were aware of the sharia and fundamentals rules but in the subsequent years the common people were not fully aware of the sharia so they needed Ulama to guide them.

35 Even Halako Khan also took a fatwa from Ulama after possession of Baghdad, that, which one is better a Non-Muslim Emperor with justice or a cruel Muslim Emperor. Ulama gave fatwa that a Non-Muslim emperor is better than Muslim cruel emperor. For details, see Mawlana Moududi, Tajdeed-o-ahya-i-deen (Lahore: Islamic publications Pvt Ltd, 1989), 74.

Khilafat of Baghdad as caliphs used to rule the state with the support of Ulama.36 In

some cases, Ulama in India had not fashioned or developed demonstration through the

quality of their scholarship.37 The Muslim rulers always used Ulama for the

diplomatic and missionary purpose of the state and their personal asset when and

wherever the power of sword was not effective. The rulers used the Ulama for the

negotiations and preaching to the opponents.38 The Ulama as a class were familiar in

the era of Hazrat Ameer Muawiya (661-680A.D.) along with the other development

like the establishments of bureaucracy and the conversion of Khilafat in monarchy.

While in the tenth century, they developed into a distinguished class.39

Ulama of Indo-Pak subcontinent, involved in state affairs, had played a role in

the rise and fall of Muslim state from the age of Muslim political and military

superiority to the end of 1857. They played a great role in the construction and

destruction40 in the state and society of Muslim dynasties in the past. In the

combination of different Sufi thoughts in Indian religious culture, specifically the

concepts of wahdat ul wajud (the concept of unity of being) and its similarity with

Upanishads41 disturbed the Muslim tradition and later on manifested by two

representatives Aurangzeb and Darishkoh.42

The contributions of Sheikh Ahmad Sarhindi (1564-1624) Shaikh Abdul Haq

Muhadith (d.1581) and Shah Waliullah (1702-1762)43 to understand and interpret

Islamic thoughts in India are tremendous. The former positively rejected the doctrine 36 H. B. Khan, 7. 37 For example, the Ulama were silent on the selection of Sultana Razia a woman as a ruler of Muslim

India or the exception given to Sultan Kaikbad from the prayer and fasting by some Ulama. (H. B. Khan), 5.

38 Ibid. 39 Jalandri, 10. 40 The clash between them generated sectarian conflicts, which resulted political disintegration in the

last years of Shah Jahan’s reign. (Ikram, 491)41 Peter Hardy, The Muslims of British India (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1972), 28. 42 Shaikh Muhammad Ikram, eds. A History of the Freedom Movement, Vol. 1. 1707-1831 ‘Shah

Waliullah Life and Achievements in the Religious Sphere’ (Karachi: Board of Editors, 1957), 491. 43 Shah Waliullah was born after the death of Shaikh Ahmad Sarhindi Mujaddid Alf Sani and four

years before the death of Emperor Aurangzeb Alamgir (d. 1707).

of wahdat ul wajud and the later developed the tenetes of Islam in a realistic approach

and removed indiscretions.44 ShahWaliullah modified, elaborated a justification and

reviewed the doctrine of Sufism in India.45

Shah Waliullah formed the bridge between medieval and modern Islam in India, and

his work gained momentum and he influenced the subsequent thoughts in the sub-

continent.46 The on-going popular religion in Indian culture was actively criticized

which was the result of the expected powers of the saints, worship of their tombs and

sacrifice of animals to any other than God. Shah Sahib fully devoted to the Sunni

doctrine of a Khilafat filled by election, emphasized on Jihad or the holy war against

the infidels and for this purpose, he wrote a number of books on various topics related

to the problems of the Muslims of that time. 47

Shah Waliullah assessed the political and social condition of Indian Muslims

and offered solutions. The stagnation among the Ulama had developed the sectarian

differences in the Muslims community. At that time, a broader and pragmatist

approach needed to abolish the confusion and conflicts of various groups like Sunnis

and Shias, Sufis and Mullahs etc. The alleged hostilities among the main sects of

Muslims and the prevailing narrow conception that Shias were non-Muslims was

removed.48 Shah Sahib put forward a balanced and reconciliatory view and played a

role of transitional figure between the medieval and modern age somewhat Dante did

in Europe.49 His efforts and various remedies for the problems implemented a liberal 44 Ikram, Rudi kosar, 344.45 Ikram, 491. 46 Saida Iqbal, Islamic Rationalism in the Sub-Continent (Lahore: Islamic Book Service, 1984), 59. 47 He translated the Holy Quran from Arabic to Persian language, the Books of Hadiths (Kutub-i-

sitta). Hadiths (the sayings of Prophet) is the second main source of Islamic knowledge and interpretation and all the Hadiths books taught with the lineage of Shah Waliullah in India. (Mawlana Zakarya called him Masnad ul Hind. For further details see Mawlana Muhammad Zakarya, Aap beeti (Autobiography), Vol. 1 (Lahore: Al-Meezan, Urdu Bazar, 2007), 610.

48 Ikram, 11. 49 Abbot Freeland, ‘The Decline of the Mughal Empire and Shah Waliullah’ the Muslim World, Vol.

52. No. 1 (1962), 117. cited in Muhammad Afzal, Shah Waliullah Philosophy of Education (Islamabad: National Institute of Historical and Cultural Research, Quaid-i-Azam University, 2003), 1.

attitude and brought differences to a level where they ceased to be peril to the

communal life of Muslims in India.50 However, the movement was not sufficiently

proved beneficial for the Muslims of Asia due to lack of propagation on the large-

scale work of the press and publication as the modern European philosophers were

provided with that facility, like Marx, Hume and Hegel. They transmitted their views

and published their opinions, which influenced many people and minds of Europe and

Asia.51

2.1 THE ISLAMIC VISION OF SHAH WALIULLAH

Eighteen century was commonly known as the century of revolutionary

movements on the scientific and political grounds. Before the death of Aurangzeb,

there was one center of Muslims, empire from Qandahar to Assam, the succeeding

years had no example of such a great Empire. 52

After Aurangzeb’s death in 1707, a chaos started that lasted for fifty years, i.e.

from 1707 to 1757. During this period, ten rulers were changed, four died naturally

and six were killed. Contrary to that, the contemporary modern era brought new

challenges while the Indian Muslim traditional society was full of confusion. Mughal

dynasty was near to collapse. Marathas and British were using all the strength,

political power and intellectual potential to dominate all other cultures in India.

Marathas were rising day by day due to the numerical strength and the British due to

modern education and technology. On the other hand, Muslim power started to

decline primarily due to the internal differences and conflicts among the Muslim

sects. Shah Waliullah felt a need for re-assessment of the Islamic theology.53

50 Ikram, 11. 51 Miyan, Tahreek-i-Raishmi Romaal (Lahore: Maktaba-i-Mahmudiya, 2008), 101. Also cited by

Mawdodi, Tajdeed-o-Ahya-i-Deen, 125. 52 Wolseley Haig, The Cambridge History of India, Vol. 4. (Cambridge: Cambridge University

Press, 1928), 416. 53 Aziz Ahmad, An Intellectual Study of Islam in India (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press,

1969), 9.

The true understanding was possible only after the study of Quran and Hadiths

(The tradition of the prophet) and that was possible by either making everybody a

scholar of Arabic or making a Persian54 translation of the Quran. He translated the

Holy Quran into Persian in order to make it easy to be understood by the common

people. Mawlana Ubaidullah Sindhi said, “Shah Waliullah’s movement started with

the translation of the Holy Quran in 1737-38”.55 Shah Waliullh pointed out the root

cause of the problem and gave instructions to the rulers, elite class, Ulama and

common people 56 and according to Manazar Ahsan Gilani, “For the first time Shah

Sahib introduced new interpretation for secular state in India”.57 The Muslim rulers of

India treated the Indians communities in a moderate way and gave equal status to their

culture according to their own religion. A British author Charles Grant also

acknowledged that during the Muslim rule in India, Muslims did not make any change

in the peculiarity of their subject; they endured on their status.58

54 Persian language was locally understanding by all communities because it was an official language of India since the Muslim Slateen period.

55 Ubaidullah Sindhi, Shah Waliullah owr Unki Siyasi Tehreek (Lahore: Sindh Saghar Academy 2008), 8.

56 Shah Waliullah, Tafheemat, cited in Nizami, Siyasi Maktubat, 33-34. 57 Letter of Mawlana Manazer Ahsan Gilani to Khaleeq Ahmad Nizami dated 5 th February 1951.

Nizami, 8. 58 Sayed Tufail Ahmad Mangalori, Musalmanu ka Roshan Mustaqbil (Lahore: Hammadi Al-Katbi, 5th

Edition. 1945), 53.

2.2 SHAH WALIULLAH AND NORTH WEST INDIA

Shah Waliullah produced a wide range of pious disciples who spread and

propagated his teachings in different parts of India.59 Shah Waliullah made relations

with the spiritual leaders like Miyan Umar of Chamkani (Peshawar) and Najeeb ul

Dawla of Rohil Kand. When he was disappointed from the Muslim elite and ruling

class, he gave the famous inspiration of (Fakku kulla nizam) to overthrow all the

existing system of government and to reconstruct another one”.60 Shah Waliullah

observed dissimilarities and misunderstandings among the Indian Muslims during his

lifetime. The Sikhs, Marathas, Jats and Rohilahs were main characters who were

dreaming about the thrown of Delhi.61 Shah Waliullah invited Ahmad Shah Abdali,

the ruler of Afghanistan, to attack India to save Muslims and punish the Marathas. 62

Ahmad Shah Abdali attacked India and defeated Marathas but the mission of Shah

Waliullah remained unaccomplished and the disintegration of Indian Territory was

accelerated because the miserable fall of Indian Muslims was far from the normal

level and the Indian Muslims did not benefit from the Pani Pat defeat of the

Marathas.

The interesting side of these events was that on one hand, Ahmad Shah Abdali

was eliminating Marathas’ power while on the other hand British were busy against

Siraj-ud-Dawla Army in Bengal. British benefited from both sides and Muslims lost

power and prestige, and in 1805 the Mughal kings of India, the grandsons of

Aurangzeb turned to be a mere pensioners63 of East India Company. At last all the

59 Mawdodi, 114. 60 Muhammad Ikram Chughtayi, Shah Waliullah; His Religious and Political Thoughts (Lahore:

Sangi-i-Meel Publications Pakistan, 2005), 320. 61 Hakim Mahmud Ahmad Zafar, Ulama Maidan-i-Siyasat Mey (Lahore: Bait ul Ulum Anar Kali:

n.d), 162. 62 He was also called by nobility of Punjab, Ulama, Mshaiekh and the Rajas of Northern India. Altaf

Qadir, 5. ( Nizami, 224)63 Ishtiaq Husain Qureshi, The Muslims Community of the Sub-continent 610-1947 (Karachi:

University of Karachi, 1999), 218.

executive powers went into the hands of East India Company and the famous proverb

became common everywhere in India, that (Hukmi Shah Alam az Lal Qila ta Pa

alam)64 which means the writ of Shah Alam does not run beyond Pa Alam,65 and the

essence of authority disappeared in the Mughal administration.66

Shah Waliullah’s teachings and philosophy made a trained circle of Ulama.

His struggle for the change of Muslim culture influenced all the coming generations

and gave adequate amount of intellect for reasoning in the coming ages. His four sons

Shah Abdul Aziz (1746-1823), Shah Rafi Uddin (1749-18-18), Shah Abdul Qadir

(1753-1814) and Shah Abdul Ghani along with others Ulama like Mawlana

Muhammad Ishaq Phulty, Mawlana Noorullah Badhanwi,67Mawlana Shah Abu Said

Raiy Barely,68 Mawlana Muhammad Ashiq,69 and Mawlana Muhammad Amin

Kashmiri were all the distinguished Ulama of that time who contributed to the

mission of Shah Waliullah in the subsequent years.

According to Mawlana Sindhi, Shah Abdul Aziz was the first Imam of the

Waliullahi movement and he laid down the foundation of Waliullahi movement on the

principles of Shah Waliullah.70 Mujahedin movement of Sayed Ahmad Barelvi started

under the inspiration of Shah Abdul Aziz.71 Shah Waliullah’s influence upon

64 M. Burhanuddin Qasmi, Dar-ul-ulum Deoband A heroic Struggle Against the British Tyranny (Mumbai: Markazul Ma’arif Education and Research center), 3.

65 Pa Alam was a small town near Delhi and now an Airport has been built there. 66 Muhammad Raza Khan, Tareekhi Musalmanan-i-Alam (Lahore: Ilmi Kutub Khana, 1995), 744. 67 He was the disciple of Shah Waliullah and the teacher of Shah Abdul aziz as well as father in law.

His grandson Mawlana Abdul Hai prominently took part in Mujahedin movement of Sayed Ahmad Barelvi. He came to Frontier after few months of Sayed Ahmad’s arrival and died due to illness after eight months stay in the Frontier.

68 He was the grandson of famous scholar Shah Almuallah and grandfather of Sayed Ahmad Barelvi. (Miyan, Ulama-i-Hind Ka Shandar Mazi, 418).

69 He was the cousin of Shah Sahib and was a renowned companion of him. Shah Sahib admired him and said that many books were written on his demand. Shah Sahib himself said that most of his work will be spread due to the efforts of Mawlana Muhammad Ashiq (Miyan, Ulama-i-Hind Ka Shandar Mazi, 417).

70 Sindhi, 53. 71 Abdul Rauf “The British Empire and the Mujahedin Movement in the N.W.F.P. of India: 1914-

1934”, Islamic Studies No. 44: 3 (2005), 409.

Pakhtuns was closely felt through Shah Abdul Aziz.72 Sayed Ahmad Barelvi was

accompanied by Shah Ismail (d.1831) and Mawlana Abdul Hai (d.1828), both were

the family members of Shah Waliullah. In the Mujahedin movement of Sayed Ahmad,

the cultural differences were neglected and that might be one of the reasons of failure

of this movement.

2.3 BRITISH COLONIZATION AND ULAMA RESISTANCE

British came to India as traders and made East Indian Company73 after a treaty

with the Mughal emperor on southeastern coast of India.74 The situation of Muslim

state in India declined after the defeat of Nawab Sirajuddawla at Palasi in 1757 by

Robert Clive, and Mughal Emperor by Ahmad Shah Abdali in 1756.75

The start of nineteen century brought a new challenge for the Muslims of India

when British76 entered into Delhi as conquerors under the command of General Lord

Lake. The famous Treaty of Delhi was signed in 1803 that “The people belong to

God, country to king and the administration to the Company Bahadur”.77 The second

challenge was the system of education, the existing indigenous system of education

was replaced by the modern education for the strength and survival of British rule.

72 Mawlana Sindhi remarked that Shah Abd ul Aziz saw Hazrat Ali in his dream and he ordered him to learn Pashto language, the knowledge of language would be a sign to understand the Pakhtun culture, which was very important for the success and Pakhtun loyalties. Sindhi, Shah Waliullah Owr Unki Siyasi Tahreek (Lahore: Sind Saghar Academy, 2008), 53. (Altaf Qadir, Sayed Ahmad Barelvi His Movement and Legacy from Pakhtun Perspective (New Delhi: Sage Publication, 2015), 152.

73 After the victory over the Spanish armada in 1588, British planned for commerce of the eastern seas. Queen Elizabeth granted a charter to the merchants of London to the east India trading in Jahangir’s era and they established early factories on eastern coast in 1625-34. (Vincent A. Smith, The Oxford History of India, (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1983), 332-33.

74 Michael Barthop, The NWFP British India and Afghanistan a Pictorial History 1839-1947 (Bristol: Bland Ford Press Great Britain, 1982), 19.

75 Ibid. 76 In the reign of Nur Ud-din Muhammad Jahangir (1605-27 A. D), British came to India as traders

and established East Indian Company. As time passed, they consolidated themselves in trade and politics. In 1611, the company started its operation after a treaty with the Mughal emperor on southeastern coast of India. India was sacked from both North and South; Robert Clive defeated Nawab Siraj ud-dawla in 1757, while Ahmad Shah Abdali ruined Mughal capital in 1756. Siraj ud-dawla and Tipo Sultan tried to save the Muslim political failure in Bengal but failed.

77 Miyan, 435.

The Christian missionaries wanted to convert the Indian masses to Christianity.78 In

this field, the Hindus and Muslims were likely treated but the Hindus adopted the

western education and their religious reformist movements were also going side by

side like Brahmo Samaj (1828), Prathna Samaj (1867) and Arya Samaj (1875).79 The

scenario was “divided and disorganized India”, the Sikhs occupied southern,

Marathas, the northwestern part and North East was in the hands of Rohillas.80 Due to

disorder and clash India became a conflict zone. Despite all that, at the dawn of

British power, the status of Muslim community was superior as compared to others.

At the lifetime of Shah Abdul Aziz, the situation became extreme and both the

religion and state were going down.81 The British attitude towards Muslim religion

and state was evident from Sir Charles Trevelyan’s stance before the Select

committee of the House of Lords in 185382 and Mr. Mingles, President of the

Directors of East India Company in the British parliament in 1857.83 The Muslims

judicial system of Sharia Law was replaced by common law, the Land Tax collection

system was changed, and opportunities of employment for Muslims were decreased

due to the fear of Christianization, as the modern education was designed for that

purpose.84 Due to the political changes and the most awful situation,85 Shah Abdul 78 When the student of Delhi College Ram Chandra, converted to Christianity, Hindus felt very guilty

and a great enthusiastic chaos was blown in the Hindu community. (Sir Sayed Ahmad Khan, Asbab Baghawat-i-Hind (Karachi: Urdu Academy Sind, 1957), 18.

79 Hashmi, 37. 80 They were the Pathan migrated from Frontier and established their territory under Najeeb ud-

Dawla who helped Ahmad Shah Abdali in the Marathas war in 1760. (Nadvi, 424). 81 He stated, “The primary design of the government scheme of education is to advance the progress

of civilization in India by the diffusion of useful knowledge, as the phrase is generally understood. The design of the missionary institutions is to convert the Natives to Christianity. The two objects are distinct, but they are by no means opposed to one another”. (Sayed Mehmod, A History of English Education in India (Aligarh: M. A. O. College, 1895), 67.

82 Hashmi, 26. 83 Mr. Mingles said, “God has gifted the vast land of India to England. We ought to stand by the flag

of Christianity in India from one corner to another. So this is the duty of every individual to do their best job for making the whole India as Christian country without any negligence”. Miyan, Ulama-i-Haq Owr Unky Mujahedana Karnamy, 51.

84 Hashmi, 37. 85 The editor of Delhi Gazetteer Dr. Smith Prabha Chopra remarked the situation in these words “The

well order Mughal administration had disappeared and its remnants could only be found in the hereditary ruling of Mughal families in villages. The city had been divided in to war wards by the

Aziz was asked about the Indian Territory, whether Dar ul Islam (the land of peace)

has become Dar ul Harb? (The land of war). 86 He gave the verdict (Fatwa) in 1805-6

declaring India as Dar-ul-Harb (the land of war) and which means a country of enemy

from where the Muslims should either do Jihad or Hijrah.87 The Fatwa was as:

“In this city (Delhi) the Imam-ul-Muslimin wields no authority. The real power rests with the Christian officers. There is no check on them; and the promulgation of the commands of Kuffar means that in administration and justice, in matter of law and orders, in the domain of trades, finance and collection of revenue-everywhere the Kuffaar (infidels) are in power. Yes, there are certain Islamic rituals, e.g. Friday and Eid prayers, Aazan (call for pray) and cow slaughtering with which they brook no interference; but the very root of these rituals is of no value to them. They demolish mosques without the least hesitation and no Muslims or any dhimmi can enter into the city or suburbs but with their permission. It is in their own interest if they do not object to the travelers and traders to visit the city. On the other hand, distinguished persons like Shuja-ul-Mulk and Wilayati Bagam cannot dare visit the city without the permission. From here to Calcutta, the Christians are in complete control. There is no doubt that in principalities like Hyderabad, Rampur, Lucknow etc. they have left the administration in the hands of local authorities, but it is because they have accepted their lordship and have submitted to their authority.”88

Shah Abdul Aziz carried on the religio-political philosophy of his father and

gave two historic verdicts (Fatwa) about the new situation and changes brought by the

British. The first was about the Indian territory that he declared India as Dar-ul-Harb

(land of war) while the second was, the western education and service were allowed

as valid for the Indian Muslims89 though he himself refused an offer of appointment at

Calcutta Madrassa.90 These two different verdicts had a deep influence on the

neighboring villages for the purpose of plunder and it was not possible to go without an armed escort……in 1803 Delhi was declared to be no-regulated area, the rule being that the spirit of regulation was to be observed as for as circumstances permitted…. . Though British respected the dignity of Mughal emperor of Delhi, he was in reality a shadow ruler. ” BL, IOR, Delhi Gazetteer, (New Delhi: Ministry of information and broadcasting Patalia House, 1976), 77.

86 The fatwa of Dar ul Harb was given approximately between 1806 and 1809 when Mawlavi Abd ul Rahman asked and Mawlana Abdul Aziz responded in a letter, India was declared as ‘Dar-ul-Harb’. Tazkira Kamilani Rampur cited in Afzal Quraishi, Mawlana Fazli Haq Khairabadi: Ak Tahqiqi Mutaliya (Lahore: Al-Faisal Tajiran-i-Kutub, 1992), 14.

87 Masher ul Haq, Shah Abdul Aziz: His Life and Time (Lahore: Institute of Islamic Culture, 1995), 1. 88 Shah Abdul Aziz, Fatawa-i-Azizi (Delhi: Matba-i-Mujtabai. 1311 A. h), 17. 89 It was criticize by some friends of Shah Abd ul Aziz and other Ulama when Shah Sahib gave

conditional permission to Mawlana Abdul Haye to serve under the British government in India. At this, Shah Ghulam Ali Mujadadi Dihilvi wrote a detailed letter to Shah Abdul Aziz to protest and appeal for reconsideration.

90 Faruqi, 2. ? Shah Abdul Aziz, Fatawa-i-Azizi, 17; Faruqi, 3.

subsequent years of socio-religious conditions of India, which provoked the Muslims

to resist against the Sikhs and British. Ziaul Hasan Faruqi remarked, as

“This fatwa from the religio-political point of view is a landmark in the history of India in general and in that of Muslim of India in particular. It amounted to a call to religiously conscientious Muslims to mobilize themselves, in the absence of any powerful Muslims warlord, under popular leadership and raise defiance of the foreign power”.91

Shah Abdul Aziz died in 1823, after giving guidance to the Muslims up to

fifty years. He gave moral support to his disciples Sayed Ahmad Barelvi (1786-1831),

nephew Shah Ismael Barelvi and son-in- law Mawlana Abdul Haye.92 They launched

Jihad movement in North Western part of India against the Sikhs of Punjab, which

was commonly branded by the British as Wahabi Movement.

Sayed Ahmad Barelvi was the practical link of the Waliullahi movement and

wanted to reorganize the Muslims social condition on the bases of Islamic polity.

Mawlana Ubaidullah Sindhi used to say, “Shah Waliullah offered the concept of a

new Muslim entity in India which was recognized by Shah Abdul Aziz and

accustomed it to the lay man in public language.”93 While Syed Ahmad Barelvi and

Shah Ismail Barelvi consolidated an organization and entered in to a practical field,

although they did not succeed yet the inspiration and consequences proved fruitful in

the revolutionary process.94 Both were passed away fighting against the Sikhs at

Balakot on 5th May, 1831.

The main purpose of Syed Ahmad Barelvi’s Jihad movement was to remove

the Sikhs from Frontier first, and then British from the rest of India.95 Aziz Ahmad

91 Ibid. 92 Ikram, Modern Muslim India and the Birth of Pakistan, 12. 93 Sindhi, 20. 94 Nadvi, Tarikhi Dawat-o-Azeemat, 423. 95 It was exposed from a letter written to a prominent person Shahzada Kamran of Frontier during the

jihad movement (invitation in the 1825). Nadvi, 423.

remarked, “It was a movement of holy war against the Sikhs and possibly secondarily

against the British”.96

2.4 THE ULAMA AND MUJAHEDIN MOVEMENT IN FRONTIER

Ahmad Shah Abdali was the first Pakhtun ruler who organized the segmented

parts of Afghanistan into independent state in 1747.97 In 1799, Shah Zaman of Kabul

appointed Ranjeet Singh as governor of Punjab. He proved himself a powerful ruler of

Punjab in the nineteen century.98 He got advantage from the Pakhtun civil war (1819-

26) 99 and captured Attock100 in 1818. In 1820, Sikh captured Peshawar and annexed it

to Punjab. Ranjeet Singh also gave a part back to the brothers of Amir Dost

Muhammad Khan and they ruled as Jagirdars of Sikhs in Peshawar from 1820 to

1834.101

Ulama and common people were not happy with Jagirdars (land owners) of

Peshawar to work under the administration of Sikhs. They were encouraged by Amir

of Kabul Azim Khan and Sayed Akbar Shah to plan a mass movement against the

Sikhs. Azim Khan and Sayed Akbar Shah of Sithana (great grandson of Peer Baba of

Buner) first attempted joint resistance in March 1824. Sayed Akbar Shah troops were

defeated by Ranjeet Singh armed forces at Nowshera.102 The people of Frontier faced

the brutality of the Sikhs after the battle of Nowshera (NWFP) on 23 March 1824.103

Ranjeet Singh’s troops marched victoriously and burnt the mosques and houses of

96 Aziz Ahmad, An intellectual history, 9. 97 Ghanda Singh, Ahmad Shah Abdali (Lahore: Mushtaq Book Corner, n.d), 61. 98 Shaikh Muhammad Ikram, Mowji Kowsar (Lahore: Feroz Sons Ltd. 1973), 73. 99 It was a civil war started after the end of Ahmad Shah Abdali dynasty between Abdalis and

Barakzai. 100 The district of westren Punjab on the Coast of Indus River. 101 Obrai, 27. 102 Obrai and Sayed Wiqar Ali Shah wrongly mentioned 1832 and 1834, simultaneously the defeat of

Azim Khan and the Pakhtun tribes at Nowshera. Actually it was on 25th of March 1824/3 rd Cheet 1880 Bikrami. (Kanya Lal Hindi, Tareekh-i-Punjab, 296).

103 In this war estimated by Captain Wade, three thousand Muslims and two thousand troops of Ranjeet Singh including Sikhs, Muslim and Hindus were killed at the mountain rock of Nowshera Kalan and Pir Sabak. (Ikram Ali Malik, A Book of Reading on the History of Punjab 1799-1947 (Lahore: Research Society of Pakistan, University of the Punjab, 1970), 48.

Muslims in the valley of Peshawar.104 In the subsequent years, Ranjeet Singh troops

defeated Pakhtuns and ruined the cities of Nowshera Kalan, Pabbi, and Jalozai.105 This

violence of the Sikhs army stimulated the Indian Muslims106 and as a result, Sayed

Ahmad Barelvi and his followers came to Frontier for jihad. Sayed Ahmad along with

his followers started their journey from Rai Bareilly to Peshawar, reached in the

Frontier in 1826 to help the Frontier Muslims and decided to start jihad against the

Sikhs.107

After several encounters with the Sikhs, Sayed Ahmad Barelvi was defeated

and martyred at Balakot in 1831 along with his followers and a great Muslim scholar

Sayed Ismail Barelvi. However, his mission remained active largely by his

successors.108 His followers in different regions of Frontier carried on the mission of

Sayed Ahmad Barelvi and began to plan movement against the British as a guerrilla

war. In this connection, J.W. Spain remarked:

“The main source of unrest on the Frontier between 1849 and 1890 however was the continual presence of the follower of the Sayed Ahmad in remote and inaccessible parts of Tribal Territory. While the tribes were never able to get along with the Sayed’s follower for prolonged period, his followers could nevertheless occasionally raise the tribes to religious frenzy. This would result in another attempt of jihad against the unbelievers whose presence was becoming more ubiquitous and more repugnant all the time”.109

On the other side, the popular Sufi line of Mujaddadiya was transferred

through Hazrat Je of Kabul who gave bay‘at to Abdul Ghafor commonly known as

104 Ranjeet singh troops killed three thousands Afghans in the war of Nowshera that was consider the last war of Afghans under the leadership of Afghan kings. (Abul Hasan Ali Nadvi, Tareekhi Da’wat-o-Azeemat, 444-45.

105 The villages of Nowshera, Pabbi, and Jalozai are situated to the east of Peshawar. 106 Some of the Pakhtuns told the stories of Sikhs viciousness in Punjab and that was the reason of

Sayed Ahmad jihad movement. (Nadvi, 427)107 Nadvi, 423. 108 Mawlavi Inayat Ali and his brother Mawlavi Wilayat Ali shifted from Patna to Sithana (North

West Frontier). After the first Anglo-Sikh war in 1845, many other Muslims inspired by the jihad movement of Sayed Ahmad Barelvi, migrated from India to Sithana for religious education. (Mangalore, Musalmanu Ka Roshan Mustqbil, 143-144.

109 Wiliam James Spain, The Pathan Borderland (Karachi: Indus Publication, 1985), 175.

Akhund of Swat.110 Islamic knowledge spread among the tribal Pakhtun area, directed

by Ulama and Sufi, who were connected to one another by the Sufi conection (salasil)

as well as followers of Sayed Ahmad’s linage.111Although, Sayed Ahmad was blamed

as Wahhabi, follower of Abdul Wahhab Najadi, it is evident that both were similar in

the religious thoughts in various areas and the object of their reforms was to bring

back the religion to its first appearance at the time of the holy Prophet Muhammad

(SAW).

As Y. B. Mathura has observed,

“The religion that Abdul Wahab brought was no way opposed or foreign to the spirit of Islam: It was substantially identical with the creed of Muhammad. Belief in an absolute reliance on one God, a less extensive acknowledgment of meditation, the entire withdrawal of belief in saint, the right of private interpretation of Koran, the rejection of all vague forms and idle ceremonies engrafted by an unscrupulous priesthood on the original form of the religion, the return to the old practice of abstinence from ever thing bordering on luxury, and the obligation to wage religious war: These were the religious doctrines which Abd ul Wahab taught”. 112

110 He was the son of Safi Muhammad of upper Swat in Frontier. He also took bay’at from Akhund Muhammad Shuaib a well-known Sufi. (Sana Haroon, Frontier of Faith (London: Hurst & Company, 1988), 39.

111 Ibid. 2. 112 Y. B. Mathur, Growth of Muslims Politics in India (Lahore: Book Traders, 1980), 8.

2.5 FRONTIERS AS BASTION OF MUJAHEDIN MOVEMENT

Frontier was made the center of jihad as it was thought suitable for the

movement. First, the location: it was in the center of Muslims states from where the

help of men and materials could reach in time of need. Aziz Javed wrote’ “Frontier

was made center for the purpose to receive help from Iran, Turkey, and

Afghanistan.”113 Second, the culture of this particular area was in customs of

Ghazisim (holy war). So fanatically, the common people sent their sons and brothers

to jihad. The community not only supported the movement but also stood with the

jihadists against the common enemy.

The army of Owud114 and Rohilkand mostly consisted of Pathan soldiers

where Sayed Ahmad took training and got service in the army of Amir Khan of Tonk.

The elder brother of Sayed Ahmad was also in the Nawab’s Army.115 There was an

excessive number of Pakhtun soldiers in Rohilkand led by Amir Khan that was

considered a source of victory.116

Nawab Amir Khan was a Pakhtun117 and his high rank officers were also

Pakhtun who migrated from Frontier. The prominent generals like Nawab Faqir

Muhammad Khan Afridi, Abdul Baqi Khan Qandahari and Maindo Khan Resaldar

were all Pakhtuns.118 Even the inhabitants of Muhallah Jihan Abad, where Sayed

Ahmad was living in Ray Barely, were mostly Pakhtuns and his followers.119 Another

reason was that, the people of Frontier had a long history of successful campaigns

against the Indians because they were famous for their brave and courageous temper.

113 Javed, 17. 114 Nadvi, 133. 115 Qeyamuddin Ahmad, The Wahabi Movement in India (Islamabad: National Book Foundation,

1966), 26. 116 Nadvi, 133. 117 He was living in “Sunbhal” district Moradabad belong to Salarzai tribe of Pathan from Buner. His

grandfather Taly Khan went India in the reign of Muhammad Shah. (Nadvi, 134)118 Ibid. 423. 119 Ibid. 425.

This feature of physical strength and geographical division of the Pakhtun area gave

positive response to all resistance movements. Jihad movement had linked the

Frontier with India by the well-regarded memorial of those personalities who had a

pronounced inspiration in the subsequent socio-religious and political movements of

Indians. The interesting one is the Deobandi Ulama who were the disciples of the Haji

Imdadullah Makki and his grandfather Pir Shah Abdul Rahim Wilayati Barelvi,120 was

a great Mujahed. He was a commander of Sayed Ahmad Barelvi and was assassinated

in the war of Toru Mayar (Mardan) against the troops of Sardar Yar Muhammad

Khan.121

After Sayed Ahmad’s martyrdom, the remaining Mujahedin in Buner came

under the protection of Akhund Abdul Ghafur. Later on, they began a fresh uprising

under his leadership in 1862. Only five years after the great war of 1857, the

followers of Shah Waliullah movement and the remaining disciples of Sayed Ahmad

Barelvi started holy war against the British in independent tribal areas. The Pakhtun

substantial and valiant position was evident and realized by the Ulama because

Mujahedin movement sprung with the help of Pakhtuns, which was the main Islamic

jihad movement according to the Shah Waliullahi thoughts. This is a fact that the

Indian mutiny/war of independence 1857 was also fast-tracked by the Rohila

Pakhtuns. H.W Hunter wrote;

“For this purpose, the viceroy of India struggled with utmost to his best to stop the supporters”.122 On the reaction and resistance of the Pakhtun

120 Presently he is known as the Sangar Baba in Frontier. He was the pir of Hazrat Muhammad Jhanjanwi, who was the peer of Haji Imdadullah Makki (Nadvi, 266). His ancestors came from Afghanistan. At first he took his bey’at from Sayed Rahm Ali Shah and then came under the (bey’at) in the Chishtiya Sufi order from Hazrat Shah Abdul Bari Marohi. He at last took bey’at from Sayed Ahmad Barelvi at Saharanpur.

121 He was the Sardar of Peshawar and differences rose between Sayed Ahmad and the Durrani Sardaran-i-Peshawar.

122 In 1864, the British authorities’ disclosed the financial sources of Mujahedin in India and the leaders of ‘Tariqa-i-Muhammadiyah’ were arrested who were involved in transferring money and men to the Frontier camp. The trail started in 1864 and ended in 1871 and the whole framework was damaged.

tribesmen, they feared and registered cases against the successor of the Mujahedin like Patna, Ambala, and other places in India.123

In the third decade of nineteen century, Ulama of Waliullahi School in India

realized that Muslim culture and faith were in danger. They organised the Muslim

community specially the class of Ulama on two points; first to limit the communal

clashes and second, to organize Muslims in socio-economic life in India. The

disciples of Shah Abdul Aziz progressed towards revivalism in two groups. The first,

Mawlana Muhammad Ishahq (d.1841),124 who during the lifetime of Shah Abdul Aziz

took charge of Madrassa of Shah Abdul Aziz. He reorganized the madrassa strictly on

two principles; strict obedience to the Hanafi creed and coalition with the Sultan of

Turkey.125 He further made a board of four well-known Ulama to run the affairs of

campaigning in his absence. Mawlana Mamlook Ali was made the head of that

board.126 The second group commanded by Sayed Ahmad, worked on the

revolutionary approach that continued even after the death of Shah Abdul Aziz. These

developments proved fruitful for the people of Frontier particularly the Ulama who

were clear about the thoughts of Shah Waliullah and Shah Ismail.127

Spiritual Genealogy of the Jihad movement and Ulama-i-Deoband

123 Mangalore, 143. 124 He was the nephew of Shah Abdul Aziz. Rasheed Ahmad Gangohi expressed about Mawlana

Muhammad Ishaq that he was the leader of all Muhaddesin and Ulama of India who came after him. 125 Turkey was in-charge of the arrangements of the Holly places, especially the pilgrimage and other

holy places. Hashmi, 37; Faruqi, 19. 126 He was the teacher and uncle of Mawlana Qasim Nanutawi, the founder of Dar-ul-ulum Deband

and Sir Sayed Ahmad Khan, the founder of Ali Gharh College. It is interesting that the origin of both institutions was from the same place. Both were benefited from one source but in different direction reacted. Mawlana Nanutawi brought the Arabic part from Delhi College and Sir Sayed Ahmad Khan brought English part to Ali Garh University. (Mawlavi Muhammad Ishaq Jalees, Tarikh Nidwatul Ulama, 46.)

127 Ulama of Deoband had differences with Mawlana Shah Ismail’s opinions, because he was not restricted to one Muslim jurisprudence school. He was also criticized by the Ulama of Frontier at that time, by the common people and Khans. Mullah Abdul Ghafoor the Akhund of Swat also became opponent of the Mujahedin and removed them from various areas of Swat.

Mawlana Uzair Gul was also along with Mahmud Hasan in the prison of

Malta in 1916, while Mawlana Mujahed Khan served as a guard and Khadim of

Mawlana Husain Ahmad Madani especially during 1946 elections. Both were the

residents of district Nowshera.128

2.6 THE BRITISH AND FRONTIER

128 Interview with Mawlana Mujahed Khan, August 8, 2013 at his residence in Nowshera Kalan.

The Sikh rule ended after the second Anglo-Sikh war in 1849. Punjab was

captured and the British annexed all the Trans-Indus areas to Punjab. Six new districts

were made i.e. Peshawar, Kohat, Bannu, Dera Ismail Khan, Hazara, and Dera Ghazi

Khan.129 Sikh during their rule had not attempted to occupy the tribal areas, or

established relations with the tribesmen, though there was no rigid demarcation

between the settled and tribal land.130

After the Punjab annexation by British in 1849, they focused their efforts on

peace and order, the insurance of the life and property of the Indians.131 Two

boundaries were created, one was administrative and the other was political. The

former separated the five settled districts from the tribal areas and the latter is known

as Durand Line,132 which marked off Afghanistan from British India. The middle area

between these two boundaries is tribal area occupied by Pathan tribes.133 The British

administration made different strategies to use the political and sociological space for

the prevailing threat of Russians. They made different treaties with the tribal belt.

The first treaty was signed with the Afridis of Kohat in 1849. British used to

pay 5700 rupees per annum as subsidies and promised to open the Kohat-pass for the

passageway. The British started the road without an agreement with the Afridis. On 2

February 1850, they attacked and killed 13 workers who were working on the road. It

was the first attack of Pakhtuns on the British workers. Sir Charles Napier the Chief

Commander took decision to take revenge of the offence done by Pakhtuns.134 On 7th

129 Lal Baha, N.W.F.P.Administration under British Rule 1901-1919 (Islamabad: National Commission on Historical and Cultural Research, 1978), 5.

130 The British Interests in the North West Frontier Province, F. A. K. Harrison, Journal of Peshawar University Review Vol. 1 (1974-75), 47.

131 IOR, BL, MSS. EUR, F. 125/165-166-168. Linlithgow Collection. 132 Durand line was demarcated and signed by Amir Abdu ul Rahman and Sir Mortimer Durand as

political boundary between the British government and Afghanistan in 1893 in return for an increase of his subsidy from 12 to 18 lakhs. (Smith, 700).

133 Lal Baha, 6. 134 Allah Bakhsh Yusfi, Tareekh Azad Pathan, vol: 2, (Karachi: Muhammad Ali Education Society,

1959), 82-83.

February 1850, the British troops moved towards Kohat pass crumbling several towns

of the Afridis. After all the distruction, they returned to Peshawar on 13 February

1850.135

2.6.1 Deoband as the important Seminary of Indian Muslims

Dar-ul-ulum Deoband was developed from a small maktab136 started by Haji

Hafiz Sayed Abid Husain (d. 1912) in the old mosque of Chatta.137 Then it was

shifted to Kadi ki masjid but the accomodation was insufficient. The construction of

present building of seminary was started on 2nd zilhajja, 1292 A. H /24 May, 1875.138

Mullah Mahmud139 started teaching in the old mosque of Chatta on 30th May

1866/15th of Muharram 1283 Hijira. The name of first student was also Mahmud who

was later on named as Shiakh ul Hind Mawlana Mahmud- ul- Hasan 140 (d.1920) and

the first who was appointed as a teacher. From the efforts as described by the letter of

Haji Abid Husain141 to Mawlana Qasim Nanutawi, it is evident that the founder was

Haji Abid Huasin and later on intellectual activities were yielded by Mawlana Qasim

Nanutawi’s struggle for the Dar-ul-ulum.142 Mawlana Qasim Nanutawi was the

supervisor of academics side (principal) and Haji Abid Husain was the organizer

(Muhtamim) of other affaires. He founded a Board of governors, which consisted of

135 Yusfi, 86. 136 A center for the teaching of Quran, usually established in mosque. 137 Faruqi, 22. 138 Muhammad Akhlaq Ahmad, Traditional Education among Muslims: A Study of Some Aspects in

Modern India (Delhi: B. R. Publishing, 1985), 28. 139 He was the first teacher in the Deoband Madrassah and died in 1886. 140 It is a common opinion that the founder of Dar-ul-ulum Deoband was Qasim Nanutawi, however,

the reality is, Haji Abid Husain was the first founder of madrassa and he wrote to Mawlana Qasim Nanutawi to come to Deoband for teaching. Qasim Nanutawi was at that time in Meerut, he replied “I am very happy, God bless you, I am sending Mawlavi Mahmood (d. 1886) 15 rupees with salary, he will teach and I will also make efforts for the seminary.” (H. B. Khan, 32).

141 H. B. Khan, 30. 142 Jalandri, 119.

Mawlana Qasim Nanutawi, Mawlana Faz lu Rahman, Mawlana Zulfiqar Ali,

Mawlana Mahtab Ali and Munshi Fazli Haq. 143

Mawlana Qasim Nanutawi reorganised the seminary and shifted it to a new

building. Although Haji Sahib opposed the new developments but the seminary was

developed by the hard work of Mawlana Qasim Nanutawi.144

The aims and objectives in the early manifesto of Dar-ul-ulum Deoband were,

To provide education in the subjects of Quran, Hadiths, and to serve Islam by

advising and transmission.

To develop Islamic disciplines and spirit in the students.

To preach Islam through writings and speeches; to develop the moral character

and feelings of their respected personages of early days.

To avoid the influence of government; to maintain the freedom of thoughts

and knowledge.

To establish Arabic seminaries (madrasahs) at various places for the diffusion

of religious knowledge and to affiliate them with the Dar ul ulum.145

The distinguished feature of the Dar-ul-ulum was that, neither had they

opposed the British education nor they stressed on that. The associated Ulama and

committee always denied the government support and never depended upon the

government help. Mawlana Qasim Nanutawi used to say, “The contribution of

government and elite is very harmful. In this connection the precious thing is to seek

God’s help”.146

2.7 DEOBAND MADRISAH AND THE BRITISH NORTH WEST FRONTIER

143 The first annual inaugural session declared the following persons as organizers of the madrasah, Haji Abid Huasain, Mawlavi Qasin Nanutawi, Mawlavi Mehtab Ali, Mawlana Zulfiqar Ali, Mawlavi Fazl ul Rahman, Munshi Fazli Haq and Shaikh Nihal Ahmad. (Jalandri, 120).

144 Mian, Ulama Haq Awr Unkay Mujahedana Karnamy, Tadween Jaded, 88. 145 Sayed Mahboob Rizvi, Tarikh Dar-ul-ulum Deoband (Lahore: Almeezan, 2005), 142. 146 Ibid. 122.

After the war of independence 1857, the role of East India Company ended

and India came under the direct control of British Crown. In these circumstances,

Ulama played a vital role during the war front of Shamley147 against the British army.

In this war, the prominent Ulama like Haji Imdadullah, Mawlana Qasim Nanutawi,

Mawlana Rasheed Ahmad Gangohi, Hafiz Muhammad Zamin Barelvi, Mawlana

Mazhar Nanutawi and Mawlana Muhammad Munir Nanutawi were very important

because they took part in the revolt. They participated in the conflict and gave heavy

loses to the British forces. They did their best, but failed to resist the expansion of

British rule in India because of a great disequilibrium in terms of the possession of

modern technology and warfare between the British and Indians. The war of

independence of 1857/mutiny and its aftermath disheartened the Ulama and elite

class. They lost their previous socio-political position in the society. On the other side,

the British made the Muslims primarily responsible for the mutiny. British attitude

towards the Muslims was hostile from the beginning and the war of 1857 was a

response to that. Welfred Cantwell Smith reported that as early as 1843, a Governor

General had given the warning to London, and suggested the use of communalism to

preserve imperialist rule, “I cannot close my eyes to the belief that the race

(Muhammadan) is fundamentally hostile to us and our true policy is to reconcile the

Hindus”.148 It was then recorded that the Ulama were punished and their properties

were seized. There was no distinction between the guilty and innocent. Only in U.P.

56 percent land was snatched from Muslims and given to the pro-British inhabitants

of the area.149 Another British official said, “During and for long time after the

mutiny, the Muslims were under a cloud.”150 Most of the Ulama were involved in the

147 Shamley was a subdivision of District Muzaffar Nagar in the Uttar Pardish (India). 148 Wilfred Cantwell Smith, Modern Islam in India (Lahore: Ripon Printing Press, Second Edition

1947), 193. 149 Zubair Ahmad Firdosi, Raishmi Romaal Tehreek (Lahore: Nigarishaht, 1988), 11. 150 Smith, Modern Islam in India, 194.

false cases like the trial of Ambala 1864, Raj Mahal 1870 and Azim Abad 1872.151

The time was threatening for the Muslims in common and for the Ulama in

particular.152 Some of them migrated, while some sheltered153 and others thought to

convert the degraded position by establishing educational institutions, which would

help in the propagation of religious knowledge.154

Muslims realized their catastrophe soon after 1857. Two groups of scholars

among the Muslims, opposite to each other: the traditionalist Ulama and modern

educated scholars emerged to respond the challenge from the British Indian

government. The modern group was the Aligarh and the traditionalists were from

Deoband. Aligharh group keenly concentrated on promoting the western education155

and the later led by Mawlana Qasim Nanutawi, portrayed to get inspiration from Shah

Waliullah and his sons. Both the school of thoughts tried to improve the condition of

Muslims in British India. Aligarh school wanted to defend Islam and Muslim culture

by acquiring modern education and their main aim was reconciliation with the British

Indian government.156 The second group of Muslim scholars (Deoband) was of the 151 The main purpose of these cases was to discontinue the relations and support of Indians with the

Frontier. British government several times noticed that the people who have migrated to Frontier for jihad, their relatives send money to them. British ignored this due to increase trouble in the Sikhs territories and they realised from the sending of hundies (traditional methods of Indian to send money for someone abroad), but they never gave attention to them. With the start of Frontier expeditions, British filed cases during 1864 to 1870 to censor the relations of Indian relatives of Frontier Mujahedin. In those cases, the wellknown was against the Muslims of Patna like Mawlavi Abdullah the son of Mawlavi Wilayat Ali who migrated to Frontier along with his father. The other members of their family like the cousin of Mawlavi Abdullah, Mawlavi Abdul Raheem and his uncle Mawlavi Muhammad Yahya and Mawlvi Ahmadullah etc, were also charged in similar ways in 1864. Stating that their activities were going on since 1824 and the British government sent their Hundies to the Mujahedin. Mawlavi Abdullah and Mawlavi Muhammad Yahya were belonging to prominent Raees (elite) of Patna and they were also known as loyal and served the British. They all were sentenced to death penalty at first but later on, they were sent to Kala Pani (Indeman). Sayed Tufail Ahmad Manglori, Musalmanu Ka Roshan Mustaqbil (Lahore: Hamad Al Kutabi, n.d.), 145.

152 Only in Deoband town, 34 persons were hanged and many were sent to jail. Barbara Metcalf, 76. 153 Imdadullah Mahajir Makki migrated to Hejaz and Rasheed Ahmad Gangohi took shelter for some

days in Thana Bhuan. 154 Barbara Daly Metcalf, the Reformist Ulama Muslims Religious Leadership in India 1860-1900. A

Ph.D dissertation submitted to University of California, Barkeley. 1974), 74. 155 Ali Moin Zaidi, Evolution of Political Thoughts 1857-1916, Vol. 1 (New Delhi: Nichiko and

Panjathan, 1975), 27. 156 Sir Sayed Ahmad Khan initiated the religious reformation of Islam and founded Ali Gharh College

for Muslims. He clarifies the position of Muslim by writing books and especially the Asbab-i-Baghawat-i-Hind (causes of the Indian Revolt) dispels the misunderstanding of the British against

opinion that the real cause of Muslims decline was their ill faith and dishonest

disposition of life. Therefore, they focused on the religious studies and Islamic

learnings. Most of the Ulama secluded themselves from public life and began to

establish seminaries in different parts of India for the renaissance of Islamic culture.157

The main purpose of these seminaries was the preservation of faith through

dissemination of religious knowledge.158

2.8 IMPACT OF DEOBAND MADRISAH ON THE FRONTIER REGION

There are two spheres of influence of Deoband; first by the Sufi order mostly

Naqshbandia and Qadria, and second, the Fiqh and Hadith, which in the region is

mostly inspired from the thoughts of Syed Ahmad Barelvi (d.1831). Barelvi’s thought

was the combination of two main doctrinal links. The major portion of his followers

were under Mawlana Abd ul Haye and Mawlavi Karamat Ali Jonpuri who were Ahli

Sunnah159 and Shah Ismail who was Ahli Hadith.160 Sayed Ahmad Barelvi although

had the Hanafi school of thought in his personal acts, however, he did not impose

restrictions upon himself and called himself Muhammadi. The Sufi order proved a

the Muslims. Sir Sayed Ahmad Khan advocated the Muslim case and after two years British Parliament promulgated the Indian Council Act 1861. . (Lieut-Gen. Sir Arthur Smith, British conspiracy 1946 a top secret paper (Karachi: East and West Publishing Company, 1972), xxi.

157 After the establishment of Deoband on 9 th November 1866, Jamia Arabia Mazahirul Ulum in 1879 in Muradabad, Madrassa Qasimia in Amroha, Madrassa Qasimiya in Jalandar, Jamai Rasheediya 1895, in Amratsar, Madrassa Ameenia Delhi, in 1892, Nadwatul Ulama, and Madrassatul Islah, Sarai Mir in 1909, were established. (Saleem Mansor Khalid, Deeni Madaris Mi Taleem (Islamabad: 3rd Edition 2005), 101.

158 The two main schools founded and their branches were opened in India. The first was Ulama-i-Farangi Mahal and the second was Ulama-i-Dehli. Ulama-i-Farangi Mahal founded by Mawlana Qutbuddin Sehalvi. He had four sons and the most prominant was Mullah Nizamuddin who founded the famous madrassa Aliya Nizamiya and developed the system of Darsi-Nizamia, which is still in practice in the Madaris of Indo-Pak. The other center was of Ulama-i-Dehli, started by Shah Abdul Rahim and his descendants performed many services for religious education in India. (Saleem Mansor Khalid, 103).

159 Those who claim that they follow the fiqha of one Imam among the four schools of Hanfi, Shafi, Maliki and Hanbali.

160 Those who claim that they do not follow any school of Juresprudence (fiqha) but they deduce injunctions directly from Quran and Hadis.

cohesive force for different thoughts and orders, which he coined as Tareeqa-i-

Muhammadia.161 He guided and gave instructions to both the schools of Ahli-hadith

and Ahli-Sunnah. Both of them were reflected as the successors of Shah Waliullah.

The last decade of 19th century was a decisive period in the History of

N.W.F.P. The people of Frontier reacted against the advancement of the British. The

everlasting process of wars started after the occupation of British in 1849.

Approximately 90 wars were fought against the Pakhtuns in the Frontier territory. In

the first two decades, British fought sixteen wars from 1849 to 1870 and until 1880

seven more wars were fought. In the next ten years from 1880 to 1890, the British

attacked on Frontier region four times and from 1890 to 1900 attacked eleven times.162

In the last decade before World War1, from 1900 to 1910, five more wars were fought

between British and Pakhtun tribes in the Frontier region. Pakhtuns have an

inconsistent nature and ethnic diversity; therefore, no external power can reduce their

hostility. The Ulama have considerable influence and played a key role in the social

and religio-political life of Pakhtuns.163

The origin and development of Pakhtun religious mentality is based on Sheikh

Ahmad Sirhindi and Shah Waliullah thoughts, as Sana Haroon has stated, “The roots

of the Deobandi pedagogy laid in the writings and teachings of Sheikh Ahmed

Sirhindi, the seventeenth-century Sufi who urged the reform of Sufi religious

practices and come to be known as Mujaddid Alf Sani”.164 Sirhindi’s ideas, which

formed the basis of the Mujaddidia branch of the Naqshbandia Sufi philosophy, were

developed by Shah Waliullah, who argued for the re-introduction of the Quran and

161 Ibid. 162 Perveen Rozina, Dastaweezat, 414-15. 163 They have same religion, race and language which give them identity of liberalism and that has

been cultured in the tribal belt through centuries as a source of social power among the Pakhtun across the borderland.

164 The meaning of ‘Mujaddad’ is the ‘Renewer’ of the religion. ‘Alfa Sani’ means the second thousand years.

hadith into Sufi order (tariqa). As it has been mentioned that the people of Frontier

have deep love for religion, so, when Dar-ul-ulum Deoband was established most of

the students moved toward this seminary for the religious education. It is perceived

that the Mujahedin movement had influenced the common people and Ulama of the

region.165 The forerunners of the seminary belong to the same school of thought

affiliated and associated to Walliullahi philosophy. Mawlana Madani said, “Ulama of

Deoband, Saharanpur and Muzaffar Nagar were the disciples of Shah Abdul Aziz, the

son of Shah Waliullah.166

From the very beginning, Deoband made a good impression and the first

group who completed their education in the seminary was mostly belonging to Punjab

and Afghanistan.167 The graduates of the seminary worked hard for making links

between the religious leaders (Sufi and Mashaekh of the Frontier region) with the

ulama-i-Deoband, especially with Mawlana Mahmud- ul- Hasan, leader of the

political wing of the Deoband. The undisclosed purpose of Deoband seminary was

clear at an occasion when Sheikh ul Hind said, “Dar-ul-ulum Deoband was

established for the revenge of 1857.”168

After the Muslim decline in India, Ulama tried for liberation of the India from

the imperial rule of British. The two main characters, Haji Sahib Turangzai and

Umara Khan of Jandol under the guidance of Ulama-i-Deoband, motivated North

West Frontier against the British Colonial Rule.169 Haji Sahib spent some time in

Deoband and accompanied with Mawlana Qasim Nanutawi and Rashid Ahmad

Gangohi for the pilgrimage. Umara Khan of Jandol was a Yusafzai Pakhtun. He

165 Before the foundation of Deoband Frontier ulama were going to Baghdad (Iraq). 166 Madani, Naqsh-i-Hayat, 450. 167 Miyan, Aseerani-Malta (Lahore: Al Jam’iat publication, 2010), 28. 168 Mawlavi Shams Tabriz Khan, Tareekh Nidwat-ul-ulama (Laknow: Daftar Nizamat Nidwat ul

Ulama, 1984), 9. 169 Umara Khan was born in 1830 at Jandol and belonged to the Salarzai tribe, Masti Khel family. He

was against the British and had five thousand armed followers in the Area. He succeeded to control the administration of his Area in 1877 expanding to Sawat, Dir and Chitral.

established an Islamic center in the Frontier area. He had a meeting with Haji

Imdadullah Makki and Rasheed Ahmad Gangohi in Makkah. In 1877, he took an oath

(Bay’at) of Jihad at the hands of Mawlana Rasheed Ahmad Ghangohi.170 They wanted

to establish a great bloc for the reawakening of Muslims. Therefore, they choose tribal

area171 for the resistance and jihad against the imperial powers with the consultation

of Ulama-i-Deoband.172

The 20th century was the era of political awakening and struggle for

independence. The period started from 1870 and had an important chapter in the

political and administrative development of imperial rule in the British NWFP. British

wanted to cut off the Frontier from the rest of India. They changed the policy of close

border to forward policy in the Frontier region. The Muslims of Frontier region from

the very beginning had a keen interest in the revivalist struggle. They considered the

resistance as religious duty to every foreign occupation of infidels. The disciples of

Shaikh ul Hind had a keen interest in the freedom of their motherland. In this way, the

Deoband and N.W.F.P had a relation since the inception of the seminary. After the

directorship of Shaikh ul Hind Mahmud ul Hassan, the struggle grew more intensive

in Deoband. The students who completed their education from Deoband were given

instruction to help Muslims against the British.173

Deoband had significance throughout the northern Indian Muslims and

especially in the Frontier Muslims. There were certain socio-religious concerns; first

was the tendency in spiritual Sufi order (salasil). Most of the Sufis from the Mujaddid

170 Sabir, Tazkira Sarfroshan-i-Sarhad (Peshawar: University Book Agency: n.d.), 245. 171 These Yaghistani Mujahedin were helped by the Indian leaders, like Mawlana Abul Kalam Azad,

Mawlana Zafar Ali Khan, Mawlana Shoukat Ali, Mawlana Abd ul Bari Frangi Mahal, Hakeem Ajaml Khan and Doctor Mukhtar Ahmad Ansari. It is interesting that the founder of Tablighee Jamaat, Mawlana Ilyas was also included in the supporters of these Mujahedin. (Qibla Ayaz, Nu Abadiyati Nizam me yagistani jihad or us pe Waliullahi fikar kay asarat (Impact of the Shah Waliullah thoughts on the yaghistani jihad in the colonial period) ‘Majallah’ Peshawar University. Vol. 1 (April 1994), 41-49.

172 Mawlana Ismail Rehan, 308. 173 Miyan, 361.

Alf Sani order and the Ulama of Deoband belong to the same school.174 Secondly, the

official administrative system of Afghanistan was being run with the same methods as

it was in the Sultanat period (1206-1526). Most of the officers were appointed for the

Auqaf (avaque), usher (charity, one tenth of the product of the state), Qaza

(Department of the administration of justice) and other departments for the civil

services, from among those learned people who had the knowledge of Fiqha, Hadith

and other Muslims traditional education. 175

The confrontational movements launched for the freedom of India, one way or

the other were linked with the Deoband seminary, as these were instructed and

harmonized by Ulama. The early Ulama who got knowledge and training from

Deoband seminary were Mawlana Ahmaduddin Hazarvi and Mawlana Ghulam

Rasool (graduated in 1303 A.H-1885), Mawlana Abd ul Razaq (1318 A. H.-1900),

Mawlana Fazli Rabbi (1909), Mawlana Rasool Khan (1905), Mawalna Abdul Rahim

Popalzai, Mawlana Fazal Mahmood Makhfi, Mawlana Nafi Gul and Mawlana Uzair

Gul (1912).

The movement started by Shah Waliullah, transmitted through his sons and

their disciples to North West Frontier. The region provided a bastion for Mujahedin

movement and it proved as a suitable combating battlefield for the freedom fighters of

India. Later on under the instructions of Ulama-i-Deoband in Frontier, developed the

propagation of religion through the chain of independent madaris. The religious

leadership attributed their all qualities for the religious education. They developed a

174 Khwaja Abdul Rahman Kabuli was one of the prominent Sufi who had relations with mujadid and his Sufi order (tareqa) was accustomed in Kabul and Frontier. Nizami, Maktubat. 22.

175 Mawlana Abd ul Razzaq Peshawari was the Chief Justice (Qazi ul Quzza) and the president of Privy Council of Afghanistan. His decision was considered final in the whole Afghanistan. In the report of Rowlett committee, written that “He is the president of Kabul University, giving lecture on astronomy, and helped the Hindustani revolutionary party in Afghanistan. He supported all the activities against the British government along the Frontier”. (Rezvi, Tarikh-i-Deoband, 88.

continious process of resistance to the colonial rule. The religio-political situation was

the legacy of Mujahidin movement in the North West Frontier Province.

CHAPTER – 3

RELIGIO-POLITICAL CONDITION IN THE NWFP (1901-1924)

3.1 GEOGRAPHICAL LOCATION OF NWFP

North West Frontier Province (NWFP now K.P) is the province of Pakistan

situated in the North West of the country. Afghanistan lies to the west and north of

NWFP, Gilgit Baltistan, Kashmir and Punjab to the east and Balochistan to the south,

Before independence of the sub-continent; it was a province of British India and the

name North West Frontier Province (NWFP) was given to it in 1901 after separating

it from Punjab. It is an irregular strip of the country lying north by east and south by

west176 and it can be described as the tract of the country, north of Balochistan lying

between the Indus and the Durand Line with Afghanistan. The name NWFP was

given to it due to geographical location. It was changed to Khyber Pakhtunkhwa in

April 2010. The region constitutes the province, situated between Latitude 31*4 N

and 36*57 N and between 69*16 E and 74*7 E. Its extreme length between these

parallel is 408 miles while its breadth between these meridians is 279 miles.177 The

approximate area of the province was 38,665 square miles (during the time under

review) of which only 13,193 were British territory,178 the remaining being held by

the tribes under the political control of the Agent to the Governor-General.179

There are three main geographical divisions of the province; the first is cis-

Indus District of Hazara division, the second is the narrow strip between the Indus and

the hilly area constituting the districts of Peshawar, Kohat, Bannu, and Dera Ismail

176 C. Latimer, I. C. S., Census of India1911. Volume Xiii, North West Frontier Province (Peshawar: Commercial Press by Anand & Sons. NWFP, 1912), 5.

177 Rose. A. H. I. C. S, Imperial Gazetteer of India North West Frontier Province (Lahore: Sang-e-Meel Publications, 1979), 1.

178 Ibid.179 The figures given here about the province are before independence now the total area of the

province is 74,521km.

Khan, while the third is the mountainous area between these districts and the border

of Afghanistan.180 Valiant and spirited people who are known for their hospitality and

zest for freedom inhabit this area. The Pakhtun heroic role gave worth to this region in

the history of Muslim India.181

3.2 PAKHTUN SETTLEMENT IN FRONTIER REGION

Pakhtuns initially got settled between Balkh and Kohi Suleiman, however,

with the passage of time they spread to other areas in a tribal set-up. 182 The settlement

of Pakhtuns in Frontier can be divided into two phases, first before the start of the

Pakhtun tribal migrations towards Peshawar valley, in which they diffused with

different races including Aryans, Persians, Greeks, Scythians, Kushans, Parthians,

Huns, Arabs, and Turks from the Northern side. In that period, Pakhtuns had no

distinct identity as a nation. In those days, the abode area was called Ghandara,

Bagram and Pashkalawati.183 The second phase is the collective arrival of the Pakhtun

tribes in Peshawar valley.184

The early Muslim invasion towards India made the inhabitants of this area to

move downward to the east. Alaptageen at Ghazna established the Turkish

principality in the tenth century A.D. At the dawn of the second millennium, this

region gained importance as a crossroad of civilization. In that period, the Central

Asian and particularly the Pakhtuns rose as a political power for the first time in this

area.185

180 Ibid. 181 Abdul Rauf, Khilafat Movement in NWFP, Un-published theses M.Sc.Pak Study (Pakistan Study

center. University of Peshawar, 1988), 2. 182 Pareshan Khattak, Pashtoon Kon (Peshawar: Pashto Academy, 1984), 193. 183 Sabir, Tarikh-i-Soba Sarhad, 44. This name was also given to it due to the sea food available there,

the word “Pashakalawati” means (Da Barsando Kili), the village of barsandi. (Ahmad, Khudai Khidmatghar (Peshawar: University Book Agency, 2001), 76.

184 After the seventh century A. D., The Pakhtun tribes came to the fertile area of Peshawar, and fought seventy wars in a short period of five months with the Hindu inhabitants of the area. Allah BakhshYusfi, Tarikh Azad Pathan,Vol.1.(Karachi:Muslim Educational press,1964), 27.

185 Ikram, Aab-i-Kosar, 268.

3.2.1 Religious Culture in the Frontier

Over the centuries, the local Pakhtuns and Dardic tribes converted to Islam.

Pakhtuns believed to be a part of the great Arian flock, which had moved down from

Central Asia. Frontier had remained in diversity and chaos in the history. They had a

fervent attitude to religion and this quality mixed them as activists. Due to unstable

position, it has been observed that, the people of this area tried to find their peace in

the religious life which was mostly secluded from the public life. A number of

intruders gave respect and honor to such religious people and that is the reason this

area remained mostly religious in the history.

The British faced a tough resistance during the 19 th and 20th century due to the

religious zeal of the Pakhtun society. The land of the Frontier was the most suited area

due to geographical position and socio-political characteristics as much as the codes

of Pakhtun conduct Pukhtunwali.186 Pakhto is the predominant language of the

province with other minor languages including Saraiki, Hindko, Gujri, and Kohar.

Pakhtun formed two fifth of the population but due to homogeneity they have

dominance over the other non-Pakhtun people of the province.187 The total population

of the province according to the census report of 1921 was 5076476. The settled

districts population was 2251340 and the tribal belt was 2825136.188

Islam is the main religion of the province having Sunni - Hanafi School of

thought and a sufficient portion of Shia having Ismailia and Zadiaya schools of

thoughts. The Muslim population of the province as compared to 1911 census report

contains 93 percent Muslims and 7 percent followers of other religions.189

186 Erland Jansson, 58. 187 Stephen Alan Rittenberg, Ethnicity, Nationalism, and the Pakhtun (Durham: Caroelina Academic

Press, 1988), 25-26. 188 Amit Kumar Gupta, North West Frontier Province Legislature and freedom struggle 1937-47

(New Delhi: Indian Research Council for Research, n.d), 4-5. 189 Among them the popular religions and their populations are Hindus 180321, Sikhs 57979,

Christians 10889, and Parsis 24, Budhists 25, Jews 71, Jainmat, 1. (M. Epstein, The Statemen’s Year Book (London: Macmillan and Co., Limited, 1943), 117.

Stephen Allen Rittenburg remarked,

“Religious men do not form a single homogeneous group in the Frontier. They perform a variety of duties exhibited wide variation in behavior and receive varying degree of respect as a starting point one can distinguish between two ideal types-one being legal rational formal orthodox and the other pacific mystical informal unorthodox. The boundary between the two is not clear-cut and absolute. Nonetheless, they do point to a crucial division among the Islamic religious leaders.”190

They were working by commonly three main portions in Pakhtun society,

categorized as, formal, informal and the non-formal religious civic groups. The first

group is formal consisting of Ulama. The term Mawlana, Mawlavi, Hafiz, Qari and

Mullah are used for them, which means a religious specialist of different levels.191

They have influence over the society due to the religious services like offering every

day prayer, teaching Holly Quran to the masses and giving sermons in Eid and Jumma

(Friday) prayers. The main portion of their income is generated from mosques and

madaris and sometimes from those properties endowed to the mosque etc.

The second category is informal group like Miyan, Sayed, Pir etc. Miyan are

the descendants of the saints and Pakhtuns respect them due to the services done by

their forerunners. They were given lands by the tribes (as mediators between the two

or more tribal territories) and sometimes by the imperial powers for holding people

silent in critical situations. The Syeds are considered the descendants of the Holy

Prophet, which earn them a great deal of respect. Like the Miyan, lands are given to

the Syeds as a token of respect. The Miyans and Syeds are almost treated the same.

The Sayeds, Pirs, Miyans, and Sahibzadas are commonly the informal religious

groups mainly descendants of the Sufi silsilas (orders) and related to the shrines in

190 Sayed Akbar Ahmad, Millennium and Charisma among the Pathans: A Critical Essay in Social Anthropology (London: Routhleg and Kegan Paul, 1976), 88. Cited By Stephen Allen Rittenburg, 36.

191 The Mullah has ordinary knowledge, not deep in the legal interpretation of Sharia. An “Alim /Religious Scholar” is considered one who has grasped deep knowledge of the Quran and Sunnah. A “Hafiz” is that person who learns Holy Quran by heart and “Qari” is known to be the best reciter of the Holy Quran.

some of the areas. These classes of the Muslim society had a deep impact on the less

educated masses.192

Contrary to them, the Ulama have had more impact as they relied on the

orthodox approach of Sharia. The third group has emerged from the modern approach

and rapid changing in the social political environment of the Pakhtun society. The

main representative are those who seek knowledge of Islamic fundamentals from

various sources like Tablighi Jamat, religio-political parties, Jihadi or non-jihadi

groups, Sufi saints inspiration whether being formal or informal groups but have the

religious authority. They have a network that work regularly on a plan, deliver

speeches, instructions and guidance on various topics of Islam. They are unique who

own a mainstream position without having any financial motivation to earn from

society. So Mullah’s spiritual authority of the colonial period can be observed as

social power in the present day Pakhtun village life.

3.3 STRATEGIC IMPORTANCE OF THE FRONTIER

The North West Frontier had a unique history among the eleven provinces of

British India,193 because it posed much resistance to the British administration during

the long span of their stay. British came to the Frontier region in 1846 due to its

importance because of the Russian expansion in the Central Asia in1830s.194

The strategic importance of NWFP was prominent due to the unique position

of its manifestation and the pressure, which existed on both sides of the border areas.

Collen Davies remarked, “The importance of a Frontier lies in the pressure behind it,

the more populated a district the greater is the pressure”.195 Frontier’s strategic

192 Rittenburg, 35193 Sayed Asif Ali Rizvi, ‘Soba Sarhad Mi Ayeni-o-Siyasi Irtiqa Ka Tajziyati Mutaliya (1900-1947)

Journal of Idara Barayi Tahqiq-i- Tarikh-o-Saqafat’, Islamabd, vol-6, (April 1995), 49. 194 Sana Haroon, Frontier of Faith, 5. 195 Collin Davies, The Problem of the North- West Frontier 1890-1908. With a Survey of Policy Since,

1849 (London: Curzon Press, New York. 1974), 1.

location and importance was also declared by the fact that, this area was also an

international border in the peak of colonial era for the Britain. Because the Britain

occupied half of the world populous area and here the border of Afghanistan, China,

Persia and Russia were meeting. The importance is also determined by the era of

Great Game of Central Asia that was a primary stage of the strategic importance in

the modern colonization of Europe. The plain areas of NWFP remained a corridor to

all parts of Asia and that is why it had an important position due to its geographical

location. The area especially Peshawar was a very old city and the natural boundary

of the Indian and the Central Asian world.196

The area remained a stunt religious zone through the various periods of

history.197 It was the primary route for the flow of people and ideas198 in to the

continental exchange therefore several groups occupied this area in different times. It

persisted to be the border of two famous parts of past important areas, the Hind

(India) and Persia, and in the new imperial juncture, it remained in the important

regions of Asia-South Asia, Central Asia and China. Elliott has observed, “The North

–West Frontier, or the country to the north and the west again, was a cockpit of

international rivalry in view of the Great Game and half a century before it became

the Frontier of India. It was an area in which London was as much interested as

Calcutta.”199 The near position to warm water as engaging to Russia200 and the Russo-

phobic behavior of the British resulted two Anglo-Afghan wars of (1838-1839, 1878-

1879).201 The upset British relations with Afghanistan and Pakhtun made uncertain

196 BL, IOR, MSS. EUR, C. 273/1-5, Five Autobiographical Narratives of Sir Olaf Caroe, 62. 197 The ruins of Takht Bhai revealed that this area was the Provincial center of Buddha, and the rocks

of Shabaz Gharha were a religious place in the reign of Ashoka 273-232 BC. 198 Rittenburg, 13. 199 James General Elliot, The Frontier1839-1947: The Story of The North West Frontier of India

(London: Cassell & Company Ltd, 1968), 3. 200 Russian regional history explored that they were interested to reach and occupy the warm water

area since the age of Peter the Great in The Sixteen century. 201 Sayed Wiqar Ali Shah, Muslim League in NWFP (Karachi: Royal Book Company; 1992), 3.

situations. British concentrated to adopt different policies toward North West Frontier.

The demarcation of Durand line (1893) and Pakhtun uprising (1897) as a reaction to

that turned the area very sensitive.202 The complex position of Frontier province is

determined through the history that resulted the people to urbanize in a free nature.

The people of the NWFP have fashioned in multiple identities as Pakhtuns, Muslims

and Indians.

3.3.1 British Administration of the Frontier

The British political history of Frontier can be categorized in two main

sections. The first period starts from the occupation of Frontier area in 1849 and the

second period starts from 1901 with the formation of the new province of NWFP.

This province is among those few areas of the world, which have magnificent role in a

transitional zone between people and cultures as it lies between the highland chain of

Central Asia and the plains of Hindustan. The physical structure separates these two

areas from each other, such as the Hindu Kush Range, and the area, which provides

access to the Khyber Pass, located on the Frontier. As a result, the NWFP region has

been the site for a continual cultural flow across its territory. Armies seeking to

conquer or control Central Asia and Northern India have been strongly attracted to

this region. In their language, customs and features the Pakhtun themselves reflect the

history of the area.203

The formation of the NWFP was the result of different events and

developments. The British experts like Bartle Frère, Hennery Durand, Lord Roberts,

James Brown, Robert Warburton, Robert Sandman, William Lockhart, Lord Lytton,

Charles Aitcheson, George Chesney and Lord Lansdowne who had performed duty in

202 Gupta, 25. 203 David Ditcher, The North West Frontier of West Pakistan: A Study in Regional Geography

(London: Oxford University Press, 1967), 3.

different areas of British India and Frontier, were in favor of the formation of a new

province.204

The socio-political condition and the geographical location were the main

reasons of Frontier separation from the Punjab. The administration of the Frontier was

also unsatisfactory and the officers sitting in the Punjab showed distrust on the

officers in the Frontier areas.205 Lal Baha observed this difficulty of the Punjab

government,

“In Curzon’s opinion the area between the Swat River and the Gomel valley was the “most critical”, most anxious and most explosive section of the entire Frontier of India. It was inhabited by the ‘most numerous, fanatical and turbulent of the Pakhtun tribes’. And in regard to such an area, the viceroy who was the foreign minister of India could not issue or make an appointment through the Punjab Government and Curzon asserted, was the most reprehensible system”.206

In 1901, the war of independence started once again after the 1857

revolt and the Frontier took part in it.207 The British views about Pakhtuns

developed after such engagements from 1838 to the annexation of Frontier

that they required special course of treatment; Khan Abdul Qayum Khan

remarked in such way,

“Pakhtun was a mad fanatic, almost a savage animal and if for no other reason, at least for the sake of his neighbors in the Indus valley, he must be subdued. The Frontier was likened to a gunpowder magazine and to introduce reforms in such a land as this, it was asserted like holding a match to the gunpowder, and explosion was, of course inevitable”.208

In some etiquette, common views have been raised against the Pakhtun race as

Abdul Rauf argued, “It was commonly believed that by the rest of the communities in

204 Sultan-i-Rome, The North West Frontier Province (Khyber Pakhtunkhwa) Essays on History (Karachi: Oxford University Press), 193.

205 Lal Baha, 18. 206 Ibid. 207 Yusfi, 169. 208 Abdul Qayum Khan, Gold and Guns on the Pathan Frontiers (Bombay: Hind Kitab Publishers,

1945), 26.

India that Pakhtuns were barbaric, savage and warlike people and thus had to be

controlled by coercion.”209

3.4 BRITISH POLICIES TOWARD THE NORTH-WEST FRONTIER

British policy of control and command passed through various stages like

“Close Border,210 Modified Close Border, Forward Policy and Modified Forward

Policy.211 In the first phase, the British wanted to minimize the raids of Pakhtun tribes

by military expeditions.212 The British government adopted the policy of non-

interference in the tribal affairs. The role of British in this era was reconciliatory and

different agreements and reconciliatory measures were taken to maintain peace and

friendly relations between the tribesmen and the British. In the early stage, the

objective of the British settlement was to secure the consent and goodwill of the

native people of this area. Although, a message for the out world and the strategic

position was determined earlier at the time and a great deal of discretion was given to

the early administrators of remarkable set of personalities like, Mc Kesson, Herbert,

Edward James, Abbot, and John Nicholson.213 Their success was due to their

209 Abdul Rauf, “Muslim League and the Question of reforms in the NWFP (1909-1932)”, Journal of Pakistan Perspective, Vol. 13, No1. (June, 2008), 38.

210 The policies defined in the memorandum by Lord Linlithgow on Frontier policy 1939. Forward policy, “In its extremist form as confining of the British activities to the administered

border leaving the tribes on the other side. The policy was laid down by Sir John Lawrence and maintained more or less up to 1890”.

Modified Close Border Policy gave a relaxation to the close border policy to an extent that contacts with the trans-border tribes were easier and certain commitments have been taken and must be honoured outside the administered territories.

Forward Policy in its extreme form involved the subjugation and occupation of the tribal administration up to Durand Line.

Modified Forward Policy while accepting the penetration and occupation up to Durand Line may ultimately be- (a) necessary consequence on tribal misbehaviour. (b) Necessary for the fulfillment of international obligation. (c) The inevitable outcome of the policy of peaceful penetration and of endeavoring to extent our influence over the tribes lying between the administered border and Durand Line. (BL, MSS, EUR, F. 125/165-166,168., Appendix, VI, 46.)

211 There was the Alarmist Policy in 1809 when Monsturt Elphinston was sent in1809 in a mission to Afghanistan. After that when Barnes was sent in a commercial mission in 1832 and situation in Kabul serve British as buffer state. The Afghan people were not in position to understand behind the boundaries of their land. (Obrai, 40.)

212 Baha, 5. 213 F. A. K. Harrison, “The British Interests in the North West Frontier” Peshawar University Review,

No. 1 (1974-75), 46.

confidence and personal qualities. They were at a time good leaders, readers and

preachers. As stated by F. A. K. Harrison:214

“Their success in gaining the confidence of and influencing tribesmen must have been greatly due to the force of their personalities and powers of leadership. Nicholson seems to have a somewhat forbidding though very impressive personality, Edwards more human and accessible. They were certainly no disk tied-bureaucrats; indeed, there was symbolic truth in this action because the success of the early administrators depended on their being united by official routine and red tape.”215

The Russian expansion in the nineteen century in Central Asia southward to

the Oxus216 alarmed the British because Afghanistan in the south and Bokhara217 and

Kokand north of the Oxus River were the Frontier buffer states for British and

Russian respectively.218 British changed the policy, as it seemed a danger for the

Indian and named it the Forward Policy. Lal Baha said:

“The Russian expansion in the central Asia and its advance towards the border of Afghanistan alarmed the British, who regarded the Russian threat as “a very real” and “a very close” danger to the Frontier of India.219 Consequently, the defense of India had to be organized, and this could only be achieved by the occupation of ‘scientific Frontier’ based on the Kabul-Ghazna-Qandahar line.220 For this purpose, it was necessary to control the passes in the North Western hills, to improve communication both in tribal and British territory and to set up advance military posts in the tribal regions with a view, specially, to facilitate the occupation of the strategic line. The implementation of this policy involved the establishment of a workable relationship with the Amir of Afghanistan and control over the Frontier tribes.”221

British introduced a policy that was based on persuasion, pressure and armed

intervention.222 So different Agencies were created and a new plan was made for the

defense of India that was called Forward Policy for the tribal territories. Khyber 214 He was a British High Commissioner in Pakistan in 1956. 215 Harrison, 48. 216 The Khanates of the Tashkent and Samarqand had been overcome, Bukhara was reduced in 1869

and Khiva in 1873. 217 Haroon, 7. 218 Baha, 6. 219 Lytton to Salisbury, 16 July, 1877, B. M. Add, MSS. 39164, Vol. CCXXXIV, Lazard Papers, cited

by Harisson, p. 384, Baha, 6. 220 This was the important strategic line which the Government of India was to occupy in case of a

Russian move towards India or in the events of domestic troubles in Afghanistan. 221 Baha, 6. 222 Salman Bangash, “Tribal Belt and the Defence of British India: A Critical Appraisal of British

Strategy in the North West Frontier During the First World War” Central Asia Journal No.74 (Summer, 2014),62.

agency was made in 1878 after the treaty of Ghandamak and different agreements

were made with the tribes to guard the passes and roads. The Kurram Militia was

raised in 1893 and Kurram rout leading over the Peiwar-Kotal pass to Ghazni was

brought under the British control. The result of the British forward policy became

crucial between the 1890 and 1897, and the Durand line agreement of 1893 declared

these areas as a part of British India.223 South Waziristan was made a political agency

in 1894-95. In October 1895, the inhabitants of Tochi valley requested the British to

occupy their area. This area was, thus, brought under the British control and in 1896

North Waziristan agency was created. The rapid changes and advancement in the

tribal region alarmed the tribesmen and they feared that their independent territory

was near to be captured. They began to resist and a great tribal uprising started in

1897. Most of the tribes of Frontier rose against the British. Warburton says that an

agent from Turkey had reached Kabul early in May and under his influence, the ruler

told the leading Mullahs to go and preach a Holy war. The major reason was the

religious spirit of the Ulama like Hadda Mullah and Haji Sahib Turangzai. Haddy

Mullah224 was the teacher of Haji Sahib Turangzai a ‘piouse’ figure who kept alive the

spirit of jihad in Frontier tribal area. He was the first person who gave a fatwa against

those who were receiving allowances, grants and muwajib from British.225 This Fatwa

had a deep impact just like the Fatwa of Shah Abdul Aziz in the Frontier region.226

The trouble started first in Waziristan and then spread like a wild fire in other region

223 Sultan-i-Rome, 123. 224 Hada Mullah, his actual name was Najmuddin, belonged to a village called Hadda in the Nangrahar

province of Afghanistan. He took active part in the armed struggle against the British in Tribal Areas including the Ambela war of 1863 and the 1897 uprising in the Tribal belt. In his last days, he settled in his native village and started imparting religious education to students. He died in 1902.

225 Sayed Iftekhar Husain, “Haji Sahib Turangzai”, Celebrities of NWFP, Vol. 1, 2, Edited by Pervez Khan Toru and Fazli Rahim Marwat (Peshawar: Pakistan Study center University of Peshawar, 2005), 5.

226 BL, IOR, L/PJ/10/1138. Intelegence Report 1929. This was echoed during the subsequent years of the Ulama struggle. In 1929, Mullah Maider of Yakhdand declared those people as Kafirs who were taking allowances from the British.

of Frontier. The tribes of Malakand rose followed by the Mohmand, Afridis and

Orakzai of Tirah. At that time, seven military operations engaging 700000 troops

were undertaken.227 After a major campaign, peace was established in 1898 and new

forts and roads were built. The British government realized the fact that there was a

need of reassessment to the Frontier policy. Lord Curzon, the new viceroy assumed

the office in January 1899. He had the “taste for power and passion for

improvement.”228 He traveled widely and gained extensive knowledge of Frontier

problems and politics. He had to face two-fold problems of the North West Frontier:

the reorganization of military defense and the reform of the administration of the

trans-Frontier districts.

3.4.1 Creation of the New Province

NWFP was a part of Punjab in the British India and it was separated purely on

geo-strategic considerations. It was given the status of province229 on 9th of November,

1901 and the inaugural ceremony of the new province took place on 26 April 1902 at

Shahi Bagh Peshawar. The new province NWFP consisted of five settled districts230 of

Bannu, D. I. Khan, Kohat, Hazara, Peshawar,231 and five political agencies of

Malakand, Khyber, Kurram, North Waziristan and South Waziristan.232 The political

department of India controlled these areas rather than by the provincial government,

which worked as a commissionaire until 1932. A semi-autonomous status was given

227 Baha, 8. 228 Vincent Smith, The Oxford History of India (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1983), 751. 229 Abdul Rauf, 36-37. 230 The areas of the five districts now (2011) constitute the districts of Batagaram, Mansehra,

Abbottabad, Harripure, (formed out of Hazara district), Sawabi, Mardan, Nowshera, Charsadda, Peshawar (formed out of Peshawar ditrict) Kohat, Hango, Karak, (formed out of Kohat district), Lakki, Bannu, (formed out of Bannu district) Tonk and Dere Ismail Khan , (formed out Dera Ismail Khan district). Indus Kohistan, comprised of the right and the left flanks of the Indus Kohistan, was also given the status of a district in 1976. In 2011, the black mountains area was given the status of a district with the name of Tor Ghar.

231 Baha, 1. 232 Now Malakand Area was given the status of a district and two new agencies were created Bajur

and Orakzai in December 1972.

to the agencies, which are still known as the tribal areas. The division between the

tribal and settled area was based sociological division, as the people of those

highlands were different from the settled area based on agriculture and peasantry.233

British used this natural division for the political space and treated it like a buffer state

to a buffer state. Lord Curzon convinced the British government, formed the new

province and made Sir Herald Dean234 the first chief commissioner of the new

province. The province remained under the control of the central government until

1932. The Chief Commissioner had a double duty. As an agent to the governor

general, he controlled the political relations with the border tribes and as Chief

Commissioner exercised the civil powers as the other heads of the province did in

their charge. The main reason of the separation of the province was administrative,

although there were different opinions about the political and strategic position of the

province. The religious persons and their uprisings in the region played the main role.

They inspired to stir up the tribesmen and took arms against the infidel (British). The

leading personalities were Sartor Faqeer, Hadda Mullah and Mawlana Sayed Akbar

known as Aka Khel Mullah. The power and role of the Mullah in Pakhtun tribal belt

was pragmatic and the British intelligentsia through the time they spent there

anticipated it.235

3.5 SHAIKH-UL-HIND MOVEMENT, ULAMA AND NWFP

233 Sana Haron, 5. 234 Colonel Herald Dean was a political officer during the Chitral expedition in 1895 and incharge of

the Dir, Swat and Chitral Agency at the time of the outbreak in Swat in 1895. 235 A dialogue between the Warburton and Afridi during the campaign coated by Sultan-i-Rom. “The

answer to the question, posed by Robert Warburton to the Afridi during the course of the punitive campaign. What made you come down? Was, the Mullah brought us down. To his query, why did you obey the Mullah and why did you not turn them out of your country? The Afridi response was; they were too powerful for us, to his subsequent question, then why you attack the posts? Their reply was the Mullahs force us to do so. These exchanges speak of the Mullah power and role in the uprising. (Sultan-i-Rome, 160).

Sayed Ahmad Barelvi and Shah Ismail’s movement was a religious movement

launched for the restoration and recapitulation of Islamic doctrine of jihad. The war of

independence1857 was considered as second attempt in which all the Indian people

including Hindus, Sikhs and Muslims participated, but due to lake of leadership and

resources, it failed. The third movement started by the Ulama of Sadiq Pur and ended

with the famous case of Anmbala in 1882. The fourth effort of Shah Waliullahi

School toward independence was the Shaikh-ul-Hind movement, commonly known as

Silk Handkerchief movement/conspiracy (Tahrik Raishmi Romal), which was the last

phase. The idea of this movement was initiated in the seminary of Deoband. Shaikh-

ul-Hind gave special instructions to the Frontier Ulama when they were to return

home by proclaiming, “serve your country and prepare for the cause of preaching

Islam and jihad.”236

Twentieth century brought many new challenges to the Indian especially for

the Muslims, Vincient Smith observed;

“From 1905 India enters into a new era. Politically it marked the transition from paternalism to independence and from centralism to a twin society, economically it covered the emergency of India as an industrial powerfully participating in world markets, and spiritually in the rapid acclimatization of two ancient societies to the bleak and bracing air of the twentieth-century western society. Through these years grew maturity to a twin nationalism, which seems likely to dominate events in the next historical period. The essential motive power behind these changes was the desire of India to make terms with the modern world in her own way in her own right, and her increasing ability to do so.” 237

In 1905, Mawlana Mahmud Hasan took the charge of Daru-lu-ulum Deoband

and started political activities. The first two decades of the twentieth century were

hard for the Muslims due to the worldwide political scenario in common and Indian

domestic situation in particular. That was the period of Muslims political awakening

in the Indian subcontinent. Some events occurred which changed the whole scenario

236 Haroon, 60. 237 Smith, 762.

of Indian politics like the partition of Bengal, Hindu-Congress opposition and its

abolition in 1911, Balkan attack on Turkey and Kanpur mosque incident. These

events stirred Muslims conscious for their political rights. They got up by the motive

that they should think for their political rights and future.238 Some important events

changed the scene of Indian religious politics especially the participation of Shaikh ul

Hind in the politics opened a new chapter in the history of India. Mawlana Madani

says, “The activities of Shaikh ul Hind started in 1905 and it was a part of the

movement which Ubaidullah Sindhi used to call the movement of Shah Waliullah”.239

The twentieth century was the century of the political change in the Indian

sub-continent. The British imperialism was on the peak. Balkan war and the events of

First World War inspired the Muslim masses as well as Ulama of Indian subcontinent.

The outcome of First World War and abolition of Turk Khilafat had shaken the

Muslim world. Ulama of Deoband especially Shaikh ul Hind struggled for the victory

of Turkey. They helped the Turks morally, politically and economically. Deoband

Ulama distributed more than one lac fatwas to help Turkey. The staff and the students

of Deoband seminary collected a sum of three lac rupees that was sent for the help of

Turks.240

3.5.1 Early Stage of the Movement

Mawlana Mahmud ul Hassan, after graduation, started teaching as a volunteer

in 1876 in Deoband.241 When he became a teacher of the Dar ul ulum he established

an association in 1880 with the name of “thamarat tu Tarbiah” (The fruit of the look

after) for the purpose of social and political services of Muslims. The activities of that

238 H. B. Khan, 87. 239 Sayed Husain Ahmad Madani, Naqsh-i-Hayat (Karachi: Darual Ishait, 1953), 558. 240 Khan, 89. 241 Ibid. 71.

association were kept secret.242 The organization was renamed in 1909 as “Jam’iat-ul-

Ansaar” and Mawlana Mahmud- ul- Hasan appointed Mawlana Ubaidullah Sindhi as

administrator (Nazim) of this new association. The purpose of Jam’iat-ul-Ansaar was

to develop Muslims in socio-political thoughts in the sub-continent. He worked for

four years in the organization and other Ulama like Mawlana Muhammad Sadiq,

Mawlana Abu Muhammad Ahmad Lahori and Mawlavi Ahmad Ali 243 cooperated

with him at Deoband.244 After that, by the instruction of Shaikh ul Hind, Mawlana

Ubaidullah Sindhi shifted to Delhi and in 1914 “Nazarat ul Maarif ul Quraniya” was

founded.245

Mawlana Mahmud Hasan struggled for the revolutionary purpose of the

Deoband seminary as Mawlana Qasim Nanutawi used to say that, “We had kept in

secret the real purpose of Deoband in the mask of teaching-learning activity due to

some reasons.”246 Ubaidullah Sindhi was sent to Kabul in 1915 where the mission was

carried out on a large scale but was kept secret due to unsuitable situation. Mawlana

Ghulam Rasul said, “The roots of the Shaikh ul Hind movement was enclosed in a

map that started when political activities were rare and situation was not fit for the

political program. The Muslim community was fully at the bottom. It was difficult to

242 Ibid. 243 Later on he was known as Ahmad Ali Lahori, the first president of the Jam’iat Ulama-i-Islam

Pakistan in 1953. 244 Muhammad Abdul Quddus Qayami, Zati Diary Mawlana Ubaidullh Sindhi (Lahore: Adabistan,

1946), 20. 245 About this institution C. I. D. reports says, “It is a welknown institution which Mawlana

Ubaidullah Sindhi established after the Jam’iat ul Ansaar. Apparently its purpose was to educate the modern learned people in Arabic desciplines. But it is observed that it gave missionary education in biased way. In this institution Mawlana Uabaidullh was helped by Mawlavi Ahmad Ali, Qazi Ziyaudin, Astafa Karim, Anees Ahmad, Abul Kalam Azad, Dr. Ansari, Muhammad Ali Comrade, Mawlana Shibli Numani and Nawab Mushtaq Husain were its enthusiastic sympathiesers. After Ubaidullah’s flee to Kabul, Mawlavi Anis Ahmad ran it, However, after 25 th of June 1916 it was ended. (Miya, 464).

246 Abu Salman Shah Jahan Puri, Buzarghani Dar ul ulum Deoband Jihad Shamlee 1857 owr Ulama Deoband ki Siyasi Khidmat ky Digar Pehlo (Lahore: Al-Jam’iat Publications, 2004), 157.

understand how to guide the Muslims. The basic question was to protect the prestige

of Deoband seminary.”247

The prominent students of Mawlana Mahmud Hasan, who belonged to NWFP,

played a vital role in the educational program of independent schooles in the tribal

areas, were Mawlana Fazli Rabbi of Baffa,248 Mawlana Fazl Mahmaud Makhfi,249

Mawlana Uzair Gul, Mawlana Abdur Rahim Popalzai250 and Mawlana Nafe Gul were

prominent.251 Shaikh ul Hind wanted to organize the independent tribal area for the

movement. For this purpose, he gave instructions to Sandaki Mullah, Babara Mullah

and Haji Turangzai to establish seminaries in the Frontier areas.252 Syed Abdul Jabbar

Shah Sithanvi.253 Wrote, “When it was told by the people of Swat that Mullah Sandaki

wanted to build a seminary in front of Islamia College Peshawar, I told them clearly

that they belong to a specific circle of Mawlavis who wanted to create a forward

247 Ibid. 248 Mawlavi Fazlli Rabbi Alias Abul Fatah s/o Mahmud of Baffa Shinkairi, District Hazara completed

his study in 1909 at Deoband. Most of Mawlavi Fazli Rabbi Activities were not noticed till. Haji Sahib went to tribal area where Fazli Rabbi was helping him. After visiting his home in Baffa, Mawlavi Fazli Rabbi got the attention of the intelligence agencies and few of his relatives were arrested. He was supporting all the activities of Haji Sahib and Mawlana Ubaidullah Sindhi across the border area of Bajawar to the black Mountains. He therefore, was listed in the Hizbullah Army as Colonel. His prominence was realized, when he tried to raise the local tribes of Malakand, Buner and Bleack Mountains in support of the Tehrik-i-Raishmi Rumaal. He was also associated with Muhammad Akbar, working for Bolshevik in Kabul in 1921. He also went to Jalal Abad and met with Fakhri Pasha, the Angora Minister at Kabul for propagation and help for Pan-Islamism in India. (BL, IOR, /P&J/ 11/ 217/ 3096).

249 Fazli Mahmud Makhfi was also a disciple of Shaikh ul Hind. He started his revolutionary school (Azad Madrassa) on these lines in independent territories. He established a school in 1922 and appointed Mawlavi Fazli Rabbi as instructor along with resaldar Rukn ul Din of 17th cavalry in the village of Bara mola. (BL, IOR, /P&J/11/217/ 3096)

250 He was the son of Mawlana Abdul Hakim, the first president of provincial Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-Sarhad in 1927.

251 He was the elder brother of Mawlana Uzair Gul. He guided all the new comers to Deoband from Frontier (interview with Mawlana Mujahid Khan, a graduate of Deoband of Nowshera. August 201).

252 Haji Sahib Turangzai had established some independent schools in Frontier. In 1907, a school was started at Gaddar in tehsil Mardan by Mirza Gul, a Kaka Khel of Gaddar who used to teach students himself. In 1910-11, Mawlavi Fazli Rabbi was appointed as teacher in it. (BL, IOR, /P&J/11/217/3096)

253 He was in the near circle of Sir George Cunningham Governor NWFP. (1937-46) and worked for the British in the later years, particularly during the Second World War. He received allowances for the special mission of British Government Propaganda. (BL, MSS, EUR, 660/ 19.

block against the pro-British elites. Haji Sahib who already has built such schools was

a member of that circle.”254

When Balkan war started, Jam’iat ul Ansar struggled to help Turkey. They

collected donations for the Muslim brothers of Turkey. When Ubaidullah Sindhi

stated that the organization was turned to a semi-political status for the modern

educated youngster, the senior Ulama of Deoband became reluctant and differences

arose between Ubaidullah Sindhi and them, which ended on the resignation of

Mawlana Ubaidullah Sindhi in 1913.255 Mawlana Sindhi was called upon by Sheikh ul

Hind Mahmud Hasan and the activities of the organization were ended. Mawlana

Sindhi moved to Delhi.256 However, the British authoritarian policy never allowed

them to work independently.257 Sometimes British officials’ disheartened the common

people from the struggle of the religious leaders and banned their activities or even

put them in jail without evidence.258 Most of them were being offended in the Pan-

Islamic or revolutionary Bolshevik propaganda in India.”259 From time to time, Ulama

and their followers had to change the policy and names of the organizations. Due to

these severe policies, an association was developed as “Nazaratul Maarif-i-Qurania”

and was also named ‘Tahreeki Hizbulla’.260

254 Miyan, Tehrek Rashmi Romaal, 117. 255 Miyan, 150. 256 Ibid. 20. The reason was the misunderstanding due to political thoughts of Mawlana Sindhi. He

was criticized and even declared as Kafir. As Mawlana Anwar Shah Kashmiri later on apologized and wrote him a letter while Mawlana Sindhi was in Mecca. Mawlana Husain Ahmad Madani, Naqshi Hayat, Vol. 2. 144) cited by Miyan, Tahreek-I-Rashmi Romal, 164.

257 Mawlavi Abdul Ghafur, ex-secretary of the Peshawar Khilafat Committee, on the invitation of Ghulam Mohiyuddin, Superintendent of the Yatim Khana, Poona Cantonment, came to Poona with his family to take up the post of Pesh-i-Imam of the Chand wala Masjid. Since his arrival, he was noticed by the police, attending meetings and taking part in the colle ction of subscription for the Angora Fund. (I. B., NWFP, D. O. A. Peshawar no. 28/7255. 1922.para no.151.)

258 Mawlavi Abdul Ghafur made clearance about the statement and said alleged to have stated that, he recently saw Mawlavi Obeidullah and, had received Rs; 40, 000 from the Bolsheviks for propaganda in India. I.B. NWFP, D. O. A. Peshawar no. 28/7255. 1922. para no.151.).

259 C. I. D N.W.F.P. D. A. O., Peshawar, no. 28/7255. 1922. (Bombay Abstract, No. 12, dated, 25. 3.1922 , para. no. 347 . British and Russia both were in search of such information because both were using propaganda against each other as a tool in tribal area since 1932.

260 In other document it was also written that this association was organize by Mawlana Abul Kalam Azad in 1913 in Calcutta during the Balkan war.

The revolutionary impact of the Deoband Ulama started in the first decade of

the twentieth century, which had a global influence on the Muslim political thoughts.

Mawlana Saif ul Rahman (1860-1952) was related to Deboned Ulama,261 started

teaching informally in the mosque where student of Frontier areas learnt Fiqha and

Hadis from him. He taught at different places and became the head mudarris (Head

Master) in Madrassa-i-Fatah Pur Delhi. British were not happy with him due to his

anti-British Fatwa. He faced many difficulties in this regard and left Fatah Pur and

came back to Deoband. Mawlana Mahmud- ul- Hasan convinced him to leave

Deoband for Peshawar and join hands with Haji Sahib of Turangzai.262 He provided a

connection in the Shaikh ul Hind movement and was in a direct association of

Deoband with the Frontier Mujahedin.263 Sana Haroon observed that, “Saifur Rahman

brought many students to Fatah Pur to study with him. In 1914, he returned with these

students to his town of Mathra in Peshawar District, and moved on to Mohmand in the

Tribal Area.”264 Haji Sahib and Saif ul Rahman made the plan of Hijrat from the

British territory and launched Jihad against the British government.The British CID

report says, “Mawlana Saif ul Rahman is the principal secretary of the Haji Sahib

Turangzai under whose influence, Haji Sahib has always evoked the independent

tribes and the Mujahedin against the British.” Mawlana Saif ul Rahman was mainly

blamed for the anti-British operation carried out on the Frontier in the 1915.265

The political development in the Frontier through Deobandi Ulama in the

period 1914–1919 was the insight of Shaikh ul Hind in response to imperial rule. He

supported the anti-colonial and pan-Islamic efforts by inviting a Turkish attack on

261 Madani, 608. He was the desciple of Rasheed Ahmad Ghanghohi. ( Haroon, 60) 262 Ibid. 263 Haroon, 60. 264 Ibid. 265 Miyan, Tehreek-i-Shaikh ul Hind, 474. Based on the Directory of the freedom fighters of the Silk

Letter Conspiracy, India office Library, London.

British India on its North-Western Frontier. That plan was contemplated the last

choice to clear out the British from North Western Frontier. The British attitude

proved a very crucial enchantment in the subsequent year, which alarmed the

Muslims concerning their holly places. This was evident in the letter wrote by Curzon

to Hamilton on 3rd August 1916, “The fact that Turkey is an enemy against whom we

are fighting, it is our bound duty to assist those who are attacking Turks as for as we

legitimately can do so.” He further said, “We should have let all Indian

Muhammadans thoroughly grasp the fact that the enemy of Turkey would have our

sympathy and cooperation and that those who are not with us are against us.”266 Khan

Abdul Ghaffar Khan267 said about the Shaikh ul Hind struggle that,

“On January 1913, Sheikh ul Hind called me. I went to Deoband along with Mawlana Makhfi and Mawlana Fazli Rabbi. At that time, Sheikh ul hind was in search of a safe center in the tribal area and we had chosen some suitable places. Meanwhile the First World War broke out. Mawlana Saifur Rahman brought the massage of Sheikhul Hind that Haji Sahib should migrate to tribal area for jihad along with the other friends like Mawlana Makhfi, Mawlana Adul Aziz and Mawlana Saful Rahman. I (Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan) was left for the networking of the Mujhedeen and their support.”268

The Jihad movement of Haji Sahib Turangzai in 1913-20 had a link with

Shaikh ul Hind and was commonly known as Hizbullah in NWFP. It was a secretly

266 BL. MSS EUR, 660/10/ Private Foreign Office Letter Lord Curzon to Hamilton, Dated 3 rd August 1916.

267 Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan commonly known as Bacha Khan was the son of Bahram Khan, a landlord of Charsadda Uthmanzai. He was born in 1890 in the village Utmanzai Charsadda. After receiving his education at the Mission High School Peshawar, he joined the socio-religious reform movement of Haji Sahib Turanzai. He took an active part in 1919 in the Anti-Rowlett Bill agitation and was one of the distinguished leaders of Khilafat and Hijrat movements in N.W.F.P.The political developments around 1930 in India and N.W.F.P.brought a great change in his political perceptions. He established Anjuman-i-Islahul-Afaghina (organization for the guidance of Pakhtuns). During the later years, Ghaffar Khan devoted all his time and energies to the establishment and organization of the Khudai Khidmatgars. The British authorities frequently arrested him. Even after the creation of Pakistan, he was arrested several times for his political activities. Most of his life (approximately one third of his lifetime) spent in Jail, as he was a stanch opponent of the Two Nations Theory. According to him, partition was a British design and interests. Its major purpose was to divide Hindus and Muslims for, to divide and rule. In 1964, he finally went to Afghanistan where, he lived up to 1973 in self-exile. He died on January 21, 1988, and was buried in Jalalabad, Afghanistan. (Abdul Rauf, “Socio-Educational Reform Movements in NWFP: A Case Study of Anjuman-i-Islahul Afaghina” Pakistan history and culture, vol xxvii/2 (2006), 33.

268 Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan, Zama Jwand Aw Jaddo Juhd (My Life and Struggle), (Germany: Da Afghanistan Da Kaltur Wadi Tolina Danish Khaprandoya, 2013), 86.

organized party working in the Frontier area under the leadership of Haji Sahib

Turangzai but the main supervisor was Shaikh ul Hind. In the letter 269 written by Haji

Sahib Turangzai to Sultan Muhammad Khamis (The 5 th king of Turkey) Haji Sahib

Turanzai addressed Shaikh ul Hind as “President of Jam’iat Hizbullah.”270 Shaikh ul

Hind already sent Mawlana Abul Kalam Azad in 1912 to Peshawar to inform Haji

Sahib Turangzai to be ready with their tribesmen for jihad against British in the tribal

area.271 After some time when Shaikh ul Hind ordered Haji Sahib Turangzai to move

toward tribal area, he shifted to Bunir where Mujahedin of Chamarkand272 and other

disciples of Sayed Ahmad Brailvi were present to help him.

Shaikh ul Hind had not taken the decision of jihad at once. It was the outcome

of a long planning with different personalities like Mawlana Sindhi, Mawlana Abul

Kalam, Mawlana Hasrat Muhani, Hakeem Ajamal Khan and Dr. Mukhtar Ahmad.273

3.5.3 Design of the Uprising

Shaikh ul Hind held a meeting with Mawlana Shah Abdul Rahim and

Mawlana Khalil Ahmad Saharanpori. He proposed a program that Turkey will attack

the British through Afghanistan and the people of Afghanistan and Frontier will help

them. In this way, the Muslim territory would be free from the yoke of British. The

designs of the outbreak were that tribal Mujahedin, Afghan people and Turk forces

would collectively attack the British forces. The people of Afghanistan were brave

and courageous, they were not happy with the prevailing situation because they

wanted freedom from the British influence. Iran was under the influence of British

and had differences with Turkey. Shaikh ul Hind sent Mawlana Sindhi to Afghanistan

269 British blocked that letter and it is now avaliabale in British Library London. 270 Raihan, Vol. 1, 310. 271 Ibid. 311. 272 It was situated on the border of Mohmand and Bajawar near to Afghanistan border, approximately

250, of the remaining Mujahedin of Balakot came in 1915. (Miyan Akbar Shah, Azadi Ki Talash, trans. Sayed Wiqar Ali Shah (Islamabad: Qaumi Idara Barei Tahqiq Tarikh-o-thaqafat, 1989), 395.

273 Ibid.

and with the help of other followers of Shaikh ul Hind,274 he established a government

in exile.275 Habibullah Khan was the Amir of Afghanistan and was not in favor of the

policy to make Afghan territory a battlefield. On the request of Haji Sahib and other

Pakhtun Mujahedin, he later on agreed. He convened a grand Jirga to consult with

them regarding the question of helping Mujahedin. Both of his two sons, Amanullah

Khan and Nasrullah Khan wanted to help the Mujahedin and they succeeded and

gaining cooperation from the tribal leaders and other officers. Amir Habibullah Khan

agreed on the condition that Turkish army would pass from the tribal territory. If the

British asked to stop infiltration, they would make a reason that the tribal revolt was

against the government and they had no control on their activities. He also declared

that Afghan army would not participate in the war, yet the public could join with full

spirit.276

3.6 LOCAL PEOPLE AND SHEIKH UL HIND MOVEMENT

Shaikh ul Hind was informed about the decision of the Amir of Kabul and they

planed the next program. When the Turk would attack on India the other forces will

also attack according to the following program;277

1. The tribal people of the Qalat and Makran would attack on Karachi under the

leadership of the Turk Army.

2. The Mujahedin of Ghazni and Qandahar would move along with Turk troops and

meet with the Karachi Mujahedin.

274 Abdul Ghaffar Khan, 102. 275 The government in exile was headed by Mahindra Partab as President, Mawlana Barkatullah

Bhopali, prime minister and Mawlana Ubaidullah Sindhi was Foreign Minister. That government sent delegations to other countries for help. One mission was sent to Russia to attack India and the other was to Japan for the help of Indian and to convince to give up relation with the British. (Abu Salman Shah Jahan puri, Buzargani Darululum Deoband (Lahor: Al-Jam’iat Publications, 2004), 243.

276 It was just to satisfy the delegation because they had a recent accord with the British government through Indian legation in Kabul.

277 Hakeem Aslam Sanjari, Mansuba Jihad, Manuscript, 75.

3. Through the Khyber Pass, Afridi would attack with the help of Turk army on

Peshawar.

4. The Malakand and Shabqadar Mujahedin would join the forces attacking

Peshawar.

5. The Wana and Kanigram Mahsud tribe’s Mujahedin would attack along with the

Turks on Dera Ismail Khan Region.

6. From the Miran Shah side Wazir tribes would attack on Bannu.

7. The tribes of Tirah would attack on Kohat through Hangu.

8. On the Ogee battlefield, Hazara Mujahedin and Kohistani tribes would attack

along with the Turk army on Abbottabad and further would move to Hasan

Abdal and Attock.

9. When Peshawar would be occupied, administrative powers would be given to Haji

Sahib Turangzai.278 The tribal people of Frontier area would turn the resistance

movements with the help of Ulama as a jihad against infidels (British). The

remnants disciples of Sayed Ahmad Shaheed were already present there for

jihad.279 All those groups inspired people for freedom in India to abolish

foreign rule from Indian Territory. Mawlana Saifur Rahman, Haji Sahib

Turangzai, Mawlana Fazli Rabbi, Mawlavi Fazlu Rahman280 and Mawlana

Fazal Mahmud Makhfi were the main figures in the movement. Haji Sahib

was at that time the head of three organizations, i.e Jam’iat Hizbullah, Jam’iat

ul Ansar and Jihad movement in NWFP. Those three movements were

established and run with the consent of Shaikh-ul-Hind.

278 Ibid. 279 Bl. MSS. EUR, D 660/10 Sir Charles Bar Hang to Hamilton Grant, 1916. 280 He was educated in Nazzarat ul Maarif Delhi and was the nephew of Saif ur Rahman.

Details of the movement based on some letters written by Mawlana

Ubaidullah Sindhi from Kabul, on a silk handkerchief were given to a newly

converted Muslim, named Abdul Haq. He advised him to give these letters to Shaikh

Abdul Rahim Sindhi who would hand them over to Shaikh ul Hind in Makkah.281

Shaikh Abd ul Haq, a servant of Allah Nawaz Khan, migrated to Kabul with the

Indian students. Ubaidullah Sindhi trusted him as he was a noble and trustworthy

person, but without any particular reason he gave the letters to Khan Bahadur Rab

Nawaz Khan, the father of Allah Nawaz Khan instead of Sheikh Abdul Rahim. These

letters were sent to the governor of Punjab Michal Dwyer and in that way, some

secrets of the Sheikh ul Hind companions and movement went to the British

government. Mawlana Ubaidullah Sindhi’s letters described all activities of Hizbullah

(The army of God) and its headquarters in Madinah, Tehran, Constantinople and

Kabul.

The list of the Hizbullah military officer contained three Patrons, 12 field

Marshals and other ranks. The interesting side of the selection of military commander

was that, most of the persons designated for high posts were not consulted on their

appointment.282 In December 1916, Mawlana Mahmud-ul-Hasan along with other

prisoners and four companions were arrested in Makah and sent to Malta.283 Reports

given by the superintendent of police said that these persons between 1st of April 1913

281 The letters were four in number. The details of these letters were as: The first letter was to Shaikh Abdul Rahim about the details that he should take these letters to Shaikhul Hind. The second letter of Mawlana Sindhi was for Shaikh ul Hind regarding the proposed Indian government. The third was about Mawlana Sindhi’s plan of Junuodi Rabbaniya and its purpose, centers and planning. The last letter was a full list of the various posts of the Junuodi Rabbaniya workers. Another letter was from Mawlana Muhammad Miyan to Shiekh ul Hind about some explanations of the whole plan and situation. The latter two were like an annexure for Shaikh ul Hind. Therefore, the letters were considered only three in numbers. The base of Raishmi Romal letter movement (silk handkerchief movement) was these letters. However, later on some letters of Raja Mahinder Partab were also included. (Miyan, 188)

282 BL. IOR, F. C.D. 9190, India Sedition Committee report 1918. Report of the committee appointed to investigate evolutionary conspiracy in India, 74.

283 The other four companions were Mawlana Husain Ahmad Madani, Mawlana Hakim Nusrat Husain, Mawlana Uzair Gul and Mawlana Muhammad Ahmad.

and 1st January 1917 made conspiracy against the King of Britain inside or outside

India to end the British rule. These activities under the Indian Penal Code section 121

(A) were cognizable.

British for their conspiracy made the following people from NWFP

responsible and were put in the investigation of police. They include;

1. Mawlavi Abdul Aziz, son of Haya Gul of Uthmanzai Peshawar (NWFP).

2. Abdul Rasheed a student of Lahore in exile.

3. Allah Nawaz Khan, son of Khan Bahadur Rab Nawaz Khan, honorary magistrate

Punjab in exile.

4. Uzair Gul, son of Shahid Gul, Dargai village of Mardan NWFP, in a prison out of

the British territories.

5. Fazal Mahmud, son of Mawlavi Noor Muhammad of Charsaddah NWFP.

6. Fazli Wahid Mawlavi son of Fazal Ahmad Alias Haji Sahib Turangzai, NWFP.

7. Khan Muhammad Haji of Peshawar who died in exile.

8. Muhammad Aslam (Attaar) saint seller was arrested due to interference in Indian

matters without proper lawful method.

9. Saif ul Rahman, son of Ghulam Khan of Peshawar NWFP who was also in exile.

10. Shah Nawaz Khan, son of Khan Bahadur Rab Nawaz Khan honorary Magistrate

Multan Punjab in exile in the tribal area.

11. Peshawar Jihad Party, which consisted of four members 1. Faqeer Muhammad of

District Bannu, who was an assistant at Kohat Veternary Hospital and the

other three; 2. Abdul Waheed; 3. Fazli Qadir and 4. Sher Ali, were the

Students of Islamia High School Peshawar.284

Mawlana Ubaidullah Sindhi professed the movement as the last episode of the

continuous chain process launched by Shah Waliullah and his sons. British C.I.D. 284 Miya, Tehrik Shaikh ul Hind, 367.

reports considered Mawlana Sindhi the founder of this movement while the founder

was Mawlana Mahamud ul Hasan.285 The struggle of Sheikh ul Hind and the Frontier

people played an active role and the fact was that the distinct features of Mujahedin

were not valued by the Pakhtuns. On the other side, due to incapability of the

understanding of the Pakhtun ethos by the Mujahedin, Silk letter movement was not

more than a conspiracy. Muslim religious leaders sitting in India or abroad were

thinking more excitedly than the strength of Mujahedin and their influence on Frontier

people.286

3.7 POLITICAL ACTIVISM OF ULAMA AFTER WORLD WAR I

Collin Davies observed that:

“During World War 1 Turkish and German emissaries were active in Afghanistan. The arrival of a Turcu-German mission287 in Kabul gave rise to some exaggarated rumors, which prompted some Indian Muslims to cross the Frontier and join forces with discontented Mullahs in Afghanistan and the tribal tracts of the North West Frontier. This was link up with Turkish subversive activities in India, which regarded the sultan of Turkey as the legal khalifa. Although a small punitive expedition had to be undertaken against the Mohmand tribe to the North East of Peshawar. The dangers of rising of the powerful Afridies were averted when the British in February 1915, decided to double their allowances. In August 1916, Turkish agents visited the Frontier with money for the notoriously anti British Haji Sahib of Turangzai and one of those anti-British counsellors was Muhammad Ali a graduate of Cambridge and a lecturer in the Amir’s college at Kabul.” 288

After the defeat of Germany, the political scenario changed Ulama’s struggle

for complete independence compelled them to coordinate with other political

organizations in India. Ulama participated in the Muslim League eleventh session on

December 30, 1918, at Delhi.289 It made the religious leaders to take part in politics.

285 Mawlana Ubaidullah statement in his personal Diary about the Silk Handkerchief Movement (Raishmi Romal Tahrik) was considered a first hand source about the whole story.

286 Shaikh ul Hind was informed by Mawlana Makhfi that the existing group of Mujahedin was not able to develop a fruitful center for the source of men and material. (Abdul Ghaffar Khan, 88-89).

287 This delegation came to Afghanistan in October, 1915 to instigate the Amir of Kabul against the British. The delegation comprised of Wan Hinting, his two secretaries and Wags, as German members, Kazim Bey was from Turk side and the Indian members were Mawlavi Barkatullah of Bhopal and Raja Mahindra Parthab. There were some other Afridies that had left British army and accompanied by the German mission from Berlin. (Miyan, Ulama-i-Ha…,185)

288 Collin Davies, xv. 289 Miyan, 225.

Prominent Ulama took part in the debates of the session including Mawlana Abdul

Bari, Mawlana Azad Subhani, Mawlana Ibrahim Syalkoti, Mawlana Sanullah

Amratsari, Mawlana Ahmad Said, Mufti Kefayatulllah and Mawlana Abd ul Latif.290

In the next day, sitting president admired the special feature of the Ulama discussions

of their religious leaders who joined hands with them. Dr. Ansari proposed a

resolution to welcome the Ulama and read a letter from the Dar-ul-Ulum Deoband,

signed by Shams-ul-Ulama held in the Fatehpuri Mosque on December 30. Three

Ulama were selected and send to represent that body in the conference of the Muslim

League. Shamsul Ulama Hafiz Ahmad wrote that the Ulama of Dar-ul-Ulum Deoband

agreed with the Muslim League and recommended a resolution regarding the holy

places, the Khilafat and the Muslims states. The sentiments of the Ulama of Deoband

were also expressed by the Muslim League resolutions. Dr. Ansari warmly welcomed

them and added that the Ulama had always given their moral and material help in

matters concerning religion, and that they would never refuse to do so in future.291 He

overruled the charge that the Ulama considered religion and politics to be two

different things but religion and politics are the same thing; there is no difference

between politics and religion.292 However, Ulama were taking part in the agitations

and raising national issues of their circles by the name of ‘Anjuman’ as the ‘Anjuman-

Ulama-i-Bahar’293 and ‘Anjuman-i-Moiyid-ul-Islam’ Lucknow was working before

the Khilafat Movement. The former organized a meeting on 17th of January 1919

about the issue of Khilafat at Gaya.294

290 Zaidi, 122. 291 The Ulama who attended the session were; Mawlana Ibrahim of Sialkot, Mawlana Sanaullah

Amratsari, Mawlana Mufti Kefayatullah, Mawalna Abdul Latif, Mawlana Abdul Husain, Mawlana Abdul Bari Farangi Mahal of Lucknow, Mawlana Azad Subhani, Mawalan Ahmad Saead, Mowlvi Gulam Muhauddin of Kasor. (Zaidi, 160)

292 Zaidi, 159. 293 This organization was run by Mawlana Muahmmad Sajjad, the Headmaster of Anwar-ul-Ulum

Gaya. 294 BL, IOR, L/P&S/20/28. Secret reports on the Non-Cooperation and the Khilafat Movement in the

Bihar and Orissa (Orissa: Orissa Government press Patna, 1925), 154.

3.8 JAM’IAT-UL-ULAMA-I-HIND FOUNDATION

Khilafat Movement was the most popular movement of the 20th century of

Muslim’s history in the subcontinent, launched for the restoration of Khilafat in

Turkey. On 22nd November 1919, the first Khilafat conference was held at Delhi to

put forward the promise of British government, which was done during the World

War 1. At the end of the Delhi Khilafat conference 1919, Ulama convened a special

meeting and decided to establish an organization called the Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-Hind295

under the presidentship of Abdul Bari Farang-i-Mahal on November 22, 1919.296

Ulama from all Indian provinces297 established Jam’iat-ui-Ulama-i-Hind to

provide a single platform for different school of thoughts and it mobilized the masses

in all over India.298 The first general meeting of the Jam’iat was held in December

1919 at Amritsar presided by Mawlana Abdul Bari Farang-i-Mahal.299 The objectives

were stated to be; 300

To protect Islam and Islamic centers (Hijaz and Jazirat-ul-Arab),

To defend Islamic custom and way of life,

To propagate Islam through missionary activities in India and abroad,

To provide a common platform for the Ulama to organize the Muslim

community and launch a progaram for their moral and social reforms,

To guide them in political and non-political matters from a religious point of

view,

295 The initial idea came from Mawlana Kefayatullah in 1918 in a pamphlet on the life and struggle of Shaikh ul Hind. He desired that there should be a political organization of Ulama in India. (Abu Salman Shahjahan Puri, Mufti Kifayatullah Aik Mutalia (Lahore: Al-Jam’iat Publications, 2004), 33.

296 Khan, 190. 297 Khurshid Kamal Aziz, Public Life in Muslims India 1850-1947 (Lahore: Vanguard, 1992), 114. 298 Miyan, 232. 299 Rozina, History of Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-Hind(1919-1947), unpublished M.Phil thesis (Islamabad:

Department of History Quaid-i-Azam University), 26. 300 The objectives as well as rules and regulations of the JUH were amended subsequently in 1923 and

1939. However, the basic organizational structure remained unchanged. (Rozina, 27).

To protect Muslim religious and civic work for the establishment of good

relations with other communities and promote their rights and interests.301

In January 1923, Mawlana Mufti Kefayatillah displayed that 132 members

will be selected from different provinces including North West Frontier Province.302

Later on, in 1939, a new provision appeared in the list of aims and objectives

of the organization i.e., the achievement of complete independence for the country in

accordance with Sharia. 303 The reforms of the Muslim society in the fields of religion,

education, morality and in socio-economic life. Jam’iat specified that its program

based on the sole dominant idea, “The duty of the Ulama is to lead the Muslims as the

guardians and defenders of the Sharia and successors of the Prophets.”304

In the first session in 1919, Mufti Kefayatullah was elected as a president and

Mawlana Ahmad Said as General Secretary. The head office was situated at Delhi.305

A committee was authorized to decide about the Membership applications of JUH.

Each member was required to pay 3 rupees per annum as Membership fee.The general

body elected the office bearers of JUH for a term of two years. One person could hold

office for three consecutive terms. The office bearers were like, 1 president, 13 to 26

vice presidents, 1 secretary, 1 joint secretary, 1 to 5 assistant secretaries and 1

treasurer. The president, vice president and secretary can only be elected from the first

category of the Ulama while the remaining can be elected from the second and third

categories as well.306

301 Ibid. 302 The committee was drawn from the three categries of memebers incluiding 88 ulama, 44 wai’zeen and common Muslims. Rozina, 30.303 BL, IOR/L/PJ/12/133. 12. Exract Weekly Intelligence Summary 30th January 1923. 304 Jalandri, 9. 305 Rozina, History of Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-Hind,,,29. 306 The Membership of the JUH was of three kinds, Ulama who had a degree from any religious

institution or a degree from a well-known person in Hadiths. Second, was of the Waezeen (preachers), without any degree yet engaged in religious preaching, and the third category was of common Muslims. (Rozina, 30).

In the subsequent years, Jam’iat launched massive movement for the political,

social and economic uplift of the Indian Muslims. In this regard, the third session of

Jam’iat at Lahore had an important position .This session was held at Lahore on 17-19

November 1921, under the presidentship of Mawlana Abul Kalam Azad.

The special feature of the session was that the prominent Ulama of NWFP like

Mawlana Shah Rasool, Mawlana Uzair Gul of Ziayrat Kaka Sahib (Nowshera), and

Mawlavi Abdul Aziz of Hazro were the participants who had played a vital role in the

political awareness of the religious circles in Frontier. A squad of volunteers from

Peshawar also participated in the procession. They were under the command of

Hakeem Qutbi Alam Naib Sar Askar. They were in green uniform and took all the

discipline of the gathering. At the end, Mawlana Abul Kalam Azad awarded them

medals.307 During the proceedings, leaders of Jam’iat criticized the Frontier

administration for strict policies and terminating the political activities in a Muslim

majority province, NWFP. The Ulama passed resolution against those Ulama who had

given the counter fatwa about the non-cooperation (Tarki Mawalaat).308 Next year in

the annual session of Jam’iat at Gaya (India) on 24-26 December 1922, Mawlana

Habaib ul Rahaman Deobandi emphasized to establish district wise branches in the

country, so that a proper schedule for the organization could be set forth. Jam’iat

Ulama Hind always gave importance to NWFP a Muslim majority province where all

the movements can easily be mobilized.

In NWFP, Muslims stressed for the freedom of prisoners who were arrested

during agitations. On 29th December 1923, in the fifth Annual session held at

Koknada India, Jam’iat Ulama, under the presidentship of Mawlana Husain Ahmad

307 Yusfi, 261. 308 Tark-i-Mawalaat was a proposed Fatwa given by Ulama of Deoband related to JUH. The main aim

was to stop relations of the Muslims with the British government and to render no service for the government. (Rozina, Dastawezat, 133).

Madani criticized the action of British government. The session appreciated the

efforts of the arrested people of Frontier and congratulated them on their bold step. 309

With the foundation of Jam’iat, the Ulama gave full attention to NWFP and

sent printed circular letters to all subordinate Jam’iat to establish regional committees

for the achievement of Muslims rights from the British. Each committee should

consist of a president, secretary, treasurer and six members. They were instructed to

collect funds and establish schools for oriental studies.310 In the same year, the

Khilafatists and Ulama who were struggling for the religio-political uplift of the

Muslims of the province made different organizations, visited the province and

collected donations.

3.9 IMPACT OF HIJRAT AND KHILAFAT MOVEMENT ON FRONTIER

Frontier region was upset from the days of Balkan War,311 until the end of

World War 1. Muslims of India had zealous affection with the Turk Khilafat that

Deoband and Madrassa Ameeniya were closed during the Balkan War days.312 The

Muslims community along with the Ulama worked day and night to help the Muslims

brothers of Turkey. Frontier Ulama and students associated to Deoband, visited the

tribal areas and collected a hug amount for their help.313 North West Frontier Province

309 The agitation was launched for the restoration of Hijaz. Sharif of Makah stood against the Turk with the help of British. The Muslims of India roused against the British, particularly people of NWFP launched mass agitation. Later on Amir Abd ul-Aziz Al Saud al Faisal started to restore the situation. In a period of 8 years, he abolished the rule of Sharif of Makah. In this movement, Jam’iat Ulama and the Ahli hadiths Ulama of India helped Saud al Faisal. In the subsequent years, on the demand of Muslim world, Saud al Faisal held a conference on 7 th June 1926, for the restoration of Arabia in his control. A delegation was sent to Hijaz and the prominent Ulama like Mawlana Abdul Halim, Mawlana Muhammad Irfan Hazarvi, Mawlana Shabir Ahmad Usmani, Mawlana Ahmad Said and Mawlana Nisar Ahmad Kanpuri were the members of that delegation. (Abu Salman Shajahanpuri, Mufti Kefayatullah Aik Mutaliya (Lahore: Al-Jam’iat Publications, 2004), 129.

310 Bombay Abstract of police, No. 22 of 2-6-1923, Paragraph No. 1015. Sind C. I. D, N.W.F.P.19-5-23, Para. No. 211. Dated. 1923. S. No., 30/7257.

311 Khan, 89. 312 Miyan, Ulama-i- Haq or Unky Mujahedana Karnamy, 367. 313 Mawlana Kefayatullah collected a huge amount of Rs. 3894. 50. The total amount from Indian

side was three Lac rupees. (H.B. Khan, 89)

was in turmoil and British sent five large-scale military expeditions to Waziristan in

those days.314

Turkey and Britain came across in the World War 1.315 Muslims of India were

in problem at that time because Muslim world sentiments were associated with

Turkey.316 Some Indian Muslims also wrote letters to the British foreign secretary317

and Prime Minister about the Muslim position and Indian sentiments.318 During the

war, British promised the Indian Muslims that no injustice would be done to Turkey

after the war. Turkey decision to fight on the side of Germany was quite difficult at

that time for the Indian Muslims.319 It brought drastic changes in the Muslim world.

After the defeat of Germany, Turk territories were divided among the allied forces.

That was an alarming situation for the Ulama of India.

Ulama-i-Deoband was the first religious group who made connections320 with

the Turkish government during the World War 1, for their help and support against

the British.321 The Muslim world was shocked and the prominent Ulama and scholars

like Mawlana Abdul Bari Farang Mahal, Hakim Ajmal Khan and Dr. Ansari

established Khilafat Committee in 1919 at Lucknow for the restoration of Khilafat.322

314 Ibid. 315 The World War1 was fought in 1914-18, between the two blocs one was Austria, Hungry,

Bulgaria, Turkey, Germany and the second was America, Italy, Britain, Japan, Russia, France, Greek and India.

316 Shah, North West Frontier Province History and Politics, 39. 317 Khurshid Kamal Aziz, The Indian Khilfat Movement 1915-1933 A documentry Record, (Lahore:

Sang-e-Meel Publications, 2006), 26. 318 Like Aga Khan , Abbas Ali Baig, Ameer Ali, Allama Yusaf Ali, A. S. M. Anik, M. H. Asfahani,

Abdul Aziz, Khawaja Kamal Uddin, Shaikh Musheer Husain, Kidwaye, Marmaduke Pickthall and 25 other signatories.(Aziz, The Indian Khilfat Movement 1915-1933 Adocumentry Record,54-57)

319 Khan, 88. Although, Muslim leaders in personal capacity requested to the war minister of Turkey, not to join the war because Indian Muslims were subjects of the British Indian Government. However, the Turks did not accept this advice and plunged into the war in November 1914. (Yusfi, 143)

320 Aziz Ahmad, 132-134. 321 Deoband seminary had deep influence on the Frontier people and during World War 1, the

religious leaders belong to Deoband, enlisted the supporter from Frontier tribesmen to over throw the British government. Mawlana Mahmud-ul- Hasan sent his disciples to Frontier and Afghanistan to arrange a struggle against the British.

322 Khilafat Movement was the result of those consequences, which affected the Turks, and one by one all the territories were snatched from them. The aftermath of Khilafat proved challenging for the Indian Muslims. Khilafat was a sacred institution for the Muslim world because all the arrangement

The objective of the committee was to create feelings of sympathy among Indian

Muslims towards the Turks and maintaining the honor and prestige of Khilafat.323 Pan

Islamic sentiments already affected NWFP and the British antagonistic policy towards

Pakhtuns proved a contributing factor. 324

Khilafat committees were established in all parts of India. In Peshawar, Shahi

Bagh, a meeting was held and Mawlana Abdul Ghafur who was a passionate speaker

at that time, addressed it. The first Khilafat committee was made in the presidentship

of Agha Sayed Maqbool Shah and Vic President Babu Zakarya Khan. The General

Secretary was Sardar Ghor Bakhsh Singh; Joint Secretary was Cha Cha Abdul

Kareem. After some months, dissention rose among the leaders. Khilafat conference

at Rawalpindi in 1921 designated Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan as president, Mawlavi

Abdul Hakim and Samin Jan as vice presidents of the committee. After the arrest of

Abdul Ghaffar Khan, Mawlavi Abdul Hakim became the president of Peshawar

Khilafat committee and he remained until his last breath.325 The provincial committee

was established with the president Sayed Maqbool Shah and other prominent political

activists like Mirza Salim Khan, Mawlana Abdul Rahim Popalzai, Khan Mir Hilali,

Qasim Jan, Haji Jan Muhammad, Haji Abd ul Rahim, Haji Karam Ilahi, Khan Ali Gul

Khan and Ghazi Uthman. When Sayed Maqbol Shah resigned, Sayed Lal Badshah

became the President and Allah Bakhsh Yousafi, the Secretary.326All India khilafat

and administration of the Holy places for pilgrimage, holy shrine of the Prophet, his companion (Sahaba) and saints was the duty of the Khalifa of Turkey. Hijaz was a province in the Turk kingdom where Makkah, Madinah and other particular religious places existed.

323 BL, IOR, L/P&J/12/114. 324 Abdul Rauf, ‘Pan Islamism and the North West Frontier Province of British India 1897-1918’

Perception Karach: Uiversity of Karachi (2007), 22. 325 Abdul Rauf, “Khilafat Movement In the North West Frontier Province, A Historical Perspective”,

Nazaria-i-Pakistan Trust (http//www. nazzariapak. info/Pakistan-movement/khilafat-movement. php) Accessed on 22 May, 2014.

326 Sabir, 824.

committee set up its subcommittees at district and tehsil levels which encouraged the

masses of NWFP in politics.327

Muslim and Hindus who were already stirring against the Rowlett Act came to

one stream and launched a mass movement. When Khilafat deputation was ignored in

London, Muslims started non-cooperation movement in May 1920. The Ulama

suggested boycotting all kinds of relations with the British Government. So the titles,

rewards, membership from the councils and services were boycotted.328 Muslims even

left their own Muslim University, Aligarh due to pro-British attitude and established

Jamiya Miliyya Islamiya Delhi. Some Frontier students also left Islamia College

Peshawar and went to Jamiya Miliyya Islamiya Delhi.329 The first person to give back

his titles of “Khan Sahib” and “Qaisar-i-Hind” was Hameed Gul of Zyarat Kaka

Sahib Nowshehra. He also gave back the property given to him by the British

government.330 The reaction of the movement was so decisive that twenty five

thousand to twenty six thousand titles were given back. The Non-Cooperation was so

successful that no order was registered for foreign cloth during the period from

January to May 1921.331 The result of the Khilafat movement and Fatwa of Non-

Cooperation “Tark-i-Mawalaat”332 brought Hijrat333 movement, which proved very

disastrous for the people of Frontier. A large number of Pakhtuns took part in the 327 Like Peshawar Khilafat committee had its sub-committees in Mardan, Charsadda, Nowshera,

Sawabi. ( Rauf, Khilafat Movement, 04)328 There were 60 resignations in police department, 31 in Mohmand malitia. 71 other employes, 88

Patwaries in Charsadda Tehsil and as many in Peshawar Tehsil. In Hazara 15, patwaries along the sub-divisional officer resigned and in Bannu, all the Malik resigned. ( Rauf, 2) (http://www. nazariapak. info/pakistan-movement/khilafat-movement. php) accessed on October 19, 2017.

329 Sabir, 813. 330 ( Rauf, 2) British officers convinced him not to do so, but he did not accept. He was arrested and

sent to jail. Later on Miyan Akbar Shah, Sahibzada Abdul Qayum Khan, and Nawab Dost Muhammad Khan struggled for his release. Majlis-i-Khilafat gave him the title of ‘Fakhri Qawm’. (Sabir, 813)

331 Mukhtar Ahmad Siddiqi wrote an essay on the returned titles and prizes to the British Government during the Non-Cooperation movement in India in a Magazine named “Venture” published in London. (Yousafi, 257)

332 Fatwa which forbidden the relations with those infidels who were in the war with the Muslims like Christians and Jews, (British)

333 The movement launched by religious leadership for migration from a non-Muslim country to Muslim country (from Dar ul kufr to Dar ul Islam)

movement and migrated to Afghanistan.334 The emotional decision of religious leaders

increased the discontent and socio-political uplift of the province did not accomplish.

The nature of the Hijrat and non-cooperation movement was based on the sacrifices of

the Frontier Muslims. However, the mindset and approach335 of Muslim leadership

was somehow different. It was their perception that Afghan government who faced

war (1919) against the British and it was not possible for them to face the opposition

of British again. Afghanistan had a poor condition of economic resources too.336

Sahibzada Abdul Qayum Khan and Allama Mashriqi gave suggestions that

migration will not succeed and it will prove a disgrace to the Muslims. When Agha

Muhammad Safdar of Sialkot opposed the Hijrat, Mawlana Addul Ghafur very

unsympathetically treated him in the meeting held in Peshawar.337 Hijrat movement

proved a sad episode in the long serial of Muslim’s emotional character which shows

Pakhtun’s emotions of spiritual love and sacrifice for the land, although the player of

the time used that card for their own political interests.

3.9.1 Political Revival in Frontier

Apart from Congress (Established, 1885) and Muslim League (Established,

1906) most of the political organizations established in the 1920s.338

334 (Erland Jansson, 47.) Lal Baha, 236, has estimated 30000 muhajireen for the second week of August who left for Afghanistan. Yusfi has mentioned the great carwan up to ten thousands, particularly one of them was leading by Jan Muhammad Junijo from Sind arrived at Peshawar by Train. Noshad Khan has mentioned that, from May10, 1920 to August 12, 1920, some 70000 emigrants crossed the Durand line at different places using both regular and irregular routes and entered in to Afghanistan. (Noshad Khan, “Hijrat Experience of the Indian Muhajireen in Afghanistan (1920)”, PHAROS, Vol. 3, No. 14 Shaikh Zaid Islamic center University of Peshawar, 49).

335 Yousafi, 218, (Sir Sahibzada Abdul Qayum and Allama Mashriqi) were not in favor of migration of such a big portion of people to Afghanistan. Even Ashraf Ali Thanvi, Allama Iqbal and Ahmad Raza Khan Bareilve were not in favor of the Hijrat. They tried their best but failed before the emotional masses.

336 Sabir, 819. 337 Yousafi, 218. 338 The popular provincial organizations were, Pakhtun Jirga, Jam’iat Ulama Sarhad 1924, Khudai

Khidmatghar and Anjuman Nujawanan-i-Baharat Sabha established in 1929. The enthusiastic youth of the Frontier, established Nujawanan-i-Sarhad and merged with the Nujawanan-i-Baharat Sabha. Mawlana Habibu Rahman Ludhyanivi established Majlis-i-Ahrar in 1931. Allama Inayatullah Khan Mashriqi (a retired vice Principal of Islamia College), established the provincial branch of Khaksar

The interesting feature of the Khilafat movement was that, for the first time as

a nation Pakhtun jumped into the political affairs.339 One of the reasons of the

emergence in the political field was the Congress support of Muslims on the question

of Khilafat. Hindus and Muslims lunched mass agitation against the Rowlett Act in

the province. The most notable persons in these activities were Khan Abdul Ghaffar

Khan and his elder brother Dr. Khan Sahab (who was not active in politics before).

Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan along with the other prominent Pakhtun socio-religious

leaders were working for the social and political uplift of the Afghans and organized

the (Anjuman-i-Eslahul Afaghina) Society for the Reformation of the Afghans.340

The Ulama enthusiastic action of “Hijrat Movement” had forereaching

impression on Frontier Muslims. Frontier province served as a land of experiments for

both the British and the Indians. The plans prepared in the London and Delhi can be

easily experimented on the Frontier area because both men and materials were easily

available. The British were happy on this development and some observed it as the

so-called Hijrat,

“Thousands upon thousands tribes men end their families poured through the Khyber pass to make new homes in a country where Quran was law of the land. Most were promptly ordered back across the border of the Afghan government and many women and children perished in the scorching summer heat on the return journey, although Amanullah would probably have preferred to let everyone stay, he could not afford the political and diplomatic risk involved.”341

3.10 ULAMA AND KHILAFAT MOVEMENT IN THE NWFP

After the arrest of Muslim leaders of the Central Khilafat Committee, the

Ulama arranged meetings and processions in all districts of Frontier. A Khilafat

meeting was held in Peshawar and the leaders of Sikhs, Hindus and Muslims

in 1933 in Peshawar. The Hindu Sabha and the Panthic Akali Party were popular among the Hindu and Sikh communities of Frontier province in the early decades of twentieth century. (Gupta,18).

339 Charles Miller, Khyber British India’s North West Frontier: The Story of an Imperial Migraine (London: Macdonald and Jane’s, 1977), 348.

340 Gupta, 18. 341 Charles Miller, 347.

collectively addressed the meeting. Mawlavi Abdul Ghafur of Peshawar put up many

resolutions and the most important was that, all Muslims were instructed to pray for

the victory of Sultan and boycott the British goods.342 Meetings were held in Kohat343

Peshawar344and Hazara Tehsil.345 Owing to these activities, the British government

started arrests of the activists346 from Hazara during Khilafat and non-cooperation

movements.347 Ulama approached the citizens with a view of raising funds for the two

airplanes to be offer to the Turkish Government. Prayers were offered for the success

of Mustafa Kamal Pasha.348

3.10.1 Jam’iat Fatwa and Its Impact on the Frontier

During the Khilafat movement, Ulama moved the masses in the NWFP for

agitation. Jam’iat Ulama issued a fatwa in 1922; signed by twenty-six prominent

Ulama of India, including Mawlana Abul Kalam Azad declared that the services in

British Army are against the Turks.349 The ‘Fatwa’ prohibited the Indians from

membership of councils, practice in courts, education in government schools,

honorary posts, services in the army and police.350 After the fatwa of Jam’iat-ul-

Ulama, the situation in Frontier was enthusiastic. A handwritten poster circulated in

342 Inteligence report, December 1919, quoted in Lal Baha, Khilafat Movement and the North West Frontier Province, 5.

343 Mawlana Abul Kalam Azad, Dr Ansari and Ali brothers were arrested. A meeting was held in Haji Bahadur’s mosque on 16th December 1921, in which Hafiz Muhammad Said Paracha, Mian Said Shah Banuri, Ghulam Muhammad Paracha and others criticized the British government. (NWFP I. B. , D. O. A. , Peshawar, 28/7255/1922, dated, 17-12-1921. , KP)

344 NWFP, I. B, D. O. A. Peshawar, 3rd November, 1922. 345 British administration was jammed due to the activities of Mawlavi Muhammad Ishaq and

Mawlana Muhammad Erfan. Both were the Jam’iat worker and graduate of Deoband. They selected Tahsildar and police officers of their own, for working in place of the British officials.

346 Yousfi, 256-257. 347 Mawlana Muhammad Ishaq was arrested under the Regulations III, of 1818 and sent to the Nani

Tal Jail. When he was released on 29th July, 1922 and arrived at Havelian on the morning of the 1st

August, 1922. He was arrested again, under the Frontier Crimes Regulations (FCR) and moved to Hassan Abdal. People of Hazara agitated and passed a resolution against the Government action in arresting Mawlavi Muhammad Ishaq. (NWFP, IB. D. O. A. Peshawar, 3rd November, 1922)

348 CID, NWFP, Police Intelligence Abstract no. 122. Para 116, Serial No. 30/7257/ March, 1923. 349 Ibid. 13. 350 BL, IOR, L/P&S/20/28. Secret Report on, (The Non-Cooperation Movement, and the Khilafat

Movement in the Bihar and Orissa, Government press Patna, Bihar and Orissa; 1925. 184.

various districts of Frontier and meetings were held in support of this announcement.

The announcement emphasized the Muslims that; “It is the duty of every true patriot

to exercise this inherent right, with a view to maintain his human and religious

freedom and to convey this declaration of the leaders of the nation to every literate

and illiterate person.”351 The fatwa and the resolutions passed by the Jam’iat-ul-

ulama-i-Hindin Delhi circulated in various districts of NWFP. The people of Frontier

supported the scheme of Ulama about the deadline of the relations with the British

and they established courts and designed a revenue system for the expenditure.352

Jam’iat Ulama-i-Hind reached to the conclusion after the Angora-Greek war

that “British are the only Christian power which had been unsympathetic to the Turks

and also selfishly supported the enemies of Islam.” Jam’iat-ul-Ulama demanded

Khilafat on purely religious bases regarding Jazeerat ul Arab, the holy places of

Palestine and Mesopotamia. 353

In 1923, Jam’iat agitation reached to its peak, the resolution of Gaya

conference circulated to provincial committees to collect Ten Lac rupees (30 Lacs

from the Calcutta conference)354 and enlisted 50,000 volunteers in order to make civil

disobedience.355 With the arrest of Muslim leaders’ eagerness reached to its uttermost

level meetings and procession were held in various districts of Frontier.

At Sawabi tehsil Kalu Khan, Dagai and other villages parallel courts and

revenue collection was started by the Ulama and workers of Jam’iat.356 The movement 351 Ibid. 352 In Hazara, dated January 14, 1922, copies were received in Sarai Saleh by Shaikh Abdul Aziz and

Muhammad Abdullah. The booklet was entitled “The full proceedings of the Jam’iat-ul-Ulema-i-Hind” presidential address of the late Shaikh-ul-Hind Mawlana Mahmud Hasan together with the Fatwa. (C. I. D. NWFP. D. O. A. Peshawar, S. NO. 28/ 7255. 1922. Para No. 46. Hazara, Janauary 14, 1922)

353 BL, IOR L/P. J/12/133. Indian pan-Islamic intrigues, report on the internal situation 21 November, 1922. 2.

354 BL, IOR, L/P&S/20/28. (Secret Report on the Non-Cooperation Movement, and the Khilafat Movement in the Bihar and Orissa, Government press Patna, Bihar and Orissa; 1925-176).

355 Ibid. 27. 356 On 23rd of March 1923, Mawlavi Shah Rasul read out the fatwa issued by the Hazro Khilafat

Committee, which supported the settlement of cases by Panchayat (local group of elders). They also

was devotedly working but some unavoidable misunderstandings among the leaders

rose, the Peshawar Khilafat Committee was divided in to two groups, Haji Jan

Muhammad, M. Sabir, and Mawlavi Abdul Ghafur led one while Sayed Maqbul Shah

led the other. The central Khilafat committee called both the wings to Rawalpindi,

settled the dispute by removing both leaders and selected Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan

as president of the committee.357 The British government realized the Muslim leaders’

differences. They arrested the Muslims under Article 40 of the F.C.R. and Khan

Abdul Ghaffar Khan, Haji Jan Muhammad, Mirza Muhammad Salim, Sardar Milap

Singh, Sayed Maqbol Shah and Mawlavi Abdul Ghafur were arrested and sent to jail

for three years.358

3.10.2 Religo-Political Activism of the Ulama and Jaziratul Arab Day in NWFP

The period started with the khilafat movement was very scorching. In all the

five districts of Frontier, Ulama stirred up the masses against the British. In

Peshawar,359 Sawabi Tehsil, Bannu,360 Kohat361 and Hazara, the central Khilafat

advocated the establishment of a religious school in Kalu Khan. This meeting further decided to abolish the prostitution from Kalu Khan. A meeting on the same lines was held at Dagai on the same day. At Sawabi some fifty minor cases relating to debt and land were settled. Another fifty such cases were pending. The Hazro fatwa was distributed throughout the Swabi Tehsil. Mir Babu Khels were keeping a record of the judgment given by their self-made Courts. Civil cases were settled on a payment of Rs. 0-8-0 for every Rs. 20 in dispute. The Mir Babu Khel Committee also decided to charge a local tax of Re. 0-0-6 per Jarib of land, over and above the Government revenue. This money, at the disposal of the Committee was to be used for the best advantage of the tribe. (C. I. D. N W F P, Police Abstract D. O. A, Peshawar, 29/7256, 1923)

357 Yousfi, 258. 358 Yousfi, 259. 359 In Peshawar, after Juma prayers in the mosque of Qasim Ali Khan on 14 th September 1923,

Mawlavi Abdul Rahim delivered a lecture saying that the Aryas were converting the ignorant Malkana Rajputs by promising to pay up their debts. But the Jamit-ul-Ulama have funded a well, a school and a mosque in every village from being converted to Hinduism. He also appealed for funds to combat the movement. Another meeting on 28th September 1923, Mawlavi Qutab Din Muhammad Abdul Wali pointed out that the Indian Muslims had no hand in the restoration of the Turkish territory and insisted them to exert all their strength in securing the freedom of the Jazirat-ul-Arab from non-Muslim domination and in saving their Muslim brethren in the United Provinces from becoming apostates.

360 In Bannu, efforts were made by Congressmen to bring about a Hartal on the 18th March1923, but no response was given to that. When the Hindu Muslim riots rumored in India, Jam’iat-ul-Ulama leaders called a meeting of all sects of Muslims in Qasim Ali Khan’s mosque on 2nd April 1923 and a committee was formed for propagation.

361 NWFP. I. P. B, S. No. , 30/7257-/1923 dated 02-6-1923, D. A. O. Peshawar. , KP. In Kohat, a meeting was held in Haji Bahadur’s Mosque, and the resolution passed were; (1) Telegrams of

committee made efforts to observe Jazirat-ul-Arab Day to prevent the Holy Arabia

from the enemies.362

On 16th of November 1923, all the Frontier political agitators Hindus, Muslims

and Sikhs celebrated Jazirat-ul-Arab Day, but they were unable to produce any

significant passion in the people. The central committee was worried to secure the

freedom of the Jazirat ul Arab and to make the agitation instrumental for raising funds

for the committee because the distrust about the misuse of the Khilafat funds was

common and the assurance was not acceptable to the stanch Khilafatist. In this regard

an appeal “Money is Badly Require to send a Deputation” displayed by Mawlana

Abdul Bari and Seth Uthman Subhani and published the full accounts of the

committee.363

3.10.3 Jam’iat-ul-ulama’s Regional Branches in Frontier

After the draft of the basic principles of JUH at center, under article No. 8 of

the manifesto decided that the organization would contain the fallowing sub

organizations at different levels as;

a. Local level Jam’iat

b. City level Jam’iat

c. District level Jam’iat

d. Area level Jam’iat.

congratulation be sent to the Caliph of Islam Mustafa Kamal Pasha. (2) To settle the question of the Jazirat-ul-Arab and removal of the non-Muslim control from the Holy places; (3) all classes of Indians should unite for the attainment of self-government. Mawlavi Ahmad Gul spoke on unity and deplored the action of Hindus in joining the peace celebrations. (I. B., 15-9-23) another event in Kohat, on 7th September 1923 in Haji Bahadur’s mosque, Maulavi Ahmad Gul made a statement about the proprietors of the brothel to reopen in Kohat Bazar. He warned the authorities to stop its reopening by Municipal laws and to expel women of bad reputation residing in various Mohallas from the limits of the Municipality. (D.A.O.I.B. N.W.F.P., 8-9-23).

362 BL, L/PS/12/111, Extract from the director intelligence bureau of the home department government of India, Dated Dilhi, 14th November 1923, 20.

363 Ibid. 24.

e. Provincial level Jam’iat

The word Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-Hindwould be used only for central Jam’iat. The

religious leaders of Frontier used to go to various meetings of the Jam’iat Ulama-i-

Hind due to educational and spiritual relations with the Deoband Ulama. The regional

and local Jam’iat was founded before the provincial branch of Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-

Hind. Ulama of NWFP were regularly participating in the Jam’iat sessions held in

other provinces of India.

Before the formation of separate province, political activities were not allowed

in the Frontier region. With the formation of province in 1901, the party politics

started and Hindus were the first to establish a provincial branch of Congress in 1907

in Peshawar. The first political workers were Ameer Chand Bhamwal and Pundit Ram

Chand.364 The political awareness began in this province when Amir Chand Bhamwal,

a Hindu advocate started an Urdu newspaper,“Frontier Advocate” in 1905. The

political awareness of the Frontier Muslims started in the second decade of 20th

century. Muslim youth established Muslim League in 1912 and Miyan Abdul Aziz

was made the president while Ali Abbas Bukhari was General Secretary of the new

organization.365 They also participated in the annual conferences of Muslim League

held in 1913 and 1915 in Bombay.366

The second and third decade of 20th century was critical for Muslims of India.

During Balkan wars, Anjuman-i-Khuddam-i-Ka’aba, (Association of the servants of

Ka’aba) started in1913 by Mawlana Abdul Bari Farangi Mahal. Mawlana Shoukat Ali

and Mawlana Muhammad Ali were among the early organizers who stirred up the

masses on the religious grounds. The association left a great impact upon the politics

of North West Frontier Province and in the subsequent years, this movement provided

364 Javed, Sarhad Ka Ayini Irtiqa, 223. 365 Ibid. 366 Ibid.

grounds for Khilafat movement.367 Tahrik Hizbulla was mostly in the tribal set up and

did not achieve political attainment. While Pakhtun Social and religious reformer,

Haji Sahib Turangzai worked with the directives of Sheikh ul Hind “to educate first”

which became a socio-religious movement of awakening the people of Frontier.

3.11 FOUNDATION OF JAM’IAT-UL-ULAMA-I-SARHAD IN NWFP

Shaikh ul Hind Mawlana Mahmud ul Hassan368 advised the workers of JUH in

his written speech on 21st November 1920 369 “You should include those who are not

with you, with an easy and lucid way.” The Khilafat movement was supported by all

political organizations of Frontier province. All Khilafat workers of Congress,

Muslim League, Jam’iat Ulama–i-Hind participated in the annual session of JUH in

India. A delegation of the distinguished political workers from Frontier went for the

second annual session of Jam’iat held at Delhi in November 1920, which included

Haji Jan Muhammd, Mawlavi Abd-ul-Hakeem, Abd-ul-Rahim- (wood merchant

Peshawar city), Muhammad Jan (Bar-at-law), Mawlana Abdul-Rahim Popalzai and

Mawlavi Abd-ul- Aziz of Gharhy Habibullah.370

On 18-19th of November 1921, the third session of Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-

Hindtook place at Lahore presided over by Mawlana Abul Kalam Azad. In this

session, the Frontier Ulama like Mawlana Shah Rasul and Mawlana Uzair Gul

participated.371 The session was very important due to the political situation at that

time and some important resolutions were passed. The suggestions proclaimed that,

(a) All the services related to police and army is forbidden.

367 Iqbal Shaidaye, Dastan-i-Balakashan, edited by Abu Salman Shahjahanpuri (Lahore: Jam’iat Publications, 2008), 45.

368 Mawlana Mahmud- ul- Hasan (in his absence) was selected the first President of Jam’iat-ul-Ulama-i- Hind. However, after ten days, he died on 30th November 1920. (Miyan, Ulama-i-Haq owr Unky Mujahedana Karnamy, 351.

369 Rozina, Khutbat Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-Hind, 74. 370 D. O. A. Peshawar. Bundle No. 54-55 file no. 1772. Dated 26-10-1920. 371 Miyan, Jam’iat Ulama Kiya Hay, 131.

(b) Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-Hind emphasized on freedom of the country, this is the

religious duty of all Muslims.372

In 1923, Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-Hindsent letters to all subordinate Jam’iats as a

structure for the political and religious need of the Indians. Mawlavi Abdul Hakim

and Mawlavi Abdul Rab were struggling in order to meet the various challenges faced

by Frontier ulama. The Ulama held meetings at various places called‘’Jam’iat-i-

Tabligh-o-Hifazat-i-Islam (propagation and preservation of Islam)’’which worked

under the instruction of the Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-Hind. Abdul Rab announced the

opening of Ishaat-i-Islam office at the Islamia School Peshawar with Mawlavi Abdul

Hakim as President and requested the audience to uphold the cause and subscribe

liberally towards the Malkana Fund. He further stated that a conference would be held

to consider the question of Malkana Rajput in which Ulama would be invited and

Mawlavi Sana ullah of Amritsar would participate in the conference.373

Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-Hind paid special attention to the problems of this Muslim

majority province in the subsequent years. In the fifth annual conference at Koknad

on 29 December 1923,374 JUH gave suggestions for the solution of Hindu-Muslim

problem occurred at Kohat.375 Those suggestions and resolutions from a religious

political organization developed relations among the Frontier religious leaders and

other political agitators of the area. Those Ulama who participated in various

conferences decided to established local and regional JUH branches in the Frontier

province. After the start of Khilafat Committees in India, the provincial and district

committees also started the movement for the restoration of Khilafat. The main street

power was around the Ulama. The Khilafat and other religious meetings were held 372 Ibid. 132. 373 NWFP, I. B., Dated, 19-06-1923, Serial. No. 30/7257-/1923 D. A. O. Peshawar. 374 Rozina, Khutbati Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-Hind, 233. 375 Hindu Muslim tension arose in Kohat in 1924. There was disturbance due to the blasphemous

poems in the annual Sanatham Dharam meeting of Hindus, which resulted riots. Many people from both the sides were killed, injured and their properties were damaged. (Sabir, 839).

together. They addressed the people in the Friday prayers and other meetings in the

political activities. In the third session of JUH held in 20 November 1921 at Lahore,

Mawlana Shah Rasul of Bala Ghari and Mawlana Uzair Gul of Ziyarat Kaka Sahib

participated from Frontier.

3.12 REGIONAL JAM’IATS OF FRONTIER

The prominent Ulama of NWFP felt the necessity of a political organization of

Ulama especially those Ulama and religious leaders who participated in Jam’iat

annual sessions. In the subsequent years, first meeting was held in Mardan376 under

the presidentship of Mawlana Shah Rasul Deobandi. He requested the learned people

of Yusufzai to form an organization under the patronage ofJam’iat-ul-ulama-i-Hind377

The first serious effort of the Ulama to form a political local office of the Jam’iat-ul-

Ulama appeared in Nowshera sub-division. Ahmad Khan, a well-known political

activist of Shaidu (Nowshera) organized a meeting on 3-4th April 1924. It was further

suggested that the committee would nominate the “Jam’iat-ul-Ulama Peshawar

district.” After the decision of the Ulama and the elders, the following were elected as

member of the committee for Peshawar district.

1. Meera Jan as president.378

2. Mawlana Abd ul Hakeem as vice president.

3. Miyan Hamid Gul as Secretary.

It was the first district level meeting in the province, which was held only for

the political goals, the regional and political demands of the majority of the people.

They for the first time demanded to adopt Shariat instead of the Riwaj tribunal system

376 The meeting was held at the Azad Islamia High School Shahbaz Garhay in Mardan. 377 D. O. A. File. No. A 25/1/15, Vol. 1, S. No. 1562 Bundle No. 85, NWFP Peshawar. Cited by Abdul

Rauf, “Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-Sarhad and the Annual Conference 1927”, Journal of the Research Society of Pakistan, and University of Punjab Lahore (2005), 207.

378 He was publically known as ‘spin miyan’and his grand daughter was the wife of Qazi Husain Ahmad ex Ameer JI, Pakistan.

and suggested to open branches thereof in every district. The distinguished Muslims

political workers who attended the meeting were, Haji Jan Muhammad, Mawlavi

Abdul Hakim, Mawlavi Abdul Rahim Popalzai, Abdul Karim, ex-Head Constable and

Ghulam Rabbani.

On 28th August 1924, a meeting of the Frontier Jam’iat-ul-Ulama was held at

Ziyarat Kaka Sahib379 Nowshera, presided by Shah Rasul of Bala Ghari. Among the

other ulama, Mawlana Shah Rasul, Mawlavi Gujar, Mawlavi Rahman-ud-Din,380

Marwat Mullah of Nowshera Kalan,381 Muhammad Akbar Khan of Utmanzai and

Khan Mir were also present. The Ulama addressed the people and discussed Sharia

and the unity of the nation. Muhammad Akbar Khan proposed the necessity of

leadership of an able person. They threw light on the role of Mustafa Kemal Pasha

and Lenin as two men who successfully won freedom. Qazi Abdul Rab382 spoke on

the introduction of “Shariat” and the propagation of Islam. He declared the important

organizational activities of the Jam’iat and suggested a visit of the whole province. He

further recommended appointing sub-committees of Ulama, preachers and noted men.

Those people were eligible as member of the committee who could give Rs. 3

monthly donation.383

The resolutions unanimously passed were;

379 A village in District Nowshera seven kilometres away to the southern side where the well-known saint Kaka Sahib’s Shrine is situated.

380 He was the son of Mawlana Hafiz Jamal Din and born in the village of Miyan Kili Prhangh Charsaddah in 1897. He completed his education from Darul Ulum Ghanj Peshawar in 1340 Hijira. He was the author of many books. He was the uncle of Mawlana Hassan Jan Ex MNA and Shaikh ul Hadith of Darul Ulum Imdad ul Ulum, Peshawar.

381 He was one of the distinguished Khatib of Nowshera Kalan. Mawlana Abdul Haq, the founder of Darul- ulum Haqania Akorha Khattak was his disciple.

382 He was the father of Qazi Husain Ahmad the ex-Ameer Jamat-i-Islami Pakistan. He was born in 1886 at Zyarat Kaka Sahib Nowshera. He got his early education from Mawlana Muhammad Israeil Mardan and then got admission in the ‘Madrassa Abdul Rab’ Delhi. He was graduated from there in 1915 and started khitabat at Peshawar. He died in 1972. He was the author of several books among those were, Qisas ul Quran (stories of the Quran) and Peghambar-i-Islam (Prophet of Islam). (Fayuz-u -Rahman, 101)

383 Rozina, History of Jam’iat al Ulama-i-Hind, 29.

1. The Khilafat Committee Bombay was requests to expedite the dispatch of the

Khilafat Deputation to Angora.

2. The Frontier Jam’iat-ul-Ulama condemned the oppression practiced on pilgrims.

3. The honorable Chief Commissioner was requested to convey to the Government

of India the displeasure of the Frontier Muslims with the Sharif of Mecca,

thereby should get no assistance from the British Government. Mian Masrur

Gul of Ziyarat Kaka Sahib read out a Welcome address of Khan Abdul

Ghaffar Khan of Utmanzai.

A local body of Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-Sarhad was established and the

following were announced as office bearers;

1. Sayed Mira Jan of Ziyarat Kaka Sahib, President.

2. Mian Hamid Gul, Secretary.384

3. Qazi Abd ul Rab as Treasurer.

The other prominent political workers of NWFP in the meetings were; Haji

Jan Muhammad, Muhammad Abbas Khan of Utmanzai, Sayed Lal Badshah and

Ahmad Khan of Shaidu.385 Ulama of Frontier collectively launched Khilafat

movement in those days. According to the instruction of central Jam’iat, they

established only local and regional Jam’iat. The Frontier Ulama took part in every

occasion of the Muslim political and social development. When the student wing of

the Jam’iat Ulama-i-Hind established with the name of Jam’iat ul Tulaba in 1919,

Mawlana Shabir Ahmad Usmani became the president and Mawlana Ghulam Ghaus,

who was from NWFP became its first General Secretary.386 During the 8th annual JUH

384 He was the resident of Zyarat Kaka Sahib and was working as a superintendent in the deptt of railway. He left everything during the Khilafat movement. British government sent him to jail. The title of ‘Fakhr-i Qaum’ was given to him during the Khilafat agitation and returning the British title of Victoria Cross after the fatwa of Ulama who ordered the Indian to give up all the tiles and honors given to them by the British government.

385 N.W.F.P. I.B., D. O. A. Peshawar, S. No. 31/ 7258 Dated. 8. 04. 1924. 386 Suhail Ahmad Awan, Mawlana Ghulam Ghaus Hazarvi: Mazhabi-o-Syasi Khidmaat (Lahore:

Maktaba-i-Jam’iat, 2009), 42.

conference 1927, the provincial Jam’iat Ulama established JUH Sarhad at Peshawar.

A provincial branch was formed with Mawlavi Abdul Hakim of Peshawar as

president including the visiting mawlavis from other districts of the province as office

bearers.387

387 NWFP, I. B. , D. O. A. , Peshawar, Serial No. 33/7260/ Diary no. 914 dated. 1927.

CHAPTER – 4

JAM’IAT ULAMA AND THE FRONTIER POLITICS (1925-1929)

4.1 INTRODUCTION

The period between the Bray Committee388 and Simon Commission389 was

very significant in the political development and reforms to manage the affairs of the

North West Frontier province. This Muslim majority province was kept out of

constitutional reforms due to the attitude of the Pakhtuns who consider themselves

more near to the trans-Frontier by affinities.390 After Minto-Morley reforms in 1909

and Montagu-Chelmsford scheme of 1919 introduced in other provinces, Frontier did

not receive any benefit from the British constitutional reforms because its position

was not like other provinces of India.391 It was an administrative unit known as

commissionaire and was managed under a chief commissioner like Oudh, the lower

Burma and Baluchistan.392 These commissionaires were politically and

administratively changed as the time passed but the fate of Frontier was in a hanging

position till 1932. Due to unscrupulous situation after the Hijrat and Khilafat

movements, the Hindus were reluctant to amalgamate this province with Punjab. They

feared the Muslim racial dominance and the way they showed the British government

388 It was an inquiry committee under Sir Dennys Bray consisting of 3 European 3 Muslims and 2 Hindu members to report on the separation scheme of NWFP inaugurated in 1901 by Lord Curzon. This committee gave report in October 1922 against the re-amalgamation in Punjab. (Obhrai, 93-122).

389 Simon Commission was sent to India in 1928 to revive on the Montagu-Chemsford reforms and suggested recommendations for constitution of India.

390 “The Pathan considers himself more sympathy with the kith and kin in the trans-border than with the rest of India”. Frontier Enquiry Committee Report, 53.

391 Miyan Abdul Aziz and Sir Ali Imam went to London and met the then secretary of state Lord Morley in London1909. They discussed the question of reforms and to bring the case of NWFP administration equal to other provinces of British India.

392 Like, Berar 1853, Oudh 1856, C. P. 1861, the lower Burma 1862 and Baluchistan in1887 worked as commissionaires.

how the weak financial position could be recovered by the decrease of the official

expenditures.393

The Hindu imaginary attitude was publicized as a high political stance of the

time as Diwan Chand Obhrai observed;

“The Hindus were not opposing to the reforms, but they wanted reforms through amalgamation with the Punjab of which they were a part for 50 years during the early period of British occupation of the Frontier districts. They were afraid of being deprived of their due share in shaping the policy of the government in NWFP. Muslims run the Province by overwhelming majority on democratic lines. They wanted the safeguarding of their cultural, economic, social and other similar interests as vital to their existence as a self-respecting and important entity. They are a hopeless minority in NWFP province, but they belong to a community, which was the majority community in the greater part of the rest of India. They wanted representation in the greater part of their numerical strength in view of their importance”.394

The workers of Khilafat Committee and Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-Sarhad were

struggling for the reforms. They handled the Bray committee but also faced the

opposition of the Hindus, Khans and elites of the Frontier. Hindus were comparatively

advanced in education, socio-economic standards and Muslims were illiterate and

financially weak.395 The Khans of some areas396 were not in an easy position and

neither could they demand to separate Frontier from Punjab nor were in favor of the

reforms. However, they knew that the Khilafatists would oppose and will strongly

demand the reforms. According to Allah Bakhsh Yusfi “British were backing both

Hindus and Muslims.”397 The elites of the province were also not in favor of the new

province, they were also in dilemma. There might be a reason that they were under

the influence of the Congress and the Hindu dominance. The leadership of the Muslim

League raised voice in favor of reforms in the Frontier province. The Hindus and

Muslims of Hazara opposed it. They were against any formation and reforms of this

393 Sabir, Tarikh Soba Sarhad, 827. 394 Obhrai, 127. 395 Shah, Muslim League in NWFP, 9. 396 Especially Khans and elites of D. I. Khan and Hazara Districts where majority of the Hindus

influenced them and their personal benefits depended on Hindus. 397 Yusfi, Sarhad Owr Jaddo Juhdi Azazdi, 351.

Muslim majority province.398 Their concern was purely on material and personal base.

Anwar Khan observed,

“The province had not been created on public demand. Many Muslims in Hazara and Dera Ismail Khan399 were unhappy in 1901 to be severed from Punjab and made part of the new province. During 1911-12, they repeated their request for realignment with the Punjab province, as they gained many benefits in association with Punjab. The Hindus and elite urban class of the Frontier always stood for merger with Punjab”.400

Hindu opposed the creation of the new province and a serious attempt was

made on July 21, 1921, when a Hindu leader Sir Siva Swami Aiyer moved a

resolution in the Central Assembly401 demanding that the judiciary of NWFP should

be placed under the Punjab High Court.402 He also proposed constituting a committee

to advise the government whether the separation of NWFP had any useful purpose or

not?403 In the light of this resolution, the British government in February 1922,

decided to look into the matter and submit a report about the factual situation. An

eight-member inquiry committee was announced and was known as Bray committee.

Sir Dennys Bray, joint secretary foreign affairs of the Indian government was

appointed as its head. The committee included three Muslims, three British and two

Hindu members. The Muslim members were Sayed Raza Ali, Chodhre Shahabuddin

and Abd ul Rahim Khan, T. Rangachariar, N. M. Samarath represented the Hindu

community, while H. N. Boltan and Parker represented the European members. The

committee visited the province and interviewed both the government official and local

people at various levels. The committee held a number of meetings starting from the

government house Peshawar on 12th May 1922 to the Dera Ismail Khan meeting in

398 Abdul Sattar Khan, “Role of NWFP in the Pakistan Movement”, Pakistan, No. 10 (Autumn 1984), 115.

399 These two areas were near to Punjab and the terrestrial and social set up naturally demanded to be with the Punjab. The ratio of Hindu population in these districts was also greater than the rest of the Frontier districts.

400 Anwar Khan, 43. 401 BL, IOR, PS/10/1030. Page 474. Debate of the Central Assembly on the question of North West

Frontier Province. 402 Sattar Khan, 115. 403 Anwar Khan, 44.

town hall with Hindu Sabha and other Muslim inhabitants of the of Dera Ismail Khan

on 25th May 1922.404

The important statement of the President Anjuman-i-Islamia Dera Ismail Khan

Sardar Gul Muhammad Khan was recorded as;

“Hindus and Muslims never could be able to live together. Our demand is that, we both should live separately. Government of 23 Crore Hindus should be in the South and the Government of 8 Crore Muslims should be in the North. He clearly demarcated and said, “From Rajkumary to Agra should be Hindus and from Agra to Khyber should be Muslims.” 405

This statement proved the early step towards separation on the basis of

two-nation theory. The committee submitted report in October, 1924 and

favored through majority consent that,

“The Frontier inhabitants assuredly not behind the rest of the Indians either in intelligence or in capacity to manage their own affairs. Their aspiration for full reforms have been awakened into full consciousness, and would not be satisfied by anything short of essential reforms enjoyed elsewhere. Whatever, the form of council introduced in the province; it must be something living and vigorous. The committee gave suggestion for the legislative council.”406

The committee also suggested some worthy suggestions for judicial

reform as an additional judicial magistrate to be appointed and gave some

powers to the elected members of the people in the local body’s

government.407 The British and the Muslim members recommended that the

province should be placed at par with the other provinces of British India

immediately. Although the report of the Bray committee did not serve any

improvement in regard to settled areas administration but it changed the

outlook of the British government to make garrisons in the settled areas. The

new perception pushed the British influence deep in to the tribal area which

404 BL, IOR /PJ/9/38, Confidential Proceedings of the North West Frontier Committee 1922, statements and evidence of witness taken in various meetings.

405 Sabir, 33. 406 Bray committee report, 22-23. Cited byAnwar Khan, 45. 407 Sabir, 828.

summed up more than a century policy of British administration.408 The

Frontier Inquiry Committee report says, “The ultimate aim of our whole

Frontier policy is the security of India. The immediate objective of our North

West Frontier policy is to control the trans-Frontier tribes as to secure life and

property in our Frontier districts.”409

The Bray Committee recommendations helped the demands of the Muslims

and after two years Mawlavi Sayed Murtaza Bahadur,410 a member of Central

Legislative Assembly from Madras moved a resolution in the central assembly on 16 th

February 1926,411 addressed to the Governor General-in-council. He demanded that,

this assembly demands from the Governor General in council that there should be

provisions applied to the Government Acts in NWFP related to the legislative

councils, appointment of the ministers and provision of the safety for the minorities.412

The Hindu Sahba of Dera Isamail Khan opposed the reforms in the NWFP and passed

a resolution on February 1, 1926. It was believed that the Kohat riot of 1924 were

enough to ensure their insecurity in the region, hence they opposed introduction of

reforms here in.413

They determined that,

“The fanatic and the illiterate masses are easily misled by the narrow-minded and educated agitators condemning the Tribal Muslims, the existence of secret Muslim revolutionary societies, the open advocacy of Muslim press of the Muslim raj with the help of Afghanistan and the dream of the Pan-Islam endanger by resent events in other Muslim lands.”414

408 James W. Spain, The Pathan Border Land (Karachi: Indus Publications. 1985), 123. 409 Government of India, Report of the North West Frontier Enquiry Committee and minutes of dissent

by Mr. T. Rangchariar and N. M. Smarath (Delhi: Government Central Press, 1934), 6. Cited in Spain, The Pathan Border land, 123.

410 Sayed Murtaza Bahadur was a member of the Sewarajist Party. The leaders of the party were not happy by that. They asked Sayed Murtaza Bahadur not to present such kind of resolution, but he faced all the opposition and resigned from the party membership. He took part in the debates of the assembly as independent member.

411 Ikram, 346, Aziz Javed wrote March16, 1926, the date of presenting resolution in the assembly. 412 Javed, Sarhad ka Ayini Irtiqa, 105. 413 Javed, Quaid-i-Azam Owr Sarhad, 38. 414 Shah, 10.

The Hindus and Sikhs were opposing the reforms by two main reasons. First,

the Muslims especially the Pakhtun distrust to British left them away from modern

education as compared to Hindus and Sikhs. Secondly, the Muslims were

economically weak and their control was losing by development. They thought that if

the Muslims achieved the reforms in this majority province, the Hindu’s dominant

position would be threatened.415

The religious leaders and other political agitators, on local level informed

people of Frontier about the Hindu’s propaganda published in the Indian newspapers.

Haji Muhammad Akram Khan held a mass meeting in Charsadda. He supported the

resolutions, which were announced to be moved in the legislative assembly

recommending the extension of reforms, deprecating the Hindu tendency to oppose

the introduction of reforms. The speakers also condemned the Action of certain

Muslims for sending message to the government of India influencing against

Muslims’ interest. They strongly refuted the baseless allegations made by the

Hindus.416

At this moment, the Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-Hindleadership paid a visit to the

Frontier and motivated the people of Frontier to receive education and work hard for

their economic and social development. Mawlavi Ahmad Said, Nazim of the Jam’iat-

ul-ulama-i-Hind arrived at Peshawar on the September 19, 1926. He delivered a series

of lectures in the Rafi ul Islam Madrassa, Bhanamari (Peshawar) and in various other

mosques of the city during the week. He laid great stress on acquiring religious

education prior to modern school education. He advised the Muslims to demand for

the reforms in a constitutional and peaceful way. He announced that a meeting of the

415 Javed, 39. 416 NWFP, P. A. D. O. A. Peshawar. Dated 20. 02. 1926. A book entitled “Secret Societies in the

Frontier” without even mentioned its author and publisher, was in circulation among the members of the legislative assembly when the fontier case was under consideration of the Assembly. It carried terrifying stories of the Mujahedin strides against the British Raj. (Yusfi, 418)

Jam’iat-ul-Ulama would be held next year where all the reforms would be demanded

for NWFP.417 Another meeting was held in the Islamia Club Peshawar city on 26th of

September 1926, where Mawlavi Ahmad Said of Delhi advised that if the reforms

were not given to the North West Frontier province, both the government and the

people would suffer like the Kohat riots did. He criticized the Hindu propaganda and

declared that the Muslims were as civilized as the people of any other province were.

Another speaker Ghulam Ahmad Khan of Hangu remarked that the inhabitants of the

Frontier province are fit to be blessed with the reforms. The resolutions were passed

and demanded the following points;

To extend reforms to the North West Frontier Province and, to withdraw the

orders under which Mawlavi Muhammad Ishaq and Mawlavi Muhammad Irfan418

were exiled from the North West Frontier Province.419

417 NWFP, P. A. D. O. A. Peshawar. Para No. 660. Dated . 27. 09. 1926. 418 He was the finance secretary (Nazimi Maliyat) of Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-Hind belonged to Hazara

district and was exiled under F. C. R. Later on, he was given permission to come to his homeland during the eighth session of the Jam’iat in 1927 in Peshawar (Rozina, Khutbat Jam’iat Ulama Hind, 452).

419 NWFP, P. A. D. O. A. Peshawar. Para No. 654. Dated. 27. 9. 1926.

4.2 HINDU-MUSLIM TENSION AND FRONTIER POLITICAL SITUATION

NWFP was politically scorching in the second and third decades of the

twentieth century. Muslims stressed on the British government for the introduction of

political reforms and Hindu while Sikhs bitterly opposed the grant of reforms to

Frontier province.420

Kohat and Dera Ismail Khan Districts were among those settled districts

where the freedom fighters were very enthusiastic and collectively played a key role

in the politics of NWFP. The prominent leaders Mawlana Ahmad Gul, Ghulam

Muhammad Paracha, Sayed Kamal and Ghulam Muhammad Dikni were the pioneer

of political struggle in district Kohat.421 They were also sent to jail for two years

during the non-cooperation movement.422

Hindu-Muslim tension was the result of the coming of Mahan Sabahy Hindus

of Cis-Indus areas that started the Shuddi and Sangton preaching movements since

1923. They strengthened the differences and spread the hatred among the Hindus and

Muslims. Beside the initial differences, the relations between the two communities

were not as bad as generated by the Maha Sabaye and Ram Rajiya movements.423

In the annual session of the Sanatan Dharam in August 1924, the Hindu

religious leaders criticized Islam and Prophet Muhammad (PBUH). In response, the

Muslims appealed for the arrest of the Jevan Das, the sectary of the Sanatan Dharam.

He was arrested but after some days was released from the jail which infuriated the

Muslims.424 On 9th of September 1924, Muslims held a meeting at Kohat (consisted of

420 Hindu and Sikhs were numerically less than five percent of the total population of the province and they were afraid of becoming the victims of a permanent Muslim majority province in case reforms were introduced. (Shah, 9).

421 Sabir, 834. 422 Ibid., 835. 423 Yusfi, 69. 424 Sabir, 837.

a huge number of people) against the Hindus. After the meeting, Hindus fired from

the roof of their houses and killed eleven Muslims while injured fifteen. As a reaction,

some Muslim youth burnt the Hindus’ shops and the situation in Kohat became very

sensitive. After three days the Hindus requested for peace that was accepted but the

tribal insurrection still existed and the Hindus were shifted to Rawalpindi in special

train service by the government. It was an immense incident in the history of NWFP

where 31 persons died, 20 Hindus and 11 Muslims, and many injured.425

After this incident, the deputy commissioner and the elders from both sides

started negotiations for the reconciliation. They made a peace agreement on 24

December 1924 and the Hindus came back to their homes on 12 January 1925.

Hindus and Muslims signed the following reconciliation agreement;

1. All the cases registered in reference to 1924 riots in Kohat would be dissolved and

any side would register no claime. No community would forbid any other to

rebuild the places of worship.

2. Both the communities would return their looted material on clear identification.

3. Muslims, Hindus and Sikhs would assure that they would not boycott each other

in the outskirt of Kohat, and would make every effort to create harmony and

friendship among each other.426

The Kohat riot had a severe effect on the Indian political scene because after

this event, the Hindu-Muslim unity damaged and the scene that had developed after

Khilfat movement in NWFP darkened by such violent events. Mawlana Shoukat Ali

425 Abdul Rauf, Khilafat Movement In the North West Frontier Province, 6. In another report, 36 killed from both sides and 145 were wounded. Extensive looting took place in the bazars, and house property valued at Rs. 70000 was destroyed and other exodus from the town of the entire Hindu population. (Abdul Hamid, Muslim Separatism in India, A Brief Survey 1858-1947 (Lahore: Oxford University Press, 1967), 162.

426 Yusfi, 372-373.

and Ghandi parted their ways and the gulf between the two leaders did not lessen in

the coming days of the freedom movement.427

4.3 JUH ANNUAL SESSION AT PESHAWAR 1927

JUH held its annual session in Peshawar in December 2-5, 1927, which turned

out to be a great and distinct event. Although Muslim League was established in 1912

in the province and other political organizations were also working but none of them

could hold all India national level conference in this Muslim majority province before

partition. It was the most important time in the political history of India especially for

the people of Frontier.

4.3.1 Importance of the Conference

The socio-political condition of Frontier Province was very critical and British

government was trying to keep the people of Frontier away from the frequent visits of

the Indian leaders.428At this critical time, the successful visit of Mawlana Muhammad

Ali along with other Muslim leaders encouraged the Jam’iat to hold its annual

conference in Peshawar.429 The Simon Commission was also soon to come to India for

the survey of the functioning of the Montagu-Chelmsford reforms as provided in the

Act of 1919.430

In September 1927, Hindus and Sikhs propagated some false news into other

parts of India that Pakhtuns were killing the minority community members of the

Frontier province. Hindus and Sikhs wanted to see the province as a part of the

Punjab because in this way their numerical inferiority would be balanced. On the

other side, JUH annual session of Peshawar 1927 was the result of that propaganda

which was spread by Hindus and Sikhs of this province before the Simon 427 Ibid., 374. 428 Ibid., 209. 429 Yusfi, 447. 430 The Government of India Act 1919, prescribed that after 10 years from the passing of the Act, a

commission will be constituted on the working of the set up to report on the constitutional changes. Obhrai, 123.

Commission’s arrival.431 The conference was propelled by JUH while the Frontier

concerns made it an all-party convention for the reforms of Frontier province in which

all Muslim political leaders took part and contributed.432

It was an important event in the religio-political history of the province. The

agenda was included in the following items for discussion;

1. Reforms in the North West Frontier Province,

2. Trade among Muhammadans,

3. Bequeathing of inheritance to women,

4. The unity of all Muslim sects,

5. Religious endowments,

6. The security of religion and the propagation of Islam.433

It was the eighth national level conference of JUH held for the first time in

Peshawar. It was the will of the provincial workers of the Jam’iat at that time and for

that purpose, Mawlana Ahmad Said came to Peshawar and inquired about the views

of the people.434 Some people gave the suggestion to invite some of the pro-British

elements. In this regard, Sahibzada Abdul Qayum Khan and Sardar Abdu Rab Nishtar

were given importance.435 Sahibzada Abdul Qayum was chosen because he could

make a bridge between Jam’iat and British Government but soon he realized that this 431 When the Khilafatists in the Central Assembly moved the resolution on 16 th February 1926, for the

reforms in NWFP the whole Hindus and Sikhs along with Moti Lal and Madan Mohiya opposed the resolution on the basis of Kohat riots and tribal insurgencies. (Javed, 105).

432 In the managing committee, except Mawlavi Abdul Hakim, the other like Nawab Dost Muhammad Khan, Sahibzada Abdul Qayum Khan, Mir Rehman, Allah Bakhsh Yusfi, Maian Jafar Shah, Hafizullah, Said ur Rahman, Khan Muhammad Khan and Abdul Rahman Nadvi were not related to JUS. Among the Speakers Ali brothers, Abdul Ghafar Khan, Mawlana Hasrat Mohani and Abdullah Yousaf Ali etc. were not the members of JUH. In the Reception Committee again except the Vice President Mawlavi Abdul Hakim all the other were non Jam’iat workers. Like, Nawab Sir Saibzaa Abdul Qayyum Khan (President), Nawab Arbab Dost Muhammad Khan (Vice President), Nawabzada Arbab Muhammad Akram Khan (Vice President), Haji Sethi Karim Bakhsh of Peshawar (Vice President), Haji Jan Muhammad (vice president), Sayed Lal Badsha (General Secretary), Ali Gul Khan Secretary), Hakim Abdul Jalil (secretary), Sayed Qasim Jan (Assistant Secretary) and Haji Abdul Rahim (Accountant). (P.A.I, NWFP, D. O. A., Peshawar, Diary no, 851. Serial No. 33/7260/1927)

433 NWFP, P. I. A, D. O. A. , Peshawar, Diary no, 851. Serial No. 33/7260/1927. 434 Khleeq, Da Azady Jang, Trans, Azadi ki Jang (The war of Independence), 23. 435 Sabir, Tarikh Soba Sarhad, 432.

conference was purely held for reforms and the elite would not come forward. For

solution, Nawab Dost Muhammad Khan was elected as president of the reception

committee.436 Due to these two prominent figures, government presented the Shahi

Mahaman Khana for the guests and the session was held from 2-5th December437 1927

near to the Bajawrhi Gate, in the ground of Shahi Mehman Khana (now Lady Griffith

Gils High School Peshawar).438 The guests were served in the guesthouse of the Shahi

Mehman Khana and the session was held in the open ground near to it.439 Two

committees were made for the supervision of the conference, managing committee 440

and reception committee.441 The former was headed by Mawlana Abdul Hakim and

the later by Nawab Sir Sahibzada Abdul Qayyum Khan.442

4.3.2 Proceedings of the Conference

The conference started from the recitation of verses from the holy Quran and

its translation in Urdu and Pashto by Abdul Ghani Khan,443 a student of Azad High

436 Yusfi, 448. 437 It was scheduled for April 1927, but later on held in December 1927. (Abdul Rauf, “Jam’iat Ulama

Sarhad and 8th Annual Conference of Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-Hindat Peshawar 1927”, Journal of the Research Society of Pakistan,Vol. xxxxiii, No. 1. 2006), 210.

438 Sabir, 847. 439 Khaleeq, 24. 440 The other members of that committee were, Mir Rahman, Allah Bakhsh Yusfi, Miyan Jafar Shah,

Hafizullah, Said ur Rahman, Khan Muhammad Khan and Abdul Rahman Nadvi. 441 Among the other members, Nawab Arbab Dost Muhammad Khan, Nawabzada Arbab Muhammad

Akram Khan, Haji Sethi Karim Bakhsh of Peshawar, Mawlavi Abdul Hakim, Haji Jan Muhammad, Sayed Lal Badsha, Ali Gul Khan, Hakim Abdul Jalil, Sayed Qasim Jan, and Haji Abd ul Rahim.

442 The working committee was summoned for 29 November and the Members of the reception committee may enroll themselves before 29 November. They also decided the subscription was being Rs. 2/- and admission to the conference will be by ticket costing, Rs. 5/-, Rs- 3/- and Rs. 1/-. The conference scheduled for April 1927, was later on held in December 1927. A big poster, which announced the annual conference under the presidentship of Mawlana Sayyed Anwar Shah Kashmiri of Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-Hindon December 02 and the following two days at Shahi Mehman Khana Peshawar. (Abdul Rauf, Jam’iat Ulama Sarhad and 8th Annual conference of Jam’iat, 211).

443 He was the son of Khan Abdul Ghafar Khan, later on grown up a distinguished Pashto poet and philosopher. He played a vital role in the Frontier politics and founded Zalmi Pakhtun, an organization of Pakhtun youth. When Abdul Qayum Khan joined Muslim League in 1945, he (Qayum Khan) was a member of Frontier Congress and Central Assembly from Frontier. Ghani Khan was elected the member in his place. He wrote several books on Pashto poetry. (Sabir, Shakhsiyati Sarhad, 772).

School Utmanzai Charsadda. First time loud speaker was used in Peshawar.444 Nawab

Sir Sahibzada Abdul Qayyum Khan,445 President of the reception committee, asked

the Ulama to lead the conference on the following points;

a) Muslims’ attitude towards the ruling power,

b) Muslims’ relations with the other inhabitants of the country,

c) The efforts towards the betterment of the Muslim community and

d) The general welfare of the country. He also pointed out the core issues of that

time and mentioned that he believed that reforms would soon be granted to the

province and they would then be in a position to show how a Muslim majority

live peacefully with a non-Muslim minority.446

Between the next two addresses, the presidential address was read by Mawlavi Hifz ul

Rahman of Deoband which was a detailed paper 447 and shed light on the history and

politics of Frontier province. It discussed the points like; need of a national system

and division of action, Jam’iat’s importance and need, Muslims relation with Hindus

in India in the light of Islam, the political status of Frontier province, the due share of

women in inheritance, the bridal price paid at marriage, the un-Islamic customs on

marriage and death ceremonials, the interests in business and its deterioration in the

society.448

444 (Yusfi, 449). Although Mufti Kefayatullah was standing on some distance from the mic, as he was not sure about the actual directives until that time. He was not giving the fatwa when was asked about the use of loud speaker for Azan and Nimaz. He did not consider the sound after propagation as real and actual.

445 He was born in 1863 in Topi village of Sawabi district in a religious family. His grandfather was the famous saint and scholar known as Sayed Muhammad Amir, alias ‘Koty Mula’. His son Mawlana Abdul Rauf was assassinated due the propaganda of Wahabizim in the Frontier in the nineteen century. Sahibzada Abdul Qayum was a great reformer of Frontier and helped the Pakhtun freedom fighters and leaders. This conference was also a great evidence of the Sahibazada Qayum’s struggle for Frontier people. He established Islamia College in 1913 and later on became the first chief minister of NWFP in 1932. He died at 4th December 1937.(Javed,332-354)

446 I.B. Political Dairies, S. B. No. 6. Peshawar D. O. A. Dated December 3, 1927. 447 It was a detailed survey of the historical and socio-political situation of the Frontier since the

advent of British rule. Three thousand copies were published and distributed. 448 Rozina, 412-450.

4.3.3 Second Session

Mawlana Abdul Halim of Delhi worked as stage secretary. After recitation

from the Holy Quran, four students449 of the Azad High School Utmanzai recited a

Pushtu poem. The title of the poem was,

“O ULAMA FOR GOD’S SAKE LEAD US IN ONE DIRECTION”

Translation of the poem as below.

“We are perishing we are drawing for God s sake unite your voice.

What we should take and what we should avoid

All our treatment is carried on thoughtlessness; the disease has attacked us

repeatedly.

Sometimes we pray for the Turks and at others, we weep before Ghazi

Amanullah Khan.

Sometimes we hold the stirrup of Ghazi Anwar Pasha and at others; we send

an airplane to Ghazi Mustafa Kamal Pasha.

Sometimes we look early to the Germans and at others we envy them.

(But) Nobody told us, “give me your hand why are you drowning,” oh poor

Muslim!

Sometime we approach the government and at others go near Hindustanis.

Sometimes we prepare for hijrat, ascend on high lands and descend to the low

lands.

Sometimes we select the western color and at others, the eastern color.

Sometime we become swadeshi and at others Badeshi, we do not know what

remedy we should resort to.

We have become void of nationalisms and religion too has taken leave of us.

449 They were Abdul Kareem Khan, Saadat Khan Jalbal (1914-1979) Abdul Wali Khan and Abdul Ghani Khan.The later two were the sons of Khan Abdul Ghafar Khan. They were the students of Azad High School Uthmanzai Chrsadda. (Abdul Rauf, 241).

Our existence has become hate of slave who works for others.

Today the followers of the Holy Prophet (PBUH) have become a writing

board for the leaders.

None of them has united them but made them more scattered, every body has

a separate voice and everybody has a separate modus operandi.

Moreover, every leader wishes that the whole nation should follow him alone.

O khadim450 servant take the Quran in your hand Act upon its commandments

and you will be counted among the noblest of men then. We have been

degraded in public simply because we have left the holy Quran.451

Muhammad Akbar of Peshawar city presented another poem in Urdu (Na’at)

in praise of the Prophet (PBUH). Among the speakers, Mawlana Zafar Ali Khan said

during his speech that the government should have made laws for their religious

feelings and not punished them so severely on the grounds of freedom of speech

because they had to undergo this imprisonment to uphold the honor of the Prophet.

When men like Rajpal452 were allowed to use uncontrolled tongue attacking honor of

the Prophet of Islam and were not punished. There was no reason why Mawlavis

should have been punished for presenting these insulting remarks.453 Mawlana

Muhammad Naim of Rawalpindi spoke on the exile of Mawlavi Muhammad Ishaq

450 Khadim was the pen name of the poet and the actual name was Muhammad Akbar Khadim, resident of Charsadda.

451 Abdul Rauf, 213. 452 Rajpaal was a Hindu who published a book Rangila Rasul in 1927 in Lahore. Ghazi Ilmuddin (who

later on was also given death sentence by Lahore High Court) killed him. Muslims of India launched mass agitation against the punishment. During the Lahore court decision of 1927 in the Rangila Rasool case, it was held that Section 153-A is not enough to stop the polemic against the leaders of religions. Due to the efforts of Mawlana Muhammad Ali Johor, Mawlana Zafar Ali Khan and the Jam’iat Ahrar, Ulama like Sayed Attaullah Shah Bukharri, Khawaja Abdur Rahman Ghazi and Mawlana Habib ur Rehman of Ludhiana the existing law was amended and section 295-A was introduced by the Criminal Law Amendment Act (XXX of 1927) section. (Muhammad Ismail Quraishi, Namoosi Rasool Owr Qanooni Toheen Risalat (Lahore: Alfaisal Nashirani Kutub, 2010), 40-43.

453 Main Azad Gul proposed addition in the resolution but that was not seconded and consequently dropped (Abdul Rauf, 214)

and Muhammad Irfan of Hazara.454 Ulama appreciated the chief commissioner’s Act

of allowing Mawlana Muhammed Irfan to visit Peshawar.455

Mawlavi Shams ul Haq of Turangzai456 spoke in Pashto about Arabic madaris

and suggested that their existing curriculum should be changed to meet the

requirements of the present age. The institutions, he said would produce true patriots.

Muslims should not give up devotion to Islam for any attraction. The Quran has

recognized God‘s laws and the Muslims should prefer it to other laws. He proposed

the following resolution.

The meeting invites the attention of the founders and the managers of the

Arabic madrasahs. They suggested amendments of their curriculum according to the

requirements of the present time and for the purpose appointed a committee to

consider over the matter and submit a report.

Mawlavi Muhammad Naim seconded the resolution and pointed out the

necessity of a Dar-ul-ulum in the Frontier province.

4.3.4 Third Session

Hakim Abdul Rahim secretary Khilafat committee Bannu started the session

with recitation of the Holy Quran. Then the students of the Azad High School

Utmanzai presented a poem in Pashto.

Mawlana Zafar Ali Khan encouraged the people to follow the example of the

progress of Azad High School Utmanzai and of the dress of the students that was

country manufactured. He then recited a poem emphasizing upon the Muslims the

necessity of the revival of Islam. He said cooperation with the Hindus would be a

condition to the respect of the Prophet. The Muslims should condemn them if they are

454 Both were the Jam’iat Ulama workers and graduates of Deoband. In Khilafat and non-cooperation movement, he was arrested under Regulation III of 1818 and sent to Naini Tal jail. ( N.W.F.P., P. I. A. , Diary No. 654. D. O. A. Peshawar Dated. 27. 9. 1926. )

455 Rozina, 452. 456 He was a graduate of Deoband seminary and a disciple of Husain Ahmad Madani.

disrespectful to the Prophet (Marwat Mullah457 explained this verse in Pashto saying

that if the Hindus did not respect the Prophet, God may ruin them). Haji Abdul

Ghaffar explained that people should not be afraid of government guns etc, and they

should give a cold shoulder to the commission458 coming from London. Abdul

Ghaffar Khan explained in Pashto that the Frontier province required full

independence. As the previous commission had given nothing to the province, they

expected nothing even from this commission.459 He said that the Frontier province

was as much qualified for the reforms as other sister provinces were. He referred to

the people of Sawat who were running their administration successfully.460 Abdul

Ghaffar Khan then remarked that, “the people of Frontier should stand upon their own

legs as majority of the people have unity in the language, habits and religion”.461

Mawlavi Abdul Halim condemned the evil customs prevailing among the

Muslims of India in connection with their marriage and death ceremonies etc. He

appealed to avoid these customs. Mawlana Shakirullah of Nowshera supported the

above speech in a short speech in Pashto. At the request of the mover, Hafiz Ahmad

Said, vice President Khilafat committee D.I. Khan and other Mawlavis volunteered to

see the strict compliance with these injunctions by the people of their respective

districts. The audience also promised to abide by their instructions.462

Mawlana Abdul Halim moved a resolution on inheritance to daughters in Urdu

and by Marwat Mullah in Pashto. It was supported by Mawlavi Siraj ud Din of

Nowshera, Lutfullah of Bannu, Wahid Miyan of Charsadda and Mawlana Muhammad

457 He was a prominent religious scholar and Khatib from Nowhera Kalan. 458 The Simon commission appointed by the British Government in 1927 was near to come to NWFP

to assess the status of various departments and their working under the Act of 1919 in India. 459 Bray Committee was sent to NWFP in 1920s to assess the position of the Frontier as seprate

province. 460 Intelligence Branch, NWFP, D. A. O. Peshawar, Bundle No. 54. S. N. o., 920. File No. 1772

Dated. 1927, 143. 461 Ibid. 145.462 Ibid.

Ali. All these Mawlavis made speeches condemning disinheriting their daughters in

their respective due shares in the property. Mawlana Ahmad Said of Delhi moved the

resolution condemning the acceptance of money on daughters and Khan Mullah463 of

Thall supported it.464

4.3.5 Fourth Sitting

Mahmud ul Hassan Kaukab of Peshawar presented a poem in Persian. The

poem dealt with unity and Tabligh (Propagation). It advised the Muslims to devote

their attention to actions rather than speeches to uplift themselves.

After recitation from the Holy Quran, Mufti Kefayatullah of Delhi presided

owing to the absence of the president elected. A Pashto poem presented by Hajji

Muhammad Amin465 (1895-1958) insisted the Muslims to study the Quran and to act

upon its commandments, as it alone would help them in regaining the lost glory of

Islam.466

Mawlana Hussain Ahmad Madani before putting forward his resolution on the

use of country made things spoke on the history of India. He said that the cause of

poverty of the Muslims in India was due to their ignorance with their religious

education. The conversion of the Muslims to Christianity and Hinduism during the

past 60 years was simply because of their poverty. The British government had

stopped the local industries and trade by means of bringing the artisans in their grip

with the help of money and force. The British government then impressed upon the

Indians that they were purely agriculturist people; this move was to turn their

463 He was the regional president of JUS Thall.464 Ibid. 465 He belonged to the tribe of shinwari and a stunch follower of Haji Sahib Turangzai. He also

founded an organization named ‘jamaati Najiya Saliha’in 1946. Later on, he participated in Jihad-e-Kashmir and received title of ‘Fakhri Kashmir’ from Pakistan government on 23 rd July 1949 in Rawalpindi. (Muhammad Qasim Bin Muhammad Amin Salih, Tazkira Ulama Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (Sawabi: Dar ul Quran Wa sunnah, 2015), 475-76.

466 I.B., report, 149.

attention away from politics.467 Nawab Sir Sahibzada Abdul Qayum Khan interrupted

the speaker saying that his remarks regarding the former prosperity of India would

give rise to another question as to the author of this change.468 Here, Qaim Shah, a

pleader of Charsasdda, remarked viper in the sleeves (indicating Sahibzada Abdul

Qayum Khan) was mainly responsible for this.469 Mawlana Abdul Halim Siddiqi

seconded the resolution about the objectives of the conference that was later on

privately criticized by the Frontier Ulama.470

4.3.6 Fifth Session

A student of the Azad High School Utmanzaai recited a few verses of the holy

Quran then presented a Pashto poem. Abdul Ghaffar Khan requested the delegates

from all the districts to attend room no.10 at 9 pm tomorrow with a view to discuss

measures for the uplift of the Afghans and to put forward in the conference the

question of the formation of an organized body.471 Mawlana Ahmad Said moved a

resolution for the establishment of an Arabic Dar ul ulum in the Frontier province in

the following words;

“This meeting felt regret the absence of an Arabic institution in province which has 85% Muslim population. The meeting appeals that a Dar ul ulum of an extraordinary level should be establishe with a branch for the training of new Muslims. All small madrasas throughout the province should be affiliate with that institution. A committee should be appointed to enhance the work immediately so as to establish a Dar ul ulom within six months.”

Mawlana Muhammad Naim of Rawalpindi and Mawlavi Ahmad Gul of Kohat

supported the resolution.472 Mawlana Muhammad Ali Johar remarked that, “This

467 I.B., report, 153. 468 The British which the speaker compared the 18 famines during 600 years of Muslim reign with 31 famines during the past hundred years of the British rule. The death with hunger of 32500000 Muslims and said 18 crores people were starving but the government paid no heed to them. (Rauf, 221) 469 He harshly remarked that vipers in the sleeve were considered mainly responsible for this. Nawab

disliked this insulting remark after the sitting was over and criticized the pleader. (Rauf, 221) 470 It reported that the Frontier Ulama privately objected to the discussion of political matter as the

object of the conference was to advise the people of this province on religious and social matters leading to the uplift they resented the non-insertion of their names among the movers and seconders of resolution consequently name of prominent among them appeared in the 3rd sitting. (I. B. report, p. 153).

471 I. B. , Report, 157. 472 Ibid.

meeting was of the opinion that whatever be the value of the reforms scheme, there

was no reason why the Frontier province should be deprived of it. This province was

not inferior to any other sister province and hence its demands were justified. This

meeting demands from the government an early extension of the reforms and enjoined

to the people to continue constitutional agitation up to the time they were granted this

right.473He further said that freedom was not a thing which one nation gave to another.

Islam teaches that there is no government except God’s government. God created man

free and no parliament was usurped to take it back by force.474

Mawlana Zafar Ali Khan said that whoever mentions a lawless country,

Peshawar would always haunt his memory. No phrase of Mawlana Juhar Ali had

coined had ever gained so much popularity as the “Sarzamin-i-bay Ayin”, (land

without laws). Continuing this, he said that it appeared that the land without laws is

now becoming lawful gradually. He remarked, ‘British government should change its

eastern policy altogether and give up the mania of ‘Forward Policy’.

4.3.7 Sixth Session

Started with a poem on tanzim (organization) by a Khilafat volunteer.

On behalf of the president, Mawlana Abdul Halim proposed the following

resolutions.

a. Expression of grief and anger at the Punjab government’s hostile attitude

towards Muslim newspaper which was harmful to the freedom of the press.

b. Demand from the government to sanction the appointment of Sharia Qazi

elected by Muslims with full powers to try cases and to enforce their

judgments as legal. A committee consisting of Ulama of the whole country

473 Ibid. 165. 474 Ibid. 167.

including Mawlavi Abdul Hakim of Peshawar would consider over this matter

later and submit its report to the government.475

c. Government should establish Bait ul Maal (Muslim public treasury) directing

the deposit of zakat money and unclaimed Muslim property for the benefit of

the community.

d. The Tabligh sub committee of the Jam’iat-ul-Ulama should review the correct

printing of the Quran and other Islamic literature and should publish their

translation in all languages especially in English. For this work Rs. 5 0,000

would be subscribed.476

Mawlana Hussain Ahmad Madani’s speech was very thoughtful and it

conveyed the socio-political and educational conditions of India. He also moved a

resolution for the freedom of India. All Indians, he said, should try to adopt means to

achieve freedom for their country because that was the only remedy to redress the

destruction of industries, commerce and all other existing calamities which India has

encountered since the advent of the British rule. Efforts for freedom are a religious

duty of the Muslims and we should attend it with full strength.477

Mawlana Husain Ahmad Madani verified from Islamic history that India was

the country of Muslims and the non-Muslims’ claim to it was wrong. He remarked

that the present policy of the government led to poverty and destruction. He quoted

references from British authors to show that they acknowledged this fact. He quoted

data from the statistics of all European powers to show that in a country like Russia

475 The committee included the Ulama, Mawlana Husain Ahmad Madani, Mawlana Sanaullah, Mawlana Muhammad Sajjad, Mawlana Sayed Anwar Shah, Mawlana Muhammad Naiem, Mawlana Qutbuddin, Mawlana Abdul Majid Badyuni, Mawlana Shabir Ahmad, Mawlana Sayed Sulaiman Nadvi, (Abdul Rauf, 243.

476 Intelligence Branch, NWFP, D. A. O. Peshawar, Bundle No. 54. S. No. 920. File No. 1772 Dated. 1927. 477 Ibid.

education was imparted to 85% children while in India to 8%, i.e. 92% were left

uneducated.478

Reforms which had been granted to all other sister provinces were demanded

for the Frontier province as well the Congress the Khilafat Committee and Jam’iat-ul-

Ulama etc. were all against the reforms but they also raised a voice that the reforms

should be given to the Frontier province. Primary education, he continued, was free

and compulsory in all other countries but it was neither free nor compulsory in

India.479 Money was available for war etc. but not for education. He gave figures and

facts showing the amount of money spent in other countries, but only one anna per

head was spent for education in India. On a question from the audience as to female

education, he remarked that girls between the ages of 6 and 11 would be taught at

schools and afterward they should get education at home. He also requested that there

was only one Islamia school in Peshawar and that too could not progress well.480

Mawlana Abdul Halim, the stage secretary, rose and asked the audience whether they

realized the necessity of India’s freedom? Muhammad Salim here asked the people to

raise their hands in large numbers.481

4.3.8 Seventh Session

This session started with a poem by Mawlana Muhammad Ali and a Khilafat

volunteer. Mawlana Ahmad Said proposed on behalf of the president the following

resolutions, which were unanimously carried:

1. A Jam’iat-ul-Ulama of Frontier Province (Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-Sarhad JUS) had

been formed with the following as its office bearers and members.

478 Ibid. 479 Ibid. 480 Ibid. 481 Rauf, 230.

Mawlana Abdul Hakim482 (President) and five Vice Presidents, Mawlana

Shakirullah of Nowshera,483 Mawlana Shah Rasul,484 Mawlana Sayyed

Hussain Shah,485 Mawlana Abdul Qahhar (Marwato Mullah),486 Mawlana

Shahab ud Din, Mawlana Bismillah, Sayyed Fazal Samdani,487 Abdul Rahman

and the other local Ulama were nominated as members.488

2. Muslims should find a cure for the existing failure and other evils prevalent

among them that include disunity, feuds, disputes, false evidences in court and

practice on shrines such as gambling etc., should be abolished. A committee of

the Ulama should be formed to take up this work and the people should carry

out its commands.

482 He belonged to the famous mohallah of Kocha Abdul Hakim, near Ghadi Khana of Peshawar. He was born in 1286 Hijira. His father was Muhammad Amin Popalzai. He received his early education at home and then went to Deoband, Lucknow, Rampor, DarulUlum Muiniya and DarulUlum Ajmir Sharif, where he was appointed as head teacher. When he came back, he joined Dar-ul-ulum of Jattan Peshawar. He was a staunch anti British leader of Muslim and participated in all national movement like Khilafat, Hijrat and non-cooperation. During the Khilafat movement people gave him the title of Mufti Azam Sarhad. He was the khateeb of Masjid Qasim Ali Khan the Eid and fasts all decision were followed according to his announcement. He died in 1348/1933. His two sons Mawlana Abd ur Rahim Popalzai and Mawlana Abdul Qayum Popalzai have strictly followed their father mission and several times sent to jail by British government.

483 Mawlana Shakirullah was the khateeb of a mosque and disciple of Mullah Marwat. They collectively worked for the freedom of the country especially for the establishment of Pakistan. Mawlana Abdul Rauf was the first who shot dead the Hindu leader Billie Ram of Nowshara Kalan during the riots of 1946-47. (Muhammad Iqbal Grand Son of Mawlana Shakirullah of Nowshera. July 2014.)

484 One of the earlier disciples of Rasheed Ahmad Gangohi. He was inhabitant of Balagharhy district Mardan.

485 He was the descendant of Shah Abdul Qadir of Baghdad and disciple of Rashed Ahmad Gangohi. He got education from the Abdul Haq Lalaje of Bam Khel of Sawabi. He also participated in jihad movement of Sayed Ahmad Shaheed against the Sikh. Mawlana Sayed Husain Shah had a vast circle of pupil who got religious education from him.

486 He was one of the distinguished khateeb of Nowshera Kalan. Mawlanaa Abdul Haq, founder of the Darul-Ulum Haqania Akorra Khattak was his disciple. (Muhammad Afazl Raza, Karwan da Azadaye 1826-1947 (Peshawar: University Book Agency, 1996), 115. Mullah Marwat was in the Teaching staff and Allah Bakhsh Yusfi was at that time a clerk in the Anjman-i-Taleem ul Quran seminary with Babu Sultan Muhammad in Nowshera. (Yusfi, 253)

487 He was the founder of the Darul Ulum Rafiul Islam in Peshawar Banamarhi. He was the disciple of Mawlana Shah Rasol and Mawlana Ghaziudin. He completed his education in 1341 hijira and establisded their own institution for the service of Islam in Peshawar. He was also related to Hadda Mullah (Line) silsila tareqat. He died on 18th September 1969.

488 The people who were declared as members of the Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-Sarhad were, Mawlana Muhammad Shah, Mawlana Abdur Rauf, Mawlana Shamsul Haq of Turnangzai, Qazi Asmatullah of Ziyarat Kaka Sahib, Mawlana Habib Ur Rehman, Mawlana Latifullah of Bannu, Qazi Miraj Din of Kohat, Hafiz Ahmad of D. I. Khan, Sayyed Lal Badshah of Peshawar, Mawlana Muhammad Ishaq of Abbottbad, M. Abdul Fahim and Miyan Yusaf Shah. (Abdul Rauf, 231)

3. Unhappiness was expressed on the Shia Sunni clashes in Tirah and it was

requested that the differences should be settled amicably, the Muslims could

not tolerate British intervention in this matter and the people themselves

should decide.

4. The grief and sorrow was expressed at the negligence of the government to

higher education. There was Muslim majority in Frontier province but Islamia

College was facing financial difficulties like Islamia School Peshawar city.

Jam’iat stressed on the government to provide facilities for higher education.

The speakers also remarked that Islamia College deserved help in every way

and that the existing grant of the government was insufficient.489

The conference ended with a prayer and an advice on religious points by the

president, Mawlana Ahmad Said. Mawlavi Abdul Halim thanked all those leaders by

name who participated in the successful management of the conference.490

In this conference, the following prominent Ulama of Frontier also

participated Mawlana Fazal Mahmud Makhfi, Mawlana Abdul Rahim Popalzai,

Mawlana Fazli Rabbi, Mawlana Muhammad Ishaq, Mawlana Muhammad Irfan,

Mawlana Abdul Ghafoor and Haji Jan Muhammad.

4.4 THE IMPORTANT FEATURES OF JUH CONFERENCE (1927)

a. JUH Sarhad provincial branch was established;

Although Ulama had made various branches (regional and district) in different

parts of Frontier but this conference organized their political struggle under

the leadership of JUH. At the last meeting, Jam’iat-ul-Ulama Sarhad was

489 Intelligence Branch, NWFP, D. A. O. Peshawar, Bundle No. 54. S. No. 920. File No. 1772 Dated. 1927.

490 Ibid.

formed with Mawlavi Abdul Hakim of Peshawar as president including the

visiting mawlavis from other districts of the province as office bearers.491

b. Constitutional Reforms demanded;

The session strongly demanded the constitutional reforms from British

government of the same position as other provinces enjoyed.492 The JUH also stressed

the Ulama to make awareness among the people of this province to use those

products, which are made in the province to develop trade and encourage the native

culture and handicrafts.Ulama expressed views with sorrow on the accident of Tirah

between the Sunni and Shia. JUH requested both to resolve differences with mutual

understanding.493

There were also suggestions given to the government, Ulama and for the

guidance of common people of this province. These suggestions were

appreciated by political organizations in the coming days in the province.494

c. Suggestions for the educational uplift;

The JUH session demanded from the British government to develop higher

education in this province particularly Islamia College and Islamia High

School Peshawar. They proposed to the Ulama of this province and

administrators of Islamic madaris to uplift the socio-religious condition of the

people by education. They selected a committee for the proposals of new

educational curricula for the Islamic madaris. Members of the committee

were; Syed Muhammad Anwar Shah, Mufti Kefayatullah, Syed Suleman

Nadvi, Mawlana Habib ul Rehman, Mawlana Muhammad Sajjad, Mawlana

Zafar Ali Khan, Dr. Sir Muhammad Iqbal, Mawlana Ataullah Shah Bukhari,

491 Serial no 33/7260/1927. Diary No. 914. 492 Ibid. 230. 493 Miyan. 233-34. 494 Miyan, Jam’iat Ulama Kiya Hay, 234

Mawlana Fazli Haq Rampuri.495 The session emphasized on physical

education in Arabic Madaris. They advised to practice physical exercise and

co-curricular activities for the students.496 The session also proposed to

establish provincial level Darr ul Ulum and other Madaris affiliated with that.

Proposals related to social and moral condition of the province were also

given.

d. Social reforms suggested;

The session proposed the Ulama to advice people of the province that; to

abolishe un-Islamic customs of death and marriage ceremonies. They should

not borrow money from other with interest. The theaters, which show un-

Islamic shows and dramas, also be prohibited to obey the commands of Sharia.

About the inheritance, the women would not be deprived of their due shares

which Sharia had given to them. This session demanded from the masses of

the province particularly from Pakhtuns not to accept money on their

daughter’s marriage except dower, which should be according to the law of

Sharia.

4.5 SIMON COMMISSION AND JAM’IAT

The British government appointed Simon Commission in November 1927

under the leadership of Sir John Simon to inquire into the working of the

government’s various institution working under the Act of 1919 and report to the

government for the responsible government in India. The purpose of this commission

was to know the views of the political leaders and prominent figures about

constitutional reforms and to prepare a report for the British parliament.497

495 Miyan, 226. 496 Ibid. 497 Obhrai, 123.

The Simon commission came to India first time in February-March 1928 and

second time in October 1929. The purpose of the commission was to inquire the

working of the system of the government progress in the field of education and other

departments and its institution to restrict or adjust the degree of the responsible

government in India.498 Jam’iat from the beginning had declared to boycott the

commission in the eighth annual session at Peshawar before the other political

parties.499 The commission arranged different meetings with the people and concluded

that the peace and security of NWFP depends upon the control over the tribal area.

The commission also recommended that the view of the Bray committee and special

arrangements were required for the defence of India. They recommended a council

containing an elected as well as nominated members in equal proportion.500 Although

local body council was made in 1886 but the council was deprived of election and all

the members were to be nominated. The said method was carried on for 29 years after

the creation of a new province.501 In the eighth annual conference, Jam’iat-ul-Ulama

had also condemned the arrival of Simon commission before it came to Peshawar.502

4.5.1 Jam’iat and Simon Commission in NWFP

498 Shah, 13 499 India National Congress supported it in the Madras session and Muslim League split in factions

over this issue, Jinah and Shafi factions. Jinah supported the decision, while Sir Shafi cooperated with the Simon commission. (Miyan, Jam’iat Ulama Kiya Hy, 36)

500 The local body’s councils were made in 1793 by the British East India Company. In the subsequent years of 1840 and 1853 it was expanded to presidencies. When Punjab came under the British rule, simultaneously, a separate administration of local bodies was made in 1867, 1873 and 1883. The last stage was expanded to Frontier. However, in Peshawar, the local board council was not comprised of the elected members. (Yusfi, 461)

501 Ibid. 502 Sabir, 847.

The people of Frontier were anxious503 with depriving of their share in the

Minto-Morley and Montag-Chelmsford Reformes respectively.504 Simon commission

visited Peshawar in November 1928 to inquire about the working of the government

institutions and to suggest suitable recommendations (changes in the then existed

system) to insure smooth and responsible government. For this purpose, different

meetings were arranged.505

In Peshawar, the situation for the commission was extreme. The agitation in

NWFP was led by the Jam’iat-i-Khilafat, which comprised of the Jam’iat-ul-Ulama

and Khilafatists. At this time Khilafatists split on the issue and boycotted the

commission, However, some Khans and moderate leaders like Khan Bahadur Abdul

Ghafur Khan of Zaida, Nawab Sir Abdul Qayum and K. B. Sadullah Khan motivated

some members of Khilafat Committee and arranged meetings with the masses.506

A meeting was convened by Nawab Arbab Dost Muhammad Khan of Tahkal,

a Khilphatist of Peshawar, on 25 September at the lslamia club Peshawar city. The

meeting was presided over by Khan Bahadur Abdul Ghafur Khan. Mullah Khan Mir

recited a poem contained on the advice on liberty, unity, sacrifice and cooperation.

Some participants supported cooperation with Simon Commission while some were

against the proposal. Prominent political leaders spoke against the commission, like

Hakim Abdul Jalil, Sayed Lal Bad Shah, Haji Abdul Rahim and Abdul Rahim

Nadvi.507 Hakim Abdul Jalil said that efforts to cooperate with government had failed

503 From the very beginning, the Ulama opposed Simon Commission. Like, On 3rd February1928, a meeting was held by Mawlavi Gul Khoeded in Bannu in which Hakim Abdul Rahim said that the Simon commission would land in Mumbai. They had come to decide the future of India and Indians in general and had decided to boycott it. British are ruling the country by sending the commission comprising only of British officials. Therefore, it could not be expected that they would do or say anything favorable to Indians. (NWFP. P A, D. A. O, Peshawar, para. No. 98 Dated. 4-2-1928. S.no. 33. A 7298/1928)

504 Yusfi, 458. 505 Shah, Muslim League in NWFP, 13. 506 Yusfi, 460. 507 NWFP. P A, D. A. O. Peshawar, para No. 848, Dated. 4-2-1928. S. no. 33. A 7298/1928.

and that it was useless now to beg for the rights. Khan Bahadur Sarfaraz Khan was

against the postponement of reforms until 1929, he desired the immediate introduction

of the reforms in the province. The Tarjuman-i-Sarhad508 was criticized for its boycott

of the Simon Commission. Allah BakhshYusfi, editor of the Tarjuman-i-Sarhad

Peshawar, argued that when the whole of India opposed Simon Commission how the

Tarjuman could be accused of malignity. The resolution of Khan Sahib Muhammad

Yakub Khan of Mardan for the appointment of a committee of seven memebers to

work with the commission was supported by Khans and the president. Owing to the

misbehavior of the Khilafatists, the audience had decreased to about half, who were

from among the urban population.They were under the influence of the Khilafatists.509

In opposition to the meeting convened by Nawab Arbab Dost Muhammad

Khan the Khilafatist held a meeting in the Islamia Club on 28 September 1928,

presided over by Mawlavi Abdul Hakim, the president of Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-Sarhad.

Allah Bakhsh Yusfi declared and referred to the meeting of 25 th September, that it

divided the population in to urban and rural parts. After reading the passage of the

Tarjuman-i-Sarhad of 23rd September, it was considered objectionable by the Khans

at their meeting of 25 September. He asked what was objectionable. He also moved a

resolution supporting the statement in the article and appreciated the services rendered

by the Tarjuman to the people of Peshawar. Khalil ur Rahman editor of the “Hurriat”

seconded the resolution. Mawlana Abdul Rahim said that the proceedings for the

meeting of 25th September were unbalanced and did not represent the sentiments of

the people of Frontier. He moved a resolution to boycott the Simon Commission and

said that its appointment was an insult to the Indians.510

508 It was a weekly journal published from Rawalpindi by Allah Bkhsh Yusyfi . The article published in its issue of 28 September 1928 was against Nawab Dost Muhammad Khan because he was cooprating with the Simon commission. (I. B. Report, dated 4th February 1928).

509 Ibid. 510 Ibid.

4.5.2 Arrival of the Commission to Peshawar

On 18th November, the commission was coming to Peshawar. Jam’iat Ulama-

i- Sarhad was not in favor of the arrival and the arrangements for boycott were going

on. The political leaders along with their volunteers were coming to Peshawar for

demonstration, e.g. Mawlana Gul Khoidad from Kohat, Habibullah Khan from Bannu

and Malik Khuda Bakhsh Khan from Dara Ismail Khan. People from Mardan and

District Hazara had already reached Peshawar for demonstration.511 Sensing the

situation at the dangerous episode, Shibzada Abdul Qayum Khan and Khan Bahadur

KuliKhan512 came to the juncture to avoid any contrasting situation.513 They planned

that the volunteers would demonstrate from a safe corner so that there would be no

bad incident and the purpose of the volunteers would be conveyed to the commission.

So the leaders met with the commission in front of the fort (Qilla Bala Hisar now

Jinah Park).They demanded the commission to go back.514

Simon Commission portrayed as a tactful character in the Indian drama plotted

by the British government to achieve (ensure a responsible government); However, no

Indian leader was appointed in this commission. On the other side, it proved a mile

stone in the basic political goal of Ulama since 1929 from where the

independence/partition plan was demarcated.515

In the center, JUH for the first time split into two factions.516 After the

outcome of the political developments produced by the prominent figures as a 511 Sabir, Tarikh-i-Soba Sarahd, 848. 512 He was the assistant commissioner of Peshawar at that time. 513 Yusfi, 458. 514 Sabir, 848; Yusfi, 458. 515 The independence for those who were demanding complete independence with the Congress

program and the partition as sighted by the Muslim League allied faction of Ulama. 516 Ali brothers were already not very happy with the Gandhi attitude over the Hindu-Muslim riot in

Kohat 1924. They did not want to co-operate with the Congress specially the Gandhi civil disobedience movement in 1930-32. They made their own Jam’iat under the chairman ship of Mawlana Muhammad Ali Johar. They picked those elements that were not happy from Congress and they argue to cooperate with the non-Muslim was unlawful in Islam. (Miyan, the Prisoner of Malta (Aseeran-i-Malta), 148).

response to Simon Commission.517 Mawlana Muhammad Miyan remarked,

“Jam’iat-ul-Ulama (JUH) was the party representing those Ulama who

sacrificed their lives and wealth in presenting the demand that the British quit

India.” The Jam’iat at Calcutta session had already passed the resolution

demanding the complete independence.518

4.6 SARDA ACT 1929 AND JAM’IAT’S CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE MOVEMENT

In 1929, Sarda bill was moved and passed, in which it was prohibited for

Indians to marry in the age less than 18 years. The Hindu and Muslim communities

stood against the Act and they launched a mass movement for the amendment of this

Act. Mufti Kefayatullah519 believed that it was a religious matter of Muslims’ personal

law and no one would be allowed to interfere in the personal laws of any community

especially Muslims would not agree to follow the un-Islamic law of the British.520 On

November 9, 1929, Mawlana Muhammad Ali Johar went to meet viceroy along with a

delegation of 25 Ulama and other prominent leaders of India.521

Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-Hind appealed on 29 November 1929, to the public to

make agitation against Sarda Act and observed strikes in the country.522 With the

enactment of Sarda Act the slogan was raised by the Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-Sarhad that,

517 The commission was taken as a challenge and all the political parties prepared their draft for the next constitutional problem of India. Muslim League presented their report as Muhammad Ali Jinnah 14 points. Nehru committee prepared their own report believing that it would be acceptable to all the parties. However, Jam’iat Ulama rejected it, because of the suggestion of “Sawaraj as last stage” (Miyan, 187).

518 Miyan, the prisoner of Malta (Aseeran-i-Malta) Trans. Muhammad Anwar Husain, & Hassan Imam, (New Delhi; Manak Publications, 2005), 146.

519 Mufti Kefayatullah since April 1930, had performed a number of Nikah of minor children with a view to defy the British Act. (BL, IOR, L/PJ/12/704. 11. Forth night report on the internal situation for the first half of April 1930).

520 H. B. Khan, 299. 521 The delegation was headed by Mawlana Muhammad Ali Johar and other muslim leaders including

Mawlana Muhammad Yaqub, Mawlana Muhammad Shafi Aser, A. H. Ghaznavi, Muhammad Qutbuddin Abdul Wali, Nawab Jamshid Ali Khan (M. L. C.), Hakim Ajmal Khan and Mawlana Husain Ahmad Madani. (H.B.Khan, 298).

522 The Hartal was announced, but no information had been received from official record, whether it was observed or not. (Khan, 299).

‘Religion is in danger’.523 In Frontier, the Ulama along with the local people

enthusiastically condemned Sarda Act. There was agitation against Sarda Act in all

districts. Protests were reported in Peshawar, Kohat, Bannu, Dera Ismail Kahn and

Hazara. Worker of Jam’iat Ulama held meetings to condemn Sarda Act as it was

believed to be in violation of the Sharia law.524

In the year 1930,525 Muslims in Peshawar demonstrated against the Sarda

marriage Act by turning out procession and holding meetings in different mosques in

the city. Again, on the seventeen of January the procession shouted condemnation of

the Sarda Act in Mahabat Khan Mosque under the presidency of Sayed Muhammad

Shah who remarked that it would be impossible for a handful of Englishmen to rule

over the Muslims and disgrace their religion. He passed a resolution condemning the

Sarda Act and informed the government that the Muslims would never obey it as it

was interference in their religious injunctions. He also requested the viceroy not to

accord sanction to the proposed bill prohibiting cow slaughter that was shortly put

before the legislative assembly.526

Several meetings were held in the Islamia Club Hall under the presidency of

Mawlana Abdul Hakim and Allah Bakhsh Yusfi. They condemned the Sarda Act and

insisted the Muslims to keep themselves ready for the protection of their religion. Ali

Gul Khan remarked that interests of the Muslims are not safe as the British continue

to rule them. Rahim Bakhsh Ghazanavi remarked that the Muslims should not hesitate

to shed their blood if it was necessary to do so in the interest of their religion. The

meeting was concluded by passing resolution against the Sarda Act. They proposed

prohibition bill of cow slaughter and the order of the Deputy Commissioner

523 NWFP, PA, I. B. , D. A. O. Peshawar, paragraph No, 503, Dated 7 th July, 1928. S. No. 33. A 7298/1928.

524 NWFP, P. A. I. , D. O. A. Peshawar, 25th January 1930, Diary No. , 101. 1930. 525 NWFP, P. A. I. , D. O. A. Peshawar, 18-01-1930, Diary no. 72, 1930. 526 Ibid.

Gurdaspur regarding the prohibition of Azan of Muslims should be decided according

to the Sharia law.527

The Sarda Act was criticized in all districts besides Peshawar. Meetings were

held in Kohat, Bannu and Hazara district on 17th January in which Muslim public

insisted to disobey the Act, as it was a violation of the Sharia.528 A booklet entitled the

Sarda Act and the lslami Shariat was issued from Peshawar containing a number of

quotations from the Quran and the Hadith to prove that the Sarda Act was against the

law of Islam. The government was requested to verify the quotations and withdrawal

of the law that was a challenge to the Muslims to manifest their regard for their

religion.

Due to intense environment and religious enthusiasm, the Congress

volunteers rose to the occasion, decided to publicize Independence Day in every

district and requested the people to demonstrate as much for religion. All who are

present would prepare to go to jail and would take an oath not to obey the law. After

the meeting, volunteers passed through the Bazar shouting Islam zinda bad, Sarda Act

Barbad and used to sing that they would lay down their lives if the Acts were

enforced.529

While the rashness of the speech of Mawlavi Abdul Ghani of sarhad was

condemned by most, there was strong agitation in Abbottabad and Harripur as well

and in other towns of the district by Muslims against the Sarda Act being

enforced.530

On 17th January a meeting was held in Bannu on the same lines under the

presidency of Haji Mir Mukhtiar, Karim Dad Khan, honorary magistrate and Khan

527 Ibid. 528 NWFP, I. B, D. O. A., S. No. Para No. 101 (Summary of Information regarding the political

situation in the North West Frontier Province Dated, 25 January 1930. 529 Ibid. Para. No.106. 530 Ibid.

Mullah Kafshi Khel moved a resolution expressing their views against the Sarda Act.

They remarked to the government bill and told that it was a direct interference in the

Muslims’ religion. They moved resolutions against the bill, which was unanimously

passed and Muhammad Yosaf supported the above speeches.531

In Kohat, a meeting was held under the presidency of Qazi Mirajdin in which

resolutions were passed against the Sarda Act. He warned the British government that

if the Act were not repealed, the Muslims of Kohat would also formalize marriages in

contravention of the Act. The important subject of the Kohat meeting was that in that

meeting, the proposal of Mawlavi Abdul Hayi was supported and first time echoed in

Frontier in which he made the proposal in the assembly that the Muslim girls should

also get share in the inheritance of their fathers.532

Some Ulama behaved in the British antipathy but their practices were very

emotional and insufficient performance to the human society of twentieth century.

They responded by marrying children and sometime a young girl of near puberty to an

old man to show the disobedience of Sarda Act. During this agitation in all parts of

the India, Muslims disobeyed the law and married underage pairs. Mufti Punjab

Mawlana Faqirullah married his two sons in minor age and displayed disobedience to

the British law.533 Pir Jamaat Ali Shah married Hakim Ahmad Bakhsh to the eleven

years old daughter of Muhammad Ali, resident of Muhallah Tabiban Peshawar city.534

On 4 March, a meeting was held at Dera Ismail Khan for the marriage

ceremony of parties who were under age. Mawlavi Bakhsh and Muhammad Hayat

protested vigorously against the Sarda Act. Mawlavi Ahmad Said after performing the

531 NWFP, P. A. I., D. O. A. Peshawar, 25th January 1930, Diary No. 107. Banu, 18-1-1930. 532 NWFP, P. A. I., D. O. A. Peshawar, 25th January 1930, Diary No. 108. 1930. 533 Khan, 300. Cited in Bees Barhy Musalman (Twenty Prominent Muslims) (Lahore: Almeezan,

2004), 483. 534 NWFP, P. A. I, D. O. A. Peshawar, paragraph No. 403. Peshawar, 2-4-1930.

ritual of marriage of Muslim minor parties addressed the Muslims and passed the

following resolutions.

1. By opposing the Sarda Act and to inform government that Muslim would not obey

the law.

2. Sayed Attaullah Shah Bokhari was made known as the Amir of the Muslims for

prescribing the manner in which the Sarda Act should be disobeyed.535

On March 28, a meeting was held at Hazara, Mawlavi Abdul Salam presided.

Speaking of the Sarda Act, he remarked that it was an interference with religion and

asked the audience to disobey it. Muhammad Yusaf seconded him536 by the argument

to protect Islam against the attacks of Christians.537

Jam’iat Ulama established regional branches in different areas of Frontier

province. Those regional branches developed a provincial wing of the JUH in 1927 of

All India Jam’iat Ulama-i-Hind Peshawar. It was the first phase of religio-politcs and

most of the Ulama belonged to different political organizations like Khilafat

movement and Indian National Congress. Jam’iat awakened the Muslims of this

province to achieve socio-political goals by struggle and worked for the constitutional

reforms. Ulama cooperated with the Bray committee while strongly opposed the

Simon commission that was consisted only of the British members. JUS condemned

Sarda Act 1929 by saying that it was interference in the religious affairs of the Indian

Muslims.

535 NWFP, P. A, I, D. A. O. Peshawar, paragraph No, 406, . S. No. 33. A 7298/1928. 536 He was a teacher in a middle school. 537 NWFP, P. A. I, D. A. O. Peshawar, paragraph No, 404, S. No. 33. A 7298/Hazara 05- 04-1928.

CHAPTER – 5

STRUGGLE FOR THE SHARIA LAWS (1930-1936)

5.1 THE INCIDENT OF 1930 AND THE RELIGIOUS PARTIES

The political awareness of the Frontier people developed due to several

political movements like Khilafat, Hijrat and Non-Cooperation movements in the

1920s and 30s. Political and non-politiacal organizations demanded reforms like

Indian National Congress, Muslim League, Anjuman Nawjawanan-i-Baharat Sabha,

Anjuman-i-Islah-ul-Afaghina and Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-Sarhad, etc. Newspapers and

political activities stimulated the people for various agitations that were launched

against the Indian British government. The situation of disorder in India was rising

day by day, the British fear was increasing from political organizations like Indian

National Congress and particularly from the religious leadership and Khuda-i-

Khidmatghars in North West Frontier as they were both working together with

Congress.538 Khudai Khidmatghar and Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-Sarhad collectively

launched a movement for the mandate of reforms in NWFP.

In Peshawar, Mardan and Dera Ismail Khan the political activists held several

meetings.539 Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan and other nationalist political leaders were

introduced to the public who inspired the local people. In those meetings speakers

shed light on the political situation and said that committee of enquiry was shortly to

be made to inquire the working of Frontier regulations. Some enthusiastic and anti-538 Khuda-i- Khidmatghars (Servant of God) was an organization established by Khan Abdul Ghafar

Khan in 1929. The British nervously coined for them the term ‘Red Shirt’ which was due to red uniform dyed with the brick dust. The British officers were thinking that this colour was due to the connection with the Red Menace and influence beyond the Hindu Kush, who had almost before that Tsarist power faced and fell in grave. (James, W. Spain, 165)

539 In Mardan on 29 April 1930, Hindus, Muslim and Sikhs held a grand Jirga presided by Dost Muhammad Khan and Mawlavi Khalil ur Rahman of Gujar Garhay.They shed light on Abdul Ghaffar Khan’s struggle. Qazi Ataullah advocated the enlistment of volunteers and directed to boycott the Sarda Act. ( NWFP I. P. A. , D. O. A. Peshawar, ACC. No. 35/7262/ 1930, 5th

May1930, S. No. 572)

British poems were recited.540 Speakers criticized the British and said that Indians died

of hunger while the wealth of India was being sent to London. The average pay of the

Indian soldier was Rs. 20 and British solder received Rs. 200 in addition to rations

and whisky. They also described the British rule as “a government of dacoits and

tyrant”. Khan Mir’s speech threw light on the past wars and explained that Kabul had

been destroyed by the British. He pointed out Quranic verses and declared to fight

against the infidels. In the end, they referred to Ghandi’s struggle and mentioned that

according to Sharia water, air and salt were free from taxation. Sayad Lal Bad Shah

referred to Mahatma Gandhi’s march for independence and said that civil

disobedience would soon start.541 On 12th of March 1930, Gandhi started civil

disobedient movement to hold the control of the making of salt.542 Non-cooperation

started and the foreign goods were boycotted. The agitation suddenly stretched all

over India. Although Ghandi tried to convey public-spirited lesson of non-violence to

the masses but all the people did not equally acted upon the Gandhi’s directives.

Some violent Hindus did many hostile543 acts that stirred up the British administration

against the freedom fighters in a violent way.544

Frontier Muslims were already excited about the Sarda Act agitation of 1929,

while the salt movement of Gandhi developed a new spirit in the Civil Disobedience

movement of the Hindu Muslim masses. Tribal and settled areas of NWFP were

equally sterned up and voices were mounted from mosques and Hujrahs. Muhammad

540 Khan Mir Hilali, Muhammad Akbar Khan Khadim and Mawlavi Abdul Mannan recited poems on freedom and asked the audience to prepare for the coming fight in India. Among other poems one was “Jang da Azady la hamesha zalmi watili di” (NWFP, I. P. A., D. O. A. Peshawar, ACC.No.35/7262/1930, Para. No. 596, Dated, 5th May 1930).

541 NWFP I. P. A. D. O. A. Peshawar, ACC.No.35/7262/1930, Para No. 414, Dera Ismail Khan, Dated, 5th May 1930.

542 Government had imposed heavy taxes on making/producing of salt on local level. 543 Sabir, 854. Likewise, in January the ammunition depot was looted in Calcutta and a grenade was

thrown on the police commissioner. In Bengal a police officer was shot dead, and Colonel Sampson, the inspector general was targetted in Bengal Government secretrate. Such activities continued in different parts of India during the movement. (Sabir, 862).

544 Ibid.

Amin, Imam of the mosque of Mian Umar Sahib Chamkani, addressed the public and

criticised the British Government. He advised them to get their cases settled by

Muslim elders Punchayats rather than taking them to courts. In another report,

Muhammad Ayaz,545 a political agitator encouraged the people to oppose the

government. 546

The agitation as well as eagerness was developing day by day. On April 5,

1930, the Provincial Congress Committee in Frontier decided to organize a war

council with Syed Lal Bad Shah, Dr. C.C. Ghosh and 6 other members.547 The council

worked smoothly for some days. They made salt as a base for the non-cooperation

and then boycotted the foreign goods. On the next phase, the council directed the

picketing of liquor shops.548 On 6 April, Congress members warned wine merchants to

cut off business in liquor. Fifteen days were given as deadline; if their business

continued then their shops would be picketed. The incident of 23 rd April was an

outcome of a suddenly developed outbreak by the emotional youth of Peshawar. At

that moment when all the political leaders were arrested, the mob encountered

unanticipated accidents.

Numerous observers described the causes of the 23 April incident on the

public side, while the official report did not pay much attention and gave an ordinary

statement. The three important eyewitnesses who watched every moment were, Allah

Bakhsh Yousafi, Khan Mir Hilali and Ghulam Rabbani Sethy. The people of Frontier

were very sensitive in those days. According to Allah Bakhsh Yousafi, the most

545 He was a teacher in the Kankola School.546 NWFP, P. I. A D. O. A. Peshawar, ACC. No.35/7262/1930, Para No. 575. 547 The other members were Mawlana Abdu Rahim Popalzai, Seyad Lal Badshah, Dr. C. C Ghosh,

Lala Pairra Khan, Khan Ali Gul Khan, Ghulam Rabbani Seth, Rahim Bakhsh Ghaznavi, Abdul Rahman Riya, Lala Achry Ram, Ghazi Muhammad Usman, Khan Mir Hilali and Allah Bakhsh Barqi. (Sabir, 854).

548 I. B, NWFP, D. O. A, Peshawar dated 5-4-30. Para No. 407. ACC.No.35/7262/ 1930.

motivated were the youngsters of Nowjawanan Baharat Sabha549 who for the first time

broke the existing laws of salt making in the province.550 Their next plan was to close

wine shops and discourage prostitution.551 Political agitators publicized those

intentions that made the government machinery ready for confrontation.

On the night of 22 and 23 April, political leaders were arrested in Pehsawar.

On the next morning, the people following the Pakhtun tradition showed fellow

feelings and gathered near the houses of those leaders.552Allah Bakhsh Yusfi 553said,

“When the number of people increased, they started shouting “Inqilab Zenda Bad”

and “Allaho Akbar”. The passion of the people increased with every passing minute.

Neither the program was organized nor the leadership was there because all the

leaders were arrested. Having no plan of further agitation, they wanted to start

picketing the Jahangir Pura but police was highly alert. They reached on the other side

of Daki Nalbandi and Ander Sheher. When they reached Qissa Khawani Bazar, the

police was ready and the army was called unnecessarily.554 Shafi Sabir had pointed

out that according to Khan Mir Hilali,555 Qissa Khawani Bazar event was the result of

the services of the Peshawar Congress Committee which was working with the

coalition of Anjuman-i-Nujawanan-i-Baharat Sabha/Sarhad (Organization of young

549 It was a new political organization of the young Indian and its branch was established in NWFP in 1929. At the time of April 1930 incident, Mawlana Abdul Rahim Popalzai was its President who was also the vice president of the Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-Sarhad.

550 The civil disobedient movement started by Mahatma Gandhi in March 1930. The Congress leaders were making salt from the water as a symbol of disobedience to the British order. It gained momentum in Frontier and the youth of Nawjawanani Baharat Sabha were very enthusiastic. A meeting was held in Shahi Bagh presided over by Ali Gul Khan. Mud was brought from Pabbi and salt was prepared from it, which was sold in small packets. The packets were bought in one hundred and two hundred rupees. (Abdul Khaliq Khaleeq, Da Azady Jang, Tran, Azadi Ki Jug, By Anwar Khan Diwana (Peshawar: Gulshan Market Charch Road Kohati Gate, 1994), 37.

551 Yusfi, 499. 552 Sabir, 858. 553 He was the distinguished political worker of that time and chief editor of Daily Sarahd. He was

also arrested by police on the 4th of May 1930. 554 Statement given to the inquiry committee by Sa’adullah Khan Assistant Commissioner Peshawar.

(Sabir, 856). 555 Mawlana Khan Mir Hilali was chief editor of weekly Jamhoriyat of Peshawar and was a

participant of the 23rd April, 1930 procession of Qissa Khawani Bazar and the member of War Council. (Sabir, 856)

Indians of Frontier) and Jam’iat-i-Khilafat. The former was presided over by

Mawlana Abdul Rahim Popalzai and the later was by Agha Sayed Lal Badshah.556

Among other causes, one was the arrest of Ulama who were active in the non-

cooperation and civil disobedience movement in 1930s.557 Several Ulama activists of

JUS and Congress were arrested for peaceful non-cooperation.558 When a Sikh police

officer insulted Mawlana Abdul Rahim Popalzai, the people rose against the

administration and the clash between public and police in the Qissa Khawani Bazar

took place, resulted in the death of forty persons and arrest of several dozens of the

agitators.559 The event was a sudden mishandling of the erupted masses of Peshawar

in which most of the participants were young and emotional having the traditional

Pakhtun passion and eagerness.

Another witness, Ghulam Rabbani Sethy said, “When I heard about the

government intentions to arrest the entire political workers, I informed them but they

turned it a deaf ear. On the next day, all were arrested.560 Up to this moment, Allah

Bakhsh Barqi and I were not arrested, so we put the demonstration from Congress

office. On the next day at 9 p.m., police came with the warrant of only Allah Bakhsh

Barqi, but I offer myself too for arrest. When we reached the Pul Pukhta (the bridge),

someone had torn the tires of the bus. Watching this I told the inspector (whose name

was Elauddin Shah) that the number of the people are increasing and I am afraid that

it would attack the police and something unusual might happen. Therefore, he was 556 Sabir, 858, (In British intelligence report Abdul Rahim Popalzai had declared as Nazim of the

Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-Sarhad, and member of the Khilafat committee, Nawjawanani Baharat Sabha, Congress and War Council. (C. I. D, Bundle No., S. No. 5, file No. 54, 832-c, Dated 1930)

557 Jam’iat and Congress leaders were sent to Jail for 1 to 2 years. In those days approximately 90 thousand people in India were arrested and half of them were Ulama and Muslims, (Burhanuddin Qasmi, Dar-ul-ulum Deoband, A Heroic Struggle against the British Tyranny (Mumbai: Markaz ul Maarif, 2001), 35.

558 Sana Haroon, Frontier of Faith, Islam in the Indo-Afghan Borderland (London: Hurst & Company London, 2007), 159.

559 Sabir, 858. 560 Among the arrested leaders were, Mawlana Abdul Rahim Popalzai, Seyad Lal Bad Shah, Dr. C. C.

Ghosh, Lala Pairra Khan, Khan Ali Gul Khan, Rahim Bakhsh Ghaznavi, Abdul Rahman Riya, Ghazi Abdul Rasheed and Khan Mir Hilali. (Sabir, 859).

convinced and we decided to go on foot to the police station. When we reached the

police station and entered, the Deputy Commissioner reached with the armor cars, one

young person came under the car and died at the spot.561 The agitation was erupted

and one of the youngsters brought oil from a nearby shop and burnt one of the cars.

Meanwhile an officer was coming on the road with armor car and was badly attacked

with an axe and his head was cut from his body.562 The Deputy Commissioner ordered

to fire on the people and later on, at 11pm we were shifted to jail and the government

imposed Martial law in Peshawar District.”563

Officially, it was declared, “The government was observing the situation

which was day by day declining by the seditious speeches of the political leaders. The

posters564 and pamphlets given to the public were running according to the speeches

like “the time for talking to end and that for action to come.”565 In those days, the

prominent scholar Qazi Sahib of Kurhway also gave the Fatwa of jihad from

Peshawar valley.566

On April 16th a large meeting was held in which salt was manufactured.

Another meeting was held in which Rahim Bakhsh Ghazanvi said that 23 April was

the day for the beginning of practical work and challenging the authority of the

government. He further said that blood had shed at Karachi, Calcutta and Bombay and

expressed the fear that government would shed blood in Peshawar too.567

561 He was a Hindu, Lala Washwandi Ram living in Namak Mandi Peshawar. 562 Sabir, 859. 563 Ibid. 564 These kinds of poster were publically displayed on the important corner like, on 14 May, a poster

in pencil script was found placarded in Peshawar City. It declared that the repressive and tyrannous actions of the government have stirred the sympathies of the people of tribal territory, who, under the leadership of the Haji of Turangzia were assembling from all parts to launch a jihad ‘holy war’ against the British. (NWFP, I. B., D. O. A., Peshawar: ACC.No.35/7262/1930. Para No, 628, 15TH

May, 1930). 565 NWFP, I. B., D. O. A., Peshawar: ACC.No.35/7262/1930. Para No, 628, 15TH May, 1930. 566 Sabir, 883.567 BL, IOR, L/PJ/12/704, Fortnightly report on the Internal Situation of the NWFP for the second half

of April, 1930.

In the morning of 23rd April, warrants were issued for the arrest of a number of

political leaders like Sayed Lal Badshah, Ali Gul Khan and Paira Khan under Section

108 of C.P.C. Prosecution was endorsed against Rahim Bakhash Ghaznavi under

Section 124 I.P.C. Some members of Nawjawanan-i-Baharat Sabha and editors of

newspapers also included in the trial.568

The immediate cause of the 23rd April event was described as, “on the morning

of 23rd April police was carrying the arrested people when on the way a huge crowd

assembled in Qissa Khawani Bazar with the objective to free some of the prisoners.

The size and violent temper of the crowd caused the deputy commissioner to call in

the city disturbance column”. The deputy commissioner himself proceeded to see the

scene in an armor car and got hit with a stone. A dispatch rider was thrown off

bicycle and killed by the mob thus leading the mob to sit fire one of the armor car.

The Deputy Commissioner and Assistant Superintendent were also injured on the face

with brick. When it became evident that the mob was determined to fierceness and no

other means could disperse them, fire was opened by the troops. With the entrance of

the troops in large numbers, the control of the city was secured by the afternoon of

23rd April. The total number of the protesters killed was believed to be 20.569 A British

soldier was killed from the government side on the spot at Qissa Khawani Bazar.570

Olaf Caroe who was at that time an officer of the secretariat remarked,

568 Ibid. 569 According to Government statements, 20 people were killed. However, later on it was announced

in the Central Legislative Assembly that 30 people were killed and 33 other sustained injured (Central Legislative Assembly Debate 14th July 1930 Vol IV No. b, page 237) Khan Abdul Ghafar Khan declared in one of his statement that some 200 to 250 people were massacred. Abd ul Ghaffar Khan Speech in Bombay October 02, 1934, Home Poll File no. 4/4, 1934, N. I. A.) Cited by Gupta, 16. Nasrullah Khan Nasar estimated 40 while Farigh Bukhari wrote 57 names of martyred. In his findings, 38 were buried nearby hospitals and 24 (including a woman) were taken by the villagers. 550 injured persons were hospitalised in various hospitals of the province (Farigh Bukhari, Tahriki Azadi Owr Bacha Khan (Lahore: Fiction House, 1991), 89-90. Allah Bakhsh Yusfi listed 325 martyrs during registering his case in court. (Allah Bakhsh Yusfi, Sarhad Owr Jad Juhdi Azadi, 502).

570 Fortnightly Report on the Internal Situation of the NWFP for the second half of April, 1930. BL, IOR, L/PJ/12/704.

“Metcalfe was trying to arrest the Khan Brothers who were related to the civil disobedience movement in this province.571 The situation was unwisely handled and the deputy commissioner called for the military support. The Gurhwalis operation was not well handed and the reason was that at one stage the Gurhwalis refused to take action and open fire. There were fifteen people killed and Peshawar city was in the hands of troops for two days.”572

Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-Hind annual session was held at Amroha district

Muradabad presided by Mawlana Shah Muinuddin Ajmiri on May 3-6, 1930. In the

session, Jam’iat condemned the Peshawar incident. The central committee of JUH

proposed a commission for those who were martyred in the incident. JUH suggested

to other regional Jam’iats to pray on the 30th of May for the martyred and wounded of

the incident.573

Mufti Kefayatullah president of JUH and Mawlana Mufti Muhammad Naem

came with a facts-finding committee sent by Congress to Peshawar. However, British

government did not allow the committee to enter into the Frontier province574 and was

forced by government to stay in Rawalpindi.575 They started work on the 27th May and

completed the investigations and interviews of the Frontier peoples by June 4 th. The

committee collected day-to-day statements and records of witnesses.576 The Jam’iat

Ulama published its report titled “Qaumi Awaz” (National Voice) which was later on

banned by the government.577

The consequences of the events of 1930 were rested on the subsequent years

when it was sensed by the British government, martial law was imposed in the

571 BL, MSS, EUR, C. 273, /1-5, Five Autobiographical Narratives of Sir Olaf Caroe, India in 1920-1947. Page, 87.

572 Ibid, 88. 573 Miyan, Jam’iat Ulama Kiya Hay, 261. 574 Other members of the committee were Mr. V. J. Patel (Chairman), Mawlana Kefayatullh, Lala

Duni Chand and Sardar Sardul Singh. (V. J. Patel report of the Peshawar inquiry committee, (Allabad: Allabad Law Journal Press, 1930), 1.)

575 They sit to record statements of the people belonging to Frontier and worked including Sunday from 12 noon till late in the evening and 70 statements were recorded. (V. J. Patel Report of the Peshawar Inquiry Committee, 1.

576 V. J. Patel, Report of the Peshawar Inquiry Committee 1. 577 Farhat Tabbasum, Deoband Ulama Struggle for Freedom Movement, 200.

Peshawar district, from 16th August 1930 to 23 January 1931.578 Martial law was

imposed under two heads, judicial and executive in the areas of Peshawar City,

Cantonment, Nowshera, Charsadda and Mardan subdivisions.579

The Qissa Khawani Bazar event evoked all the Frontier people and the worth

of revolution started to upswing from every corner, which resulted in some unusual

events like the Bazar Kalan580 incident, Takar firing581 and Hathi Khel incident of Spin

Tangi (Bannu).582

On the British side, Murfee583 was murder at Mardan and many other

government officials were killed as revenge in various areas of the Frontier.

Afterward, the freedom movement was accelerated in Frontier due to the tripartite

coalition of Jam’iat, Congress and Red Shirts (Khudai Khidmatghars). Meetings were

held in different districts and villages of Frontier and the British government was

criticized and hated. A meeting was held at Tukhtabad police station Daudzai on 4 th of

May 1930. A huge number of people (almost 4000) suggested that Abdul Gaffar

Khan’s mission should not fail. Jirga should be organized in all villages. Khadim

Muhammad Akbar remarked that non-cooperation was the only weapon to turn the

British out from India. He suggested that government servants should resign. He also

578 It was mentioned in the chief commissioner memorandum that on the night of 7/8/August 1930, the numerous gangs of Afridis were ready to attack on Peshawar. A lashkar of several thousand armed people. (BL, IOR, L/ P&J/7/112 (Memorandum from the Chief Commissioner NWFP No. 534-P-C. Dated 7th February 1931).

579 BL, IOR, L/ P&J/7/112/ (Memorandum from the Chief Commissioner NWFP No. 534-P-C., Dated 7th February 1931. Report on the Martial Law in the Peshawar District from the 16 th August 1930 to the January 23, 1931.

580 On 31 May,1930, Ganga Singh was going along with his wife and two children.When he reached at the Kabuly Police Station police fired them,his two children were died at the spot. People of Peshawar protested the brutality. During protest, British troops started firing on the huge gathering at Ghanta Ghar that resulted several injuries and 11were killed. (Sabir,872) 581 After the Gojar Garhy incident where Murfee was killed, people reached at takkar and protest against the British brutality and arrest of the innocent people. Police fired them and several people were died at the spot. (Sabir,873)582 It is twelve kilometres away from Bannu on kohat road. British troops opened fire on a crowd on 24 August 1930 and martyred many innocent demonstrators at Bannu.583 Murfee was assistant suprentendant police in Mardan. In May 1930, during lotty charge he was attacked by one protestor and killed.

supported and sponsored the use of Khaddar.584 Mawlana Shakirullah moved a

resolution condemning the Sarda Act and the firing in Peshawar city on 23 April. He

also advocated the use of khaddar. Abdul Karim Khan Lambardar of Jati Payan was

congratulated on his resignation from his lambardari. 585

On May 5, a meeting was held in Peshawar (Shabkadar) which demanded that

if government could not see its way to grant those reforms then the Frontiers province

should be amalgamated with the Punjab. They also passed resolution for the release of

Abdul Ghaffar Khan, the repeal of the Frontier Crimes Regulations (FCR), remission

of land revenue, abolition of the Haisiyat tax586 and punishment of those guilty for the

firing on April 23, 1930.587

5.2 CONSTITUTIONAL DEVELOPMENTS IN NWFP

NWFP was a part of Punjab from 1849 to 1901 and was made a separate

province purely on geo-strategic consideration. Chief Commissioner led the new

province along with a judicial commissioner and revenue commissioner. There was

no legislative council and the province was run by the regulations issued by the

Governor General.

The third and fourth decades of twentieth century were the most decisive

periods in the constitutional history of the Frontier. In this period (1932), the province

was grown into a full-fledged governor province and the constituencies’ were made

for the first time. There were three Round Table Conferences held from 1931 to 1932

584 The poem was read, stating that a thief with a white face and a black heart had entered their house. They should wake up and throw him out.

585 NWFP, I. B, D. O. A. Peshawar, paragraph No, 586.ACC.No.35/7262/ 1930. 586 Haisiyyat Tax was imposed in Peshawar district in 1923. It was recoverable on all people who

possess an annual income in excess to Rs: 200/- from whatever sources. (N WF P. Gazetteers, Peshawar District Volume A., E. G. Tilt (Lahore: Civil and Military Gazetteers Lmtd. 1934), 268)

587 NWFP, IB, D. O. A, Peshawar, Dated, 5th May, Parar, no. 414. ACC.No.35/7262/ 1930,

for the constitutional problem of India. Although the results were not so good but the

Frontier reform program was announced in it.588

Muslim personal laws were changed and the custom was given the status of

the special laws in India. The marriages, inheritance, divorce, will, gift, dower and

various other laws were abolished and the custom was adopted as special laws for the

Indian Muslims. Frontier remained in special status and was governed by special laws

formulated by executive authority of British India. When Punjab was captured by the

British in 1849 from the Sikhs, NWF fell into mismanagement. The ordinary civil and

criminal laws were not suitable and effective especially for the murder and dacoit.

Peshawar was at the peak in these crimes and hence a need for special enactment was

felt. The first enactment which came in the statute book was the Frontier Crimes

Regulation 1871, followed by Punjab Frontier Crimes Regulations 1887 and the

Frontier Crimes Regulations (FCR) 1901 respectively.589

After the creation of new province, FCR was modified and promulgated as

FCR, 1901. From 1901 to 1932, this province had no legislative authority as the other

provinces of India had. Mawlana Muhammad Ali Johar called this province

(Sarzamini be Ayeen) the land without law.590 The province was kept aloof from the

reforms and such developments as the other provinces were enjoying under the

Montague-Chelmsford Reforms of 1909.

The round table conferences were held to examine the issues and reforms and

constitutional progress in India. After discussions and hard work of the politicians,

local and national organizations, the constitutional position of NWFP was raised for

588 Obhrai, 184. 589 The local and personal cases were decided by the council of elders according to custom. When the

lieutenant Governor of the Punjab felt some need, he revised and made amendments to make it more effective for the maintenance of peace and order. (Muhammad Ayub Khan, The evolution of the Judicial Systems and law in the sub-continent (Peshawar: Registrar High Court, n. d.), 91.

590 Yusfi, 97.

the recommendation. The Viceroy Lord Wellington, declared in his opening address

to the Central Legislative Assembly on the 25 January 1932,

“In the new constitution N W F P will find a place as governor’s province of the same status as other governor’s provinces, with due regard to the necessary requirements of the Frontier; but in the meantime, my government and the Chief Commissioner have been earnestly engaged in preparing a constitution which will forthwith place the North West Frontier Province on the basis of a governor’s province under the present Act.” 591

Under the government of India act 1919, legislative council elections were

held on 18th April 1932. Polling was concluded in all settled districts of NWFP except

Charsadda and Mardan subdivisions. The Khuda-i- Khidmatghars (red shirts)

boycotted the election due to the arrest of their leaders.592 They interfered with the

voters and the transporters at Mardan, Charsaddah and Katlang.593 On the other side,

the non-violent red shirts were very anxious due to the establishment of legislative

council without their consent while their leaders were in jails.594 Election was not

conducted on certain party lines except in case of Peshawar city non-Muhammadan

constituency between Dr. Charu Chandar Ghosh and Rai Sahib Lala Meher Chand.595

The former had its place in Indian National Congress; the latter was a member of

provincial Maha Sabha, a wealthy landlords and banker.596 The people thought out

this contest between the Congress and Frontier Maha Saba. No political organization

put forward any candidates. Most of the land owning class was prominent who 591 Sultan-i-Room, The North West Frontier Province (Khyber Pakhtunkhwa) Essays On History, 227. 592 BL, IOR L/PS/12/1341. Diary no. 21, for the week ending 25th April, 1932. 593 On 11th April a large number (estimated 5000) including women and children carrying the Holy

Quran on their heads made an onslaught on the polling station. They were shouting anti- government slogans and stoning both the Lorries and the police. The demonstrators were dispersed with the help of police and troops without any firing or casualty. However, in the first polling of the history of legislative council in NWFP, only one vote was poled in the whole day in Charsaddah. On the next day in Mardan similar situation was repeated by the workers of Khudai khidmaghars. Some 6000 people at Katlang, were dispersed by police without serious injuries after a lati charge. The serious situation was faced when police was heavily stoned at Mayar and Hoti. Police fired 14 rounds to convince the crowed to disperse. (BL, IOR L/P&S/12/1341. Diary no. 15 for the week ending 13th April 1932).

594 BL, IOR, L/P&S/12/1341. Diary no. 18 for the week ending 4th may 1932. 595 Most of the candidates were nominated on the bases of their financial status and the people were

not aware from their political affinity but the Peshawar city candidates were apparently politicians and belong to certain political parties.

596 BL, IOR, L/PJ/9/47. Letter No 11330 to Chief Secretary NWFP, dated 4th May 1932. P, 30.

succeeded and they were the supporter of government policies. Most of the members

elected were loyal to British.597

5.3 FIRST LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL 1932

The viceroy Lord Willington installed a government on 18thApril and

inaugurated the Frontier council on April 28, 1932.598 The province was brought onto

the stage as a full-fledged province with Sir Ralph Griffith, the then chief

commissioner, as governor of the province and Sir Abdul Qayum as the first Premier

after the election.599

The legislative council was set up consisting of 40 members; 28 elected and

12 nominated.600 Out of 28 elected members, 22 were Muslims, 5 Hindus and 1 Sikh.

Among the 12 nominated members 5 Europeans, 1 Muslim and 1 Sikh was official; 4

Muslims and 1 Sikh were non-official. Sahibzada Abdul Qayum Khan was appointed

as minister of the Transferred subject and Abdul Ghafur Khan of Zaida as the first

president (speaker) of the council.601

The first meeting was held to conduct regular business on the 12th May 1932,

in the Town Hall, Abbottabad602 while the second was held in Peshawar between 9th to

25th October.603 The general perception of the Frontier people focused on their various

economic grievances and the political question of collective social and economic

reforms.604 The council contained judicious and qualified persons of that time.605

597 Ibid. para. no. 3598 The oath ceremony was held in the Victoria Memorial Hall Peshawar on the 19th April 1932. 599 Obharai, 258. 600 List of the members of Legislative Council of 1932 is given in the Appendix C. 601 At that time Gorge Cunningham (later on became the Governor of the Frontier province from

1937-1947) CIS, CIE, OBE held the portfolio for the reserve subjects as member of the executive council. (R. V. E. , Hodson, 291)

602 B. L., IOR L/PS/12/1341. Diary no. 21, for the week ending 25th April 1932. 603 Obhrai, 259. 604 I. B. NWFP, 1933. 605 The detailed list of the members has given in Appindix, C.

Although Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-Sarhad had a political vision, but it was not progressive

at that time to go towards a parliamentary political determination in the province.606

The new members were devoted to legislation and had an extraordinary

quality of the legislation under Sahibzada Abdul Qayum Khan as a premier.607

Although the council was made on the non-party based membership, yet the members

were divided in four different groups that were:

1. Liberal party had nine members and most were Khans and landlords. They were

highly qualified and mostly advocates.

2. Independent party contained the elected members of the councils from various

constituencies of the province and played a role independently.

3. Minority party constituted of 7 members belonging to Hindu and Sikh

communities.

4. Progressive party contained nine members.

Apart from these groups, there was also an official group that contained the

official and non-official nominated members of the councils. The independent

members usually played the role of opposition.608

The council had 11 sessions and 105 sittings. During the lifetime of the

council 1800 questions were asked by 28 members. Twenty two Bills were introduced

in which 15 were Government bills and seven were private bills, one of the private

bills was lapsed due to absence of the mover.609 Among the Private bills, the third 606 Gupta, 31. 607 Although he remained for a short time, but could be called as Sir Sayed of Sarhad for his great

work especially in the education sector, (established Islamia College Peshawar). Sir Olaf Caroe, the then Governor of NWFP (1946-47) and a British officer (1920-34), declared him “as the right hand of Sir Ross Keppel”. He said that without Abdul Qayum, “Ross Keppel could have never raised to the heights he did.” (BL, MSS EUR, C. 273/1-5/ p, 70.

608 Javed, 235-36. 609 The 21 official and unofficial bills were as (1) The NWFP General Clauses Bill; (2) The NWFP

Legislative Council bill 1932; (3) The NWFP Tranquility Bill 1932; (4) The Indian Arms (Amendment Bill 1934; (5) The NWFP Legal Practitioner Bill 1934; (6) The Punjab Opium Smoking (Amendment Bill 1935; (7) The NWFP Court Regulation (Amendment) Bill 1935; (8) The NWFP Regulation of Account Bill 1935; (9) The NWFP Redemption of Mortgage Bill 1935; (10) The Usurious Loan 9 (Amendment) Bill 1935; (11) The Punjab Land Revenue 9 (amendment

(Muslim Personal Law, Sharia Bill 1934) was planned to replace the provisions of the

special power of the ordinance of 1932 met with considerable opposition and was

referred to a selected committee.610 After a thorough discussion, the bill was finally

passed with a little amendment in the original draft. It was a matter of fact that Sharia

application bill was passed in the NWFP Legislative Council being the first among all

British India.611

Sharia612 was first introduced in the Sub-Continent in the thirteen century, with

the establishment of Sultanat-i-Delhi. Muslims used to decide the personal matters

with the guidance of Sharia laws in the Qadhis courts. Other communities were freely

adopting their own religion. The Mughal preserved it for their secular cause of

governance and the British adopted it in order to avoid disturbance and other strategic

and political objectives when they occupied Muslim territories in India. At first the

British followed the liberal policy and they guaranteed613 the people to enjoy their

religious laws and customs according to their own faith.614 When the revenue and

Judicial Administration was passed on to the British officials, the role of Muslim

Qadhis was minimized and later on all suits for Muslims were observed according to

Quran and the Hindus with respect to Shuster.615 In the early British rule, the Muslim

Bill 1936; (12) The Hazara Forest Bill; (13) The NWFP Legislative Council Bill; (14) The Punjab Land Alienation (Amendment Bill; (15) The Punjab Motor Vehicle Taxation Bill. (Obhrai, 261).

610 Among the private bills were; (1) The Punjab Municipal (amendment) Bill 1933; (2) The NWFP Juvenile Smoking bill, 1933 (Moved by Meher Chand Khannah); (3) The NWFP Muslim personal Law (sharia) Application bill 1936; (4) The NWFP village council bill; (5) The NWFP petty Zamindars Relief bill; (6) The NWFP Anti–Prostitution and Suppression of Brothels Bill. (Obhrai, 261).

611 Miyan, 20. 612 Sharia is commonly known as the Islamic law based on Quran and Sunnah, deducted by the

Muslim jurists. It is a specialized and complex subject of Islamic knowledge. 613 Queen proclaimed and the religious freedom was acknowledged. 614 In 1765, the revenue system of Bengal, Bihar and Orissa was gone into the hands of British East

Indian Company. The Judicial Administration was also passed on to British officials and gradually the role of Muslim Qadhis was minimized. The position was abolished in 1772. All cases of Muslims, regarding inheritance, marriage and other religious usages were observed according to Koran and those of the Shuster with respect to Hindus. (Zaman, 21-22.)

615 Zaman, 21.

and the Hindu laws were applied in civil matters according to the opinion of Mawlana

and Pandits attached to the courts.616

After the war of independence (Mutiny) 1858, India came under the direct

control of British government. High courts were established in the cities of Bombay,

Madras and Calcutta. In the subsequent years, some radical reform were introduced in

the civil and criminal laws like, the code of civil procedure in 1859, followed by

limitation act, Indian penal code in 1860 and code of criminal procedure in 1861. The

criminal procedure code superseded the Islamic criminal laws and as a result, the

muftis and pandiths (who assist the judge in the relevant religious laws) were taken

out from the courts in 1864.617 With the introduction of the Indian Evidence Act 1872

based on the English principles of jurisprudence, Muslim laws became invalid.618

Frontier province remained different in all the eleven provinces of British

India because the inhabitants of this area had a peculiar history, culture and custom

commonly known as Pakhtunwali, the code of the Pakhtun life.619 The Muslim

personal affairs were usually treated according to Sharia laws while British replaced

the Muslim law and a different code of conduct enacted as Riwaj to civil affairs and

circulated in certain areas rather than Sharia.620

Ulama and religious leaders gave instructions to masses not to decide cases

according to the custom. In the annual session in 1927, Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-

616 Regulation II of the 1772 provided that “in all suits regarding inheritance, marriage, cast and other religious usages and institutions, the laws of the Koran with respect to Mohamedans, and those of the Shuster with respect to Hindus, shall be invariably adhered to”. (Alamgir Muhammad Serajuddin, Muslim Family Laws, Secular Courts and Muslim Women of South Asia . (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2011), 13.

617 Serajuddin, Muslim Family Laws, 13. 618 For the first time they decided to run the judicial matters under the regulations of Britain

parliament. If there is no law then the matter would be decided under the laws of equity or the justice based on the goodwill.

619 Gupta, 1. 620 Miyan, Jam’iat Ulama Keya Hy, 20.

Hindpassed a resolution at Peshawar demanding that the Muslim personal law should

be applied to all Muslims throughout the country.621

5.4 LOCAL MOBILIZATION BY ULAMA FOR SHARIA BILL

Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-Sarhad expounded the people of Frontier to change the

custom (Riwaj) and enforce Sharia laws regarding to the Muslim family laws after

constituting legislative council in 1932. 622

Ulama went round the whole province, in Peshawar Mawlana Abdul Wadood

and Mawlana Mir Sahib of Shahab Khel, in Charsadah Mawlavi Muhammad Israel, in

Sawabi Mawlavi Muhammad Yunis, in Nowshera Mawlavi Abdul Rauf and Mawlavi

Abdul Hanan, in Pabbi area, Mawlavi Fazli Haque and Hafiz Abdul Qayum visited

the villages in the province and started getting support for Sharia Bill.623 Mawlavi

Ghulam Yahya had been deputed to Hazara District for a visit and was given letter

asking for assistance and favor of Faqira Khan of Malik Pura and Abdul Qayum Khan

M. L. C. of Sufeda.624

Mawlana Abdul Hakim625 and Mawlana Shibzada Samdani held a meeting of

Jam’iat and suggested the following demands; 626

1. Settlement of cases by Sharia (Muhammadan Law) and not by the customary

laws.

2. Repressive policy to be discontinued.

3. Member of the Jam’iat Ulama should be given a seat in the council.627

621 Mullah Marwat was resolute to give due share to women in the inheritance. (Abdul Rauf, “Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-Sarhad Annual Conference 1927” Journal of the Research Society of Pakistan, University of Punjab Lahore, Vol. xxxxiii (No. 1. July 2006), 219

622 NWFP, P. A. I. S. No. 31/7258 Dated. 8. 4. 1924. D. O. A. Peshawar. 623 NWFP, I. P. A, S. No. 42/1769/1935. para, No. 108. D. O. A. Peshawar. 624 D. O. A. Special branch bundle No. 54. File No. 922/1772 -1. 625 He was the Provincial President of JUS. 626 The former was the president and the later was General Secretary of the JUH Sarhad. 627 624 D. O. A. Peshawar 1772. Bundle No. 54. Dated, 24-1-1932.

Jam’iat Ulama Sarhad workers held a meeting on 21st and 22nd1932 under the

presidency of Mawlana Abdul Hakim and the following resolutions were moved;

a) Jam’iat-ul-Ulama proposed the reforms granted to this province subject

to the following conditions.

b) Progressive procedure should be familiarized for the representation of

Jam’iat Ulama in the legislative council to protect Sharia.

c) The right to vote would be vested in any capable person or in person

considered to be fit by the Jam’iat.

d) Special feature of the province referred to the premier should not lower

this province than other.

e) Cases should be decided by Sharia.628

The above meetings showed that for the first time Jam’iat spoke in the

political tone and the Ulama started a parliamentary language by demanding rights in

the true direction rather than in terms of agitation and emotions. Members of

Legislative council passed some useful bills and reforms process and constitutional

development was accelerated in NWFP. The Sharia bill movement spread throughout

the province. In all subdivision of Peshawar district, meetings were held for the

information and awareness about Sharia laws.629

In Swabi, on July 18, 1933 Bacha Sahib Bamkhel stressed on the maintenance

of customs and laws according to Sharia. He also discussed that it would be raised in

the coming meeting of Jam’iat at Bannu.630

JUS leading Ulama like Mawlana Abdul Hakeem Popalzai, Mawlana Abdul

Qahar Marwat631 and Mawlana Shakirullah worked hard and prepared Sharia Bill in

628 Ibid.629 D. A. O. C. N.W.F.P.D. NO. 39/7266/1934. 630 D. O. A. Peshawar I. B. Diary No (536) 18th July 1933. 631 Muhammad Afazal Raza, Karwan da Azady, (Peshawar: University Book Agency, 1996), 115.

1933.632 The elected member of Bannu Habibullah Khan moved it in the NWFP

legislative council on the15th March 1934.633

5.4.1 Contents of the Bill

The bill was comprised of the following points.

1. This act may be called the Muslim personal law Shariat application act of 1934.

2. It would come into force at once.

3. It should be extended to the whole of the North West Frontier Province.

4. Decision in certain cases would be according to Muslim’s personal Law. In

question regarding Succession, Special Property of Females, Betrothal,

Marriage, Divorce, Dower, Adoption-Guardianship, Minority Bastardy Family

Relations, Will, Legacies, Gifts or Any Religious Usages or Institution

Including Waqaf, (trust and trust property) the rule of decision shall be the

Muslim Personal Law (Sharia) in case, where the parties are Muslims.634

5.4.2 Repeal of Provisions of Previous Law

From the day of enforcement of this Act, Section 27 of the North West

Frontier Province law and justice regulation (No. VII of 1901) shall be repealed as far

as the Muslims are concerned.635

632 The intelligence reported “there are possibilities of danger in the growth of this movement. Especially for those religious people of the province who react to every appeal made for religion in any form and shape. (BL, I. O. R., L/PJ/7/667, Extract From The Proceedings of the North West Frontier Province Legislative Council of the 15th March and 3rd & 8th Novemeber1934, and 7th

March & 6th November 1935)633 Jam’iat-ul-Ulama Sarhad district Bannu session, talked about the preparation of sharia bill to be

moved in the legislative council. (BL, IORL /PS/12/1341. (Diary No. 9 for the week ending 22th June 1932).

634 BL, IOR, L/PJ/7/667. Bill No. 2 of 1934 (as introduced in the NWFP Legislative Council) 635 That regulations enabling Governor General in Council for governing and regulating the Frontier

area. In exercise of this power the munsif courts were established in North West Frontier Province.

5.5 LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL DEBATES

The bill of the North West Frontier Province Muslim Personal Law (Sharia)

was application Bill that appeared before the legislative council on 13 March 1934.

Khan Habibulla Khan636 said in his introduction to the bill, “It is a very important bill

and it will affect all the Muslims of this province.” He described the interests of the

Frontier Muslims in Sharia as, “Just a few years ago in 1927 the Jam’iat-ul-Ulama in

their Annual meeting at Peshawar passed a resolution demanding that the Muslim

Personal Law should be applied to all Muslims throughout the country. Various

public meetings, Muslims organizations and societies demanded Sharia for this

province.637 He also explained the misconception about the bill that it deals merely

with the women share. As a matter of fact it deals with fifteen other questions

including divorce, marriage, gift, dower, inheritance, will and various other personal

laws.638 He condemned the Riwaj and draw the attention of the house to the historical

fact that when Riwaj was settled as Muslim personal law only a few Khans were

asked and other people were not involved.639 He made analysis of the unpredictable

condition of the custom, he added, “The custom is a law which differ not only in its

application to different districts but which changes from tribe to tribe and village to

village. The Mohmands, the Peshawaries, the Marwats, Khalils, the Khattaks and the 636 He belonged to the Marwat tribe of Pakhtuns. From his student life, he was a political worker of

high ranks. He served the people in the Hijrat Movement in the early 1920s. After graduation from Islamia College, he obtained law degree from Aligarh University. He was a good orator and his speeches had a great influence on the audience. He was also arrested in 1930 and was sentence a period of three years in jail. In 1932, he was elected as member of the legislative council. He was elected as the deputy opposition leader and later on deputy speaker of the council. He was re-elected as a member of the council in 1937 and 1946. He served on various posts after partition. After the 1973 constitution formulation, he was elected as the first chairperson of the Senate of Pakistan. He was also a poet and writer of the Pashto literature. (Javed, 472-82)

637 It was the first campaign which started in NWFP and JUS successfully raised the public support through Shariat day and Shariat conference. (Karin, A. Deutsch, 209) Debates of the NWFP Province Legislative Council from 2nd November to 8th November 1934, Volume-Vi No. (1-5), Official Report, (Peshawar: Manager Government Stationary and Printing NWFP, 1935), 112-120.

638 Ibid. 639 He took the example of the Bannu and produced a copy of the certificate by the settlement officer

about “Riwaj-i-Aam” in which he admitted that no one else except 35 Khans were consulted at the time of the preparation of the Riwaj-i-Aam of the district and the rest of the population was neglected. LCD, 112-120.

Afridies all have different customs. The result was complications for the lawyers,

courts, and also for the parties.” He also discussed various conferences and gathering

of the Frontier Muslims held in different districts. He gave the example of a huge

gathering of Jam’iat at the Shahi Bagh (Peshawar). It was the representative of all

classes, the resolution that was passed by 12000 people, contained a request to the

members of the council to support this Bill.640 He claimed that this province was the

first among other provinces to have legislated on the issue of Prostitution,641 i.e the

Chakla Bill (Prostitution Bill) was first of all passed by this House.642 The government

will not place obstacles in our way.

When Khan Habib ullah Khan finished his speech, G. Cunningham (Home

Member) 643 moved an amendment. He told that this bill would be circulated for

public opinion until 20 February 1935. He also told the Muslims had taken 18 months

on the preparation of the Bill and it was not possible for this house to decide within

one day.644

Malik Khuda Bakhsh645 pointed out that there was no controversy over the Bill

between the treasury bench and the mover but as the mover has cleared that it was an

insult to a Muslim to be asked whether he prepared to the application of the law of

God. The Bill is about the application of those provision which constituted the divine 640 Ibid. 641 Legislative Council Debates of the NWF Province from 2nd November to 8th November 1934,

Volume-VI No. (1-5) Official Report, (Peshawar: Manager Government Stationary and Printing N.W.F.P., 1935), 112-120.

642 Ibid. 643 He was an official/nominated member in the legislative council of 1932. There were seven

nominated members in this council. 644 Debates,119. When the JUS and religious workers were informed about the remarks of

Cunningham, they decided to hold processions about the sharia bill. JUS decided to hold meetings in all the districts and tehsils of the province for the information and recognition of bill. In that connection they published a poster to celebrate the Sharia day on the 4 th of January of 1935. JUS condemned the Cunningham proposal of sending the bill for the plebiscite in the public. (Bundle No. 55, Serial No. 945. D. O. A. Peshawar. K. P.)

645 He was born in Dera Ismail Khan in 1889. He was a lawyer and had a thorough knowledge of Quran and Hadiths. He took part in the Khilafat movement and was sent to jail for three years. He cooperated with all the organization and political parties. He was a leader of "Azad party" at the time when sharia bill was introduced in the legislative council. In 1937, he was elected the speaker of NWFP legislative assembly. His struggle for the sharia bill was remarkable.

law. Moreover, Muslim throughout India felt that it was a crying shame that only

Muslim province in India should be slave to custom.646 Arbab Muhammad Shareef

Khan647 supported the notion and told the finance member648 that amendment will not

serve any useful purpose and that it will be only a delay in the application of law.

Khan Bahadur Ghulam Haider Khan649 told, “It was necessary to ask the

people whether they want the Sharia or not. It is an admitted fact that no Mussalman

can reject the laws of Sharia, even though he may not be actually acting in accordance

with it. Sir, I am not opposed to the suggestion that the Bill be referred to a Select

Committee. However, I have studied the provisions; there is hardly any material for

the Select Committee to take into consideration. It would have been very desirable if

the Ulama, particularly Badshah Sahib of Bam Khel, had been consulted before the

drafting of the Bill. The observations, which I am going to make before the house, are

the result of many discussions with Ulama and other learned people. We should find

out what is the opinion of the public and Ulama about the matter.”

He concluded with the following advantages,

1. No one will have an opportunity to criticize our action.

2. The masses being no longer ignorant of the sacred laws of Sharia will not be

involved in litigation.650

He also explained that Sharia comprises of all the provisions of the Holy

Quran, the books of Traditions (Sunnah and Ahadith) and all the books of ‘Fiqh’

belonging to both the sects (Shias and Sunnis), However, the Bill before the House

does not deal with all of them. If the Bill is to be called the Sharia Bill, the following

terms should be defined.651 646 LCD, 243-245. 647 He was a non-official nominated member from Peshawar. 648 The official member who suggested some amendments in the bill.649 He was an elected member from Bannu. 650 Debates, 243. 651 Debates, 253.

(1) Sharia. (2) Sharia or law of Shara. (3) Dar-ul-Qaza, (4) Qazi-ul-Quza (5)

Provincial Mizan-i-Tahqiq (6) Qazi (7) Mufti (8) Ecclesiastical attorney or vakil. (9)

Hakam (10) Dehi Qazi. It will be necessary to have a Qazi in every village, who

would keep a register for the entry of Nikahs, marriages, etc. In madrasa this is done

under the Qazi Act, XII of 1880. (11) The Qazis and Muftis required for the Dar-ul-

Qaza should be duly qualified, experienced, honest, pious and religious people

because we have reached the utmost limit of ‘para jamba’ 652 and mutual mistrust.653

The following illustration proves this contention;

(a) The Ulama make laws for prayers, zakat, usher and haj, etc., but no attention

is paid to them.

(b) The Ulama preach against drink, murder, fornication, robbery, dishonesty, etc.

and against giving away daughters for money, but no one follows their advice.

If the Ulama had any power they would have been able to persuade the people

to listen to them.654

He also added that it is necessary to ask the Ulama and other men of wisdom

whether they will be contented with a partial enforcement of Sharia.

For the above reasons I support the motion for the circulation of the Bill.

Pir Bakhsh responded to The “Dar-ul-Qaza” question and told that it was an all-India

matter and the proposal was under consideration and will be applied to all Indian

provinces. He appealed the members of the house to support the measure and oppose

the amendment for circulation.655

Khan Muhammad Abbas Khan656 said that the object of this Bill was to make

the Muslims of the Frontier Province, Muslims in the real sense of the word. He

652 Supporting someone due to personal interests.653 Ibid. 654 Ibid. 655 Debates, 257. 656 He was a member of legislative council from Central Mansehra.

supported the motion for the immediate consideration of the bill and desired that the

bill should be passed immediately. 657

The Honorable Khan Bahadur Nawab Sahibzada Abdul Qayum Khan658

discussed various aspects of the bill and made some useful suggestions.659 He

declared, “I may also point out that I am a Mussalman and I consider Sharia to be a

perfect and complete law, obligatory on every Mussalman to follow it.660 Sharia is the

perfect code of all the juridical theses that the world has been able to produce. Unlike

temporal laws, it does not require any amendment or modification to suit the needs of

time. Sharia is the word of God and it is one divine attribute and that it is unalterable

and immutable. Its integrity will remain intact until the Day of Judgment. Therefore

as far as the essentials of Sharia are concerned, no one has the right to mend or amend

them.”661

He further explained,662 “Almost all the speeches that have been delivered

from the opposition benches have dealt with the beauties of Islam. I think it was

hardly necessary for the honorable members over there to have done so. The beauties

of Islam are so patent that they need no elucidation and we the Muslim members of

this House know that it is obligatory to abide by Sharia. The real question that

confronts us to-day is how to eradicate those baneful usages that have crept into our

society during the last 300 years or so.663 Customs have so entered into the routine of

our everyday life and our minds have been so enshrouded with the clouds of sinful

practices that at present the light of Sharia hardly reaches there. If Government wishes

657 Debates, 259. 658 He belonged to village Topi (Sawabi) and elected from Uthman Nama and Bulaq Nama No. 13,

without contesting. 659 The speech he delivered was thought provoking not only for that time, but it is still useful to the

present day. 660 Ibid. 260. 661 Ibid. 662 Debate, 260. 663 Ibid.

to circulate this Bill, they probably are aware of the disease that is eating into the

vitals of Muslim society and they want to know how far the malady has consumed the

soul and what will be the amount of efforts required to exorcize the evil. I wish to

remind the House that this is not the first time that an attempt has been made to

eradicate custom and enforce Sharia in these parts.”

He defined the contrast of Pakhtun religiosity and culture giving the example

of the past Muslim regime established in this part of the country by a great religious

leader Sayed Ahmad Sahib, the head of the ‘Mujahedin’. “He enforced the laws of

Sharia in our territory, but our ungrateful people, the Yusufzais, not only opposed

those laws, but actually conspired against their benefactors and exterminated them.”664

He gave another example of the Haji Sahib of Turangzai, a leader of great renown,

who tried his best to persuade the people to conform to Sharia, but after four or five

years there was not a sign of what he did.665

He confidently said, “Sir, this Bill claims to enforce Sharia, but I do not find in

the text a single line as to what will be the punishment awarded to those who would

repudiate its provisions. It is a shame indeed to seek to enforce the laws of God by

means of the rod of the Government. However, if it is considered necessary to do so,

there is no reason why the Bill embodying the suggestion should not include all the

important features of Islamic law. The five pillars of Islam could not be omitted in a

measure called the Sharia Bill. 666 He also told on another occasion that shariat is a

sacred mandate and is always in force. This bill has introduced to extirpate the evil

system of “Rivaj” therefore it would have been more suitable if this bill were called

“A bill for the cancelation of the custom” instead of shariat Bill”.667

664 LCD, 261. 665 Ibid. 666 LCD, 141. 667 LCD, 262.

Khan Ghulam Rabbani Khan668 made a long speech and raised some technical

questions. He said, “I wish to make it clear that this bill has been given a wrong name

by calling sharia bill but it does not provide for the fundamentals of sharia.”

According to him, the word Sharia comprised all those institutions, which constitute

the fundamental principles of Islam, i.e. prayer, fasting, hajj, zakat, etc. The draft

should have comprised all the principals that form the foundations of our religion. He

gave the example of Sarda Act and told it was an innocent piece of legislation. Its

object was to protect women and prevent child marriages. However, unfortunately the

opposition did not include those items in the bill which were desirable.669

After a long discussion in the council on the different aspect of the bill, it was

decided by voting670 to circulate the Bill for eliciting public opinion. In the house, 22

members favored the suggestion while 10 were against and the bill was circulated for

the public opinion. In the next session, the bill was referred to a select committee671

and they gave their report on 20 July 1935.672

Sir George Cunningham decided to consult some of the Ulama related to the

demand of sharia and those who had some questions. Both the opponents of the bill as

well as Jam’iat Ulama struggled for the satisfaction of the select committee. Mawlana

Shakirullah tried to find the guidance of the Central Jam’iat Ulama and Mufti

668 He was a member among those, who were selected as non-official member for the legislative council.

669 L.C. Debate, 268. 670 Majority (22) of the members were in favour of circulating the bill in public, there on by February

1935. Those included Sahibzada Abdul Qayum Khan, G. Cunningham, Ghulam Rabbani Khan, Khan Bahadur Ghulam Haider Khan, Nawab Hameedullah Khan, Lala Ishar Das, Lala Karam Chand, Sardar Raja Singh, Khan Malik ul Rahaman, Khan Sahib Muhammad Zaman Khan, Muhammad Ayub Khan, Baba Naranjan Singh, Nawabzada Nasrullah Khan, Sardar Jaghat Singh, Khan Bahadur Sultan Muhammad Khan, Samundar Khan, J. G. Acheson and Khan Bahadur Taj Muhammad Khan. While the other 10 who were against were, Khan Habibulla Khan, Malik Khuda Bash, Khan Muhammad Abbas Khan, Arbab Muhammad Sharif Khan, Pir Bakhsh, Abdul Ghafur Khan, Qayum Khan, Addul Rahman Khann, Abdul Hameed Khan, Ghulam Hasan Ali Shah. (L. C. Debate, 282).

671 The select committee consisted of, G. Cunningham home Member, Hameedullah Khan, M. K. Bakhsh, Habibullah Khan, Abdul Ghafur, Malik ul Rahman, Abdul Rahman, Sultan Muhammad Khan, Ghulam Haider Khan, Abdul Rahim, Ladha Ram and Raja Singh. (I. O. R. L/P/J/7/667.

672 B. L., I. O. R. L/P/J/7/667.

Kefayatulla of Deoband gave him instructions about the bill. He gave references

about the divine law of sharia.673 Jam’iat-ul-ulama leaders of the Frontier like

Mawlana Shakirullah along with the Marwato Mullah met the selected committee and

after discussion, some amendments were suggested and the detailed report was

submitted in the next session of the Council.674

5.6 SHARIA CONFERENCE

Some of the official members reacted on the technical basis of the bill in the

legislative council. At this, the president of Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-Sarhad announced

Sharia conference. The conference was held in Peshawar and Mufti Kefayatullah,

president of the JUH, presided over while the Khanate of the province and landlords

boycotted the conference.675 Mufti Kefayatullah, Mawlana Zafar Ali Khan and

Mawlana Habib-ul-Rahman arrived in Peshawar.676

Abdul Rahman Khan, M.L.C., explained the aims of the conference and

emphasized the importance of a collective support for Sharia Bill.677 Mawlana Mufti

Kefayatullah in his Presidential address, said that the objects of the Sharia Bill were to

legislate for the strict enforcement of certain religious duties, which had been

neglected since the fall of the Moghul Emperors. The British Government had

promised not to interfere in religious matters and to allow all communities complete

religious freedom. The case is opposite. As an example, he mentioned the Sarda Act

and advocated the setting up of Qazi courts for the administration of pure Sharia law.

673 Mawlana Shakirullah sought guidance through correspondence with Mufti Kefayatullah the president of JUH. Those letters had published in the “Kifayat ul Mufti” under fatwa no. 507, dated 1st July 1935. Mufti Muhammad Kefayatullah Dehlavi, Kifayat ul Mifti, Vol. 9 (Karachi: Dar ul Ishaat, 2001), 271.

674 B. L., I. O. R. L/P/J/7/667. 675 D. O. A. NWFP Police Abstract of Intelligence S. No. 39/7266/1934, pargraph No. 74. 676 The other prominent Muslims leaders of the Jam’iat took part in the conference; like Mawlana

Mufti Kefayatullah, Habib-ur-Rahman, Mawlana Zafar Ali Khan, Mawlana Ahmad Ali, Hussain Ahmad Madni, Hafeez ur Rahman and Mawlana Abdul Majid.

677 NWFP I. P. A., D. O. A. Peshawar, P. no. 212. S. no. 42/1769. 1935.

After the passing of the Sharia Bill steps would be taken to legislate for the

application of other principles of Sharia law, not mentioned in the Bill. While

concluding, he appealed the Muslim Members of the Legislative council to support

the Bill, and urged official and non-Muslim members to do likewise.

At the second session, Mawlana Hussain Ahmad Madani of Deoband

discussed the past glories of Islam and maintained that the present condition of

Muhammadans, which could be compared with slavery, was due to the disregard paid

to the dictates of the Quran.678 He compared existing laws with those in force when

Islam was supreme and said that the British Government was out to impoverish India.

Muslim kings, he maintained, on the other hand, had spent their wealth for the good

of their subjects. He then spoke on Sharia affairs and emphasized on the necessity of

the Sharia Bill being made law. 679 The gathering passed the following resolutions,

1. Supporting the Sharia Bill

2. Demanding that section 27 of the law and Justice Regulation should be

repealed, and

3. Requesting members of the Legislative Council to support the Bill, 680

Following the acceptance of the resolution Ghulam Muhammad Khan of

Lundkhwar, said that it was necessary to denounce as immoral the propaganda that

had been spread to the effect that Redshirts (Khudai khidmatghars) were opposed to

the Sharia Bill. Their King (Bacha Khan, Abdul Ghaffar Khan), he continued, was in

favor of Sharia law and had always instructed his followers to feel the necessity of

678 I. P. A. , NWF, no. 212. No. 42/1769. 1935. 679 Ibid. 680 The first two sittings were dedicated entirely to Sharia affairs. The third sitting was devoted to anti

Qadiani affairs and was presided over by Mawlana Zafar Ali Khan of Lahore. Mawlana Abdul Haq of Akora, Mawlana Habib-ul-Rahman of Ludhiana, Mawlana Ghulam Ghaus and Abdul Salam of Hazara delivered lectures against Qadianis and opposed to the appointment of Chaudhri Zafarullah Khan as a member of the viceroy’s Executive council. Following the speeches and resolutions, giving warning to the Government that Qadianis could never be accepted as spokespersons of Muslims, and that the activities of Mirza are very injurious to the religious, political and economic progress of Muslims.

deciding issues in accordance with the Sharia.681 He requested Hindu members of the

council to support the Sharia Bill and advocated that Muslim Members, who opposed

it, should not be supported at the next elections. Abdullah Shah of Mazara, Batagram,

then assured the audience that redshirts in general were in favor of the Bill, Mawlana

Habib-ul-Rahman, the next speaker, admired the work of redshirts, praised the

services of Abdul Ghaffar Khan who, he maintained, had roused Muhammadans of

the Frontier for action, and criticized the Bombay Government for imprisoning the

Red shirt leader. At the conclusion of his speech the audience shouted, Abdul Ghaffar

Khan Zindabad. At this the proceeding of the 23rd February was terminated.

The conference reassembled on 24th February. At this sitting, the conference

confined itself to the passing of resolutions which were passed unanimously;682

1. Congratulating the district judge of Bawalpur in holding that no Islamic relation

can exist between a Qadiani and Musalman as the former is a “Kafir”

(Proposer-Mufti Kefayatullah.)

2. Protesting against the forward policy of Government and warning Government

that its policy in the Tirah will bring about fatal results. (Proposer Mufti

Kefayatullah)

3. Maintaining that the restriction imposed on ‘’Khudai khedmatgar and other

political organizations were unnecessary and injurious in view of peaceful

prevailing conditions and requesting government to left the ban on lawful

associations and to release political prisoners unconditionally. (proposer- Pir

Bakhsh, M.L.C.)

4. Requesting Government to release Abdul Ghaffar Khan unconditionally,

681 Ibid. He asked the audience whether the case was as such or not, and the answer he received was shouts of; "Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan Zindabad, Redshirts Zindabad and Ghulam Muhammad Khan Zindabad".

682 Ibid.

(Proposer-Mawlana Abdullah Shah of Mazara and seconded by Mawlana

Habib- ul- Rahman of Ludhiana)

5. Protesting against the Haj bill. (Proposer- Hafiz ul Rahman and seconded by

Mawlavi Ghulam Ghous Hazarvi.)

6. Declaring that the case against Ataullah Shah Bukhari was the outcome of the pro-

Qadiani policy of Government and demanding that the case should be

withdrawn in order to dispel `the impression that Government is partial to

Qadianis. (Proposer- Pir Bakhsh, M. L. C.)

7. Appreciating the anti-Qadiani activities of Mawlana Zafar Ali Khan and

requesting the Muslim press and Muslim organizations to give him full

assistance. (Proposer- Mawlavi Sami-ul-Haque)

8. Requesting Muhammadans to eschew evil customs, be economical and give up the

borrowing of money on interest. (Proposer, Zafar Ali Khan of Lahore).683

After the passing of the resolutions, Mawlana Shakirullah of Nowshera Kalan

thanked all those who attended the conference.

5.6.1 Select Committee Report

Khan Habibullah Khan presented the report of the selected committee. The

committee held two meetings at Abbottabad and few amendments were suggested.

After a great deal of discussion, some of the amendments were withdrawn while some

were rejected and the bill emerged in its original form. Afterwards there was another

meeting of the select committee and a procedure was adopted, previously that had

never been adopted in the case of any other bill. Khan Habibullah Khan consulted all

classes and there were Khans, landowners, Ulama and representatives of various

associations. After recording the evidences, the majority of the committee declared

683 CNWFPD S. No 42/1769/1935, Diary no 212.

themselves in favor of the bill. 684 We wanted to improve the moral, political and

educational condition of our society. He removed the fear of those who were anxious

about the new laws and told, “There are some who fear that their properties will lose.

There is no justification for such fear I assure them that, if we accept the rights of the

fair sex our condition will be a hundred times better than at present.”685

Khan Sahib Khan Hidayatullah Khan686 supported the bill and said, “Sharia is

Islamic law and relates to the Muslims alone no other community is affected by it

therefore it is the right of the Muslims only to decide how far it is necessary for them

to follow it in our country.” Riwaj was a human made law while Sharia is the word of

God conveyed to us through his Prophet for the better conduct of the affairs of

humankind. There can be no comparison between the law of God and laws made by

human brains.687 “The Riwaj has not allowed any share to women. It would be

extremely unfair to deprive the women folk from their share. I therefore maintain that

it was necessary that the Sharia bill should be passed into law so that the nation may

improve and the future generations should be happy, contented and live in peace and

harmony.”688

Khan Bahadur Abd ul Rahim Khan689 expressed his views and said that it was

his duty as the representative of his constituency690 to state the whole position with

respect to the bill as clearly., there were many Zamindars who were opposed to the

684 Debates of the NWF Province Legislative Council from 8 March, 1935, Volume- VI Nos. (1-5) Official Report, (Peshawar: Manager Government Stationary and Printing N.W.F.P., 1936), Debate, 96.

685 Ibid. 97. 686 He belonged to Umarzai Peshawar and was elected from the constituency of Landlords of

Peshawar. 687 Debates, 98. 688 Ibid. 689 He belonged to Dera Ismail Khan (Gul Imam) and was elected without contest from the North

West constituency No. 19 of Dera Ismail Khan. 690 Detailed letter of Qazi Muhammad Jan to Mufti Kefayatullah in which various aspects of the bill

were discussed. It was one of the examples of those who opposed the bill on the due shares of women in the heredity and according to him some people from Dera Ismail Khan were of the opinion to keep them in exception. (Mufti Muhammad Kefayatullah Dehlavi, Kifayat ul Mifti, Vol. 9, (Karachi: Dar ul Ishait, 2001), 272.

bill. They think their properties would be ruined. He told the honorable leader of the

opposition that his sympathies lay with the fair sex but he requested him to consult the

provision of Muhammadan law about the deceased person and his debt.691

Khan Bahadur Nawab Hamidullah Khan 692 said, “Sir, we believe in complete

Sharia. You have taken into account only one part. It is of the utmost importance that

cases should be referred; only a Mullah can be an authority on religious matter under

the provisions of the present bill. However pleader and other people equally ignorant

of Sharia will have to conduct cases. There should be complete Sharia and everything

should be in accordance with it. Only one part of the laws of Sharia has been

introduced I therefore must maintain that we desire complete Sharia.”693

Malik Khuda Bakhsh replied to the remarks and said, “Sir, this was a stage at

which I thought no speech would be required. Speeches have been delivered on this

subject both inside and outside the council chamber for the last two years every aspect

of the bill has been fully explained. Now the only point at issue is whether the bill

should be proceeded with or whether it should be dropped and should not be taken

into consideration any further.”694

The select committee has taken the opinion of the Ulama that the one who

inherit property will be liable to pay the debts of the deceased. This is British law and

this is also what the Sharia says. I request that instead of making any lengthy speeches

the bill should be considered a blessing and should be unanimously passed.695

Mr. President: The question is “That the North West Frontier Province Muslim

personal law sharia application bill as reported by the select committee be taken into

consideration”696 The motion was carried. Khan Habibullah Khan said, “Sir, I beg to 691 Debates, 99. 692 He belonged to the village Toru Mardan and elected from Razarh Amazai, constituency no. 12. 693 Debates, 101. 694 Debates, 101. 695 Ibid, 102. 696 Ibid.

move that the North West Frontier province Muslim personal law sharia application

bell be passed”. Mr. President: the motion is “That the North West Frontier Province

Muslim Personal Law Sharia Application Bill be passed.”697

Malik Khuda Bakhsh Khan expressed his opinions as, “Sir, today is an

auspicious day. It is a great distinction for this day. This small council here, which is

yet passing through the early stages of its existence, has, notwithstanding many

obstacles and much opposition, accomplished a task which could not be accomplished

by many older and prominent legislatures in India. It took up a right cause and with

courage and perseverance promoted it to its present stage and has justified the respect

Mussalmans have for their Sharia”.698

Sharia was represented as a bugbear for a long time and the Riwaj was

hanging round the neck of the people. Riwaj was a human made law which was the

outcome of the defective brains that was acceptable to the people.699 In short noting

was left that could be desired now that the inquiry has been completed and all doubts

have been cleared. The house should accept the bill and pass it into law with all

respect which are due to it and all the applause it deserves. I hope the motion of my

honorable friend will be unanimously carried in the house I support the motion.700

Mr. President: The question is that the North West Frontier Province Muslim

personal law (sharia) application Bill be passed.”701

The bill was passed in the provincial legislative council in 1935 after long

series of debates in the session.

5.7 THE IMPACT OF SHARIA BILL ON THE SOCIO-POLITICAL LIFE OF THE PROVINCE

697 Ibid. 698 Ibid,108699 L. C Debates, 109. 700 Ibid. 701 L. C. Debates, 110

The people of the Frontier province had a great desire for the implementation

of Sharia laws and the famous Mujahedin movement i.e. Khilafat and Hijrat

movements were launched with the passion to attain the spirit of Sharia which was

considered as the sole purpose of a Muslim’s life in the Frontier society. These

activities showed the emotional attitude of the people of Frontier. As for as effect of

the Sharia bill was concerned, it had a vital importance for the Muslim majority

province of India having 93 % Muslim population. This Bill was the first practical

link of Sharia that would affect the social, economic, religious fabric of the society of

a large portion of entire population. It also affected and abrogated several legislative

enactments which had been in force for the last three decades or more and which were

designed for the benefit of the people.

The Sharia Bill agitation influence the Pakhtun society, the outlook of the

Ulama and common people began to change. The Ulama and public for the first time

had to distribute due heredity shares among the heirs of a deceased persons according

to the rules implied by Sharia laws. During the debates in the council Khan

Habibullah Khan M .L. C. said in his speech to the council members on 5 th November

1934, “This is a very important bill. It will affect all the Musalmans.” He further said

that, “during the discussion we should not be carried away by the sentiments, nor we

should indulge in inaccuracies.”702 The main effect was sensed in the family life of

Pakhtuns. It was the first occasion when Muslim family laws affected the religious

and non-religious families because before 1935 the Muslim society was governed by

the Hindu laws in the matters of succession. Women could not own or inherit

immovable properties.703

702 Debates of the N.W.F.P.Legislative Council from 2nd November to 8th November 1934. Volume VI No. 1-5 D. A. O. 1751/55

703 Khan, Abdul Qayum, Gold and Guns on the Pathan Frontier ( Bombay: Hind Kitabs, 1945), 23.

With the Sharia agitation (1932-1936), the religious leader began to think of

the membership of the legislative council in the province as they saw for the first time

the debate in the Assembly Hall from the benches of local audience. It was the start of

the parliamentary politics of the clergy in the province. The attitude of the Ulama was

first time politicized. Until that Ulama were indulged in theoretical politics and

agitations. Now the JUS began to think about the parliamentary politics. The Idea of

membership to Legislative Councils rose up during the Sharia agitation in Peshawar.

On October 24th 1933, a meeting was held at Peshawar by the Jamait Ulama Sarhad.

The Ulama, discussed the parliamentary affairs of the province and the existing

methods of election.704 They suggested that Mawlana Muahammad Daud should be

elected to the council at the next election to support Sharia bill which is not likely,

they believed, to be passed for some considerable time. They also agreed that, if the

Sharia Bill was passed, Mawlana Daud should be made president of the Sharia

committee.705

704 Participated by the Ulama of different districts, like Mawlana Muhammad Daud, Mawlana Muhammad Yaqub, Mawlana Muhammad Yuosaf Banori, Mawlana Abdul Haye, Abdul Rahman Seraj, Mawlana Abdul Rauf and Ilahi Bakhsh. (D. O. A. NWFP, Police Abstract of Intelligence 1933, pargraph no. 819)

705 D. O. A. NWFP, Police Abstract of Inteellgence 1933, para no. 819.

CHAPTER – 6

BRITISH IMPERIAL POLICY AND JAM’IAT RESISTANCE (1937-1940)

6.1 1937 ELECTIONS AND JAM’IAT ELECTORAL PERFORMANCE

Political situation in NWFP improved when the province rose to the status of

governor’s province with the establishment of legislative council in 1932. On 2nd

August 1935, the Government of India Act 1935 was passed and the position of

legislative council was changed into legislative assembly. The important provision

was the grant of provincial autonomy. Frontier province experienced the electoral and

other constitutional benefits for the first time.706 Likewise, in other provinces, the

numbers of the legislative assembly’s members were also increased from forty to

fifty. The process of nomination was abolished and all the members were to be

elected. The 50 seats were allocated as 36 for Muslims, 9 for General (Non-Muslims),

3 for Sikhs, and 2 for the landlords. The provincial chief remained the governor as an

agent to the Governor General, responsible for the control of tribal policy.707

Election was scheduled for the legislative assembly in February 1937. Main

political parties were Indian National Congress, The Muslim Nationalists, the Hindu

Sikh Nationalist party (HSNP) and the Muslim independent Party (MIP).708 In

December 1936, the nomination took place and 135 candidates were nominated from

five groups. Frontier province was divided in to 49 constituencies and 257 polling

stations were established, among those only 16 were for women.709 Poling started on

706 The franchise started in India after 1857. British launched the representation in institutions and some notables were made members of advisory bodies of the Governor’s council. In British India, the first elections for local government were held in 1884. The Indian council Act of 1892, enlarged the legislative council of the province. Members were given the right to elect a limited number of central legislative’s members. The British government under the Acts of 1909 and 1919 expanded the system of election and numbers of representatives in various provinces.

707 Sultani-i-Room, The North West Frontier Province (Khyber Pakhtunkhwa) Essays on History, 228. 708 Shah, 55. 709 Javed, Sarhad Ka Ayini Irtiqa, 239.

1st February 1937 and lasted till 10th of February 1937 at various districts in the

province.710 The right of vote was based on adult franchise but it was given to those

who were with a specified qualification.711

The total electorates in the Frontier province were 246609 and 179529 cast

their votes which were 72.8 % of the total votes. The women electorates were 4895

and 3498 votes were polled. The Congress party712 was the organized one but it was

banned in NWFP. Abdul Ghaffar Khan was also banned from entering the province.713

Dr. Khan Sahib, the elder brother of Khan Abd ul Ghaffar Khan, led Khuda-i-

Khidmatghars party.714 Congress party fought the election under the name of the

Provincial Parliamentary Board and won nineteen seats, the Hindu Sikh nationalist

seven and independent two.715

The 1937 election was the first experience under the new act 1935 in Frontier

province. The Central Jam’iat (JUH) had made an alliance with the Muslim League. It

was mere an electoral alliance for the harmony and successful government because

the composition was so tough and complicated for the Indians that they never drew-

out the complete independent house for the constitutional development of their own.

Moreover, it was also designed for the soft and supportive British policies rather than

democratic and pro Indian feelings that exposed from Olaf Caroe observation,

710 Shah, Ethnicity, Islam and Nationalism Muslim Politics in the North West Frontier Province 1937-1947, 53.

711 The voter qualification was (1) A person who paid tax 48 rupees on movable or immovable property or having a building of 600 rupees. (2) paid tax 4 rupees per annum to district board. (3) Having property of land and paid 10 rupees tax per annum on the cultivated lands. (5) Modern educated or in-service persons in the British government. (Javed, Sarhad Ka Ayeini Irtiqa, 222).

712 Because all the political organizations of freedom fighters were working on pro-Congress agenda, like Jam’iat, Khilafat Movement, Nujawanan-i-Baharat Sabha, Khuda-i-KhidmatgharTahreek and Ahrar-i-Islam.

713 The Frontier Congressmen observed 21 August as Abdul Ghaffar Khan Day and demanded from government to permit him to return to his province and take part in the forth-coming elections. (Shah, 55).

714 Erland Jansson, 66- 67. 715 Ibid.

“In the province there had been an election as Sir George Cunningham left, in which the Muslim party,716 who followed Congress, had come to power. They had only a small majority among the Muslim members of the house, but this was swollen by the numerical weightage given to non-Muslim communities; 12 seats or 24 per cent of the total although representing only 7% of the population. Any party wishing to defeat Congress party by democratic process would have to capture a very large proportion of the Muslim seats before it could be effective.” 717

That was the reason Congress emerged as the largest party but could not

succeed to obtain absolute majority.718 By that structure, the Hindus being in minority

could easily influence and change any constitutional move in their favor. In the annual

budget, Islamia College extra grant became controversial by that superiority and the

predominance of Hindu influence in the Congress organization. Even the cut on the

budget719 for the Islamia College was a Hindu measure.720

Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-Sarhad planned their activities on the instructions and

footsteps of central Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-Hind. Before the election, a joint session of

JUH and Muslim League was convened on 16th 1936 under the presidentship of Sayed

Wazir Hasan at Bombay. In this session, Nazim Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-Hind Mawlana

Said Ahmad moved a resolution that Jinnah should make a Central Board for Election

and nominate the members of the parliamentary board. Allah Bakhsh Yusfi and

Mawlana Abdul Rahim Ghaznavi were selected as members for NWFP parliamentary

board.721Although Mawlana Muhammad Ishaq of Hazara was also among the

members but he was placed in Punjab Parliamentary Board.722

716 That was commonly known as Muslim Nationalist Party headed by Sir Sahibzada Abdul Qayum Khan and sixteen other elected members. They called itself nationalist party but their outlook was different from the Red Shirts and they only worked for Reforms Scheme in the best interest of the Muslims of NWFP. (Obhrai, 307)

717 BL, IOR, MSS, EUR, 203/4 Royal Institute of International Affairs Private Discussion Meeting on Feb 4, 1948. (Sir Olaf Caroe Speaks on the NWFP).

718 Erland Jansson, 29. 719 When Sahibzada ministry was deposed the new budget on 20th September 1937 decreased the

allocated amount for Islamia college agriculture classes and it was reduced to 44160 rupees in the Dr Khan Sahib ministry.

720 BL, IOR, MSS EUR, F. 125/113. Proivncial reports for the year 1937. No. 12. Dated 9 October 1937, 71.

721 In the Central Parliamentary Board of Muslim League / Jam’iat, the total members were 54 including 17 Ulama. (H. B. Khan, 344)

722 He was in exile since Hijrat /Non-cooperation movement and remained in Punjab. He supported Jam’iat-ul-Ulama in Punjab actively.

JUH/S had struggled for the success of Muslim League representatives, As a

result Muslim League had received more seats in the Indian provinces against the

Congress representatives which proved a turning point in the coming decades of the

Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-Hind political agenda. While in NWFP, Khuda-i- Khidmatghars

were in leading position that proved their claim rightly, a sole representative of

Pakhtuns in Frontier. In July 1937, Congress made ministries in eight provinces out of

eleven provinces in India.723

Jinnah gave full attention to Frontier Muslim majority province and asked Pir

Bakhsh, Abdul Ghafur Bar-at-Law, Allah Baskhsh Yusfi and other political workers

to send him account of the situation prevailing in the province. Jinnah was much

eager to come to Peshawar and establish a Muslim League Electoral Board.724 In

response to Jinnah, Pir Bakhsh informed Jinnah that the Frontier province would not

respond to his request regarding the starting of a branch of Muslim League election

Board. He also invited Jinnah to visit Peshawar on behalf of the Muslim independent

party and would tell him the reasons verbally.725

On the other side, Congress provincial parliamentary Board held a meeting in

Kohat in which leading figure of the Khuda-i- Khidmatghars like Dr. Khan Sahib,

Qazi Ataullah, Amir Muhammad Khan of Hoti, Samin Jan Khan, Abdul Qayum

M.L.C, Mehdi Zaman M.L.C, Ghulam Muhammad Khan and Abdul Wadood Sarhadi

participated.726 Dr. Khan Sahib also called for the formation of ‘Parliamentary

Boards’ at the district and provincial levels to seek the sympathy of the Ulama and

other political organizations for their support in the elections.727

723 Shah, Muslim League in NWFP, 30 724 NWFP. I. P. A., D. O. A. Peshawar, Para. No. 920, S. No. 43/7270/ 1936. 725 Ibid. Para No. 945 726 Ibid. Para No. 1129. 727 Shah,54.

On seventh of September 1936 at Lund Khwarr Mardan,728 Mawlana

Muhammad Shuaib, the then General Secretary of JUS wrote a letter asking for

recommendation from the assembly nominee before the election about political rights

of the religious circle. It was publicized that the proposed members, who assured this

draft, would be given vote in the coming election of the Frontier province in 1937.

The important points of the draft were;

1. According to the directives of Jam’iat-ul-ulama, the Islamic privileges and welfare

should be secure.

2. The self-rule democratic government should be established in its place of the

present system of government.

3. Institution of sharia and Islamic laws should be assured.

4. Struggle for education in Urdu, Arabic and Persian should be assured.

5. Religious education should be included in the coming educational system.

6. Struggle to finish the Draconian laws729 and its annulment.

7. Masjid Shaheed Ganj730 Lahore recovery should be assured.731

Mawlana Midrarullah claimed that he had tried to find the advice from the

Central Jam’iat-ul-Ulama (JUH) before the election. Nazim Jam’iat, Mawlana Ahmad

Said, gave approval on the above-mentioned points and these were then presented to

the members of Khudai Khidmatghar. He wrote a letter of recommendation to

Mawlana Muhammad Shuaib and asked him, “if the proposed candidates for the

legislative council in NWFP approve the article 1-4 and sign, then you should

728 Mawlana Muhammad Shuaib, Report of the important services of Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-Sarhad (Non Congress ) 1928-1940, presented in the session of Jam’iat in Nowshera (Peshawar: Sarhad Electric Press, 1940), 7.

729 F. C. R (Frontier Crimes Regulations) in NWFP was considered as draconian law. 730 It was a controversial mosque built in Lahore. In 1935, the governor of Punjab ordered to dismantle

it and a Gurdwara was built at the place. The Muslim community launched an agitation for the recovery of the mosque. (Ishtyaq Husain Qureshi, Ulema in Politics, 323).

731 Mawlana Muhammad Shuaib Report, 8.

cooperate, if not, you are allowed to select any political group for alliance in the

coming election”. 732

Mawlana Muhammad Shuaib said, “We presented these points to the public by

press and to the proposed candidates of Congress and Muslim League.” The

leadership of Khuda-i- Khidmatghars did not sign and started opposing the Jam’iat-ul-

Ulama”. Mawlana Shuaib further said that these were presented to public and it was

proved automatically to the Frontier Muslims that Congress was opposed to Islamic

injunctions. Mawlana Muhammad Shuaib said that from that time I realized that there

should be a Muslim identity. He concluded, “It was the reason, on 9th of March 1937,

we established a small branch of Tapa Bayizai Muslim League at Lund Khwarh

Mardan and with my struggle this small branch spread in all districts of the Frontier

province.”733

In Frontier province from the beginning, some Ulama considered JUH under

the influence of Congress but at this time the central JUH was pro Muslim League for

the time being and the Frontier Jam’iat had no serious interests as a political party in

the coming election 1937. Some local Ulama of JUS with the influence of local Khans

criticized the Khan Brothers (Dr Khan Sahib and Khan Abdul GhaffarKhan) and issue

a fatwa condemening them for their alleged subservience to Hindus and their

womenfolk for not observing purdah. Sahibzada Abdul Qayum Khan also distributed

posters and pamphlets bearing the signature of the local Ulama, which declared the

Congress principles, were opposed to Islam. The Anti-Congrissites also showed

photographes of the Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan’s daughter as proof that the Khuda-i-

Khidmatghars leader had become irreligious.734

732 Mawlana Muhammad Shuaib Report, 7. 733 Ibid. 9. 734 Jansson,71.

Mawlana Midrar Ullah in a meeting held in September 1936 at Mardan

repeated the demands as put forwarded by his brother to Frontier political

organizations particularly Khuda-i-Khimatghars. He viewed that those members

would be supported by the Jam’iat in the coming election 1937, which have these

points in their program;

1. The return of the Shaheed Gunj Mosque.

2. Complete independence as the final goal.

3. Boycott of the King-emperor’s coronation, if government ignors the request of the

AllaAbad conference.

4. Making the Arabic, Persian and Urdu languages compulsory in schools curricula.

5. The repeal of repressive laws.735

On 26 September 1936, in Lownd khwarh, he addressed the gathering and told

them; “The goal of Jam’iat-ul-Ulama was complete independence, and they would

continue to fight until their religion and India were freed. They could support persons

during the election in accordance with their own judgment.”736

The provincial Muslim League was established at Abbottabad session in

September 1937 under the Presidentship of Mawlana Shakirullah. Mawlana

Muhammad Shuaib was made the president of Frontier Muslim League. Erland

Jansson remarked over the JUS/Non-Congress leaders’ cooperation with

Frontier Muslim League,

“Mawlavis play a prominent role in the formation of this Muslim League branch. Mawlana Shakirullah of Nowshera, president of the Frontier Jam’iat-ul-Ulama acted as president at the constituent session, while the secretary of the Jam’iat, Mawlana Muhammad Shuaib became the president of the Frontier Muslim League. Another founding member was Mawlavi Muhammad Ishaq Manseharavi. These men were however never able to play any leading role in provincial politics and were soon over shadowed in the League by other more influential leaders. Mawlana Muhammad Shuaib could in no way assert himself as president and in December 1938 he found himself forced to resign.”737

735 NWFP. I. P. A, D. O. A. Peshawar, Para. No. 919, S. No. 43/7270/ 1936. 736 Ibid., Para. No. 942. 737 Ibid.

After the election 1937, the situation deteriorated due to the tense attitude of

Congress ministries. JUH also criticized policies of the Congress.738 Some Ulama of

Deoband from the beginning and those who were affiliated with them in the political

struggle during the freedom movement were not happy with the activities of the

Congress.739 In Frontier, differences rose between JUS and Congress. JUS had no

experience of electoral politics neither their candidates were to focus on the socio-

economic problems of the masses. Also that the provincial Jam’iat was not in (fully)

contact with the JUH. Most of the Ulama in the province were involved in the Masjid

Shaheed Ghanj agitations, rather than focusing on the subsequent election, which

benefited Muslim League and Ahrars to a greater extent.740 Jam’iat leadership was

participating in rallies and agitations of different issues. They delivered speeches to

intensify the emotions of the common people rather than giving attention to much-

needed electoral prospects and development. Other political organizations empowered

and developed political and socio-economic spheres of the society, which played a

great role in their political strength in the province.

The Ulama faced the new phenomena of electoral politics that was based on

the material strength rather than enthusiastic speeches and emotions that created street

power for an agitation. The restrictive qualification limited the electorate to four and

five per cent of the population that simply insured a legislature dominated by

738 H. B. Khan, 357. 739 Mawlana Ashraf Ali Thanvi was not in favour of the Congress ite Ulama like Abul Kalam Azad

who used to come freely in Deoband in the early stages of his political career. Mawlana Ashraf Ali Thanvi was not a politician and was having concerns over the cooperation of Muslims with Congress. So it could be felt as a split from the early days. (Sayed Muhammad Akbar Shah, Takreeki Pakistan ky Azeem Mujahedin (Multan: Tayyab Academy, n.d), 326-327

740 H. B. Khan, 368, Mawlana Abdul Rahim Popalzai and Mawlana Shakirullah were struggling in these days for All India Palestine Conference Delhi. Their activities focused on the agitations rather than moderate and sensible struggle that could help them in electoral politics. In those days various meetings were held under their leadership in support to the Shaheed Ghanj mosque incident and Palestine day in the Masjid Qasim Ali Khan Peshawar. (NWFP I. P. A, D. O. A. Peshawar, Para. No. 1242, S. No. 43/7270/ 1936)

conservative, wealthy men.741 As a result, Ulama disseminated in fractions and they

had no central point on that important juncture. Some Ulama followed the Indian

National Congress program and some followed Muslim League while some were

independently worked according to their own will.742

Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-Hind harmonized Muslim League in the provincial election

in 1937. They also helped the Congress in Frontier by establishing Dr. Khan Sahib

ministry and overthrew Sahibzada Abdul Qayum Khan Ministry on 3 rd November

1937 who had helped them in various occasions.743

After a short period of alliance during the election of 1937, the JUH and

Muslim League moved in different directions.744 The timely alliance of JUH and

Muslim League damaged Ulama in India as well as in Frontier. Muslim League

embraced two-nation theory and JUH came closer to Indian National Congress and

accepted composite nationalism. The masses were in a fix and some Ulama tried to

find the solution. They searched for a fatwa from Mawlana Ashraf Ali Thanvi for

their political guidance that whether they should join Muslim League or Congress?

Mawlana Ashraf Ali Thanvi made a questionnaire of twelve points and sent it to the

presidents of both parties Indian National Congress and Muslim League. Muslim

League gave answers and satisfied him while Indian National Congress did not

reply.745 On Fabruary 10, 1938 Mawlana Ashraf Ali Thanvi gave fatwa entitled,

741 Muhammad Shakeel Ahmad, Electoral Politics in NWFP: ‘A Case Study of 1937 Election’ Pakistan Journal of History and Culture, Vol. XXXII, No. 2 (2011), 122.

742 NWFP. I. P. A, D. O. A. Peshawar, Para. No. 942, S. No. 43/7270/ 1936. 743 Sahibzada Abdul Qayum Khan Ministry was deposed by the alliance of Congress and Hazara

Democratic Party (HDP) in the assembly. For this purpose Mawlana Abul Kalam Azad, Mawlana Husain Ahmad Madani and Raja Narendar Parshad came to Hazara and negotiated with members of HDP. They decided that one of the members would be made minister in the Dr. Khan Sahib ministry. Later on Khan Muhammad Abbas Khan was made minister of forest from HDP. (Javed, 247-248)

744 Rozina, History of Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-Hind, 101. 745 Rozina, 76.

Tanzeem-ul-Muslimeen (organization of the Muslims). He advised Muslims to join

Muslim League and support its cause to safeguard Islam.746

The period between 1937 and 1939 proved a turning point in the politics of

Frontier province that had left a deep impression on the religio-politics of the

province. This Muslim majority province had a valued religious services and

sacrifices for the rest of Indian Muslims based on enthusiastic political agitations in

the past. Central Jam’iat leadership did not pay as much attention in this respect as

was expected.747 As a result, Ulama disseminated in fractions and had no central point

on this important juncture. The Ulama were scattered between the Congress and

Muslim League and some followed their own path. Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-Sarhad had no

exact policy towards the elections and some religious leaders observed that the Ulama

would have a commitment on the principals that were helpful for the coming situation

of Muslim society in Frontier.

Frontier people had a great respect for Ulama and religious leaders. The

Ulama had an impact on the social and political life of the Frontier people. The Tribal

belt was seriously involved in anti-British activities under the leadership of religious

elements. British wanted to make them calm and passive during the World War ll and

a pro-British Mullahs group was prepared for propaganda in tribal areas as well as in

settled districs.

6.2 JAM’IAT AND BRITISH INTER-WAR TRIBAL POLICY

After the Soviet Revolution in 1917, the problem of northern Frontier control

increased and the Russian threat748 became prominent when the geographical

746 Ibid. 77. 747 No leader from central Jam’iat came to guide Ulama in the elections of 1937. Muslim League on

the other hand got much involved in the politics of the province and strengthened the base of Muslim nationalism.

748 The treaty of Tehran (November 1814), signed by Britian and Persia clearly reflected British fears about Russian advancement towards India. (Sultan-i-Rome, 127).

boundary of River Axus turned into an ideological boundary.749 The British felt a

severe need of the counter ideology toward Capitalism. For this purpose, in the later

years, the British used the previously occurred local differences for their own

interests. The gradual penetration through their administration continued and entered

in the provincial politics. British used the tribal belt popular religious sentiments and

strengthened their imperial rule as Khan Abdul Wali Khan observed, “The British

were using Islam to save their Empire; the Khuda-i-Khidmatgars were fighting in the

Islamic spirit to waste their Empire”750

Tribal area was treated as scientific Frontier during the British colonial years.

They trained their men for the gruella war to combat the world Marshal races. So the

Forward policy of British was designed according to the third option to engage tribal

warriors in a continuous warfare and to train British army for the control and

command of the whole world.751

The people of Waziristan with their rough attitude were influenced by their

local religious leaders. After the events in Peshawar on 23 April 1930, in various

tribal areas, lashkars were gathered and due to these rumors, British felt that the local

religious leaders were responsible for the activities that aggravated the tribal belt from

Malakand to South Waziristan.752 The strategic and potential importance of Waziristan

was kept secret by the British and was not known to the tribal people.753 Within the

749 Khan Abdul Wali Khan, Facts are Facts, The Untold Story of Indian Partition (Peshawar: Bacha Khan Trust, 2006), 79.

750 Ibid. 81. 751 Yusfi, Tareekh Azad Pathan, 39. 752 Despatch by H. E. Field Marshal Sir William Birdwood, Commander-in-Chief in India on the

disturbances on the North West Frontier of India from 23 rd April to 12th September 1930, 14 November 1930, (NAT) WO 32/3526. Also cited in Brandon Douglas Marsh, unpublished PhD theses titled; Ramparts of Empire: India North-West Frontier and British Imperialism 1919-1947 (Austin: University of Texas, 2009), 208.

753 Abd ul Qayum Khan, 110.

tribal region Waziristan was a big source of soldiers and raiding tribes754 who had

capability to disturb India.755

6.3 JAM’IAT-UL-ULAMA-I-SARHAD AND THE WAZIRISTAN PROBLEM

The people of Waziristan756 had an independent status according to their local

culture. They did not allow any foreigner to interfere in their affairs. Similarly,

Waziristan’s tribes considered the British cantonments and installations a violation to

their independence, so they launched raids upon the British troops. Different policies

were adopted to control them but failed, except the allowances757 to the tribal

maliks.758

In the 1930s, the Religio-political leadership of Frontier was against the

British Forward Policy. The tribal areas across the borders were pushed against

754 The vast area from Pamir to Takht-i-Sulaiman and to the border of Baluchistan was three times larger than the settled areas of the province. According to the last census in the British period the total population was 23, 77399 and area was 24986 square miles. But the census report could not be considered complete because the tribal area was consisting of some major and minor such areas where the government officials could not successfully work. (Abdul Qayum Khan, Gold and Gun on the Pathan Frontiers, Trans, Muhammad Farooq Quraishi (Lahore: Azad Enterprises, 1998), 111.

755 The British intelligence authorities had some reports about the revolts against the Nawab of Dir in 1932. Mawlavi Bashir and Mawlavi Fazal Ilahi prominent members of the Chamarqand Colony were assisted by Badsha Gul, the eldest son of Haji Turangzai together with red shirts from the settled areas. (BL, IOR/L/PS/12/3169, 53. Memorandum Dated 16th January, 1933)

756 Waziristan was divided in two agencies i.e. North Waziristan (created in1895) and South Waziristan (created in 1896). The people of North Waziristan belong to Darwesh Khel Uthmanzai section and the South Waziristan, people are mostly Mahsuds. South Waziristan is the largest agency in size (6620 sq kms) of all the agencies in FATA. Mahsud and Wazir are the two major tribes of the agency. (Badshah Gul Muhammad Wazir and Jahangir Khan, Futuristic of Tribal Administration (Peshawar: Pakistan Academy for Rural Development, 1995), 53.

757 In local terms it was called mawajib, an allowance, paid to the tribsmen by the government, annually or bi-annually.

758 From 1860 to 1890 different policies adopted by the British government of India, even blockade was not successful and at last Sir R. Sandimen succeeding in opening the Gomel passes by paying 50000 rupees as allowances to the Mahsuds. (Badsha Gul Muhammad Wazir, & Jahangir Khan, 54)

Amanullah Khan’s regime in Afghanistan in 1928.759 The religious leaders considered

this agitation a conspiracy against Amanullah Khan Regime.760

JUS and Khilafat committee decided to visit tribal area to wipe out the

propaganda against Amanullah.761 For this purpose, a delegation762 was sent under the

leadership of Mawlana Shah Rasool of Mardan and Mullah Marwat (Mawlana Abdul

Qahar), Mawlana Shakirulla, Mawlana Abdul Rauf and other Ulama of JUS.763 The

delegation met Haji Sahib Turangzai. They requested Haji Sahib to take practical step

for helping Afghanistan. On 25th of April, the delegation prepared a written statement

addressed to the Ulama, Mashaikh, Elders and common people of Afghanistan.

Requesting them not to oppose Amanullah Khan’s regime.764 Although the mission of

Jam’iat was not fruitful against the powerful machinery of British,765 yet, the British

realized the importance of these religious leaders and their influence across the

borderland. Later on the British authorities focused on the Ulama activities and gave

importance to the JUS. British officials made good relations with the office bearers of

local and provincial JUS.

759 Amanullah concluded treaties with Russia. Russia had strengthened their hold in Central Asia by establishing four Soviet Repulics of Samarkand, Bukhara, Khiva and Kokand. It increased British fear of Bolshevism. It was the main reason British dislike Amanullah. (James General Elliott, 52) British Afghan legation reported that when he was on his visit to Europe, “he used to say that the purpose of his visit is to see the other countries ways of lives and progress that would be applied in Afghanistan.” He also expressed with the national representatives, Afghan women participation in all spheres of life. (BL, IOR ,L/PS/11/275.

760 Abdul Hameed Tareen, Darvesh Mujahed Haji Mirza Ali Khan Almaruf Faqir Ipi (Lahore: Taj Company limited, 1984), 164.

761 His views were considered as modern and westernized. The main features were his attempts to westernize the country. Women emancipation, his liberal thoughts and western dress brought him into conflict with Mullahs.

762 At that time the delegation was not allowed to go to tribal area and meet Faqir Ipi and others. However, in the subsequent year in 1939, the other group of Jam’iat was frequently going to tribal area and meeting the followers of Faqir Ipi. (Reports of Jam’iat and speech of Mawlana Shakirullah, 1940), 9.

763 Javed, Haji Sahib Turangzai, 341. 764 Ibid. 340-342. 765 Amanullah Khan was abdicated on January 7, 1929 and sent to Europe.

The borderlands played a significant role in the political instability of both

sides. Afghanistan government did not like unity among the border tribes because of

the unreliable situation in the tribal belt.

Shami Pir766 appeared on the scene of tribal belt in the 1930s. He gained

prominence by settling disputes between the tribes. Afghan government was worried

and pressurized the political agent to remove him from the tribal area. After

negotiations, some terms and conditions were settled between the Pir and political

agent. He held a meeting, gathered 3600 tribesmen and got them to agree on his

leadership. His main purpose was to use tribal areas against the Afghan government

for his individual benefits as he claimed himself a relative of Mahmud Tarzai the

father in law of Amanullah Khan, King of Kabul. He stressed the pro-British attitude

of King Zahir Shah against the Afghan ruling family as part of his propaganda.767

During the unrest in Waziristan in 1930s, Bolshevik conspiracy was doubted

and for the purpose, initial propaganda was designed in the tribal area in 1932 with

the intention of defense. British wanted anti-Russian propaganda within the limits

strictly to the province and agencies.768 The scheme of propaganda was started in 1933

by Kuli Khan, the publicity officer NWFP, who worked on the Bukharian refugees769

specially those who were anti-Bolsheviks and were learning religion. Mawlana 766 Muhammad Sa’diul Keilani (known as the Shami Pir) was the son of Mohata Ullah al Keilani born

in 1901. He was a relative of Mahmood Tarzai, the father-in-law of Amanullah Khan. The British had interest in him because of his anti-Zahir Shah sentiments. (BL. IOR/L/PS/12/3258). He visited various places in Waziristan in 1938 and held meetings with independent tribes, distributing money in order to instigate them to make rising against the Afghan government. When he was mysteriously arrested and sent back to Karachi, it was appeared that he was paid by the British authorities some 25000 thousands ponds, as compensation money. (L/PS/12/3255. 10. Annexure to summary no 24. 1939)

767 BL. IOR/L/PS/12/3258. Comments of the interrogation of ‘Sadi el Keilany’Alias the Shami Pir by Lieutenant Colonel Hode Gale. 33.

768 Extract from private letters from Met Cafe to sectary political department India office London, dated 19th August 1934. (BL, L/PS/12/3169. 13. J. C. Walton to Secretary Political Department India office London dated, 24th August 1934.

769 Some people of NWFP were doing their business in Bukhara and Samarqand specially the Paracha, a cast living in Kohat, Nowshera, Attock and Peshawar. From that time the relation of Kuli Khan and Mullah Marwat were strengthen in Nowshera because Mullah Marwat was the imam of the mosque of Parachghan in Nowshera Kalan and he introduced most of the Parachas with the Kuli Khan. (BL, MSS, EUR, D. 670/19 Propaganda Through Mullahs and other, Cunningham papers, 1)

Akhunzada of Tirah was giving sermons and certain pamphlets were published for

the purpose.770

6.3.1 Mulla Marwat and Khaksar-Ahrar Conflict

Ahrar771 was an organization of the Deobandi Ulama, which aimed at freedom

of India and to fight the modernists’ unorthodox thoughts of Qadyanis and

Khaksars.772 Mawlana Ghulam Ghous Hazarwi from NWFP was affiliated with Ahrar

and JUS. On Friday 19th of November 1937, he made an emotional speech and gave

fatwa against the Khaksars and Allama Mashriqi. Khaksar workers were shocked and

gave a massage to Mawlana Ghulam Ghous to come and prove the allegations against

Allama Mashriqi. On 26 November 1937, in the same mosque of Akorra Khattak, a

debate was held between the Khaksars and Jam’iat/Ahrar Ulama of Frontier.773 The

debate was arranged between Mawlana Ghulam Ghaus Hazarwi and Mullah Marwat.

Mullah Marwat and other Khaksars like Shamas Khan, Mawlana Shakirullah,

Mawlana Abdul Rauf and Sher Bahadur Khan, (pleader of Nowshera) came to defend

Allama Mashriqi’s views.774 Mawlana Abd ul Haq was selected as arbitrator for the

debate.775 Mawlana Ghulam Ghous criticized Allama Inayatullah Mashriqi presenting

statements from Mashriqi’s books like Tazkira, Qawl-i-Faisal, Isharaat, and Mawlavi

Ka Ghalat Mazhab etc, and claimed 52 accusations based on these writings.776 Mullah

770 BL. L/PS/12/3169. 771 Ahrar is plural of ‘hur’, meaning an independent person. Various forms of this word were used

during the Khilafat Movement; such as hurriyat (freedom) and leader of freemen (Rais-ul-Ahrar), a prefix that was used for Mawlana Muhammad Ali Johar. The Majlis-i-Ahrar-i-Islam, (trans. League or Committee of Free Men of Islam) reflected the quest of Muslim community in British India for a political identity. Mawlavi Feroz-ud-Din ed., Feroz-ul-Lughat (Rawalpindi: Ferozsons, 1973), 518.

772 Khaksar was an organization established for the freedom of India by Inayat ullah Khan Mashriqi in 1931 based in Punjab.

773 Abdul Khaliq Khaleeq was the eye witness of this debate and has sent all details to Mawlana Hafiz Muhammad Ibrahim Fani. He translated it from Pashto to Urdu.

774 Presented in Tazkira written by Allama Mashriqi. (Mawlana Abdul Qayum Haqqani, Sawanih Mujahed Millat Hazrat Mawlana Ghulam Ghous Hazarwi (Nowshera: Al-Qasim Academy Khaliqabad. 2003), 153-154.

775 Mawlana Muhammad Ibrahim Fani, Hayati Shaikhul Quran, 88. 776 Haqqani, 155.

Marwat could not defend him because his interpretation was based on the purpose to

prove Allama Mashriq as an Indian Nationalists as well as a good Muslim rather than

theologian or Alim (Religious scholar).777 On 10th of June 1938, the situation became

precarious, about 45 Khaksar went to Adamzai778 to open an office. On their return,

they went to a mosque to perform the evening prayers. Imam of the mosque Mawlana

Qudrat Shah779 forbad them to enter the mosque. They beat him, in reaction, the

people also beat the Khaksars and a person Ziyarat Gul a resident of Nowshera Kalan

was killed. His dead body was thrown away in the river. Many people were also

injured in this incident. 780

JUS leaders argued that the Akorha incident occurred because the Khaksar

assaulted the imam of the mosque. After this incident, Jam’iat/Khaksar clashes started

and Khaksar were criticized throughout the province.781

On 23 June 1939, after Jumma prayer in the Mahabat Khan Mosque Peshawar

city, Sayed Muhammad Ayub of Bana Marhi, Mawlana Lutfullah,782 Mawlavi Abdul

Qayum Popalzai and Mawlavi Muhammad Ayub collectively criticized and decleared

Allama Inayatullah Mashriqi as Kafir. Mawlavi Lutfullah (1908-1983) challenged

Allama Mashriqi for a religious debate.783 Owing to these events, Mullah Marwat was

disheartened from the JUH leaders who were supporting aggressive behaviors of 777 The debate was on Allama Mashriqi ideas and thoughts, he has presented in his book Tazkira.

Allama wrote that “the British (Christian) and their sons will be in the heaven because their deeds are good in this world. When Mawlana Ghulam Ghous read out the paragraph from Mashriqi’s book, Mullah Marwat replied that this statement is not about the world after death. At this Mawlana Abd ul Haq saw the original statement. He decided that the statement of Mashriqi, was about the life after death. At this, the enthusiastic people shouted Allama Mashriqi was kafir (infidel). (Abdul Qayum Haqqani, Sawanih Ghulam Ghous Hazarwi (Nowshera: Al Qasim Academy Khaliq Abad. 2003), 153-154. Al-Haq Khas Number (special issue) (Akorra Khattak: Dar-ul-ulum Haqqania, 1993), 734-735.

778 A village five kilometers away from Akorha Khattak Nowshera. 779 He was father of Mawlana Sher Ali Shah, the then teacher and Shaikh ul Hadith of Dar-ul-ulum

Haqqaniya Akorra Khattak Nowshaera. 780 Raza, Tareekh Qasba Akorra Khattak (Akorha: Akorha Public School, 2005), 74. 781 Mawlana Lutfullah gave statement to the assembled people in Peshawar (D. A. O. Peshawar,

Secret abstract of Police intelligence, No. 26 dated: 30-6-39). 782 He had completed his graduation from Deoband in 1927. He was father- in law of Qazi Husain

Ahmad ex-Ameer JI Pakistan. 783 NWFP, C. I. D., D. A. O. Peshawar, Secret abstract of Police intelligence, no 26 dated 30-6-39.

Ahrari Ulama784 and were very inflexible towards the modern scholars.785 He visited

different areas of the province with some other Ulama and delivered speeches in favor

of Khaksars.786 After this episode, Khaksar were criticized everywhere by Ulama of

Jam’iat. The Ulama of Deoband School of thought, who supported the composite

nationalism (one nation theory) and had inclination towards the Congress, were

opposing the Khaksar Movement. Owing to these events, Mullah Marwat was

disheartened from the Jam’iat’s sponsoring Ulama specially the Deoband graduates.787

Mawlana Shakirullah did his utmost struggle for the compromise between Mawlana

Ghulam Ghous and Mullah Marwat. He invited them to Nowshera Kalan and tried to

resolve their differences over the religious issues.788 However, his efforts were

fruitless. Similarly, this annoyed the leaders and common people of the Jam’iat-ul-

ulama alike. In the meanwhile, other political organizations were busy in reshaping

their party organization and they ignored such issues. They focused on the social and

political issues rather than the communal or sectarian problems.

The socio-economic position of NWFP was very weak at that time (1937-40).

The British government was also facing challenges on international level due to

World War II. This situation was sensed by prominent Ulama who thought to co-

operate with the British government, hence developed links with the British officials.

6.4 ULAMA RELATIONS WITH THE BRITISH

784 Mufti Sayahuddin Kaka Khil, Musalman Kya Kary (Lucknow: Halkqa Adab, n.d), 97. 785 Like Mawlana Ghulam Ghous, Mawlana Lutfullah and Mawlana Abdul Qayum Popalzai etc. 786 Mawlana Muhammad Shuaib Report, 14. 787 Like Mawlana Ghulam Ghous, Mawlana Abdul Haq, Mawlana Lutfullah, Mawlana Abdu Rahim

Popalzai and Mawlana Abdul Qayum Popalzai etc. While in the opponent group, none was the graduate of Deoband, i.e. Mawlana Muhammad Shuaib, Mawlana Shakirullah, Mawlana Abdul Rauf, Mawlana Shaista Gul and Mawlana Midrarullah etc.

788 NWFP, C. I. D, D. A. O. Peshawar, Secret abstract of Police intelligence, file no. 923. Dated: 30-3-38.

Cunningham became governor of NWFP (1937-1947).789 He had spent several

years in North Waziristan as political agent in 1920s.790 He had the experience of

propaganda against his opponents and used the propaganda war as an influential

tool.791 Sir Ralph Griffith had proposed a counter communist propaganda in 1930s on

the North West Frontier. He had proposed a sum of Rs.10000/- and placed it in the

annual budget.792 During World War II, Sir Arthur Parson used Ulama for the

instrumentation of the religious propaganda in the tribal area.793 That was the time

when the British could not resist successfully in case they were attacked from the

Frontier side during the World War ll. The British were defeated everywhere and the

Germans were capturing Crete, and the Middle East was in danger. Japan had entered

the war and on the other side, Germany was close to the Indian Frontiers down to

Caucuses.794 However, Russia succeeded against the Germans and the British were

compelled to devise strategy against the rising power of socialist Russia. In this

critical situation, the Ulama gained importance for the British machinery, without

their cooperation, the later would find it difficult to control the situation.795

Cunningham the governor of NWFP launched a secret mission to organize the

clergy796 of the province against the anti-British elements. The British realized the

role of “Mosque and Hujra”797 because those places served as bases for creating anti

789 He had spent several years in North Waziristan as political agent in 1920s. He served for many years for the British government on various posts. The British propaganda war was an influential tool.

790 Norval Mitchell, Sir George Cunningham; A Memoir (Edinburg: William Blackwood and Sons Ltd, 1968), 44.

791 Memorandum from the chief secretary to the government of the NWFP no. 1127-115, Nathya Gali, Dated: 4th October 1933. (BL, L/PS/12/3169/No 23.

792 Extract from private letters from Mr. Metcalfe to sectary political department India office London. Dated: August 19, 1934. (BL, L/PS/12/3169. 13. J. C. Walton to secretary, political department India

office London. Dated: 24 August 1934. 793 BL, MSS, EUR, D. 670/19, Cunningham diary, Propaganda through Mullah and other, 3. 794 BL, MSS EUR, C. 273, 105. 795 Wali khan,153.796 Shah, Ethnicity, Islam and Nationalism, 120. 797 The two main pillar of Pakhtun culture, the first is civic center of the Pakhtun, the second is the

place of worship.

British sentiment in the Frontier region. They enacted to give attention to some of the

Ulama who were contacted with the help of local Khans and Khan Bahadurs to serve

as propagandists.798

Local officers managed the propaganda against the axis power as secret

mission; the British involving Khan Bahdur Kuli Khan, Mehbob Ali, Ghulam Haider

Khan of Shairpao and Iskandar Mirza who hired the local Mullahs for this propaganda

operated the said mission.

Iskandar Mirza made a program for the Ulama to support the British. Ulama

made propaganda in the tribal areas against the Germans and Japan on the Islamic

viewpoint.799 Sir George Cunningham, the governor of British NWFP., wrote,

“Kuli Khan800 was being used as the Mullah liaison. He was commissioned to work secretly with tribal Mullahs and with others who were not prepared to come out in open support. It was a simple case of establishing an Islamic stronghold to combat the Kafirs, including the Bolsheviks.”801

Cunningham categorized the Ulama in three groups, the common lower class,

controlled by the local Khans and Maliks. The upper class that was in the control of

deputy commissioner and the high class Ulama were directly dealt by the governor. 802

The Ulama had the argument while helping British that the Bolshevism opposed Islam

and they did not believe in religion. The Russians were against Islam and the

798 Wali Khan, 87-88. 799 Ahmad Saleem, Angrez Raj owr Pakhtun Siyasat (1915-1948) (Lahore: Takhleeqat, 1997), 55. 800 Kuli Khan was Khan Bahadur and a retired British government officer. He was the father of Yusaf

Khattak, General Habibullah Khan, Begum Kalsoom Saifullah and Khan Muhammad Aslam Khan Khattak the ex-chief minister of NWFP. During his stay in Oxford University, Aslam Khan Khattak joined Muslim students and published the famous pamphlet “Now or Never” with other Muslim leaders among whose Chodhry Rahmat Ali was prominent. Aslam khattak was the president of Khyber union, which published the said pamphlet. However, Chodhry Rahmat Ali becam more popular than other signatories of the pamphlet. The office bearers were, (1) Muhammad Aslam Khan Khattak president Khyber Union; (2). Chodhry Rahmat Ali (member); (3) Sahibzada Shiekh Muhammad Sadiq (member); (4) Inayatulla Khan of Charsadda (Secretary). (Secret Abstract Peshawar Dated, 21st March, 1933. Cited by Shakeel Ahmad in Sir Sahibzada Abdul Qayum Khan Life and Works (Peshawar: Islamia college university of Peshawar), 346.

801 Wali Khan, 88. 802 Ahmad Saleem, 56.

Germans were helping them, therefore, both were against Islam.803 Mullah Marwat’s

cordial relations with Kuli Khan served as a bridge between JUS and the pro-British

elements.804 Mullah Marwat was the vice president of JUS since the All India Annual

Session of Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-Hindin 1927 held at Peshawar.805 He was the founding

member of Jam’iat-ul-ulama and was connected with the Khaksar movement as well.

Kuli Khan assured him that the only way he could serve Islam was by raising the

slogan of jihad against the enemy of Islam.806 Through Mullah Marwat, Kuli Khan

established relations with the office bearers of Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-Sarhad, and their

supporters in India. These Mullahs, many of whom had been consistently anti-British,

spoke and wrote against the Russians and Germans. Subsidies were paid through

Mullah Marwat to all Mullahs.807 Kuli Khan made a list of the Ulama in which some

40 Ulama of Charsaddah, Nowshera, Peshawar, Sawabi and Mardan were recorded.

Iskandar Mirza the Chief Commissioner of Peshawar was working skillfully on the

project.808Cunningham remarked,

“I told the leaders of Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-Sarhad to go to Waziristan and convince the tribal warlord, the Faqir of Ipi that since the British was at war against the Germans and Italians, Faqir should not bother them because they were now fighting against an infidel race. Their war, in its own way was a jihad; therefore, Faqir’s jihad against them should be called off.”809

803 Ibid. 804 He remained an active politician since 1920 until 1937. He was appointed as vice president of

Jam’iat-ul-Ulama Sarhad in 1927. He has enormously contributed for the sharia bill 1934. His student Mawlana Shakirullah was in close collaboration with Mufti Kefayatullah by seeking guidance from him regarding various matters of the sharia Bill. His prominent students were; Mawlana Abd ul Haq founder of Dar-ul-ulum Haqania Akorra Khattah), Mawlana Shakirullah (founding member of Muslim League and vice president of Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-Sarhad), Mawlana Abdul Rauf (vice president of Jam’iat in 1930s), Mawlana Abd ul Hadi Shamansori (District Swabi, thousands of students got the knowledge of Quranic commentary (Tafsir and Hadiths) from him. Mullah Marwat died on 20th September 1940. The funeral prayer was offered by Sayed Mehraban Ali Shah Bukhari. He left two sons Mawlana Shams ul Wahab and Mawlana Abdul Haye.

805 I. B, NWFP, File No. 1772. Serial No. 920. Bundle No. 54. 806 Cunningham, 1. 807 B. L. IOR., MSS, EUR, D. 670/19.1. Cunningham Secret correspondence with the external

department affairs, regarding propaganda through Mullah etc. 808 Ibid. 2. 809 Ibid.

The British were conducting this intrigue with utmost secrecy. Their enemies

had no doubt that such documents and letters were being exchanged. Cunningham

was happy that Faqir’s Deputy, Muhammad Waris’s letter, written to Jam’iat-ul-

Ulama Sarhad was friendly in tone. It became evident that Faqir and his companions

had no feelings that the Mullahs were accomplishers of the British, with explicit

instructions from them.810 Propaganda was not only done by Mullahs, it was also

helped by many Khan Bahadurs and pro-British elements of that time, as Cunningham

wrote,

“I told Ghulam Haider of Sherpao village to meet each Mullah in individual bases prepare him to serve the true cause of Islam, give him forty fifty rupees, tell him that he will receive another visit after four months, at which time he should be prepare to brief the authorities about his activities to date”.

Cunningham added, “I told Khan Bahadur to declare to Mullahs that, if their

work proves satisfactory they could expect a government pension.” In return, Khan

Bahadur told Cunningham that certain Mullahs were most untrustworthy. Better, if

they were called in each month, but they should be well paid. Cunningham said that

he had given Rs. 600 to Ghulam Haidar Khan of Sherpao.811

It was the personal influence and knowledge of Cunningham that by this way

he succeeded to keep the tribesmen away from joining the anti-British band at the

entire Frontier region.812 Kuli Khan was magistrate and Iskandar Mirza813 was the 810 Wali Khan, 89. 811 Ibid. 90. 812 BL, IOR, MSS, EUR, /F. 226/8 confidential report of John Daring. 813 Iskandar Mirza was one of the reputable administrator and expert on the Frontier affaires. He got

commission from the Sandhast in 1920 and deputed with Scottish Rifles in Kohat. He helped British to implement their policies successfully in NWFP. There were two schools of thought to control the Frontier in those days. One was based on the “Sandemen Policy” commonly known as forward policy; the other was closed border policy. The former was to integrate the tribal area in to the settled districts, while the later based on the non-interference in the affairs of tribal areas. He served in many areas on various posts, from 1930 to 1945. In 1930 to 1933, he remained as Assistant Commissioner of Nowshera and Bannu. He played a positive role for the British during the violent clashes between the government and the Red Shirts. Due to his capacity and good relation with the native Ulama, he stabilized the situation in the whole Nowshera subdivision by May 1931. He became the deputy commissioner of Peshawar and political agent of the Mohmand Agency in 1940. He was the first Indian who became the deputy commissioner of a district before partition. (Humayun Mirza, From Plassey to Pakistan (New York: University Press of America, 1999), 132-

assistant commissioner of Nowshera subdivision in 1930s. They were well informed

about Mullahs in Nowshera, especially where Mullah Marwat was appointed as a

local Qazi of Nowshera Kalan. Some of the members of JUS also criticized these

affaires when they openly blamed Mawlana Dawood and Mullah Marwat as the

government agents. 814

Mulla Marwat participated in 1939-40815 as a member of the Evacuee (Awqaf)

Committee along with other British handpicked persons like Khan Bahadur Kuli

Khan, Khan Bahadur Nawab Hameedullah Khan of Toro and Khan Bahadur Ghulam

Samdani, who managed the lands of the monastery (Khanqah) of Miyan Umar of

Chamkani,816 created doubts in the minds of JUS circle. After the death of Mullah

Marwat in September 20, 1940 his son, Mawlana Shamsul Wahab817 was nominated

as a member of that committee.818

Mulla Marwat was an influencial figure of the religio-political sphere in

NWFP. He established good relations with British officials during his stay at

35) 814 In this regard an intelligence report says “On the evening of January 10 th Mawlana Abdul Rahim

Popalzai (who became the president of Jam’iat after the death of his father Mawlana Abdul Hakim Popalzai in 1933) and Mawlana Abdul Wadud had a secret conversation. They were both in favour of the fresh election for the office bearers, as the present office bearers, Muhammad Daud and Mullah Marwat were government persons. (P. A. I , NWFP, D. A. O. 1936)

815 The disciples (mureed) of Miyan Umar of Chamkani donated lands for the public kitchen (Langar Khana). These lands were in the districts of Peshawar, Kohat and Mardan. When the two sons of Miya Umar i.e. Miya Ahmadi and Miyan Muhammadi died, having no offspring, Fazli Hadi Khan was made the Sajada Nashin of the Miya Umar shrine on 10th march 1898. The land left by Miya Sahib (32 thousand Jareb) came under his possession. In 1937 Fazli Hadi died and his predecessors started fighting for the possession of the land. The government took the decision by making a committee and gave the control of the land to the Evacuee of NWFP. The committee was to administer the affairs of the monastery and look after the vast land, donated by different Khans for the expanses of the public kitchen (Langar Khana). (Muhammad Hanif, Hayat-o-Asar, Hazrat Miyan Umar Chamkani (Peshawar: Islamia College Peshawar, 1987), 72.

816 There were some twenty members of that committee. (Muhammad Hanif, 72)817 Shamsul Wahab was the elder son of Mullah Marwat; he was also given three hundred jereeb lands

by the government in Jonghrhy village Mardan. (Interview with Mawlana Muhammad Hanif (September, 2014) and a notable elder person (Muhammad Zaman) of the locality-Nowshera Kalan. His second son was Abdul Haye, who remained the director of colleges in NWFP in 1970s. He was also the author of the book “Sarhad ow Afghanistan” Frontier and Afghanistan. (Sayed Amir Shah Qadri, 66)

818 C. I. D, NWFP D. A. O, Peshawar, Serial No. 39/1766/1934. Diary No. 46.

Nowshera and took active part in the Jam’iat and Khaksar activities in the Peshawar

region.

6.5 WAZIRISTAN PROBLEM AND JAM’IAT POLITICS

Russo-phobia has made the British to get involved in the North West Frontier

since the first Afghan war of 1838.819 British adopted different policies in Frontier, as

they needed to establish their control in the tribal and settled areas along the border. 820

After the Soviet revolution in 1917, the British problem of Northern Frontier control

increased the Russian threat, which was coming nearer. The geographical boundary of

river Amu (Oxus) thus became an ideological boundary.821 The British felt a severe

need for countering the ideology of Communism. For this purpose, British made a

good use of the differences between the clergy and the political elites (Khans) in some

areas near the border. The gradual penetration through their administration continued

in the politics of the province. British spread a network of propaganda war through

the Mullah, Pirs and Khans of this area.822

The third decade of the twentieth century was critical period because British

faced three challenges. First, Waziristan crises where the Faqir of Ipi823 took arms

against the British. Second, the pro-Congress elements gained importance in the

province. Third, the defeat of pro-British elements in the election of 1937.824 819 The treaty of Tehran (November 1814), signed by Brittan and Persia clearly reflected British fears

about Russian advancement towards India. (Sultan-i-Rome, The North West Frontier Province (Khyber Pakhtunkhwa) Essay on History, (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2013), 127.

820 Lal Baha, NWFP Administration under British Rule 1901-1919 (Islamabad: National Commission for History and Cultural Research Institute, 1978), 5-6.

821 Wali Khan, Fact are Facts, the Untold Story of Indian’s Partition (Peshawar: Bacha Khan Trust. 2006), 79.

822 Like the Pir Shami, (Pir Baghdadi) Mullah Marwat and Mullah Akhudzada, Khan Bahadur Kuli Khan, Nawab Zafar Ali Khan and Taj Ali Khan involved in the British scheme of propaganda. (Jansson, 121)

823 His real name was Mirza Ali and he belonged to Tori Khel Wazir. 824 The detail of those candidates were as, Nawab Sir Sahibzada Abd ul Qayum lost his seat to Abdul

Aziz Khan, a Khuda-i-Khidmatghar from the village of Zaida. Nawab Sir Muhammad Akbar Khan of Hoti lost to a member of his own family, Ameer Muhammad Khan popularly known as Khan Lala a Khuda-i-Khidmatghar. Nawab Sher Ali Khan of Tehkal lost to Arbab Abdul Ghafur Khan of his own family. In Kohat, another notable pro-British, Khan Bahadur KuliKhan was defeated by Muhammad Afazal Khan of Latamber. Among the defeated members, there were three Nawabs,

Situation in Waziristan worsened due to some unusual events happened in

1936. In 1935, a treaty was made for the developmental works with the Tori Khel,

subsection of Uthmanzai Wazir. They were granted allowances, however, the

situation deteriorated in Bannu and Tochi valley because of the case of Islam Bibi. 825

Faqir of Ipi declared jihad against the British. In North Waziristan Dawarh Tribe

prepared a lashkar under the leadership of Faqir Ipi to march towards Bannu.

Similarly, situation in the settled districts also became very sensitive826 because

Congress and Jam’iat-ul-Ulama Sarahd supported Faqir Ipi’s mission.827

Faqir Ipi was an inspiring personality of the tribal area. The British

government had made propaganda against him; however, his prestige could not be

weakened. He continued his anti-British activities and never gave up his goal of

freedom. He was blamed for receiving money from the Italian delegation at Kabul.828

British officials investigated and used all source, but realized that most of their

information were fabricated and lacking any sound evidences. Cunningham affirmed

that he has always considered the reports much exaggerated. Most of the financial

needs were accomplished from the “Shukrana, Usher and other subscriptions in

different times that his murids used to send him”.829

Some Hindu newspapers blamed Faqir of Ipi by propagating that his followers

had kidnaped Hindu citizens from the Frontier province. Mehr Gul Shah Din of Wale

two Nawabzadas, two Khan Bahadurs, and four Khan Sahibs. Among the Hindus there were four Rai Bahadurs and two Rai Sahibs. (Wali Khan, Facts are Facts, 83.)

825 In 1936, a young Muslim student fell in love with a Hindu girl (Ram Kori) who fled with him. She was converted to Islam and was given the name Islam Bibi. Her parents took the case to the court. The district magistrate decided to give the girl in the custody of a Muslim family. However, the judicial commissioner reversed the judgment on appeal and she was sent back with her parents. At this the communal tension was flamed up. ( R. V. E. Hodson, 317)

826 Two British officers were killed. First, Captain J. C. Koegh of South Waziristan Scout, between Ladha and Jandola. ( R.V.E,Hodson, 330) In the same month, on February 07, 1937, in North Waziristan, lieutenant Beatty along with two Khasadar was killed between Miran Shah and Data Khel. An approximately Rs. 32000 were snatched from them, which lieutenant Beatty was carrying for the purpose of paying to the Khasadars. (BL, L/PS/12/3250, 49 )

827 I.P.A, N.W.F.P., D. O. A, Peshawar. Para 209. 1940. 828 BL, IOR, L/PS/12/3236. 829 Ibid.

Khel Surani addressed a gathering in a Mosque of Bannu city and condemned those

newspapers. 830

JUS leadership always appreciated Faqir’s struggle. Abdul Rahim Popalzai

said that Faqir of Ipi was performing the duty of a true Muslim. Other Muslims should

also participate in Jihad for the sake of their country. Anybody who died fighting

against the British will be a martyr.831 The problem of Waziristan always sensitized

the tribal belt and Jam’iat-ul-Ulama split into two groups on the issue. One wanted to

support the Waziristan militants and Faqir Ipi movement of liberating India and for

making difficulties for the British. While the other group was thinking with a different

approach and wanted to cooperate with the British. They were opposing German,

Japan and Italy etc., and involved in the British propaganda, in hope for allowances

and benefits.832 Both the wings of the Jam’iat Ulama/Congress and Non-Congress

held their separate conferences in Peshawar and Nowshera.833 On April 03, 1940,

Jam’iat-ul-ulama Sarhad/Congress was agreed to send a deputation to Waziristan to

negotiate peace between government and the tribes.834

British officials realized the disturbing situation in tribal areas during the

World War II. Sir Arthur Parson835 started a religious propaganda that had influence

on the tribal territories. For this purpose, Kuli Khan launched a secret mission to

organize the clergy and pro-British Khans and officials of the province against the

830 I.P.A, N.W.F.P., D.O.A., Peshawar. 1940. 831 I.PA, N.W.F.P., D. O. A., Peshawar. 1940. Para No. 228. 832 Cunningham wrote to the viceroy in his confidential letter dated 20 th April, 1937 “Mention of

Waziristan affairs in mosque and public meeting have been less frequent. The Jam’iat-ul-Ulama Peshawar district asked me to receive a deputation of their members to discuss Waziristan affairs but did not appear to be surprised or hurt by my refusal to see them or by my warning that public mention of Waziristan had better be avoided”. (Provincial Report April to December 1937, Vol. 2. 41. BL IOR 125/112)

833 Those who were opposing British, were called Jam’iat/Congress and the other who were on the British side and opposing German Italy and Japan were called Jam’iat Ulama Non-Congress.

834 C. I. D, N.W.F.P. D. A. O, Peshawar, Serial No. 47/7274/1940. Diary No. 209. 835 He was the acting governor in the absence of George Cunningham in NWFP, in 1939. The master

mind of the Mullah Propaganda was Sir Arthur Parson and the other main characters were; Sir George Cunningham the Governor of NWFP, Sikindar Mirza and Kuli Khan.

Axis forces.836 Iskandar Mirza held a meeting with the selected Ulama to assign them

the task to help the British in the tribal area. They made propaganda against the

Germany and Japan on the Islamic viewpoint.837 Erland Jansson observed,

“In May, Cunningham started another similar scheme. Mullah in the settled districts as well as tribal territory were paid by a number of officials and other men trusted by the government for doing Islamic propaganda against the Germans. In August, Colonel Robinson was put in charge of this scheme. From then on, Kuli Khan appears to have worked almost exclusively through the Jam’iat-ul-Ulama.”838

Due to Cunningham’s personal ability he succeded to mobilized the Ulama

regarding the British interests as this was a complex approach to understand and serve

the British. He established a squad of those officials who were acquainted with the

local Ulama and their abilities. Iskandar Mirza and Kuli Khan infiltrated the circle of

those Ulama who were unaware of the British schemes. Some of the Ulama simply

entered into the propaganda war (trap) because they considered British as “People of

Book” (Ahli Kitab).839

A list of the Ulama of Nowshera and Peshawar were prepared and sent to

Iskandar Mirza, who was working on the project.840 Kuli Khan made a circle of the

Ulama who were opposing Russia, Germany and the Axis forces. They were of the

opinion that Bolshevists were opposing Islam and did not believe in religion. The

Russians were against Islam and the Germans were helping them. Some of the Ulama

of JUS/Non-Congress visited Mardan and Peshawar and expressed their views to

spread the anti-Axis propaganda on the Islamic terms.841 836 Shah, Ethnicity Islam and Nationalism, Muslim Politics in the North West Frontier Province 1937-

47, 120. 837 Ahmad Saleem, 55838 Erlan Jansson, 120. 839 It was merely pretence as Germany had a population of 82% Ahl-i-Kitab, i.e. Jews and Christian,

and Italy had 65% of Jews, Roman Catholic and Protestants Christians. People of both of these countries were also Ahl-i-Kitab.

840 A detailed list is available in the Cunningham papers in the appendix “A” contained 24 Ulama from Peshawar tehsil 13 from Charsadda tehsil, and 3 from Nowshera tehsil. In the appendix ‘B’ 18 names are available. While in the list of payments 16 names and their payment schedule is available. (B. L. IOR., MSS, EUR, D. 670/19. 37. Cunningham Secret correspondence with the external department affairs regarding propaganda through Mullah etc.).

841 B.L., IOR, MSS. EUR, D. 670/19. 6.

6.5.1 WAZIRISTAN CONFERENCE OF JAM’IAT-UL-ULAMA/CONGRESS AT PESHAWAR

Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-Sarhad/Congress strictly followed the policy of Central

Jam’iat (JUH). The JUS/Congress voiced against the British policies and criticized

British associates during the World War II.842 On September 1939, the working

committee of Jam’iat Ulama-i-Hind at Meerut refused the British decision to

participate in the war. In 1940 at Junpur the decision of the working committee

asserted by Jam’iat that strictly criticized the British rulers, declared that the goal of

JUH was complete freedom of India.843 In those days, All India Congress was

pacified. Gandhi met the viceroy but the struggle proved fruitless. They also

condemned the decision of the British to enter the war. As a result, most of the Ulama

were sent to jail.844

A meeting of the JUS Congress held in Peshawar city on 22nd February 1940

condemned the British policy in Waziristan.845 Abdul Rahim Popalzai stressed on the

unity between various parties and instructed that it was the duty of Muslims to use

their power and wealth against nations who stop them from practicing their own

religion. British law had been imposed upon them because the British Government

did not want to see them prosperous. He also declared, “It is the order of God that

Muslims should participate in Jihad for their country. Anybody who died in such a

cause would be a martyr.”846

842 It was also a matter of interest because Jam’iat-ul-Ulama /non-Congress opposing Axis-Powers on one side, and on the other side British policy in Waziristan. (Mawlana Shuaib , Report of Jam’iat Ulama Sarhad, 7)

843 Miyan, Jam’iat Ulama Kiya Hay, 39. 844 Miyan, 39. , Mawlana Ahmad Said, Mawlana Atuallah Shah Bukhari, Mawlana Hifzu Rahman,

Mawlana Muhammad Shahid, Mawlana Abul Wafa Shahjahanpori, Mawlana Muhammad Qasim, Mawlana Said Ahmad andMawlana Noor Muhammad were arrested during the World War II.

845 NWFP, I. B, Dated, 1940. D.O.A. Peshawar. S. no. 7274 para. 12. 846 D. A. O. I. B. NWFP. S. No. 7274, Para No. 229.

JUS/Congress held a conference in Peshawar on the 14th and 15th May 1940.847

Mawlana Hifzur Rahman and Mawlana Asmatullah of Delhi came from Punjab to

participate in the conference. Four sittings were held, in the first session. Abdullah

Shah of Mazara848 was the chief speaker who shed light on the important problems

faced by the Ulama of that time. He condemned the British Government, which had

left no stone unturned to suppress the Ulama since 1857. He criticized the Muslim

League propaganda in Waziristan and expressed that the “crusaders” were living

under showers of bullets. He made critical evaluation of the British and condemned

the British tactics.849

Mawlana Hifz ul Rahman of Delhi made a long speech encompassing the

current political topics including condemnation of Muslim League and those Ulama

who were supporters of Inayatulah Khan Al-Mashriqi.850 He further shed light on the

activities of Muslim League titleholders and capitalists, declared them as beneficiaries

of the British Government.851

847 I. P. A, N.W.F.P., D. O. A., Peshawar. NWFP, Para No. 303. 1940. 848 He was born on 1896 at Mazara, Charsaddah. He was the disciple of Mawlana Shah Rasool of Bala

Gharhy Mardan. He was a graduate of Deoband seminary. 849 Ibid. 850 Mullah Marwat, Mawlana Muhammad Shuaib , Mawlana Midrarullah, Mawlana Shaista Gul and

Mawlana Shakirullah were the supporter of Allama Mashriqi Khaksar Movement and Muslim League. They had differences in later years with the Jam’iat-ul-Ulama /Congress .

851 I. P. A, N.W.F.P., D. O. A., Peshawar. NWFP, Para No. 303, 1940.

6.5.2 WAZIRISTAN CONFERENCE OF JAM’IAT-UL-ULAMA/NON CONGRESS AT NOWSHERA

On 1 July 1940, JUS/Non-Congress held a conference in Nowshera to clarify

their position about Waziristan policy.852 They argued to make the situation peaceful

by dialogues with the British. Mullah Marwat and other office bearers of the Jam’iat-

ul-Ulama visited all the Frontier districts and gave multipurpose speeches containing

political-cum-religious knowledge to the people of Frontier. The measure of their

simplicity was that, they were opposing Forward policy of the British in Waziristan

along the Germans and Italians.853

Mawlana Muhammad Shuaib and Mawlana Shakirullah criticized Italy and

Germany saying that Italy captured an Islamic country last year and declared

Germany as a wild beast.854 Their criticism and condemning the Axis Powers was

contrary to their views about the independence of India. Their agenda was illogical,

which sometimes confused the masses as well as designers of the propaganda war.855

Although they used the name of Jam’iat Ulama856 but all of them were going

on the British designed policy of keeping relax the tribal belt during the war. It was

against the political purpose of the central JUH as they were striving for the complete

independence of the Indians. They were determined to pressurize the British that

would be easy to strengthen the on-going anti-British movement in India. The

prominent Ulama of Jam’iat who helped British in tribal areas and settled districts

were, Mawlana Abdul Qahar (Mulla Marwat), Mawlana Midrarullah, Mawlana

852 The Shami Pir story shed light on the actual situation ( Caroee, 568). 853 Report of the Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-Sarhad about Waziristan and Hindus of Peshawar: (Manzori Aam

Press Islamiya Building. 1940), 5. 854 Ibid. 7 855 Iskandar Mirza observed that when Russia and Britain became ally, he faced difficult situation in

the tribal areas during propaganda activities. He said I was also propagating against the axis power but the new situation became hard and when I talk to some Afridy and Mohmand they laughed at me and, said as you propagating Russia, we did not take it serious. (Ahmad Saleem, 57)

856 Mawlana Ahmad Said called this group of Ulama so-called Jam’iat-ul-Ulama. Daily Siyasat, 28 April. 1940.

Shakirullah, Mawlana Abdul Rauf Andaleeb, Mawlana Muhammad Shuaib and

Mawlana Shaista Gul. Most of them were office bearers of Muslim League and

Khaksar. During different sessions of the conference, they passed the following

resolutions;

1. JUS/Non-Congress criticized the British government Forward policy in

Waziristan. They arranged and sent a delegation for Waziristan to search out

the causes of the insurgency and demanded the end of war position in

Waziristan.

2. They demanded that if the Russians attacked Afghanistan, the locals should wage

holy war (Jihad) against Russia. Mawlana Muhammad Shuaib moved the

resolution and Mawlana Midrar and Sayed Sultan Muhammad seconded the

resolution.857

Wali Khan says,

“When Hitler’s army’ darkened European borders, the British, once again, found their boundaries endangered. At that time, we observed that Islam was being used in India to further British interests in the USSR during turbulent times in the Frontier province of the British India. The Nawab and the Khawanin were brought under the banner of Muslim League and Islam as political force was strengthened not only in the Frontier province, but also in tribal areas and in Afghanistan.”858

The diverging attitude of the Ulama resulted in the formation of two groups of

Ulama on the political bases, one of the groups (JUS/non-Congress) later on joined

Jam’iat-ul-Ulama-i-Islam (JUI), a political ally of Muslim League in the Pakistan

Movement. In Erland Jansson opinion, ‘the Ulama of this faction joined hands with

the Muslim League in NWFP due to the presence of influential persons, Khans and

elites of various Frontier areas in the party’.859

857 Mawlana Muhammad Shuaib Report, 20. 858 Wali Khan, 88. 859 Erland Jansson, 121.

The Provincial Congress Committee comprised of Dr. Khan Sahib, Miyan

Jafar Shah, and Arbab Abdul Ghafur Khan met with Cunningham for the purpose to

sanction a deputation to Waziristan for convincing Faqir Ipi and his friends to give up

raiding and kidnaping etc. Cunningham refused by saying that such kind of visits gave

rise to rumors.860 Cunningham also informed Olaf Caroe in a letter on May 02, about

his inner attitude and understanding by saying that,

“I think my estimation of their intention is correct i.e. they genuinely would like to improve matters in Waziristan but they also have ulterior motive of raising their own prestige. It is clear that if they really want to exert this kind of influence, they can do so by publically denouncing the Faqir and his friends.”861

The British administration knew the reality of the situation and the best

Network for the solution as the Congressmen could do nothing to the intentions of the

British interest. Cunningham wanted to use them and suggested the Congress

members to do the right propaganda in the districts of Bannu as they were facing a

difficulty from the people of Bannu who were not cooperating with the local

administration against Faqir Ipi. He suggested, “If the Congress was ready to come

out with a widely published declaration that they disapprove any kind of disturbance

and expect the people of the district to assist the government, this would be of great

value.” Cunningham also told them if they surly wish to influence Faqir Ipi, they

should convey the message through some of their friends in Bannu.862

860 BL, IOR, L/PS/12/3236. 45. Letter from Cunningham to Olaf Caroe, CIE Sectary to the government of India in the external department Shimla.

861 Ibid. 46. 862 Ibid.

6.6 WORLD WAR II AND JUS/CONGRESS

When British joined the war against the Germans on 3rd September 1939,

without consultation and consent of the Indian political leaders, the Frontier

Legislative Assembly passed a resolution against the British.863 JUS along with all

freedom fighters of India opposed the British war policy. The legislative assembly

condemned the British policy of war with Germans without the consent of Indians and

consequently Frontier Congress ministry resigned in 1939.864 However, no mass

movement was launched in this period, while on the other side British along with the

Muslim League leadership became more active.865

The British government wanted support and made War committees in Districts

through reliable Khans, Mullahs and other influential persons of privileged classes.866

Mawlana Mujahed Khan,867 one of the distinguished figure among the Deoband

school and eye witness of political events during 1945-46 remarked on those Ulama

who helped British as “greedy and fame seeker elements who were in search of

occasion to play part for their own benefits and interests by receiving money from the

British officials.868 He added, “Some of those Ulama and other influential people in

our area approached my father and tried to convince him for my cooperation with the

Muslim League. They assured him of government benefits. However, I did not leave

Hussain Ahmad Madani thoughts and way of life.”

863 A resolution was moved by Miyan Jafar Shah. Later on he became Muslim League leader in NWFP.

864 Shah, 59. 865 Ibid. 866 Erland Jansson, 118. 867 He was a Deoband graduate and disciple of Husain Ahmad Madani and remained his personal

(security) guard in the 1946 election. He visited different Indian provinces and cities with Mawlana Husain Ahmad Madani. He was also elected as member provincial assembly NWFP from P.F. 14, Nowshera in the 2002 elections. (Personal interview with Mawlana Mujahed Khan Hussaini, Nowshera, Muhallah Bahram Khan Khel, August 10, 2013)

868 Interview with Mawlana Mujahed Khan. At Nowshera, on 10th August 2013.

Dr. Khan Sahib ministry resigned on 7th November 1939 and Governor’s rule

was imposed. During the war, the Frontier situation was smooth. In the absence of

nationalist leaders, British made a good use of their absentia from the political scene.

That was the reason Frontier people helped the British in war with men and money.

With the resignation of Frontier ministry, the Muslim League not only got a chance

for making government in Frontier but also found a smooth atmosphere for their self-

interest based over the Pakhtuns in 1939.869 Sayed Waqar Ali Shah commented,

“The Frontier province helped the British both by money and men. Acknowledging the final remittance for Rs. 135614 from the NWFP for aircraft fund and for the purchase of two fighter machines for the Royal Air Force, the viceroy expressed his deep gratitude and thanked the donors for their valuable contributions.” 870

On 28th of May 1941, JUS/Congress leadership was arrested under section

38(1) (a) of Indian Defense Rules. Mawlana Abdul Qayum Popalzai and Mawlana

Lutfullah were arrested and sentenced to three years rigorous imprisonment. Other

political activists were sentenced to one-year rigorous imprisonment.871

The process of arrests and sentences became a practice in NWFP during the

war especially for those who were suspicious to be involved in anti-British activities.

The workers of Ahrars,872 Jam’iat, Khaksar and Congress, who were participating in

politics and working for the unity of India and harmony among the fellowmen, were

considered against the British government. Bashirullah and Ghulam Yasin were

arrested in Dera Ismail Khan under section 40 F.C.R. They were sent to jail for not

being able to provide bail. Their sympathizers demonstrated outside the Magistrate’s

869 Shah, 168. 870 Shah, 60. 871 I. B. NWFP, D.AO, Peshawar, Para. No.171, Dated: 1941. 872 On 14th February 1941 Mawlana Ghulam Ghous went to Charsadda along with a group of Ahrar

and shouted anti-British slogans in the Tehsil Bazar. They were arrested by Assistant Commissioner Charsadda (P. A. I, NWFP, D. A. O. Peshawar, No. 7, Para No. 50, Dated: 18TH February, 1941.

court by shouting revolutionary slogans. Three of the leaders in the said

demonstration including Kanwar Khan of Kulachi were arrested.873

On the 9th May 1942, JUS/Congress leaders addressed a gathering of Muslims

in the Shahdad Khan Mosque in Mardan. The political agitators Kamdar Khan

(M.L.A) and Mawlavi Said Ahmad of Kalu Khan criticized the British policy of War.

They repeated the statements of Jam’iat-ul-Ulama leaders in which Government was

criticized for dragging India into the war without the consent of the local people and

political leaders.874

On 16 May in Abbottabad, Abdul Ghani, a political agitator criticized the

government policy for giving money to some of the Newspapers who declared Rashid

Ali (a volunteer and political agitator in Hazara) as rebel.875 The Newspaper reporters

were receiving thousands of rupees from Cunningham. It was also noted that

Sikanadar Mirza had given that plan and started propaganda through local newspaper

against the rebel and freedom fighters.876 In the gathering, Mawlavi Muhammad Ishaq

said that all Muslims were ready to help Iraq where “zulam” (brutality) was taking

place. He criticized those people helping British in the war and said that it was

unlawful, for Muslims to enlist and fight against Muslims.877 Ulama along with the

Khuda-i- Khidmatghars were condemning the British war policy. On 11 March 1941,

meetings of Ulama and Khuda-i- Khidmatghars were held in Dagai and Kalu Khan.

Kamdar Khan (M.L.A) and Mawlana Abdul Hadi Shamansori878 condemned those

Muslims particularly the people of Zaida who collected ten Anna per House as War

873 Ibid. 874 I. B. NWFP, D. A. O. Peshawar Dated: 1941. Para No. 153. 875 He pointed out the proclaiming of Rashid Ali as rebel was not true. He was in fact a Ghazi and was

against those who persecuted Muslims. 876 Cunningham wrote in his Diary “editors of selected local newspapers were given addresses of

about 200 Maliks and others of tribal territory, known to be friendly with us, and asked to send copies of their issues to them. (BL. MSS, EUR, D. 670/19, page, 4. para no.16).

877 ? I. B. NWFP D. A. O, Peshawar, Dated: 16-5-1942. 878 He was a muhtamim (administrator) of seminary in Sawabi and well-known Muslim theologian of

NWFP.

subscription. Mawlana argued that it was Haram (forbidden in Islam) to help the

British Government.879

During the World War II, Pakhtuns’ rebellious feelings had no boundaries.

The religious persons, Ulama and many other people used mosques to delivere anti-

British speeches.880 On 30th of May 1941, after the Juma Prayers in Qasim Ali Khan

Mosque in Peshawar City, Mawlavi Muhammad Ishaq delivered an emotional speech

on the Iraq war situation.881

JUS/Congress workers followed the directions of their central leadership and

on 1st August 1941 met in Hoti Mardan. Mawlana Muhammad Idris, Mawlana Sayed

Gul Badshah, Inayt ullah of Toro (Mardan) and Mawlana Lutf ul Rahman of Bala

Garhay addressed the meeting. Mawlana Sayd Gul Badshah the president of JUS/

Congress described the policy of the JUH and said that the one and only goal of the

Jam’iat Ulama is the achievement of complete independence from the British. He

said, “From the very beginning the Ulama had tried to attain freedom and it was

because of them that the struggle had commenced in 1857. He concluded by insisting

the Muslims to boycott the non-Muslim shopkeepers.882 Jam’iat-ul-ulama Sarhad’s

one faction (Congress) remained with the visions (united India) of central Jam’iat and

declared its intention to join Congress in the fight for complete independence. The

president of Jam’iat-ul-ulama Sarhad Sayed Gul Badshah issued a “declaration of

Independence” in the same terms as Congress had issued earlier.883

879 I. B. NWFP, D. A. O. Peshawar Dated: 11th March, 1941. Para No. 77. 880 After juma prayers in Mohabat Khan Mosque, Peshawar City, on the 30 th May, an unknown Mullah

delivered an objectionable speech on the Iraq situation. He appealed for jihad on the grounds that Rashid Ali was fighting for the holy Quran and it was the duty of every Muslim to help him. A resolution was passed by Habib ul Mursalin congratulating Abdul Qayum popalzai, Mawlana Lutfullah and Muhammad Hussain on their arrest and conviction. (I. B. NWFP, D. A. O. Peshawar, Dated: 1940. Para No. 172).

881 I. B. NWFP, D. A. O. Peshawar, Dated: 1940. Para No. 172. 882 I. B. NWFP, D. A. O. Peshawar, Dated: 1941. Para No. 449. 883 I. B. NWFP, D. A. O. Peshawar, Dated:1940 para. No. 308.

6.7 WORLD WAR II AND JUS/NON-CONGRESS

When British realized that the Pakhtun community centers like “Mosque and

Hujra”884 both creating hatred against the British in NWFP, they used Mullah and

achieved two goals. One, the defeat of Russian and German propaganda and the

second, to split the Ulama class who were cooperating with the Congress in Frontier

and Faqir Ipi in tribal area.

Cunningham successfully used Ulama, Pakhtun Maliks and elites for the same

purpose by different ways.885 The British officials directly or indirectly involved in the

support of Muslim League.886 Erland Janssan said, “Iskandar Mirza was probably the

official who was most deeply involved in League affaires. The party general secretary

Mian Ziauddin says that,

“He supported the Muslim League throughout by all legal means at his disposal” He further says, “There is no doubte that most of the British officials sympathized with the Muslim League rather than the Congress . This was only natural that Congress was traditionally anti-British and anti-Government, while those who had always been closed led the Muslim League to the British. I have found no instance where British officials exceeded their powers by supporting the Muslim League but this need not mean their political sympathies were without consequence. They were undoubtedly more prepared to accept the Muslim League point of view than the Congress one.” 887

Usually the Indian nationalist alleged that British wanted to divide the

Congress allied groups and organizations who were not in favor of the division of

sub-continent, which was against the British desires. However, Muslim League

described the theme in different way, as Jinnah declared in 1942, “Muslim India is

fighting and struggling for survival and for its right of self-determination, whereas the

884 The two main pillars of Pakhtun culture, the first a civic center of the Pakhtun social life and the second, the place of their worship.

885 During the Congress arrangements for a political meeting in Bunu, Cunningham approached Dr. Khan Sahib. He wrote “I have been in touch with Dr. Khan Sahib with a view to persuading him to exclude trans-border affairs from the agenda. His attitude appears to be that the meeting wish to pass a resolution condemning the forward-policy though his party might be agreed not to discuss at length”. (BL, MSS, EUR, F. 125/112, 59-63). In Calcutta Mawlana Azad Subhani, the Jam’iat-ul-Ulama Islam (anti-organization Jam’iat Ulama Hind), was also blamed of funded by the British officials. Muhammad Zaki Deobandi, (Makalimat Ul Sadarain, (Debat between the President of JUI and JUH on the political matters (Lahore: Darul Ishaat Maktab Habibiya, 1978), 7.

886 Erland Jansson, 163. 887 Ibid,167.

Congress and other Hindu organizations are speeding to assume supremacy and

domination over the Muslims as an All India minority by establishing one central

government over the whole of India, and thus to dominate and control even those

zones where the Muslims are in a solid majority”.888

Owing to those sentiments of the Muslim leaders, Ulama in Mardan

established a branch of the Jam’iat-ul-Ulama. Later on that branch joined hands with

All India Jam’iat-ul-Ulama-i-Islam, established under the leadership of Mawlana

Shabir Ahmad Usmani. That faction of Jam’iat had controversy with the Khuda-i-

Khidmatghars who were associated with the Congress.889

JUS (non-Congress) activities were going on the lines as the British officials

demarcated and advised for them. Hakim Abdul Hanan, General Secretary of

JUS/Non-Congress had received a letter from the Anjuman-i-Ittihad ul Muslimeen,

Tirah, in which it was decided by the Anjuman that any invasion of Russia towards

India would be opposed by them. They had requested Jam’iat-ul-Ulama Peshawar to

pass similar verdict.890 The Ulama related to Ahrar and Jam’iat891 opposed those

Ulama, therefor the British arrested them.

From 15th to 17th May, The Anjumani Ghausia, held a conference in Peshawar

City where leaders of JUS/Non-Congress delivered different speeches. In the first

session, Mawlana Abdul Wadud Sarhadi declared that as a Muslim the attacks and

destruction from Germans was attack on us and that was our own destruction. He

stressed on the Muslims and told the assembled people that Nazism892 and Fascism893

888 Faruqi, 102.889 D. A. O, I. B, N.W.F. P, S. No. 7268. Para, no. 109. 890 I. B. NWFP, D.A.O, Peshawar, No. 407. Dated: 1941. 891 Cunningham Diaries, D. 670/19. 892 The ideology of Hitler, totalitarian government over all society, often-nationalist expansion and

state control of the economy. 893 A political regime having totalitarian aspiration, ideologically based on a relationship between

business and the centralized government. And system of strong autocracy or oligarchy usually to the extent of bending and breaking the law, race baiting and violence against largely unarmed populations.

would expire but Islam would flourish. Other speakers were professor Inayatullah a

local Muslim League worker and president district Muslim League Abdul Aziz

Chishti of Hazara.894

Jam’iat-ul-Ulama held two meetings; the first was a special meeting of the

Working committee. The other meeting was held in the Jamia Mosque, Abbottabad on

10th July 1941. Several resolutions were adopted protesting against the anti-Muslim

policy of the Government, warning Government against the interference with the

activities of the Jam’iat and informing the public that if a non-Muslim power invaded

a Muslim country, all Muslims would go to the help of the invaded country.895

Jam’iat-ul-ulama reported that members of the provincial Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-Hind

had received instruction from the central committee to join the civil disobedience

movement.896

During that period Jam’iat-ul-Ulama’s both factions carried on their own

agenda, the Jam’iat related with Congress opposed British policies in Waziristan as

well as the participation in the World War ll. On the other hand, JUS/Non-Congress

moved nearer to Muslim League and adopted the policies of Muslim League. They

struggled for Waziristan issue to calm down Faqir Ipi and criticized Germans,

Russians and Italy. The Congress ministry resigned and this gap benefited Muslim

League. After a year, Sardar Aurangzeb Khan, the provincial League leader, was

made the Chief Minister of Frontier on 25th May 1943. This was the first Muslim

League ministry in NWFP and it remained in office until the return of the Congress

leaders from jails. Dr. Khan Sahib again made his ministry on 12 February 1945.897

894 I. B. NWFP, D. A. O, Peshawar, Dated: 1941. Para No.152. 895 I. B. NWFP, D. A. O, Peshawar, Dated: 1941. Par No. 223. 896 I. B. NWFP, D. A. O, Peshawar, Dated: 1941. Para No. 293. 897 Sabir, 995.

CHAPTER – 7

PAKISTAN MOVEMENT AND THE ROLE OF JAM’IAT (1940-1947)

7.1 PAKISTAN RESOLUTION AND JAM’IAT-UL-ULAMA SARHAD

Various leaders presented the idea of division of India during the nineteen and

twentieth centuries.898 Yet, the division of India became possible with the efforts of

two figures, Muhammad Ali Jinnah and Jawaharlal Nehru, who were mostly in

contrast to each other in many aspects.899

In 1920, Muhammad Abdul Qadir Bilgrami900 proposed the division of Indian

territories between the Hindus and Muslims. He gave a detailed list of districts, and

898 Political thinkers about the division of Indian sub-continent presented several proposals. 1. Sayed Jamaludin Afghani was the first Muslim thinker who thought of possibility of a Muslim

republic embracing the present Central Asian socialist republic, Afghanistan and the Muslim majority areas in the North–West of the sub-continent. (Ishtyaq Husain Qureshi, The Struggle For Pakistan (Karachi: University of Kararchi, 1979), 115).

2. John Bright (1811-1889) was probably the first British administrator who, in June 1858, realized the linguistic and cultural diversity of India, suggested its administrative division into Presidencies and states in such a way that when the British would withdraw eventually each could assume independence.

3. In 1899, Sir Theodore Morison (1863-1936) proposed that the Hindu-Muslims conflict could be resolved by the consolidation of Muslims in the territories extending from Peshawar to Agra. In 1920s and 1930s the British press carried several articles and commentaries which suggested in one way or the other the partition of India. The Times, 14 March 1928 and 30 April 1932: Economist, 7 November 1931 and 23 February 1937: Raund Table, March 1931, p. 346 and March 1939, p. 362: Manchester Guardian (leader), 8 August 1932 and Nineteenth Century, March 1939, pp. 292-93. (M. Rafique Afzal, The Case for Pakistan (Islamabad: National Institute of Historical and Cultural Research, 1988), xii.)

899 The relevant account about Jinnah and Nehru, both are very interesting narrated by Olaf Caroe. He said that Jinnah was very difficult man. He was frightfully arrogant and very immovable…I mean if hadn’t for Jinnah I don’t think Pakistan would ever have gone through or Pakistan would ever have existed. He did achieve what he did set out to do, and with immense dedication and ability. In fact, I think that partition was the great disaster in the fact the way we left India, partitioned, we undid the greatest thing we… the greatest thing we did really during the raj, was to unify the India, and in the last stage we nullified the greatest thing we’d done by partition India and look at the result! and this was mainly due to Jinnah himself was rather good looking tall, well dressed, Europeanised man who like drinking his brandies and things and living like a European. He could not speak any Indian language even Hindustani or Urdu or Sindhi where he was born up, his whole life revolved English. . . the contras of Nehru was of course extreme. Nehru was very companionable…. Nehru-Jinnah was rather an arriviste. Nehru was a true aristocrat. He was a Brahman, extremely fastidious in everything he did, everything he read, what he said in his friends he also had certain arrogance about him but was shot through with charm which Jinnah was not. (BL, IOR, MSS, EUR, C. 273, p. 100-101)

900 He wrote a letter to Gandhi in 1925, titled, Hindu Muslim Ittehad Par Kula Khat Mahatama Gandhi Ky Nam (Ishtyaq Husain Qureshi, The Struggle For Pakistan (Karachi: University of Kararchi, 1979), 116.)

interestingly, it was not different from the present boundaries of East and West

Pakistan. Sardar Gul Muhammad Khan of Dera Ismail Khan also proposed division of

India before the Frontier Inquiry Committee in 1923. He suggested that the area from

Peshawar to Agra should be given to Muslims. In 1934, Lala Lajpat Rai, one of the

founders of Hindu Mahasaba, proposed the partition of India between the two

communities Hindu and Muslim.901

In December 1930 at the annual session of all India Muslim League at

Allahabad, Allama Iqbal in his presidential address said:

“The principal of European democracy cannot be applied in India without recognizing the fact of the communal groups. The Muslims’ demand for the creation of a Muslim India within India is, therefore, perfectly justified …, I would like to see Punjab, N. W. F. P., Sind and Baluchistan amalgamated into a single state, self-Government within the British Empire. The formation of a consolidated North West Indian Muslims’ State appears to me to be the final destiny of the Muslims, at least of the North West India.”902

After the Congress rule in the various provinces of India in 1937, the Muslims

grievances especially the reformation and education program of the Congress

ministries in 1937-38 aggravated anti-Congress sentiments. In the Central Provinces,

Congress started an educational scheme called Vidya Mandir (Temple of Learning)

which was criticized by all Muslims and even the pro-Congress Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-

Hind threatened the Congress that civil disobedience movement would be started if

the scheme were not withdrawn.903 The Muslim leadership compelled to take serious

steps and considered the division of India.904 Muslim League leadership adopted

901 Muhammad Rafique Afzal, The Case for Pakistan (Islamabad: National Institute of Historical and Cultural Research, 1988), xix.

902 Muhammad Iqbal, presidential Address delivered at the annual session of the All India Muslims conference at Lahore on the 21th March 1932 coted from speeches and statements of Iqbal (Lahore: Shamloo Almi Academy, 1948), 3-9. Also cited by Faruqi, 87- 88.

903 Afzal, XIX. 904 Hindus started Wardha, Wudyamandar and Dehat Sudharat schemes based on the two nation

theories. (A. K. Khan, 28.)

various techniques of propaganda in support of Muslims grievances and the inquiries

were worked out at different Muslim minority provinces.905

The Muslim League session began on 21st March 1940 at Lahore under the

chair of Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah, passed the well-known resolution at

the 27th annual session on 23rd March 1940. Chief Minister of Bengal Mawlavi Fazul

ul Haq moved the resolution and Chodhri Khaleeq ul Zaman and others seconded the

resolution. The resolution stated that; “The All India Muslim League categorically

repeats that the scheme of federation embodied in the government of India Act 1935

is totally unsuitable and unworking in the abnormal condition of this country and

unacceptable to the Muslims of India.” All India Muslim League resolved that no

constitutional plan would be workable in this country or acceptable to the Muslims

unless it is designated on the basic principle of Islam. The geographically contiguous

units as in the north western and eastern zones of India should be grouped to

constitute independent states in which the constituent units shall be autonomous and

sovereign. They also demanded protection of their religious, cultural, economic,

political, administrative and other rights in those parts of India where the Muslims

were in minority. The session further authorized the working committee to frame a

scheme of constitution in accordance with these basic principles, providing for the

assumption finally by the respective regions of all powers such as defense, external

affairs, communication, customs, and such other matters as may be necessary.906

From the British occupation all the political parties like Indian National

Congress, All India Muslim League Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-Hind, Majlisi Ahrar-i-Islam

etc., had a clear standpoint for the independence of India. Congress believed in the

905 Afzal, XIX. Different committees were appointed by the council of All India Muslim League and they produced reports on the working of Congress ministries (1937-39). Among those were, (Pir Pur report, Delhi, 1938, Sharef report, Bihar- Patna 1939, A. K. Fazlul Haque report, Calcutta 1939).

906 Faruqi, 94-97.

united Indian federation while Muslim League wanted a separate homeland according

to their ideology based on Two-Nation theory.907 In that way, Muslim League was

contesting on two grounds, the first to get freedom from the British occupation and

secondly to get away with the Congress’s dominance as the latter considered

themselves as the only representative organization of the Hindus, Muslims and other

communities of India.908

Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-Hind central leadership considered the resolution an

outcome of the British conspiracy909 against the Muslims of India, which would be

harmful for the Muslims and other communities of the sub-continent. Zia-ul Hasan

Faruqi remarked as,

“It is true that the Lahore resolution was vague in many respects. It did not say anything about the body or the authority that was to frame the constitution probably it was to be made by the British parliament. The nature of the contemplated constitution was also not defined. The actual territorial demarcation of the proposed states was also left untouched. But it was completely silent on the question of the ways and means to enforce the adequate effective and mandatory safeguards for the protection of minorities and this was the point which bothered the Jam’iat very much.” 910

Muslim League leadership under the guidance of Quaid-i-Azam always

insisted upon the Congress to accept this scheme. However, it was a serious concern

for those Muslims who were going to be the inhabitants of Indian territories. In

response, the Jam’iat warned the Muslims regarding this insecure scheme of the

Muslim League. Mawlana Muhammad Sajjad of Bihar considered the Lahore

resolution and alleged that it was mainly related to the Muslims of those areas where

they were already in a majority. He advocated that the strong position of the Muslims

907 Quaid-i-Azam statement, that Muslims by any difnition is a seprate nation from Hindus. 908 Ibid. 9. 909 Plodin a British judge wrote to the British government in 1931 that, India should be divided in

Hindu and Muslim India, so that the British imperialism would live long. (Miyan, Ulama-i-Haq Owr Unky Mujahedana Karnamy, Edited by Abu Salman Shahjahanpori, 602.

910 Faruqi, 111.

majority provinces would be a security for the protections of the other Muslims living

in Hindu majority provinces of India.911

Mawlana Husain Ahmad Madani described the Pakistan movement as the

death knell for the Muslims of the areas where they were in minority. Jam’iat leaders

considered the scheme advocated by Muslim League risky to liberate 7 crores

Muslims on the martyrdom of two crores.912 The Jam’iat-ul-Ulama opposed the

partition plan for the problems in the preaching and missionary activities of the

Ulama, which was one of the main purposes of their religious life. It was one of the

objectives of Jam’iat-ul-Ulama to propagate and spread Islam through peaceful

missionary work. The atmosphere based on antipathy would obstruct the progress of

Islam and put great obstacles in the way of missionary work.913

Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah professed in his presidential address

that the present Indian unity was not factual rather it dated back to the British period

maintained by the British bayonets. Furthermore, he said that democracy was not

suitable for India and that “the Muslims are a nation and they must have their home

land, their territory and state.”914

Jam’iat-ul-ulama believed that the western educated League leadership was

manipulating the name of Islam for the worldly gains of the Muslims interests. They

knew that the ignorant Muslims could only be won over by appealing to their

religious emotions and League had given the slogan that in a united India Islam would

be in danger.915

911 Ibid. 112. 912 Ibid. 913 At the end of the Muslim rule there were about 25 million Muslims in India. Within a period of less

than a century their number increased up to 100 million. Increase ratio of Muslim population than the increase in birth rate was due to missionary work of the Ulama. (Faruqi, 116.)

914 D. G Tendulkar, Abdul Ghafar Khan, Faith is a Battle (Bombay: 1967), 306. 915 Faruqi, 116-117.

The pro-Jam’iat Ulama were convinced that Muhammad Ali Jinnah and Liaqat

Ali Khan were incompetent to establish an Islamic state of Pakistan and because (they

themselves) had no respect for the canons of Sharia. They used to talk about Islamic

law when they had to address the Muslims to win their support but in legislature and

in private life they did not care for its application. This alleged ‘lake of interests’ was

confirmed when Jinnah opposed the proposed Sharia Bill of 1935 moved by Hafiz

Abdullah of Lyallpur.916 Similarly another sharia bill in April 1945 (Qazi Bill),

proposed by Mawlavi Muhammad Ahmad Kazmi was opposed by Sir Muhammad

Yamin while Jinnah was a member of the Central Assembly.917 This attitude of the

League, who claimed as champion for the protection of the Islamic culture in India,

discouraged the Ulama and as a result, the Ulama assumed that Pakistan would be a

state based on the secular principles of western type of government.

Jam’iat did not merely oppose the creation of the new Islamic state of

Pakistan; it visualized the expected circumstances that could happen in its aftermath.

In 1940, Mawlana Madani while presiding over the twelfth session of the Jam’iat-ul-

ulama-i-Hind at Junpur remarked;

“These days the Pakistan movement is very popular among the Muslims masses. If it means the establishment in the Muslims majority provinces of an Islamic state based on the prophetic traditions and the commandments of Islam, viz, Hudood, Qisas and other then it is really a very noble cause and no Muslim will have any objection to it. However, the fact is that under the present circumstances, nobody can imagine the possibility of such a venture.918

The pro-Muslim League Ulama and other leaders were giving the impression

that Pakistan will be based on the principles of the Quran and the Sunnah. Similarly,

It was evident from the speeches of Jinnah that Quran and the traditions of the

916 Ibid. 118. 917 Miyan, Jam’iat Ulama Kiya Hay, 75). It was interesting that Qazi bill was prepared by Mawlana

Asharaf Ali Thanvi and Mawlana Abdul Karim Ghumtalvi in 1941. Government responded if the Muslim members did not oppose the bill it will be acceptable. After a long interval Muslim League members opposed the bill and Sir Muhamad Yamin’s role was very shocking to the Jam’iat. (Miyan, Jam’iat Ulama Kiya Hay, 75-76)

918 Ibid.

Prophet (BPUH) would be adopted as guideline for new constitution of Islamic state

of Pakistan. However, it is also true that Muhammad Ali Jinnah never dreamt of

making Pakistan a religions state. It is evident from his presidential address delivered

on 11 August 1947, to the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan, he said:

“You may belong to any religion or caste or creed..that has nothing to do with the business of the state.. you will find that in course of time Hindus would cease to be Hindus and Muslims would cease to be Muslims, not in the religious sense, because that is the personal faith of each individual, but in the political sense as citizens of the state.” 919

These remarks of Jinnah show his ideas and objectives regarding the nature of

government of the Pakistan as Islamic or secular state. The Ulama of JUH were

conscious about the intentions of the modernists’ (Jinnah and Iqbal) political thinkers

of Muslim League.920 They were reluctant to support the scheme that could make

difficulties in the future for the Muslims in the divided India.

The Lahore Resolution 1940 proved a road map for a desired separate

homeland for the Muslim majority provinces. It resulted in increase in the popularity

of All India Muslim League.921 Muslim masses were charmed by the idea of Pakistan

and this showed their interest and beliefs in their loyalty. They wanted to establish a

society that was based on the doctrines of Islam. Muhammad Ali Jinnah declared that

the system of Government in Pakistan would be based on the teachings of Qur’an and

Sunnah. Addressing a gathering on 1 February 1943, Jinnah said that;

“Islam is not only a religion but it is a complete code of life. All issues of Muslim Ummah whether they are social, political or economic are solved and decided under the light of Islam. We will solve all the issues regarding any department of life according to Islamic teachings.”922

919 Ibid. 920 Sayed Atta ullah Shah Bukhari made a speech in 1946, in Delhi mosque and said that this is all a

fraud with the Muslims. The people who don’t have Islam in their personal life and body, would be able to enforce Islam on the 10 cror people? (Hakeem Mahmud Zafar, 486)

921 Although the process started since October 1937 in the session of the Muslim League held at Lucknow, when three Muslim premiers of Bengal, Punjab, and Assam- A. K. Fazlul Haq, Sir. Iskandar Hayat Khan and Sir Muhammad Sa’dullah joined Muslim League along their relatives and supporters. (Afzal, The Case For Pakistan, XIX).

922 Abdus Sattar Ghazali, Islamic Pakistan Illusion & Reality (Islamabad: National Book Club, 1996), 26.

Liaqat Ali Khan and other leaders assured people that Pakistan would be a

‘laboratory for practical Islam’. This standpoint of Muslim League gathered a lot of

support from the Ulama’s quarters who were disappointed from the politics and

policies of the Indian National Congress and the allied organizations like Jam’iat,

Ahrar and Khaksar. Muslims concluded that to have Islam in their individual as well

as collective life, establishment of Pakistan was the only option left before them. Abd

ul Sattar Ghazali remarked that,

“During the mass contact campaign, which began around 1943, the Muslim League abandoned its quaint constitutionalist and legalist image in favour of Muslims populism which drew heavily on Islamic values. Wild promises were made of restoring the glory of Islam in the future Muslims state. As a consequence, many religious divines and some respected Ulama were won over”.923

Jam’iat-ul-Ulama/Non-Congress leaders (JUI) were not practically involved in

politics even the chief spokesperson and leading personality of this School Mawlana

Asharaf Ali Thanvi (1863-1943) did not come out of his Khankah (monastery) to

participate in political struggle. He favoured Muslim League because he supposed

Congress a blind man and Muslim League a one-eyed man. The one-eyed person is

always preferable if a man with perfect sight is not available.924

7.2 SPLIT IN THE JAM’IAT-UL-ULAMA-I-SARHAD

Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-Hind gradually changed in the later years from the position

of 1920s. In the initial phase of JUH the Ulama, related to different schools of thought

923 Ibid. 26-27. 924 Mawlana Ashraf Ali Thanvi, Dafu Baz Shub’hat Al’s Siyasiya Min Alayayt, Ifadati –Asrafiya, Dar

Masaeli Siyasiya, Mufti Muhammad Shafi, Ed. (Deoband: Maktba-i-Imdadiya, 1945), 96.

joined it.925 The later leadership drifted towards the Deobandi School of thought.926

When Ulama failed to strengthen their socio-political status, it allowed them to

establish various factions that weakened their sense of collective responsibility; they

grouped in to Ahli hadith, Shia, Ahrar and Momen Conference etc.927

Mawlana Shabir Ahmad Usmani, having a deep study of Indian politics

reached to the conclusion that the Congress was a Hindu organization. Owing to anti-

Muslims and dual policies of Congress, he got fed up with the pro-Congress attitude

of JUH and later on resigned from Jam’iat.928

After the start of Second World War and Pakistan resolution Jam’iat-ul-Ulama

was entirely shaken. In Jam’iat two groups were developed the pro-Muslim League

led by Shabir Ahmad Usmani and pro-Congress led by Mawlana Husain Ahmad

Madani. Although under the leadership of Madani, Jam’iat was already working from

a very long time with the Congress to achieve complete independence. Both the

925 Deobandi, Barelvi and Ahli-hadiths. Mawlana Sanaullah Amratsary was Ahli Hadiths and Mawlana Abdul Bari was from Farang Mahal. Mawlana Abdul Hamid Badayuni, and Mawlana Abdul Aalim (father of Mawlana Shah Ahmad Noorani, the ex-president of MMA (Mutahida Majlis-i-Amal) belonged to Barailvi School of thought. In the later decades, it was just a political wing of Deoband seminary. Israr Ahmad, Jamaat-i-Shaikhul Hind (Lahore: Tanzem-i-Islami Pakistan, n.d), 65.

926 Ibid. 27. 927 Israr Ahmad, 67. 928 The internal differences among the religio-political leaders started in 1932 from the issue of

participation in the Round Table Conference which harmed Jam’iat especially in the Khilafatist circle who shattered and moved towards Muslim League. On the question of civil disobedience movement, Jam’iat supported Congress. However, some Ulama under the leadership of Mawlana Muhammad Ali Johar organized a demonstration and held a meeting. They demanded that Muslims should participate in the Round Table Conference. (Rozina, Khutbat-i-Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-Hind, 25)

leaders, Shabir Ahmad Usmani929 and Mawlana Hausain Ahmad Madani930 were the

disciples of Shaikh ul Hind Mahamudul Hasan, the head teacher at Deoband.931

Mawlana Husain Ahmad Madani, responded to the two-nation theory as:

“There is no other opinion in the Hindu and Muslim culture and that they are two different nations but for the freedom of the country, it is to free the nation and for that purpose Indian National Congress struggle which is non-violent and all the communities of the Indians are considered as one nation for this specific purpose.”932

Muslim League’s demand of Pakistan influenced both the groups of

Jam’iat.933 The reason of the differences of Ulama over the question of Pakistan was

the silent clash of the leading Ulama in the Deoband Madarssah in 1930s-40s.934 The

Congressite Ulama frequently allowed the students to take part in politics while some

Ulama did not like the activity of students in politics in Deoband. Mawlana Ashraf

Ali Thanvi and Shabir Ahmad Usmani were not happy over the activities of Congress

elements in Deoband.935 Husain Ahmad Madani neglected Shabir Ahmad Usmani in

selection for a high post in Dar-ul-ulum Deoband.936 As a reaction, Shabir Ahmad

Usmani resigned and was isolated from Deoband in 1928. When his group 929 He was born in 1885 at District Bajnor where his father Mawlana Fazlu Rahman was deputy

inspector schools. Mawlana Fazlu Rahman was a disciple of Mawlana Mamlok Ali. He was among the founding members of Dar-ul-ulum Deoband. Mawlana Usmani graduated from Deoband in 1908 and voluntarily started teaching at Deoband. (Muhammad Anwarul Hasan Sherkoti, Khutbati Usmani (Lahore: Nazar Sons, 1973), 7-8 (Miyan, Ulama Haq Owr Unky Mujahedana Karnrmi, 338-39).

930 Mawlana Husain Ahmad Madani was born in 1879 in a village Bangar Maw of district Anaw. His father Mawlana Habibullah was Headmaster at a school and was a disciple of Hazrat Mawlana Fazl ul Rahman Ghanj Muradabadi. Mawlana Madani was sent to Deoband at the age of 13 and graduated in 1899 at the age of 20. During Tehreek-i-Raishmi Romal, he was arrested and sent to Malta along with his teacher Mawlana Mahmudul Hasan on 9 th December 1916. He was released on 13th March 1920 along with Shaikh ul Hind Mahmud ul Hasam and other friends. In the Karachi conspiracy case (where he gave a verdict/fatwa against the service of police, military and other British government. He was sent to jail along with Mawlana Nisar Ahmad, Mawlana Shoukat Ali and Mawlana Muhammad Ali. (Miyan, 402).

931 Rozina, Dastawezat, 25. 932 H. B. Khan, Tarekhi Pakistan me Ulama ka Siyasi o Ilmi Kirdar, 29. 933 Both the groups had already differences on the bases of political proclivities that had risen in the

leading Ulama at Deoband.The main issue was supervision and political activities of the students. 934 Abul Kalam Azad related to Congress and had relation with the Saikh ul Hind. He was having a

vital and prominent position due to his skills and political vision. However, the traditionalist Ulama of Deoband like Shabir Ahmad Usmani and Ashraf Ali Thanvi did not like him. (Rozina, Dastaweezaat, 25).

935 Like Mawlana Abul Kalam Azad who was basically president of the Congress. 936 Rozina, Khutbaat, 25.

strengthened like Ashraf Ali Thanvi and others in 1934, he was called again to serve

in Dar-ul-ulum Deoband.937

Mawlana Ashraf Ali Thanvi938 (religious scholar) had not considered the ideas

of the Indian National Congress beneficial to Indian Muslims and later on, he played a

role in Pakistan Movement. He also resigned due to the pro-Congress Ulamas who

were spreading their propaganda in the Deoband School.939 From the beginning,

Mawlana Thanvi was not in favor of the Indian nationalism, cooperation with Hindus

as well as the current democratic system of India in which the Hindu were in

majority.940

Later on, most of the Ulama had started an anti-Congress attitude and in the

coming days, Mawlana Sayed Fazli Samdani Banauri left Jam’iat when Jam’iat

decided in Amroha session to work jointly with Congress.941 In the Frontier province,

the political workers worked jointly in most of the religio-political organizations with

the same spirit to achieve freedom. The influential circle that belonged to Khilafatists

and Khakasar became opposite to the Jam’iat and Ahrar factions. Allama Mashriqi’s

views of radical Fascist style of a militant group clashed with the Ahrar and Congress.

Meanwhile the irresponsible942 and arrogant attitude of some Ulama of Jam’iat

detached them from the anti-British line.

The Muslim religious leadership was divided into Congress, Muslim League

and Ahrar on national level. The Frontier provincial Jam’iat sponsored those Ulama

who had affiliation with Deoband. They pooled into three major groups as;

937 Ibid.938 He was not a politician and insisted the Ulama not to take part in the politics. He asked them to

focus only on teaching and guidance of the masses. He died in 1943. He is considered as a spiritual supporter of the Pakistan movement. (Barbara Metcalf, 120.)

939 Rozina, Khutbaat, 25. 940 Hakim Mahmud Ahmad Zafar, Ulama Maidan-i-Siyasat May (Lahore: Baitul Ulum, 2005), 493. 941 Ameer Shah Qadri, 274. 942 Yousfi. 453.

1. Ulama with the JUH and had affiliation with the Congress like Jam’iat Ulama

Hind office bearer Mawlana Madani and Hifizul Rahman Sayuharvi etc.

2. Ulama who had tendency toward Pakistan established their own Jam’iat (JUI).

3. The Ulama who were in Ahrar wanted complete independence and were

revolutionary than JUH. Although the provincial branches affiliated with the

central but had no coordination with each other.943

There was also dissection in the Ulama of JUH and they were related to the

Congress united nationalist ideas like Abul Kalam Azad, Husain Ahmad Madani and

Mawlana Hifzu Rahman Sayuharvi. The second group was among the JUH who did

not follow the ideas of Congress and even sometime criticised the ideas of

Congressmen like Mawlana Mufti Kefayatullah, Mawlana Habibul Rahman, Mawlana

Sajjad Bahari and Mawlana Ahmad Said etc. The third group opposed Congress

from the beginning and when the grievances in 1937-39 grew up they established a

strong faction. They further established a sister organization of Muslim League. The

prominent figures were Mawlana Asharaf Ali Thanvi, Mawlana Shabir Ahmad

Usmani, Mawlana Muhammad Shafi, Mawlana Zafar Ahmad Thanvi, Mawlana Jamil

Ahmad Thanvi and Mawlana Khair Muhammad Jalandhari etc.

During the elections in 1945-46, both the groups were trying to convince

Muslim voters with religious arguments against each other. Husain Ahmad Madani

appealed to the Muslim voters not to cast their vote for Pakistan,as according to him

creation of Pakistan was like leaving the mosques, shrines, religious seminaries and

the centers of Muslim culture (in the Muslim minority provinces) at the mercy of

non-Muslims.944 Mawlana Shabir Ahmad Usmani made a counter appeal and

declared, “Everyone knows that Prophet (PBUH) did not carry with him the shrine of

943 Rozina, 2. 944 Madani, Hamara Hisdustan, 11.

Makkah when he left for Madinah. The Prophet did it because he wanted to turn

Madinah into a Pakistan.945

At that critical juncture, both the factions of Jam’iat did not realize the real

picture after the partition that both groups of Ulama were assuming during the

election of 1946. Muslim League contested on the name of Pakistan as an Islamic

state While the Jam’iat Ulama-i-Hind (JUH) contested on “Muslims in danger” and

Jam’iat Ulama-i-Islam (JUI) on “Islam in danger”. Between these two Indian Islamic

political blocks of the nationalist Ulama, Mawlana Abul Kalam Azad had a moderate

and different view, he declared:

“It is one of the greatest frauds on the people to suggest that religious affinity can unite areas which are geographically, linguistically and culturally different. It is true that Islam sought to establish a society, which transcends racial, linguistic, economic, and political Frontiers. History has however proved that after the first few decades, or at most after the first century, Islam was not able to unite all the Muslim countries into one state on the basis of Islam alone”.946

7.3 BRITISH URGE AND JAM’IAT ROLE IN PAKISTAN

Ulama in NWFP were also divided in different groups due to affiliation with

the different personalities of the Jam’iat at the center. All were using the name of

Jam’iat-ul-Ulama947 rather than an Alim having sympathy with Khaksar, Muslim

League, Congress or Ahrar.948 Jam’iat-ul-Ulama commonly had a circle in the middle

lower class and peasantry in India.949 In Frontier, the reason of the JUS/Non-Congress

breakup was the popularity of Khuda-i- Khidmatghars. The Mullahs had no social

status; they never took part as a candidate in the local Bodies Election. On the other

945 Mawlana Shabir Ahmad Usmani, Hamara Pakaistan, included in Khutba Sadarat Suba Punjab (Lahore: Jam’iat Ulama-i-Islam, 1946), 47-49.

946 Abul Kalam Azad, India Wins Freedom, 277. 947 Jam’iat-ul- Ulama Sarhad had no definite manifesto for the organization and membership as stated

in the manifesto of central Jam’iat in 1923. All categories of Ulama were having the same position as mentioned in the central manifesto of 1923 and 1939. There were three categories of Ulama and the office bearers were elected from the first and second categories but in NWFP it was not practiced.

948 In the early days there were some Muslim leaders who had membership in Muslim League as well as in Congress, but later on Muslim League abandoned that policy. (H. B. Khan, 256)

949 Faruqi, 67.

hand, Khan Abdul Gaffar Khan was a supporter of Shaikh ul Hind. He worked

together with the Ulama since the establishment of Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-Hind (1919)

especially in the Khilafat/ Hijrat movement and Sharia Bill agitation 1933-34.950

British feared from the unity of Pakhtun factions like Khan, Mullahs and religious

leaders and they broke up the unified position of the Pakhtun society during World

War II.951 Wali Khan alleged that British established Muslim League in the province

for the split in the Indian Muslims and particularly for the division in Pakhtun society

of the Frontier. He further criticized and explained “The Indian experience taught the

British that their purpose could only be fulfilled if Islam was used to steer politics.”

The foundation of the Muslim League was laid in September 1937, at Abbottabad952

by the Mullahs. Actually, Ulama in the NWFP had differences before the

commencement of the World War II. Wali Khan observed that relations between the

Ulama and British during the World War II propaganda established because British

needed the tribal and settled districts for the control of rages against British.953 On that

ground, Mawlana Husain Ahmad Madani criticized those Ulama and Khans who

supported British cause to divide India and establish two separate states. 954

The British objectives were mostly focused on the inaccessibility of political

powers of the Pakhtuns. They were not in favour of the one united strong political

organized party as the reports said they kept a dynamic recruitment for the political

activities of every combating political organization. Ulama were pampered by British 950 Khan Abdul Ghafar Khan, Aap Beti, (Autobioghraphi) Trans. J. Parkash Narayn, Zama Juwand Aw

Jaddu Juhd (My Life and Struggle) (Lahore: Fiction House, 2010), 27. He participated in the movement of Haji Sahib Turangzai and facilitated Mawlana Saif ul Rahman during Hizbullah movement.

951 Wali Khan, 84. 952 Muslim League was established in NWFP in 1912 in Peshawar however, it was not active till 1937. 953 Wali Khan, 85. 954 Mawlana Husain Ahmad Madani told Mawlana Shabir Ahmd Usmani at the moment that Muslim

League was a British favored organization which was made and supported for the division of Indian sub-continent. Mukalima Bain-al-Saddrain, 8. (Dialogue between two presidents Husain Ahmad Madani and Shabir Ahmad Usmani. It was a debate between the two presidents, of Jam’iat documented by Mawlana Muhammad Tahir. (Mawlana Muahmmad Anwarul Hasan Qasmi, Kamalat-i-Usmani (Multan: Idara-i-Talifat-i-Asharfi, 2006), 626.

in politics of “divide and rule” on one side and on the other side “Watch and ward”.

No doubt, majority of the Ulama of NWFP had played an extensive role in the

religious affairs of Pakhtun that influenced their socio-political culture. In this matter

through Kuli Khan, Frontier Jam’iat was used for the pro-British propaganda during

the World War ll and in the latter period, they worked for anti-Congress elements.

During the war, Kuli Khan was commissioned to work secretly with tribal Mullahs

and others who were not prepared to come out in open support. When World War II

started, Kuli Khan instructed the Ulama to label the enemy of British as the enemy of

‘Islam’. Through Mullah Marwat, Kuli Khan established relations with the office

bearers of the Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-Sarhad.955 Wali Khan remarked,

“When Hitler’s armies’ darkened European borders, the British, once again, found their boundaries endangered. At that time, we witness Islam being used in India. The Nawab and the Khawanin were brought under the banner of Muslim League and Islam as political force was strengthened not only in the Frontier province, but also in tribal areas as well as in Afghanistan.”956

These affaires were sensed and criticized by Ulama in central Jam’iat as well

as in provincial. In central Jam’iat, Muhammad Miyan condemned the role of Shabir

Ahmad Usmani to support Muslim League instead of JUH that was, according to him,

the result of the relations of Nizam Hyderabad Deccan.957 In provincial Jam’iat,

Mawlana Abdul Rahim Popalzai and Mawlana Abdul Wadud condemned the office

bearers of JUS i.e. Muhammad Daud and Mullah Marwat. They were considered as

the government agents.

Some Ulama of the Jam’iat helped Muslim League in the Frontier and British

were happy to combat anti British elements (Congress), as Wali Khan sensed it, the

division of the strength of Pakhtun. By doing so, the British objectives revealed from

the report given by the Governor NWFP to secretary of state as,

955 BL, MSS, EUR, D. 670/19, 3. (Secret correspondence with the external affairs department regarding propaganda through Mullahs etc.)

956 Wali Khan, 88. 957 Miyan, Ulama-i-Haq Owr Unky Mujahedana Karnamy, 339.

“In Charsadda the Khans are attempting to form a party to counter Congress propaganda. The interesting point in this move is that Charsadah is strong hold of red shirts. The part probably identifies itself with the Muslim League once the League is established locally in Mardan also there was considerable feeling against the Congress and it was being encouraged by Sir Abdul Qayum, who is now living in his village Topi, in Sawabi Tahsil.”958

JUS leaders reorganized Muslim League in NWFP and established the Muslim

League branch in Abbottabad. The event was presided over by Mawlana Shakirullah

of Nowshehra, the vice president of Jam’iat-ul-Ulama Sarhad. Mawlana Muhammad

Shuaib of Mardan, the secretary of the Jam’iat-ul-Ulama Sarhad was made the

president of the new Muslim League.959 Waqar Ali Shah said, “The activities of the

Abbottabad branch of Muslim League are confined to a limited area. It was

considered more a district than a provincial organization as it failed to keep full

contact with Muslims in Peshawar and other parts of the NWFP”.960

7.4 ULAMA AND THE QUEST FOR PAKISTAN

On 29/30 December 1940, in the session of JUH, Mawlana Husain Ahmad

Madani stated,

“On this occasion of serious time the British pretended the proclamation and not want to give independence to the Indian. Jam’iat-ul-Ulama want to see the land independent that was the main cause and aim of Jam’iat’s struggle. Therefore, Jam’iat declared his policy in the Meerut session of September 1939, in letter and spirit (that was also sent to vicroye).” 961

This statement declared that due to the non-cooperation with the British, most

of the Ulama were arrested and sent to jail.962 The JUH along with Ahrar-i-Islam

started a campaign of anti-British movement as the Second World War started in

958 BL. IOR. L/PJ/5/211. Reported In the Internal Situation of the North West Frontier Province, No, 14, dated: 9th November 1937. 38.

959 Ibid. 85-86. 960 Shah, Ethnicity Islam and Nationalism, 101. 961 Miyan, Ulama-i Haq, Vol. 2, 149-50. 962 The arrested Ulama were: Mawlana Ahmad Ali Lahori, Mawlana Hifzu Rahman Sayuharvi,

Mawlana Abul Wafa Shajahanpori, Mawlana Sayed Muhammad Shah and Mawlana Muhammad Ismaiel, etc.

September 1939. The leader of Ahrar met after the war on 13th September 1939 and

they decided to oppose the recruitment of army in the British force.963

The perception toward partition was different among the various groups

particularly Hindus, Muslims and the British. The British knew the reality behind the

scene of division but due to Muslims’ emotions, they were unable to go back over.

Olaf Caroe remarks after partition,

“I think the partition was a great disaster in the fact that the way we left India, partition we undid the greatest thing ….The greatest thing we did really, during the Raj, was to unify the India, and in the last stage we nullified the greatest thing we’d done by partitioning India and look at the result; and this was mainly due to Jinnah.”964

Jam’iat was not against the creation of Pakistan but they were against the

division of Muslims as they would divide in three sections i.e., the eastern wing

(Bengal and Asam), the western wing in Punjab, Sind, Baluchistan and NWFP and in

the Indian provinces and other territories where they were in minority. Most of the

Ulama said that the division would create hatred that would be very harmful for the

future of the Muslims in the sub-continent. JUH presented such a demand that would

insure the dignity of the Muslims as a whole and if there would be a bill that Muslims

do not want in the central assembly that would not be accepted being the minority in

India.965

Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-Hind conference was held at Bacharayun Uttar Pardesh on

April 23 to 25 1942. In the conference, Mawlana Husain Ahmad Madani raised the

demand for complete independence that led to his arrest on June 24, 1942. He was

jailed for six months; however, on the expiry of the jail terms, he was again

imprisoned up to 26 of August 1944 under the defense act.966

963 Mawlana Gul Sheer of Jhand, Attock, worked against the British recruiting policy and was arrested and sent to jail for two years. (H. B. Khan, 46.

964 BL, MSS, EUR, C. 273/1-5, narratives of Olaf Caroe, 101. 965 H. B. Khan, Tahriki Pakistan Mi Ulama Ka Siyasi o Ilmi Kirdar, 20. 966 Faruqi, 103.

After passing the Pakistan resolution on 24th March 1940, Ulama responded

and split into two blocks, one accepted the resolution which was the group of

Mawlana Asharaf Ali Thanvi and Shabir Ahmad Usmani. The other rejected,

comprised of Mawlana Abul Kalam Azad (associated with the Congress) and

remained its president and Husain Ahmad Madani the president of Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-

Hind.967

Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-Hind was not in favour of the partition and considered it a

conspiracy. Mawlana Said Ahmad Akbarabadi remarked, “The 3rd June plan, which

was based on ‘The Two Nation Theory’ the Ulama-i-Deoband did not agree with that.

According to them the partition was not the suitable solution of the political problems

of India and it was quite discrimination to sacrifice and left in a vague position three

and a half million Muslims of (India) for the independence and prosperity of five and

a half million people of (Pakistan)”.968 About this posture of Jam’iat, Ziya ul Hasn

Fruqi said,

“The Jam’iat never conceded the doctrine of two nations as advocated by the League. Since its very inception it stood for a “united Indian nationalism” (Mutahidda Qumiat) this for the very core of the entire League, Jam’iat differences. The Jam’iat’s stand on his fundamental and controversial point was fully explained by Mawlana Husain Ahmad Madani one of its chief spokesperson and for years its president, in his Mutahidda Qumiat our Islam, 969 in the light of the Quranic verses and the prophetic traditions.”970

Moreover, he (Madani) also presented his presidential address at the

Annual session of the Jam’iat-ul-Ulama at Junpor (U.P) in June 1940, He

declared:

“We the inhabitants of India, in so far as we are Indian, have one thing in common and that is our Indians which remains unchanged in spite of our religious and cultural differences. As the diversities in our appearances,

967 H. B. Khan, Tahrik-i-Pakistan Mi Ulama Ka Siyasi o Elmi Kirdar, 7. 968 Said Ahmad Akbar Abadi, Hind-o-Pak ki Tahreeki Azadi or Ulam-i-Haq Ka Siyasi Muaqqif,

compiled and edited by Abu Salman Shahjahanpuri, (Lahore: Al-Jam’iat publication,2007), 14-15. 969 Name of the book written by Mawlana Husain Ahmad Madani. 970 Faruqi, 103.

individual qualities and personal traits and colors and stature do not affect our common humanness, similarly our religious and culture differences do not interfere with our common association with our homeland. Therefore, like the other, Millats, and Non-Muslims religio-cultural groups, it is incumbent, upon the Muslims to have concerned with a struggle for the attainment of national interests fight against the evils that hamper the country ‘s progress and prosperity….This duty which arises us of our common sharing in the happiness and misery of our motherland , is obligatory on all. Religious differences, in no case, serve as an impediment in the way of fulfilling this obligation. This is what I mean by the “Mutahidda Qumiyat” The other meaning that the other people attributing to it are wrong and baseless. The Congress, having the same stand (as our) has made provision of all religions, culture and languages. The European conception of nationalism or the outlook of (certain) individual Congressmen regarding the different interpretation of the Congress fundamentals is unacceptable to the Jam’iat. It denounces it and is totally opposed to it.” 971

Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-Hind published a fatwa on 17 December 1942, about the

contemporary freedom movement in India in which an attempt was made for clearing

their position to the Indian Muslims against the Muslim League. The Fatwa contained

on the Quranic verses and saying of the Prophet which stresses on the Jihad and

freedom. It was also translated in Pashto by Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-Sarhad.972 The

statement declared that the united India would be parliamentary government and after

the British withdrawal, all the religions and cultures would be free. Mawlana

Muhammad Miyan said that Congress had accepted the principle (Jam’iat’s stance

about independence) in its Bombay session held on 6-8th August 1942, that the

provinces would be free and the center would occupy those rights that would be given

to it by provinces. All the powers would be controlled by the provinces. If majority of

the provinces wanted freedom from the center, that would be possible and they could

independently establish their centers.973

Contrary to that, Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-Islam’s Mawlana Mufti Muhammad Shafi

also prepared a fatwa on the questions of the members of Majlis Dawat ul Haq

Bombay. It was acknowledged by Sayed Sulaiman Nadvi, the Fatwa gave detailed

971 Ibid.103-104. 972 Miyan, Ulama Haq Owr Unky Mujahedana Karnrmi, 514. 973 Rozina, Khutbat Jam’iat, 742.

advices to the Muslims of India to accept the demand for a separate state and join

Muslim League for the achievement of a Muslim independent state where the rules of

Sharia would be followed.974

Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-Hind had his own concept of a separate state for the

Muslims living in Indian Territory as it was passed in 1942 Lahore session of Jam’iat-

ul-ulama-i-Hind. Jam’iat considered it a solution for the future of all Indian Muslims.

It was stated by Mawlana Hifzu Rahman Sayoharvi that, “In India, Muslims are not a

minority like other minor groups because in some provinces they have majority and in

provincial sovereignty of the Indian state, they would enjoy full equal rights while the

center would enjoy only those powers which the provinces would contribute to it

collectively.”975

7.5 JAM’IAT FORMULAE OF PARTITION

On the issue of the Indian constitutional problem, there were two formulas of

the Jam’iat, one was the Saharanpur formula (1931) which was prepared during the

Round Table conferences and the other was Madani formula 1945.976 The former was

accepted by the Jam’iat on 3rd August 1931 while the later was presented for the

constitutional extension of the Muslims point of view on 31st January to 1st February

1945 in the office of the Jam’iat in Delhi.977 Mawlana Husain Ahmad Madani was a

zealous follower of the idea of national unity. His various addresses emphasized its

importance and he thought that partition was a division of Muslims rather than the

division of India. According to him, “National unity among the people of Indian

creeds and cultures has been alive since centuries. It is a unique example of unity.” He

974 H. B. Khan. 349. 975 Mawlana Hifzu Rahman Sayuharvi, Tahreeki Pakistamn Par Aik Nazar (Dilhi:n.d), 46-47. Also

cited by H. B. Khan, 19. 976 Presented by the president of Jam’iat Ulama-i-Hind ‘Husain Ahmad Madani; therefore it was

called Madani formula. 977 Miyan, 84-85.

criticized those people who blamed the Congress, which advocated the liberty of

religion, culture and language on the secular lines.978

7.5.1 Saharanpur Formula of 1931

The recommendations of Saharanpur formula was presented as response to the

Congress formula.979 These recommendations were given in the executive body

session of Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-Hind, held on 3rd August 1931.980 All the members of

Jam’iat decided that these points would be included in the coming constitution of

India. The suggestions in the formula were;

1. The culture of different communities would be independent and the government

would not interfere in it.

2. The Muslim judges (Qazi) would decide the Muslim’s personal laws.

3. A Supreme Court would be established.

4. The system of government in the Frontier and Baluchistan would be the same as

in other provinces of India and Sindh would be established as a separate

province.

5. The right to vote would be given on the bases of adult franchise. There would be

no reservation in Punjab and Bengal.981

978 Farhat Tabassum, Deoband Ulama Movement for the Freedom of India (New Delhi: Jam’iat Ulama-i-Hind, 2006), 157.

979 All India Congress presented solution for the constitutional problems of the various communities of India and declared that if other political organizations or groups gave more suitable suggestions that would be accepted for them.

980 Mawlana Said Ahmad translated it in to English and sent it to all the leaders of the political parties in India.

981 Ibid. 84.

6. The system of government would be federal. All the provinces would be

independent. A non-align public service commission would be established to

make selection of candidates on merit.

7. No amendment would be acceptable in the constitution unless all the elements

(federation units) accept it. All sections of the formula are correlated so if any

section is changed the whole formula would stand revoked.982

7.5.2 Saharanpur Conference from 31 January to 2 February 1945

Mawlana Husain Ahmad Madani repeated the following points in Saharanpur

in 1945. The goal of JUH is complete independence, Muslims would be free, they

would enjoy religious and cultural freedom, complete autonomy of the provinces and

the center would get the residuary powers.983 The autonomy of provinces is necessary

and the center would not impose its dictatorial will on the provinces.984 Mawlana

Sayed Muhammad Miyan explained that Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-Hind desired to protect

religious, political and cultural rights of the Muslims. In the form of federation, it

would be accessible to the rights of minorities without the threat of non-Muslim

majority. According to him, the formula further created possibility of alliance that

would be acceptable for the Muslims and non-Muslims as:

1. The parliament might have the following ratio: Hindus 45%, Muslims 45% and

other minorities 10 %.

2. If the Muslim members reject any proposal by 2/3rd majority, it would not be

placed and passed in the house.

3. There would be a Supreme Court having equal members of Muslims and non-

Muslim judges.985

982 Farhat Tabassum, 156. 983 Ibid. 984 Ibid. 985 Ibid.

4. Any other suggestion would be accommodated that would be made by both parties

mutually. 986

7.6 SHABIR AHMAD USMANI (JAM’IAT-UL-ULAMA-I-ISLAM) RESPONSE TO MADANI FORMULA ON THE QUESTION OF PAKISTAN

After the All India Jam’iat Ulama-i-Islam Calcutta session (JUI), Jam’iat-ul-

ulama-i-Hind leaders987 met Shabir Ahmad Usmani to resolve the differences over the

question of Pakistan.988 Mawlana Hifzu Rahman tone was against the Jam’iat-ul-

Ulama-i- Islam. He was of the opinion that the JUI was funded by British to divide

Muslims. Mawlana Madani used to say that the partition was not the partition of the

sub-continent but it was the division of Muslims in India.989 After hearing the speech

of the Mawlana Hifzu Rahman Sayuharvi, Mawlana Shabir Ahmad Usmani gave the

answer one by one in details that showed his great vision on the Muslim politics.990

Mawlana Usmani put three important questions about the Jam’iat-ul-ulama

formulae, which were laid down for the replacement of Pakistan scheme. Mawlana

Usmani asked, “Did you approve that formula from Congress?” Mawlana Sayuharvi

replied in negative, and said, “We do not want to take something from Hindus in

advance.” The second question was that, “At this time our debates based on the

situation that whether the British had gone or present? Because when we demand

986 Miyan, Jam’iat Ulama Kiya Hay, 87-86. 987 The delegation of the Ulama was comprised of Mawlana Mufti Kefayatullah, Mawlana Husain

Ahmad Madani, Mawlana Ahmad Said, Mawlana Hifz ul Rahman, Mawlana Abdul Halim Sidiqi, Mawlana Abdul Hananand Mawlana Mufti Atiq ul Rahman. (Anwar ul Hasan, 623.)

988 After the election of 1945-46 the pro-Muslim League Ulama founded a separate organization with the name of Jam’iat-ul-Ulama Islam to combat the pro-Congress Ulama. They held a huge session in Calcutta on 26 to 29 October 1945. They selected Mawlana Shabir Ahmad Usmani as the first president in his absentia who had earlier resigned from the JUH.

989 In the partition the Muslims would be divid in three parts of the Indian sub-continent i.e. Indian provinces and states where the majority of the Hindus, in East and West Pakistan.

990 Mawlana Muahmmad Anwarul Hasan Qasmi, Kamalat-i-Usmani (Multan: Idara-i-Talifat-i-Asharfi, 2006), 623.

something so it would be from British or from Hindus?” Mawlana Sayuharvi replied,

“It can obviously be presumed that the British are still in charge.” The third question

was that, “The revolution that you want whether it is the constitutional or the ormed

revolution?” It was responded that it was constitutional.

After this Mawlana Usmani said “Look in the presence of British, which way

is better whether the Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-Hind proposed way or the Muslim League

way, to achieve Pakistan?” Mawlana Usmani said, “In the present time the total

majority of the Pakistan Muslims would be seven crore and the non-Muslims 3 crore

population.”991 Mawlana said, “In your formula of Jam’iat in the central assembly, 40

Muslims 40 Hindu and 20 others at this ratio our part will be 40:60; while in the

Muslim League formula this is vice versa there will be Muslims 60:40 ratio.” At this

Mawlana said, “You answer me what will happen if in 60 % Muslims ratio we would

not be able to do some good, how will we be able in 40%? 992

Some Ulama of Deoband supported the policies of Muslim League and the

demand for Pakistan. According to their opinion, it was necessary to have a separate

state to save Muslim culture and the establishment of Pakistan was needed to enforce

Islamic system and Quranic way of life.993

7.7 THE 1945-46 ELECTIONS AND JAM’IAT-UL-ULAMA-I-SARHAD

Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-Hind leadership was struggling for the united Indian

Muslims about the aftershocks in divided Indian subcontinent and the strength of the

minor groups living in India. In September 1945, Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-Hind Central

leadership organized a four-day conference of the other minor groups to make a

parliamentary board for the rights of their respective portions of community. In these

991 It was based on the population of East and West Pakistan of that time. 992 H. B. Khan, Tahriki Pakistan mi Ulama Ka Siyasi o Ilmi Kirdar, 108-109. 993 Rozina, 101.

organizations, the Khuda-i-Khidmatghars, All India Momin Conference, the All India

Muslims Majlis, the Ahrar, the Independent party of Bihar and Krishak Parja Party

were included.994 They collectively made a parliamentary board and Mawlana Husain

Ahmad Madani was elected president to contest Muslim League in the coming

election of 1945-46.995 Due to that effort, Jam’iat-ul-ulama won 2 seats for the first

time in the North West Frontier Province legislative Assembly. Nationalists had won

16 percent seats in the provincial assemblies.

After the end of the World War ll in 1945, in Britain, the Labour party

succeeded and took the office on 20th July 1945. On 21 August 1945, the viceroy

announced the election to be held in India in 1945-46.

Sayed Wiqar Ali Shah remarked,

“In the issue of election in 1946, the Muslim League was on its trail, It had to disapprove the Congress claim that several Muslim groups and parties like the Nationalists, Ahrar, Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-Hind, Muslim Majlis, Azad Board, etc. who were opposed to the League ideology,996 represented overwhelmingly Muslims opinion”.997

In 1946 election, political parties like Muslim League, Ahrar, JUH, K.K,

Khaksar, and many independent candidates took part. JUH, K.K, Ahrar and Congress

made an alliance in NWFP.998 Muslim League also became active for election and

sent two members Nawab Muhammad Ismail and Chodri Khaleeq ul Zaman to

NWFP.

Muslim League set up three boards as, (a) Selection board for selecting

candidates (b) Election board for the arrangements of election and (c) Finance board

for the fund and maintenance of accounts. Most of the members were the wealthy

994 More than fifty memebrers of those parties along with hundred members of Jam’iat participated in the meeting. (Rozina, 101).

995 Barbara Metcalf, 141; Rozina, 101. 996 Like Jam’iat Ulama-i-Hind, Ahrar, Khuda-i- Khidmatghars, Jamat Islami, Muslims Majlis Azad

Board, etc, were not in favour of the League’s idea of division as their leadership having the ideology of separate state.

997 Shah, Muslim League in NWFP, 93-94. 998 Ibid. 271.

persons of the province and the common workers were not given share and were

ignored.999 The electoral rules were revised which gave more opportunity to the

people then the earlier as some 20% population was enlisted and given the right to

vote in the province.1000 The elections were held between 26 January and 14

Feruary1946 and the results were announced by 18 February 1946. The main political

parties like Khuda-i- Khidmatghars, Congress and Muslim League won, eighteen,

twelve and seventeen seats respectively1001 while JUS/Congress won two seats in the

province and one seat by Akali Dal.1002

RESULT OF THE PROVINCIAL ELECTION OF 1946 AND PARTY POSITION

Party Total Muslim/ Rural

Muslim/ Urban

General/ Rural

General/ Urban

Sikh Land Holders

Khudai Khidmatghars 18 17 01 ---

Congress 12 01 6 03 02

Muslim League 17 13 2 --- --- --- 02

Jam’iat-ul-Ulama (JUS)

02 02 --- --- --- --- ---

Akali Dal 01 --- --- --- --- 01 ---

Total 50 32 04 06 03 03 02

(Source: Erland Jansson, India, Pakistan or Pukhtunistan, 151,255-63. And, Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan, Zama Jwand Aw Jaddo Juhd,733)

Many of the sources mentioned the Congress has won thirty seats in NWFP,

however, there were only 12 seats won by Congress. As completely 32 members

were counted for to Congress, among them 18 were Khuda-i- Khidmatghars, 9 were

Congress, 2 were Sikhs and 2 were Jam’iat-ul-ulama members. Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-

Sarhad/Congress for the first time participated in the electoral politics of the province

and put up four candidates in which only two were able to secure their seats; the two

999 Ibid, 96. 1000 A. S. Dahawan, Report on the general election to the Central Assembly (NWFP Constituency and

to the NWFP Legislative Assembly in 1945-46 (Peshawar: Manager Government Stationary and Printing, 1946), 10-11.

1001 Ian Talbot, 81. 1002 Erland Jansson, India, Pakistan or Pakhtunistan, 151.

winners were Nawbzada Allah Nawaz Khan (D.I.Khan South) and Asadullah Jan

(Kulachi) The remaining two loosing candidates were Khan Wali Muhammad Khan

Tanawal-Muslim Rural and K.B Sardar Muhammad Nawaz Khan peasants.

JUS workers and Ulama played a leading role in agitations, launched for the

constitutional reforms and political development. However, JUS preferred those

applicants of candidacy who could win their seats. Interestingly, the political activities

of JUS were carried out by the workers and Ulama in the settled districts while the

membership was granted to the sitting MLAs belonging to wealthy class, i.e. Nawab

Allah Nawaz Khan1003 and Asadullah Jan Khan.1004 The former being the son of

Nawab of Dera Ismail Khan and the later himself was the sitting chief of the Ganda

Pur wealthy tribe of Dera Ismail Khan.1005

The ground on which some Jam’iat Ulama workers1006 had felt reservations in

1937 election proved very sensible while they were neither supported nor given

weightage. Congress had won seats from the Pakhtun dominated areas while the non

Pakhtun area was compensated1007 by the so-called Jam’iat members1008 who were not

1003 He was born on 6th December 1906 at Dera Ismail Khan. He received his early education at Dera Ismail Khan and later on went to Shimla Charist Church and Bishop Cotton Church School. After that, he went to England for higher education. He was elected as official member in the 1932 legislative council and was re-elected in 1935 legislative assembly elections. In 1946, after being elected for the third time from his constituency, he was made deputy speaker of the assembly. He remained the deputy speaker till 1954 and kept the honour and prestige of the house by his abilities and excellent work. He also served as a member public service commission and later on chairman from 1958 to 1961. He remained the chairman of Pakistan Text Board for several years. He also served as the vice chancellor of Ghomal University Dera Ismail Khan in 1974. (Aziz Javed, Quaid-i-Azam owr Sarahad (Peshawar: IdaraTahqiqi-o-Tasanif, 1987), 482.

1004 It was interesting that he was associated to Muslim League till 1944, however, later on joined Congress . (Rittenberg, 195). He was a graduate of Lahore College and was made the Sardar (chief) of his tribe after the death of his father. He was also elected MLA in the 1937 election, and remained an independent member of the house. He was a great admirer of Khan Abdul Ghafar Khan and being a member of Jam’iat he always respected him. He died on 16 September 1966. (Muhammad Shafi Sabir, Shakhsiyati Sarhad (Peshawar: University Book Agency n.d), 415-416.

1005 Rittenberg, 195. 1006 Mawlana Muhammad Shuaib and Mawlana Midrarullah.1007 Jansson, 151. 1008 Nawab Allah Nawaz Khan and Asadullah Jan Khan. The former was the son of Nawab of Dera

Ismail Khan and later was the chief of the ‘Ganda Pur’ a wealthy and influential tribe of Dera Ismail Khan.

from the Ulama class and the objection proved rightly, JUH served Congress not the

cause of Islam or the Ulama.

The interesting point was that all the religio-political parties put more

candidates in the election than JUS, which proved the concern of the Non-Congress

Jam’iat in the province. The other minor political parties like Khaksar put up 13

candidates, Ahrar 9, Akali Dal 3, and Hindu Sabha 1.1009 It is to be note that two

important personalities of the JUS (Ahrar) contested in 1946 election but could not

succeed, i.e. Mawlana Ghulam Gous Hazarwi and Mawlana Abdul Quam. After the

election of 1945-46, the pro-Muslim League Ulama founded a separate organization

with the name of Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-Islam to combat the pro-Congress Ulama. They

held a massive meeting in Calcutta on 26 to 29 October 1945 and selected Mawlana

Shabir Ahmad Usmani as the first president in his absentia who had earlier resigned

from JUH.1010

The slogan of “Pakistan” in NWFP was soon burst when the election result

came and Muslim League swept the polls in the Central Legislative Assembly and got

all the Muslim seats. The provincial position was ambiguous and the Congress won

with a clear majority and formed its own government. After the election, Cabinet

Mission1011 was sent to India for the framing of future constitution. On 1st April 1946,

the mission started meetings with the Indian Leaders. Husain Ahmad Madani was also

invited on behalf of the President All India Muslim Parliamentary Board. On 16 th

April 1946, Husain Ahmad Madani and Abdul Majeed Khwaja, Shaikh Husamuddin

and Shaikh Zaheeruddin met the members of the commission while Hafiz Muhammad

Ibrahim attended the meeting as a translator. Cabinet Mission took interest in the

1009 Shah, 100. 1010 Rozina Parveen, 27. 1011 The members of the Mission were Lord Pathick Lawrence, (Secretary of state for India), Sir S. Cripps (President of the Board of Trade) and A.V. Elaxander (First Lord of the Admiralty).

Jam’iat’s Formula and gave importance to it when they drafted their own statement on

16 May 1946.1012

On the other side JUI was not invited by Mission however, Mawlana Zafar

Ahmad Thanvi sent a telegram on 18 April 1946 and wrote that Muslim League was

the sole representative organization of the Muslims of India and All India Jam’iat

Ulama-i-Islam is with Muslim League. Pakistan was the demand of the Muslims and

it cannot be denied.1013

The objectives of the Congress and League were opposite, the Congress stood

for United India and the Muslim League wanted Partition.1014 Both at first accepted

the Cabinet Mission Plan but the League withdrew its support of the plan in view of

the statement of Jawaharlal Nehru about certain vital provisions of the plan and

resorted to “Direct Action”. The Mission was not succeeded to bring about a

consensus among the political parties and finally gave its own plan. The Congress

responded positively and formed Interim Government without consulting the JUH.

The executive committee of JUH, on September 21st 1946, in a meeting criticized

Congress in the selection of Muslim Members of the Interim Government and the

allocation of important portfolios among them.1015 Stephan Alan Rittenberg

commented,

“As India’s communal conflict grew more embittered in 1946, Muslim League rapidly acquired popularity in the Frontier. Integral to its newfound strength was the widespread support it received from the province religious leaders, and especially it’s Sajjada Nasheen. Additionally once India exploded into violence in August 1946, the League warning, ‘Islam is in danger’ assumed a credibility and insurgency in Pakhtuns’ eyes, it had previously lacked and its call for Pakistan acquired a powerful attraction. Together, these factors triggered a variant on the Pakhtun traditional response to crises by which they temporarily set aside their mutual enmities to unite under spiritual leaders in the interest of a higher religious cause.”1016

1012 Miyan, Hayat-i-Shaikh-ul-Islam (Lahore: Jam’iat Publications, 2010),179.1013 Mahmood Ahmad Zafar, 543.1014 Shah, 169.1015 Rozina,103.1016 Rittenburg, 187.

The results show that the ideologies of the Muslims Ulama had more power

than the regional affinity because JUI leadership sacrificed their homeland and came

to Pakistan.1017 The differences between the two socio-political beginnings (Indian

nationalism versus two-nation theory)1018 came to logical end when some of the

Doebandi Ulama established separate organization with the name of Jam’iat Ulama-i-

Islam in November 1945 under the president ship of Mawlana Shabir Ahmad Usmani.

At that critical time, the election was contested with the slogan of Islam in danger

under the Islamic scholar like Mawlana Usmani and Mufti Muhammad Shafi.1019 The

breach in the circle of Ulama, one group was feeling Indian “Muslims in danger”

(JUH) the other group (JUI) along with the Muslim League raised up the slogan of

“Islam in danger.”1020 Both groups were having weightage due to their own

geographical conditions, the former was led by those who had inhabited in the Hindu

majority provinces, and to them the Muslims were in danger due to Hindu dominance

and the latter had either no political sense or practical experience, or, they were in

favor of migration to Pakistan.1021 JUS pro-Congress group acted upon the Madani

formula and the pro-Muslim League group accepted the two-nation theory. The

former opposed to assist the government and the later supported the government

policy.1022 The pro-Congress Jam’iat led by Mawlana Sayyed Gul Bad Shah,1023

1017 Mawlana Shabir Ahmad Usmani, Mufti Muhammad Shafi, Mawlana Zafar Ahmad Usmani and Mawlana Shabir Ahmad Tanvi migrated to Pakaistan during 1947.

1018 Mawlana Shabir Ahmad Usmani, Mufi Muhammad Shafi and Mawlana Anwar Shah Kashmiri had left Deoband in 1927, over an issue of student politics in Deoband. Mawlana Shabir Ahmad did not like the participation of students in politics, especially for the Deoband student, while, Mawlana Madani insisted on the politics for the students and other workers of Deoaband. After the death of Anwar Shah, he came again to Deoband in 1935. However, resigned again in 1942 along the Mufti Shafi who was the grand Mufti of Deoband at that time.

1019 Barbara Metcalf, 142. 1020 Faruqi, 95. 1021 Ashraf Ali Thanvi and his nephew Shabir Ali Thanvi, Mawlana Shabir Ahmad Usmani and his

nephew Zafar Ahmad Usmani and Mawlana Shabir Ahmad Usmani cousin Mufti Muahmaad Shafi, only these two families had served for Pakistan movement, especially in referendum. (Hafiz Muhmmad Akbar Shah, Tahreeki Pakistan owr Ulama Deoband (Karachi: H. M. Said Company, 1978), 263-386.

1022 These Ulama had also supported British in the Second World War against the central Jam’iat policies.

1023 His actual name was Sayed Lateef Rahim and belonged to a small villag Toru, Mardan.

Mawlana Abdul Rahim Popalzai and the pro-Muslim League Jam’iat led by Mawlana

Shakirullah, Mawlana Abdul Wadood Sarhadi, Mawlana Midrarullah, Mawlana

Shaista Gul and Mawlana Muhammad Shuaib. They struggled for the creation of

Pakistan along with Muslim League. In 1945, the All India Jam’iat-ul-Ulama-i-Islam

conference was held in Hyderabad Sindh. The pro-Muslim League JUS affiliated with

the Jam’iat-ul-Ulama-i-Islam which was established under the leadership of Shabir

Ahmad Usmani.1024 Mawlana Midrarullah also participated in the conference. His

brother Mawlana Muhammad Shuaib became a focal person of Muslim League in

NWFP. He suggested the Muslims of India in one of his letter to join Muslim League

and left Congress.1025

One of the unexpected changes in the outlook of the people towards the

popularity of Congress was important, that dubbed the opposing elements of Muslim

League. Eight months before All India National Congress won thirty seats while in

October 1946, the province was being turned in disfavor as the Nehru tour in Frontier

revealed.1026 The British officials like Sheikh Mehboob Ali successfully arranged the

Muslim League campaign for the failure of Nehru visit.1027 Nehru realized the actual

position of Khan Brothers and due to “Ill jugged tour of Frontier.”1028 Although

Mawlana Abul Kalam Azad and Olaf Caroe 1029 advised, Nehru not to visit Peshawar

1024 Mufti Midrarullah, Khan Abdul Ghafar Khan Siyasat owr Aqayed (Mardan: Shirkat Printing Press,1995), 271.

1025 Choudri Habib Ahmad, Tehreki-Pakistan owr Nationalist Ulama (Lahore: Albayan, 1966), 915. 1026 Pandit Jawahar Lal Nihru was the head of the external affairs in the interim Government of India in

1946. He was invited by Khan Abd ul Ghaffar Khan to the Frontier province. Before that, Muslim League decided Direct Action Day on 16 August 1946 and demonstrations were observed in different parts of the province. Frontier Muslim League made a programm against the Congress and spread a successful propaganda through daily newspapers and local maliks.

1027 Janson and Shah have given details of some interviews of eye witnesses during their respective research trips to Miranshah, Malakand, Razmak, Khyber Agency and Tank etc. for example “Gulab Khan was given 200 rupees to snip at Nehru’s plane when landed at Razmak”. That justifies the support and encouragement by British plane through low rank Muslim officials. (Shah, 190)

1028 BL, MSS, EUR, C. 462, from the Gerald Curtice wife memoir the last twelve years of the British Raj recollected by the wife of a British district officer at Peshawar in 1946), 96- 97.

1029 BL, MSS, EUR, C. 273), 105.

because the time was not suitable but he did not turn an ear.1030 Nehru came to

Frontier on visit in 1946 and was badly disheartened by the Pathans who severely

disgrace him along Dr. Khan in Dargai. The English deputy commissioner of

Peshawar saved Nehru and convinced him to go back to Peshawar.1031 This was due to

the government support to the Muslim League and the British official of that time

specially Olaf Caroe and Shiekh Mehbob Ali policies. They supported the pro-British

elements and did not want to keep those people in power that had Congress agenda.

Jam’iat had the Indian nationalist sentiments and their supporters by one way or the

other were bent upon to Muslim League agenda.

In the last phase, the JUS/Congress restricted to mosques and their struggle

started and ended on the (Friday) Juma prayer speeches only, because the masses

supported League led Jam’iat and they were active until the referendum of NWFP.

7.8 1947 REFERENDUM IN NWFP AND THE ULAMA

Mountbatten1032 came to India as the last viceroy and assumed the charge on

22nd March 1947 to work on the transfer of power to Indians.1033The Prime Minister of

British, Attlee announced the 3rd June plan in the House of Commons and 15 August

was chosen for the transfer of power. On 14th of June in Delhi, the Congress held a

session and Welibb Bhy of U.P presented the proposal of Indian division. Mawlana

Abul Kalam Azad1034 accepted along the leadership of Congress but Jam’iat-ul-Ulama

1030 In a Press Release of Muslim League, the issue of Islam Bibi was also re-opened during the Nehru visit to Frontier. (civil and military gazette 13-10-1946 cited in Fakhrul Islam, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa A Political History 1901-1955, (Islamabad: National Institute of Historical and Cultural Research, center of Excellence, Quaid-i-Azam University), 64.

1031 BL, MSS, EUR, C. 462, (Daily Graphic October 22, 1946. 1032 Louise Francis Albert Victor Nicolas Mountbatten was the last viceroy of India. He was a young

and intelligent British admiral. His ancestors were related to the Queen Victoria of the United Kingdom.

1033 Fakhar ul Islam, Referendum in NWFP: ‘A Significant Chapter in the Freedom Movement’ Pakistan No. 43 (Spring &Autumn 2010), 44- 84.

1034 He remained the president of Indian national Congress in 1923 and 1940-46. He was of the opinion that there is only one nation in India and that was the Indian nation. On the other hand Jinnah, the ML leader hold an opinion that India primarily was consist of two nations, the Muslims and the Hindus.

did not agree with that. Mawlana Hifz ul Rahman Sayuharvi who was a member of

the Congress Working Committee declared it harmful for the Indian Muslims.1035 On

24th July 1947, JUH executive committee meeting was called. They expressed that the

sole purpose of Jam’iat was the complete independence of India. They admitted that

the division of Punjab and Bengal is destructive for the Muslims. The Ulama reflected

this plan as destruction and dangerous for the Indian Muslims because at the proposed

scheme Muslims would be divided in three parts.1036

The British realized that if they tried to force an election in NWFP due to

Muslim League civil disobedience movement in the Frontier the Congress had strong

grounds for rejection. The referendum would only be acceptable tool that could be

easily used according to the situation, as Nehru was also interested on the gesture of

Frontier to join Pakistan or India.1037

Muslim League was supported in the early days by the non-Pakhtun of Hazara

region and gained a sufficient popularity after the start of Second World War 1939.

During the imprisonment of Congress MLAs in Frontier, Aurang Zeb Khan formed

first government in 1943, which compelled the Khanate class, and they flocked in to

Muslim League like vulture over crops.1038

7.8.1 Civil Disobedient Movement in Frontier

Muslim League agitation against the Congress government in the NWFP

started in both Peshawar and Mardan, consisting of the holding of processions in

order to break orders issued n/s 144 Cr. P. C. At Mardan, a Muslim League

procession of 19 February attacked local Hindus in the bazar and demanded the return

of Miss Pasri. 1039 1035 H. B. Khan, 177. 1036 Ibid. 1037 BL. MSS. EUR, C. 357. p, 180. (Private Letters Mountbatten to Lord Listowel 1st May 1947). 1038 Ian Talbot, Pakistan A Modern History (New York: St. Martin Press, 1998), 84. 1039 On January 1947, a village in Hazara was attacked by a mob. A Sikh young man was killed and his

wife was kidnaped. She was brought to Abbottabad and married to a person Meer Zaman, although

At Peshawar, a meeting was held; Arbab Abdul Ghafur of Tehkal demanded

that the Frontier government should return Miss Pasri to Muslims, as she had been

legally converted to Islam.1040 They demanded that Muslim League workers who had

been arrested at Mardan should immediately be released. After the meeting, a large

procession moved towards Peshawar cantonment with the intention of demonstrating

at the house of Dr. Khan Sahib. The Deputy Commissioner Peshawar, met the

demonstrators on its way and directed it to disperse, but the instructions were

disobeyed and tear gas was used in an attempt to stop the procession. Some members

of the procession entered the garden of the house of the premier, where they damaged

doors and windowpanes, and snatched files from the office. Khan Yahya Jan, minister

for education, was attacked and flowerpots were hurled at him but fortunately, he

escaped unhurt. The crowd was addressed by Bakht Jamal Khan of Mardan and Arbab

Abdul Ghafur of Tehkal.1041

Muslim League leaders repeated the demands of the newly converted Muslim

women. Speaking from the balcony of his house, Dr. Khan Sahib warned them that

such conduct would not, in any way effect his decisions. Meanwhile support of the

military was called for. The crowd later moved to Peshawar jail, where after a lengthy

meeting between district officials and members of the procession, 33 were arrested

including Arbab Abdul Ghafur, Muhammad Zaman president and Fazli Khuda

Secretary of the Khyber students union.

she was pregnant. Deputy Commissioner went to Abbotabad on 6th February and took in custody Miss Pasri and safely brought her to Peshawar. On 18 th February she was presented before the city magistrate Abdul Rasheed, where she gave a statement that she was forcefully converted to Islam. Also that she was married to Meer Zaman by force. By this Muslim League launched a mass agitation which proved fruitful for the civil disobedience movement. This incident showed the mental, ethical and religious downgrading of the people of the locality in the wave of political propaganda. (Miyan, Ulama-i-Haq Owr Unky Mujahedana Karnamy, 711).

1040 Riaz Ahmad, Police Intelligence Abstracts NWFP (Islamabad: NIHCR, 1947), 313. 1041 Ibid.

A case under sections 395/397/148/149 I.P.C was registered against a number

of leading Muslim League supporters present in the gathering. The arrested leaders

were, Arbab Muhammad Sharif Khan M.L.A, Mian Musharaf Shah M.L.A, S.

Mazhar Gilani, Fida Muhammad Khan Pleader, Hafiz Obaidullah Khan Retired

Superintendent of Police of Umarzai, his son Hidayatullah Khan, Shah Nawaz Khan

of Utmanzai and Mir Alam Khan of Tangi.1042 After that some other leading Muslim

League personalities were arrested under section 40 F.C.R including M. Jalaluddin,

Zain Muhammad Khan, Sultan Hassan Ali Khan and Sardar Bahadur Khan M.L.As.

Muhammad Shafi contractor and Mushtaq Ahmad of Peshawar. The action aroused

considerable excitement amongst Muslim League supporters.1043

In Hazara district, feelings were high over the decision of the Frontier

government to return Miss Pasri to her relatives. A defense committee was formed to

defend Muslims who were arrested in connection with the recent communal

disturbance. A meeting was held on 18-20th February 1947, in Peshawar city where

speakers expressed their shame in high enthusiastic mood that the Sikh girl Miss

Pasri, who had embraced Islam and had been given back to the Sikh by Dr. Khan

Sahib.1044

The Muslim League civil disobedience campaign of 1947 against the Congress

ministry in the North West Frontier province was developing a scene of those

sentiments that were in the province in 1930, 1932 and 1942. The difference was that

instead of the British government, the demonstrators targeted the Congress

government.1045

1042 Riaz Ahmad. 1043 Ibid. 1044 Ibid. 1045 Peshawar Police Intelligence diary Week ending, Tuesday, 4 March 1947 p, 316.

7.8.2 Referendum in NWFP

Frontier people had a deep love and respect for the religious leadership. The

Muslim League civil disobedience campaign had spread to all districts of the

province.1046 In Hazara district, courts and police stations were picketed in

Abbottabad, Haripur and Mansehra. The enthusiastic role in the referendum was the

outcome of the constant agitation that stirs up the masses on religious bases. The Pir

of Manki had been most active in addressing Muslim League meetings.1047

As the date of the referendum coming nearer the pace of the campaign was

increasing. Numerous important Muslim League leaders of the Punjab along with the

Ulama visited the Frontier province and addressed large gatherings. The speakers

pointed out that the Muslims in other provinces were trying to establish a strong and

united Pakistan. Abdul Ghaffar Khan and the red shirt organization were criticized as

Congress agents who were attempting to undermine the strength of Pakistan.1048

Ulama and Muslim League leaders visited all the districts and worked hard for the

success of referendum. Hazara District was visited by Raja Ghazanafar Ali Khan,

Mawlana Shabir Ahmad Usmani and Mawlana Abdul Hamid Badayuni.1049

Referendum in Frontier province was important for Muslim League. It would

be the matter of life and death; therefore, Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinah met

Shabir Ahmad Usmani and gave him instructions to go to NWFP. Mawlana Shabir

Ahmad Usmani along with Zafar Ahmad Usmani, Mawlana Quddus Bahari, Pir Jamat

Ali Shah, Malik Feroz Khan Noon, Raja Ghzanfar Alai Khan, Chandar Regar,

1046 Ibid. 395. 1047 Peshawar Police Intelligence diary Week ending, Tuesday, 11th March 1947, p. 318. 1048 P.I. A, NWFP, Peshawar for the Week ending, Tuesday 1 July 1947. Riaz, 360. 1049 Riaz Ahmad, 360.

Nawabzada Sadiq Ali Khan, Sardar Abdul Rab Nishtar and Mawlavi Bashir Ahmad

Akhgar visited the province and convinced the Frontier people to vote for Pakistan.1050

Mawlana Abdul Sattar Khan Niazi also came to Frontier in support of Muslim

League cause and delivered speeches at various places. In one of the speeches he said,

“We have two alternatives before us whether to join or rather accept slavery of Bania Barahman Raj in Hindustan or join the Muslim fraternity, the federation of Muslim provinces. Every Pathan takes it as an insult for him to prostrate before Hindu Raj and will gladly sit with his brethren in Islam in Pakistan Constituent Assembly. A Pathan is a Muslim first and a Muslim last”.1051

Mawlana Shabir Ahmad Usmani came to Frontier in the hot days of July and

visited Peshawar, Bannu, Kohat, Hazara and Abbottabad for referendum. He made

enthusiastic speeches in these districts and told the people that if they succeeded in the

referendum, there would be a Muslims state of their own, Sharia would be established

as a rule of the land and Quran and Sunnah would be the base of the Islamic rule.1052

He delivered an excited speech in the Cunningham Park in Peshawar in July

1947. He explained the differences between the two main Ulama groups and

interpreted wisely that,

“When I saw that JUH has become a slave organization in the hands of Congress, I left them. When Muhammad Ali Jinnah and Liaqat Ali Khan told me about the establishment of Pakistan that if the Muslims gave us vote for Pakistan, there will be the rule of Sharia, so, I joined Muslim League and cooperated with them in their mission. We will make Pakistan an Islamic state in the near future inshallah.”1053

I. I. Chundrigar, member of commerce in the interim government, objected to

the statement of M. Gandhi, recommending the establishment of a free Pathan state

and he added that Gandhi wished to create disunity amongst Muslims. He asked why

the Pathanistan scheme had not been voiced before the declaration made by his

1050 Mawlana Shabir Ahmad Usmani, Daily Newspaper, Hamara Pakistan, Birth day issue Peshawar: 8th March, 1956. The speech of 29th Jun, 1947.

1051 Khalid bin Sayeed, Pakisatn the Formative Phase (Karachi: Pakistan Publishing House, 1960), 221.

1052 Sherkoti, 230. 1053 Ibid. 234.

Excellency the viceroy on June the 3rd? Raja Ghazanfar Ali Khan expressed his belief

that the Khan Brothers would follow the example of Khizr Hayat Khan and would

join the Muslim League.1054

Allama Shabir Ahmad Usmani stressed upon the Muslims of Frontier that

Pakistan would be established soon and there would be Islamic rules and laws.

Mawlana Muhammad Ashraf 1055 writes about the visits of Allama Uthamni and Mufti

Muhammad Shafi, “I myself witnessed the Referendum in Frontier Province. I was

part of the group. This group of Deobandi Ulama and Pir Manki (late) crushed the

charmed of All India Congress and the charismatic leadership of Abdul Gaffar Khan

in NWFP”. Due to the struggle of Jam’iat-ul-Ulama Islam, Frontier voted in favour of

Pakistan.1056

Most of the Ulama related to Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-Sarhad were the students of

Mawlana Mufti Muhammad Shafi and Mawlana Shabir Ahmad Usmani and they did

not oppose them in the referendum. Among the other several graduates of Deoband

who were the devotees of Mufti Shafi, were Mawlana Muhammad Yusaf Banuri,

Mawlana Abd ul Haque, Mawlana Sarfraz Kahn Safdar, Mufti Sayahuddin Kaka Khil,

Mawlana Sayed Badshah Gul1057, Mawlana Qazi Abdul Karim Kalachvi Dera Ismail

Khan and Mawlana Abdu Quddos Kaka Khil.1058

The referendum was held on 6th July 1947 and continued for ten days to decide

whether NWFP should join Pakistan or India. The Khuda-i- Khidmatghars were not

happy to take part in referendum on the proposed grounds because Khan Abdul

Ghafar Khan’s opinion was that the people of NWFP had given judgment against

Pakistan in the election of 1946, only sixteen month ago and the referendum at that 1054 Hafiz Muhammad Akbar Shah, Tahreeki Pakistan Owr Ulama Deoband, 361. 1055 He was a renowned scholar and worker of Pakistan movement and later on served as Head of the

Department of Arabic, University of Peshawar. 1056 Hafiz Muhammad Akbar Shah, Tahreeki Pakistan Owr Ulama Deoband, 324. 1057 He was the Muhtamim (Admintrator) of a Dar ul Ulum in Akorra Khattak Nowshera. 1058 Ibid. 308. He was the elder brother of Qazi Husain Ahmad, the ex-Ameer Jamaat Islami.

stage was not necessary.1059 The Muslim League and British knew that now the

situation had changed and they had a better position on the proposed draft of whether

India or Pakistan, because the people were interested in Pakistan instead of India.

The actual position of the Khan Brothers and Khuda-i- Khidmatghars was

familiar with Nehru in October 1946, during the visit of NWFP as Prime Minister,

that was an unpleasant incident and stimulated the communal feeling.1060 They had

recognised the Pathan attitude towards Congress. Therefore, they ignored the well of

pakhtun Nationalists and did not put more stress at the time of referendum.1061

Referendum was a clash between the Pakhtun nationalism (Khudai

Khidmatghars) and Pakistan Muslim nationalism (Muslim League) which was just to

satisfy the Indians. The plan of NWFP was already made to include in Pakistan

although the Khan Brothers and the elected government was opposing the referendum

on the question of India or Pakistan.

The reasons of the failure of Khudai Khidmaghars were based on two main

causes i.e. Pakhtun ethnic tone and division of the urban and rural masses, while the

referendum was not in the Pakhtun ethnic majority areas. Their attitude was based on

the racial sense and not accepted to the urban areas like Peshawar, Dera Ismail Khan,

Hazara districts, which were more developed but ignored. Allah Bakhsh Yusfi

remarked, “The people of Peshawar were mostly Pathan but they were called by

Khuda-i- Khidmatghars as Khari (urban) and insulting titles were given as “Lala

Ghamo” and “Ghandiry Walas.”1062

1059 Khan Abd ul Ghafar Khan, Zama Jwand aw Jaddo Juhd, 784. 1060 Olf Caroe said “I warned Nehru but he did not accept. Later on the Congress president ‘Mawlana

Abul Kalam Azad’ was also informed who also gave similar advice”. BL, IOR, MSS, EUR, C. 273/1-5, 50.

1061 Khan Abdul Ghafar Khan also regrets and remarked that, “Congress had pushed them towards the beasts”. (Zama Jwand aw Jaddo Juhd, 781).

1062 Yusfi, Sarhad owr Jaddojuhdi Azadi, 498-99. The Pakhtun always kept a difference in the ethnicity and identity of those who have a known cast and those who live with them as Hamsaya. In Peshawar most of the Pakhtuns were not known to which cast or tribe they belonged. The difference they made (for identification) was of urban and rural or the Pakhtun and non-Pakhtun. Some were

Muslim League along with the Pirs and Ulama of the province intensified its

propaganda efforts.1063 Numerous leaders from other provinces addressed meetings

that were held in all districts throughout the province. A total of 62 Muslim League

meetings were held in the province in a week. The large audience, estimated to be 20,

000 attended the meeting held on 29th June in the Cunningham Park Peshawar.1064

A Muslim League political conference was organized at Bannu on 2nd July

which attracted large audiences, who were addressed by leading Muslim League

speakers, including Mawlana Shabir Ahmad Usmani, the Pir of Manki Sharif, the

Sahibzada of Karbogha, the Faqir of Ama Khel and the Pir of Ghari Sharif. 1065

7.9 JAM’IAT AND CONGRESS STAND ON REFERENDUM

Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-Hind did not show any interest in the referendum. The Pro-

Muslim League Ulama made the referendum successful and after some years, these

Ulama were screened out from the political scene of the provincial politics. Most of

Ulama related to the Madani School but they were left alone because the Central

Jam’iat was depended upon the Congress. The Pirs and prominent Khanate washed

the local people away. Jam’iat /Muslim League elements like Mawlana Shabir Ahmad

Usmani School and Mawlavi Baradran1066 of Mardan in the province, along with the

Pir of Manki Sharef struggled for the success of referendum. The case of

JUS/Congress was different because Congress had no concerns for the future of

NWFP. As Muhammad Iqbal Chawla remarked,

called Kassabghar, and other Hamsaya. Yusfi has identified and mentioned different names and terms for that. That probably was one of the facters in the disfavour of the Khuda-i- Khidmatghars in the referendum.

1063 Most of the political leaders like Khan Abdul Qayum Khan, Khan Abas Khan, Mawlana Sayed Fazal Samdani, Pir of Manki Sharif, and Pir of Zakorhi were supporting Muslim League.1064 Riaz Ahmad, 362. 1065 I. P. A, NWFP, Peshawar: weekending, Tuesday, 8 July 1947. 1066 Mawlana Muhammad Shuaib and Mawlana Midrarullah were popularly known by the Frontier

people (related to Muslim League) as Mawlavi Bradran (Mawlavi Brothers).

“As a matter of fact the Congress party had no serious concern for the future of the NWFP. It believed that owing to its geographical location, it would not become part of India. It simply wanted to use the ‘NWFP card’ as a leverage to secure more share for itself in other provinces”1067

In this matter, Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-Hind policy was quite different. They had a

practical approach and decided according to the welfare of the Muslims of this

province. Mawlana Ghulam Ghous Hazarvi was the provincial executive committee

member and was related to Madani School in Jam’iat.1068 When referendum was

launched in 1947, Mufti Kefayatullah (the Ex-president of Jam’iat-ul-Ulama) told

Mawlana Hazarwi that he was in favor of Pakistan in the referendum because it would

be favorable for the Muslims of Pakistan in future. Mawlana Hazarvi said, “I agreed

with that.”1069 That is the reason Ulama of both groups (JUS and JUI) supported

Pakistan in referendum. On the other side, Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan was also

worried on the Congress cold-hearted policy towards NWFP specially Pakhtuns,

Abdul Ghfar remarked,

“Congress was struggling from sixty years in war for freedom and they were not able to win freedom alone if the Pakhtuns would not participate with them. We joined and gave sacrifices like Qissa Khawani Bazar, Takar, Utmanzai, Kohat, Hatikhil and Meerwas1070 Massacres and Sacrifices, so it became possible and when time came for the freedom, we were left alone and were not treated well and even the referendum on the question of India and Pakistan was propelled forcibly on us.”1071

Referendum was held on 6-17th July 1947 and the results were announced on

18 July 1947. Pakistan had a marvelous success with the following figures:

1. Vote for Pakistan: 2 89,244

2. Vote for Hindustan: 2,874

3. Winning Difference: 2, 86,370 1067 ? Muhammad Iqbal Chawla, ‘Mountbatten and the NWFP Referendum Revisited’Vol. 48, (No1,

2011) 1-52. 1068 Suhail Ahmad Awan, Mawlana Ghulam Ghous Hazarvi Mazhabi-o-Siyasi Khidmat (Lahore:

Maktaba Jamal Urdu Bazar, 2009), 47. 1069 Ibid. 48. 1070 These are the names of places in Frontier where the Pakhtun clashes occurred during the struggle

for freedom. 1071 Abdul Ghaffar Khan. Zama Jwand au Jedojuhd (My Life and Struggle), 784.

Mawlana Shabir Ahmad struggle proved fruitful, the people of Frontier gave

vote for Pakistan in the referendum of 1947, and North West Frontier province was

included in Pakistan.

According to Ian Talbot, one reason of the success of the Pakistan nationalist

elements was the social structure of the NWFP at the closing decades of British rule,

that the main ethnic groups were two, Pakhtun and non-Pakhtun. The Pakhtuns were

less than one fifth of the population of that time.1072

The British officials were happy on the winning of the League Referendum in

the province. In the tribal territories, the situation was quite wonderful due to the

British policy of award and allowances.1073 The political situation in the province had

greatly improved. The League had won the referendum in an unexpected

overwhelming majority of vote and Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah was

appointed as the Governor General of Pakistan.

The Congress workers left no stone unturned to instigate the tribal people. The

Faqir of Ipi was also taking thumb impressions of people visiting him to remain non-

aligned. He still veiled some influence over the illiterate masses but that was a

temporary stage.1074 Faqir of Ipi impressed the people but he was not sure of the

League or Congress role. Faqir Ipi’s khalifa was busy trying to obtain thumb

impression from leading tribesmen to the effect that they support neither the Congress

nor the Muslim League.1075 On the other side, some Maliks of Wazir and Dawarh 1072 Non-Pakhtun Muslims formed 55 per cent of the population. Hindu and Sikh 8 per cent and the

Pakhtun 37 per cent. Non-Pakhtun Muslims predominant in the Hazara and Dera Ismael Khan districts, while in Peshawar and Bannu Pakhtun formed a clear majority. (Ian Talbot, Pakistan, A Modern History (New York: St. Martin Press, 1998), 81.)

1073 The political agent wrote the secretary as “the political situation in the NWTT is running very successfully. The profits occrred during the last quarter is being divided amongst the tribes and they really appreciated the success. It is undoubtedly according to your untiring efforts, keen interests and constant supervision to make it success. The tribes’ men are very happy and pray for you”. (BL. IOR, MSS EUR, 1005/1, Bromhead Papers, Lt. col. sir B. E. G. Bromhead, Bart, O. B. E. political Agent North Waziristan (1945-47) Letter from Miran Shah Dated July 1947.

1074 BL. IOR, MSS EUR, 1005/1, Bromhead Papers, Lt. Col. Sir B. E. G. Bromhead, Bart, O. B. E. political Agent North Waziristan (1945-47) Letter from Miran Shah Dated July 1947.

1075 BL/IOR/L/PS/12/3269/31, Weekly Summary of the Events in Waziristan for the Week 9-5-47.

tribes went to Peshawar who were impressed and convinced by the British officials

that, British government would withdraw from India by June 1948 and the Waziristan

people would be free to decide their own future.1076 Pir Manki agent visited and

convinced the Maliks not to cooperate with the Congress and contrary to that the

workers of Congress were also in a political tour and they proceeded to D. I. Khan.

Muhammad Ali Jinnah made it clear in a statement to the press on 31 st July

that, tribal allowances would be continued after 15th August until Pakistan government

can negotiate new agreement with the tribes and the control of the agencies would be

the same as present.1077

Dr. Khan Sahib reacted and said Referendum was not impartial, honestly and

according to the real will of the people. He addressed a press conference at Peshawar

and remarked, “The Frontier ministry will not resign on principle unless a definite

promise if forthcoming general election will be held immediately in absolutely free

and fair atmosphere to ascertain the real will of the people”1078

All the religious organizations gave favor to Pakistan in referendum because

the K. K demands1079 were neglected by the Quaid-i-Azam. The result of the

referendum went in favor of Muslim League and 99.02% votes were cost in the favor

of Pakistan. The Congress ministry of Dr. Khan Sahib was dismissed by Quaid-i-

Azam, the first Governor General of Pakistan and the new ministry of Abdul Qayum

Khan was installed.

1076 Ibid. para No. 5. 1077 BL. MSS. EUR, C. 357. Private letters Mountbatten to Lord Listowel 16th August, 1947. 1078 BL, IOR, R/3/1/165, File no. 1446/53/ G.G/43. Press cutting, The Hindustan Time, 18 th July 1947,

New Delhi. 1079 A meeting was arranged between Khan Abdul Ghfar Khan and Quaid-i-Azam on June 18 th 1947.

Abdul Ghafar Khan demanded (a) complete provincial autonomy (b) the right for the province to withdraw from Pakistan if it so desired; and (c) the right to admission to the NWFP of contiguous territories inhabited by Pakhtun. Jinnah replied, first join the constituent assembly and then all the matters will be decided with mutual understanding in the constituent assembly. (Shah, 221).

Muslim League rose in the final stage of Pakistan movement in 1946-47 and

that was the result of that passion stirred up by Ulama, Mashaikh and Pirs active in

the provincial politics. The Ulama mostly swift to Muslim League and the remaining

part was silent due to indeterminate cause of the creation of Pakistan by modernists.

In that scenario, JUS /Congress lacked the organizational structure to counter Muslim

League. Although JUH working committee on Jun 24, 1947 rejected the partition plan

and the president of JUS Mawlana Gul Badshah stood with the Central Jam’iat,

however, they had no force to resist the independence plan and finally the sub-

continent was divided and NWFP became a part of Pakistan.

CONCLUSION

In this study, the role of Ulama in the political history of NWFP has been

examined; especially the critical years of freedom movement have been focused in the

political, social and economic uplift of the Muslim society in the British India. It was

also assumed that religion and politics could not go together and the religious

seminaries were the centers and bastions of fundamentalism. Ulama were considered

the instigators of extremism and old fashioned in a social structure who used

madrassa for degenerating political and social development of society.

However, this study revealed that the Ulama played a proactive role in British

India and in the freedom struggle. Their efforts might not always yield positive results

but their commitment had been exemplary. Islamic teachings produced impact on the

Ulama to play their role for the guidance and uplift of the Muslim society, socially

and politically.

The downfall of the Muslims started after the death of Mughal King

Aurangzeb (d.1703). Although, Shah Waliullah (1703-1762), tried to control the

situation from further deterioration however, no permanent solution was reached at.

Externally the British, the French and the Dutch besieged the Muslim powers while

the Marahatta, Jat, Rohila and Sikhs damaged the Mughal power internally i.e. within

Indian sub-continent. Any observer and reader of the history can find Shah

Waliullah's mission as a bridge between the medieval and the modern period in India.

He assessed the situation and explained the main reason of the sectarian strives. In his

opinion, the lack of fundamental knowledge of Quran and Sunnah was the basic

reason behind Muslim’s downfall. Yet, the Ulama and common people did not pay

much attention to the issue.

The Muslim community faced different challenges in the Nineteen century,

i.e. Christian missionary activities and the communalism, which badly affected them.

Ulama like Shah Abdul Aziz (1746-1824) responded and declared India as Dar-ul-

Harb (the land of war), which proved to be a turning point in the relations of Muslims

with the British. Mujahedin movement of Sayed Ahmad Barelvi was the result of that

Fatwa supported by Shah Ismail (d. 1831) and Abdul Hai (d. 1828), the family

members of Shah Waliullah. The main purpose of that movement was to free the

Frontier from the Sikhs and then India from the British.

One can observe that after Sayed Ahmad’s martyrdom, the remaining

Mujahedin have imprinted remarkable effects on the coming era of Pakhtun social and

religious life. Ulama like Haji Imdadullah, Mawlana Qasim Nanutawi and Mawlana

Rasheed Ahmad Gangohi in continuation to Sayed Ahmad struggle, took active part

in the war of independence, 1857. Consequently, after the British victory, Ulama were

punished and their properties were confiscated. Most of them were severely tortured

in different cases, like the trial of Ambala 1864, Raj Mahal 1870 and Azimabad 1872.

It was a tough time for the Muslims in general and for the Ulama in particular. Many

of them migrated to other countries and places, while many found shelter in some

other places within India. Some Ulama thought to change the defeated position by

engaging with educational institutions and propagation of religious knowledge. Dar-

ul-Ulum Deoband (seminary) was the outcome of that scheme.

Deoband seminary influenced the people in NWFP and made a good

impression on their socio-political lives. Its graduates who belonged to Punjab,

Frontier and Afghanistan made a link between the religious leaders of India and Dar-

ul-Ulum Deoband. The Pakhtun leaders, i.e. Haji Sahib Turangzai and Umara Khan of

Jandol were encouraged in their freedom struggle by the Ulama of Deobend.

The religious education held immense importance in the Frontier region and

Afghanistan due to the latter’s socio-political system. The graduates of religious

seminaries mostly held the posts of Qazis (judges) in the law department, evacuee and

finance departments of the state. In this way, Deoband, NWFP and Afghanistan were

closely linked and religiously tied since the inception of the Madrassa Deoband.

The Shaikh ul Hind as he was known, Mahmud- ul- Hasan participated

tremendously with undeniable efforts in the freedom struggle of the British India. He

was an influential character and his disciples from the Frontier were much involved in

getting freedom from the British. Among his disciples Mawlana Saif ur Rahman,

Mawlana Fazli Rabbi, Mawlana Fazal Mahmud Makhfi, Mawlana Abdul Aziz,

Mawlana Muhammad Ishaq, Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan, Mawlana Ahmad Gul of

Kohat, Mawlana Ghulam Ghous Hazarvi and Mawlana Abdul Rahim Popalzai were

much prominent. They were the pioneers of the freedom movement inspired by the

thoughts of Shaikh ul Hind and Ulama-i-Deoband. These Ulama were in contact with

the Mujahedin (the freedom fighters) in the tribal area and with the prominent Ulama

and politicians like Mawlana Abul Kalam Azad, Mawlana Zafar Ali Khan, Mawlana

Shoukat Ali, Mawlana Abdul Bari Farang Mahal, Hakeem Ajaml Khan and Dr.

Mukhtar Ahmad Ansari. They helped the Mujahedin in different ways. It is interesting

that the founder of Tablighee Jamaat, Mawlana Ilyas, was also a supporter of these

Mujahedin in that time.

The second and third decades of 20th century were decisive and significant in

respect to Muslim religious politics in India. During Balkan wars, in 1913, Anjuman-

i-Khuddam-i-Ka’ab, (Association of the servants of Ka’aba) was established, started

by Mawlana Abdul Bari Farangi Mahal, Mawlana Shaukat Ali and Mawlana

Muhammad Ali. It was the early organization which stirred up the masses on the

religious grounds. That association had a great impact upon the politics of North West

Frontier Province and played its part in Khilafat movement. Tahreek Hizbullah was

mostly present in the tribal set up and could not achieve the desired political outcome,

however, Pakhtun social reformers like Haji Sahib Turangzai worked under the

instructions of Sheikh ul Hind “to educate the people first”. It became a socio-

religious movement of awakening the people of the province.

Mawlana Mahmud-ul-Hasan’s strategy of “Tahreek Raishmi Romal” 1914-

1916 was basically an invitation for Turkish attack on British India on its North

Western Frontier Province. However, due to different reasons the movement could

not get success. The failure of the movement or pan-Islamic efforts moved the Ulama

towards political struggle. Pakhtun in the Frontier jumped into the political affairs in

the Khilafat movement and the enthusiastic action of the Ulama in “Hijrat Movement”

had far reaching effect on the Frontier Muslims.

Jam’iat Ulama-i-Hind, established in 1919 with an objective to serve the

Muslims Ummah (Muslim community) in the political and non-political matters

within the given constitutional frame work. However, the broader focus of the

organization of the Ulama was to free the country (India) from the British occupation.

They wanted to organize the Muslims of India under the banner of JUH for preserving

Islam and safeguard the religio-political interests of the Muslims. However, in most of

the occasion senior political leaders in the political game used Ulama. For example, in

non-cooperation movement, Ulama gave fatwa for the participation of Muslims and

forbidden the government services and practicing law in the courts etc. When Gandhi

called off the non-cooperation movement without the consent of the Ulama the Ulama

did not respond. It not only ended the non-cooperation movement but also damaged

the Khilafat movement and its goals.

The religious leaders of Frontier usually attended meetings of the Jam’iat

Ulama-i-Hind due to educational and spiritual relations with the Deoband Ulama. The

regional and local Jam’iat Ulama were founded even before the provincial branch of

Jam’iat Ulama-i-Hind/Sarhad was organized. JUS start taking interest in the problems

of the province in the subsequent years. The first serious effort of the NWFP Ulama

was the formation of a local office of the Jam’iat-ul-Ulama established at Shaido,

Nowshera. Afterwards for the first time the Ulama demanded the adoption of Sharia

instead of the Riwaj system in the province.

JUS struggled for introducing reforms in NWFP and criticized the Bray

Committee to Frontier, contrary to the opposing features of the Hindus, Khans, and

elite of the province. The Hindus and Sikhs due to numerical inferiority wanted to

merge the province with Punjab.

JUS held an all India annual conference in Peshawar in December 2-5, 1927.

It was an exclusive event of Jam’iat Ulama Sarhad as other major political

organizations (Congress and Muslim League) could not hold an annual session before

the partition of the subcontinent in the North West Frontier Province. They demanded

reforms for the NWFP and the unity of all Muslim sects.

In 1930s, Ulama were active in the non-cooperation and civil disobedience

movement and several Ulama, activists of JUS and Congress were arrested. When a

Sikh police officer insulted Mawlana Abdul Rahim Popalzai, the people rose against

the administration and the clash between public and police in the Qissa Khawani

Bazar resulted death of forty persons and arrest of other several dozen. The Qissa

Khawani Bazar event (April, 1930) evoked all the people in the Frontier and resulted

some unusual events like the Takkar firing, Bazar Kalan incident and Hathi Khel

incident of Spin Tangi etc. On the British side the murder of Murfee at Mardan and

killing of many other government officials in Frontier were recorded.

The fourth decade of twentieth century was even more significant in the

constitutional history of the NWFP. The province was grown into a full fledge

governor province and three Round Table conferences were held from 1931 to 1932.

Frontier reforms program was the only item upon which all Indian leaders agreed. In

1932, electoral politics was fast-tracked with the establishment of legislative council.

India Act of 1935 was passed and legislative council’s members were increased from

forty to fifty. One of the most important milestones of this council was Muslim

personal law Sharia bill. In 1935, JUS made an agreement of cooperation with Khudai

Khidmatghar and agreed upon the points that if they were cooperating with JUS,

Ulama would work for the removal of the ban on red shirt organization.

The Ulama invited the leading Khans and convinced them along other

members of legislative council to favor the bill in the council. The common people of

the province had very less knowledge of the applications of laws incorporated in the

Sharia bill. Unfortunately, some Ulama of Mardan (Sawabi) operated propaganda

against the bill which had been made conspiring by the local Khans who had least

interest in the Sharia. Sharia Bill agitation effected the Pakhtun society in different

ways. The outlook of the Ulama and understanding of the common people began to

change. The Ulama and the public, for the first time had to divide the inheritance

among the hires of a deceased person according to the rule implied by Sharia laws. It

was the first occasion when the religious and non-religious families were affected by

Muslim family laws, as before 1935 the Muslim society was governed by the local

Riwaj in the matters of succession and inheritance. Women could not own or inherit

immovable property.

With the Sharia agitation (1932-1936), the religious leaders began to think of

the membership of the legislative council in the province, as for the first time, they

saw the debate in the assembly hall from the benches of local audience. It was the

start of the parliamentary politics of the clergy in the province. Until then Ulama were

only involved in political agitations. Now the members and leaders of JUS began to

think about the electoral politics. The Idea of membership of the legislative councils

formally rose up during the Sharia Agitation in Peshawar on October 24 th 1933. The

Ulama, discussed the parliamentary affairs of the province and the existed rules of

voters’ qualification based on property.

The central Jam’iat (JUH) had made an alliance with the Muslim League in

1937 election. All the Ulama struggled for the League candidates and almost all

candidates were elected. Muslim League promised that they would follow JUH in the

religious affairs. However, after the election, the promise proved as a political

promise and the Jam’iat- League ways were parted.

The 1937 election was the first electoral experience under the new act of 1935

in Frontier province. Jam’iat-ul-Ulama Sarhad presented their demands and

suggestion in front of political parties and sought their opinion. The leadership was of

the opinion that if any political party in Frontier would comply with their demands

and suggestions, they would support them in the election, otherwise they would obey

the directives of JUH leadership.

Mawlana Muhammad Shuaib presented the JUS scheme to the nominated

candidates for the 1937 election. The Khudai Khidmatghar and Congress did not

accept and started opposing JUS that was considered as the Congress antagonistic

attitude towards Islam. Mawlana Muhammad Shuaib realized that there should be a

Muslim identity. Owing to that need, he established a small branch of Tapa Bayizai

Muslim League at Luand Khwar Mardan in 1937, which ultimately spread to other

districts of the Frontier province.

The culture of electoral politics based on the financial strength of the

candidates in the province. The restricted property qualification limited the ratio of

electorates up to the margin of 4 to 5 percent of the total population of the province.

That could simply ensure a legislature dominated by conservative and wealthy men.

As a result, Ulama divided in absence of agreed upon standpoint. Some were

following the Congress scheme and some of Muslim League, while others were

independently working according to their own priorities.

Earlier Jam’iat Ulama Sarhad in NWFP neither had an electoral board nor do

they intend to take part in the election of 1932. In the elections of 1937, JUH

harmonized with the Muslim League on one side and on the other side helped

Congress in Frontier by establishing Dr. Khan Sahib ministry and overthrowing

Sahibzada Abdul Qayum Khan Ministry.

The period between 1937 and 1939 had left a deep impact on the religio-

politics of the province. This Muslim majority province has a remarkable history of

valuable services in the shape of Khilafat and Hijrat movements, which inspired other

Muslims across the Indian sub-continent to participate in the freedom struggle.

Central Jam’iat (JUH) leadership did not pay as much attention in this regard, as it

was expected. Absence of any active central political organization, divided the Ulama

in different groups and factions. Some aligned with Congress other with Muslim

League, while other went to seclusion.

During World War II, British focused on the Ulama activities by giving

importance to JUS. They made good relations with the office bearers of JUS.

However, JUS divided on the issue. One group was opposing the British policies and

the other was opposing Germany, Japan and Italy. Cunningham established a squad of

those officials who were familiar with the local Ulama. Iskandar Mirza, Kuli Khan

and Sheikh Mahboob Ali, were the main actors who infiltrated in the Ulama circles.

Most of the Ulama were not aware of the geo-political designs of the British. They

simply joined the propaganda war due to the inferences of “people of the book” (Ahli

Kitab) slogan. Kuli Khan made a circle of the Ulama, who were very active in

opposing Russia, Germany and the Axis forces. Cunningham was the main figure who

knew the tips to use every one for this purpose and he succeeded.

In the meanwhile, situation in Waziristan deteriorated due to certain incidents.

In Nowshera, JUS non-Congress held a Waziristan conference, and wanted to make

the situation peaceful by dialogues with the British. Mullah Marwat and other office

bearers of the JUS visited the Frontier districts and gave multipurpose speeches,

containing political-cum-religious instructions to the people of Frontier and tribal

area. Contrary to that, JUS (Congress) held a conference in Peshawar on the 14 th and

15th May 1940, and condemned the British Government activities and policy in

Frontier.

Political struggle for a Muslim separate homeland was gaining momentum on

the bases of Two-Nation Theory in India. Mawlana Husain Ahmad Madani was of the

opinion that the Hindu and Muslim cultures were different and that the two (if

considered) different nations, should unite for the freedom from the British. Congress

struggle in this regard was more significant and important, as it was non-violent and it

considered all the communities in India as one nation for that specific purpose.

JUH viewed Pakistan resolution as an outcome of the British conspiracy

against the Muslims of India that would be harmful for Muslims and other

communities of the sub-continent. JUS one faction (Congress) remained with the

vision (united India) of central JUH and declared its intention to join Congress in the

fight for complete independence. The second faction JUS/non-Congress wanted to get

rid of the Congress dominance as well as of the British. However, it was a fact that

the first faction (Congress) remained active politically and participated with clear

objectives while the second faction, due to lake of seasoned politicians remained

inactive and most of the Ulama were used as tool to serve the British interests.

Ulama in NWFP had played an extensive role in the religious affairs of

Pakhtuns that influenced their socio-political culture. In the 1946 election, JUS for the

first time participated in the electoral politics of the province in alliance with other

political groups. JUS contested on four constituencies and won 2 seats. Much of the

political work was run by the settled district’s Ulama and the parliamentary

membership was given to the sitting MLAs only. Some Ulama objected by holding an

opinion that JUH served Congress cause rather than of Islam. As the JUS nominated

members were not Ulama, so many Ulama showed their resentment over the issue.

In the middle of 1940s the pro-Muslim League Ulama founded a separate

organization titled, Jam’iat-ul-Ulama-i-Islam. In response to JUH slogan of “Indian

Muslims in danger”, JUI raised the slogan “Islam in danger”. Both groups, however,

had relevance due to their own geographical situation. The former was led by those

who had been inhabited in the Hindu majority provinces. To them the Muslims were

in danger due to Hindu domination. For the later, not only Muslims, but Islam as well

was in danger. Therefore, only a separate homeland for them can be the possible way

out.

The last significant episode in Frontier province was referendum. Shabir

Ahmad Usmani made the people to believe that there would be a Muslim state of their

own and Sharia would be established as the rule of the land. Quran and Sunnah would

be the base of the Islamic rule. Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-Sarhad (JUS) did not show any

interests in the referendum, while the pro-Muslim League Ulama made the

referendum successful. However, after some years, those Ulama were screened out

from the political scene of the provincial politics.

In the opinion of some historians, Congress used NWFP owing to its

geographical location although it could never become part of India. It simply wanted

to use the NWFP card’s as leverage to secure more share for itself in other provinces.

In this regard, Jam’iat Ulama-i-Hind policy was quite different, as they had a practical

approach and decided according to the welfare of the Muslims of this province.

Mawlana Ghulam Ghous Hazarvi the provincial executive committee member and

many other Ulama were directed by Mufti Kefayatullah to favor Pakistan in the

referendum, as it would be favorable and beneficial for the Muslims of Pakistan in

future. The religious organizations in the province, thus, (informally or unofficially)

favored Pakistan in the referendum.

BIBLIOGRAPHYPRIMARY SOURCES

Unpublished Government Records

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7. 279

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URDU BOOKS

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Peshawar: Azeem Publishing House, N.D.1383 hijra.

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Tarikh-o-Wa Sqafat, 1989.

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Siyasi Jadojuhd, Islamabad: NIHCR, 1990.

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_______ Kabil Mein Sat Sal, Lahore: Sind Sagar Academy n.d.

_______Zati Diary, Lahore: Makki Dar ul Kutub,1995.

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Al Mahmud Academy, 1994.

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1984.

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1968.

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Bait-ul-ulum, 2005.

PASHTO BOOKS

Ahmad, Khudai Khidmatghar Tahreek, Peshawar: University Book Agency,1991.

Afghani, Abdul Haleem Asar. Rohani Tarhon aw Rohani Rabita, Malakand:

Malakand Book Agency, 1984.

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1996.

Shah, Miyan Akbar. Da Azadai Talash (Search for Independence) trans.

Sayal, Meera Jan. Da Pakhtano Qabilo Shajarey, Peshawar: University Book

Agency, 1995.

Sayed Waqar Ali Shah, Islamabad: National Institute for Historical and Cultural

Research, 1989.

THESES

English

Alan Stephen Rittenberg. “The Independence Movement In India, North West

Frontier Province 1901-1947”, PhD Thesis Columbia, University,1988.

Marsh, Brandon Douglas. “Ramparts of Empire: Indian North West Frontier And

British Imperialism, 1919-1947,” PhD Thesis Presented to University of Texas

at Austen.2011.

Abd ul Rauf. “Khilafat Movement in NWFP”, Un-published M.A. Theses, Pakistan

Study center, University of Peshawar, 1988.

Perveen, Rozina. “History of Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-Hind(1919- 1947)”, Unpublished

M. Phil Theses, Islamabad: Quid-i-Azam University, Department of History,

1986.

Muhammad, Wali. “Mawlana Abdur Rahim Popalzai” A Profile; Unpublished MA

Thesis University of Peshawar Pakistan Studies Center, 1996.

Ali, Muhammad. “Some Important Dar-ul-ulum in the NWFP”, Unpublished M.A

Thesis Pakistan Studies center, University of Peshawar, 2000, 1984.

Noor-ul-Amin. “Mawlana Saifur Rahman” Unpublished M.A Thesis Pakistan Studies

center University of Peshawar, 2000.

Khan, Abdullah. “Mawlana Ubaidullah Sindhi’s Mission to Afghanistan”,

Unpublished PhD thesis University of Peshawar: Area Studies center, 1963.

Sheher Yar. Haji Sahib Turangzai and His Works Unpublished M.A Thesis Pakistan

Studies center Peshawar University, 1999.

ARTICLES

Rauf Abdul. Pakistan Perspective, Muslim League and The Question of Reforms in

the NWFP, (1901-1932) Volume13, No.1, January-June 2008), .

Rauf Abdul. Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-Sarhad Annual Conference 1927. journal of The

Research Society of Pakistan, University of Punjab Lahore, 2005.

Rauf Abdul. Socio-Educational Reform Movements in N.W.F.P. - A Case Study of

Anjuman-i-Islahul Afaghina Pakistan history and culture, vol. xxvii/2 (2006).

Rauf Abdul. Pan Islamism and the North West Frontier Province of British India

(1897-1918), Perception, 2007.

Rauf Abdul. “The British Empire and the Mujahedin Movement in the N.W.F.P. of

India 1914-1934. Islamic Studies 44:3, 2005.

Baha, Lal. The Hijrat Movement and the North West Frontier Province Ilsamic

Studies xviii .

Baha, Lal. Activities of the Mujahedin Islamic Studies XVIII, 1979.

Bangash, Salman. “Tribal Belt and the Defence of British India: A Critical Appraisal

of British Strategy in the North West Frontier During the First World War”

Central Asia Journal No.74 (Summer, 2014).

F. A. K. Harrison. The British Interest in the North West Frontier, Peshawar

University Review, 1974-75. No.1 Vol.1.

Friedmann Yohanan. The Attitude of The Jamiyyat ul Ulama-i-Hind to the Indian

National Movement and the Establishment of Pakistan, Asian and African

Studies, 7, 1971.

Partition, Pakistan and South Asian History In Search of A Narrative, Journal of

Asian Studies 57, 4.1998.

Holdich Thomas. The Geography of the North West Frontier of India, The

Geographic Journal XVII (May, 1901).

Ayaz, Qibla. “No Abadyati Hindustan Me Yagistani Jihad Owr Is Par Waliullahi

Fikar Kay Asarat,” “Majallah” University of Peshawar .Vol. 1, April 1994.

Raverty H.G. The Geographical Term Tirah and Afghanistan, Geographical Journal,

13- 1 (1899).

Sayed Asif Ali Rizvi. ‘Soba Sarhad mi Ayeni o Siyasi Irtiqa ka Tajziyati Mutaliya

(1900-1947)’ Tarekh-o-Saqafat Pakistan, April ,1995.

Zaman, Muhammad Qasim, Commentaries Print and Patronage Hadith and Madrasas

In Modern South Asia Bulletin of the School of Oriental And African Studies. 62, 1.

1999.

NEWS PAPERS AND JOURNALS (The Pre-Partition Period)

AI-Jam’iat, Deoband 1924-45 (India)

Al-Qasim, Deoband 1932-47 (India)

The Khyber Mail (Peshawar)

The Pakhtun 1930-1940. (Peshawar)

The Daily Siyasat 1935-42 (Lahore)

Paigham-i-Sarhad 1920-45(Haripur)

The Daily Telegraph 1925-45 (London)

The Daily AI-Jam’iat 1952-55 (Peshawar)

APPENDICESAPPENDIX – A

List of Ulama Who participated in the first session of JUH in December 1919.

Mawlana Abd ul Bari, Mawlana Salamatullah, Mawlana Abul Wafa

Sanaullah, Mawlana Pir Muhammad Imam Sindhi, Mawlana Asadullah Sindhi,

Mawlana Sayed Muhammad Fakhir , Mwlavi Muahammad Anis, Mawlana Khawaja

Ghulam Nizamuddin, Mawlana Mufti Kefayatullah, Mawlana Muhammad Ibrahim

Siyalkoti, Mawlana Ahmad Said, Mawlana Sayed Kamaluddin, Mawlana Qadeer

Bakhsh, Mawlana Taj Muhammad, Mawlana Muhammad Ibrahim Darbanga,

Mawlana Khuda Bakhsh Muzafar puri, Mawlana Mawla Bakhsh Amratsari, Mawlana

Abd ul Hakim Giyavi, Mawlamna Muhammad Akram, Mawlana Munirazzaman,

Mawlana Muhammad Sadiq, Mawlana Sayed Muhammad Dawood, Mawlana Sayed

Ismaieel, Mawlana Muhammad Abdullah, Mawlana Azad Subhani.

Source;

Miyan, Mawlana Muhammad. Jam’iat Ulama Kiya Hay, (Lahore: Maktaba Mahmudia, Shuba Nashr-

o-Ishaat Jam’iat Ulama-i-Islam, 2004.

APPENDIX B

“Fatwa-i-Jam’iat-ul-ulama-i-Hind”

O, Allah, grant victory to the religion of Islam.

“The Musalman who raised a weapon against other Musalman is, you should

know, expelled from Islam.” (Hadith by Bukhari and Muslims.)

“Hence service in the Police and Army is forbidden.

“He who does not comply with Hadiths and the Holy Quran is a Kaffir”

Another leaflet entitled, “The declaration of the National Leaders.” “To remain

in Government service is opposed to the National dignity and it is the inherent

duty of every Indian to express his opinion about it’’

Source;

C.I.D., NWFP., 3-1-1922., Paragraph No.,22.Translated from a handwritten poster in Urdu

found in Peshawar in the second week of Decemebr 1921:,

Special branch report, File No.,1722.,List ll, serial no. 917, Bundle no.,54.page

no.,75.

APPENDIX C

The office bearers of the Jam’iat-ul-Ulama-i-Sarhd in 1927.

1. Mawlana Abdul Hakeem of Peshawar. President

2. Mawlana Abdul Qahhar (Marwat Mullah) Vice. President.

3. Mawlana Shah Rasul of Mardan, Vice. President

4. Mawlana Sayed Husain Shah of Bala Gharhy Vice. President.

5. Mawlana Shakirullah, of Nowshera Kalan, Vice. President

6. Mawlaana Shahabuddin Vice. President

7. Mawlana Bismillah Vice. President

8. Mawlana Fazli Samdani Vice.President

9. Mawlana Abd ul Rahman Member

10. Mawlana Muhammad Shah Member

11. Ahmad Khan of Akorha Khattak Member

12. Sayed Abdullah Shah Member

13. Sayed Habib Shah (b.1899,) Member

14. Mawlana Abdul Rauf of Nowshera Kalan Member

15. Shamsul Haqu Turangzai Member

16. Qazi Asmatullah Ziyarat Kaka Sahib. Member

17. Habib ul Rahman of Bannu. Member

18. Mawlana Lutfullah of Bunnu. Member

19. Qazi Miraj Din of Kohat. Member

20. Hafiz Ahmad of D.I. Khan. Member

21. Sayed Lal Badshah of Peshawar. Member

22. Mawlana Muhammad Ishaqu of Abbot Abad. Member

23. Mawlana Abd ul Rahim. Member

24. Mawlana Yousaf Shah. Member Source;

Intelligence branch, N.WF.P.,S.no.,920,B.no.,54, file no.,1772 (A).,1927.page 185.

APPINDIX D

LIST OF MEMBERS NWFP LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL 1932

Ex- Officio Members

1. Mr. G. Cunningham,

2. Mr. J. Gidny.

3. Mr J.S Thomson,

4. Mr. G.M. Ross,

5. H.H. Thorn Burn.

6. Sardar Jugjeet Singh.

7. Allah Nawaz Khan.

3. Non- Official Nominated

1. Ghulam Rabbani Khan.

2. Hasan Ali Khan.

3. Malikurahaman Khan.

4. Nawbzada Nasrullah Khan.

5. Narenjan Sijgh Bede.

4. Elected Memebers

1. Abdul Ghafur Khan

2. Abdu Qayum Khan.

3. Abdul Rahman Khan.

4. Abdul Hamid Khan.

5. Abdul Rahim Khan.

6. Baz Muhmammad Khan.

7. Ghulam Haider Kahn.

8. Hidayatullah Khan.

9. Habibullah Khan.

10. Nawab Hameedullah Khan.

11. Ishar Das Rai Bahadur.

12. Karam Chand Rai Bahadur.

13. Malik Khuda Bakhsh.

14. Ladha Ram Lala.

15. Muhammad Zaman Khan.

16. Muhammad Abbas Khan.

17. Muhammad Sharif Khan.

18. Muhammad Ayub Khan.

19. Meher Chand Kanna.

20. Mawlavi Nur Bakhsh

21. Raja Singh Sardar

22. Pir Bakhash

23. Rochi Ram.

24. Sultan Muhammad Khan.

25. Samundar Khan.

26. Taj Muhammad Khan.

Javed, Aziz. Sarhad ka Ayeeni Irtiqa, Peshawar: Azeem Publishing House, 1975.pp,

228.

APPINDIX E

LIST OF MEMBERS NWFP LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL 1937.

PESHAWAR

1. Sardar Abd ul Rab Khan Nishtar, Peshawar City

2. Pir Bakhash Khan Peshawar City

3. Arbab Abdul Ghafor Khan Tehkal Bala

4. Dr. Khan Sahib Hashtnaghar

5. Arbab Abdulrahaman Khan Guli Gharhi

6. Khan Abdul Ghafor Khan Peshawar

7. Khan Bahadur Saadullah khan Umerzai

8. Miyan Jafar Shah Nowshera

9. Miyan Ziaudin Peshawar

10. Sardar Muhammad Urang Zeb Khan Peshawar

11. Rai Bahadur Meher Chand Khanna Peshawar

12. Dr. Charochand Ghosh, Peshawar

13. Lala Jamna Das, Mardan

14. Sardar Jagjeet Singh Peshawar

KOHAT;

15. Malik u Rahman Kiyani

16. Pir Sayed Jalal

17. Muhammad Afzal Khan Latambar

18. Captain, Nawab Yar Muhammad Khan, Teri

19. Sardar Jeet Singh

20. Lala Hukam Chand Kohat City

MARDAN;

21. Qazi Ataullah Khan

22. Khan Muhammad Samin Khan

23. Khan Zarin Khan Lawand Khwarh

24. Khan Muhammad Amir Muhammad Khan Hoti

25. Khan Azizullah Khan Zaida

BANNU;

26. Khan Nasrullah Khan Bannu

27. Khan Akabr Ali Khan Bannu

28. Khan Faizullah Khan

29. Nawab Muhammad Zafar Khan Bannu

30. Rai Bahadar Chaman Lal

31. Rai Sahib Kanwar bhan baghaye Bannu

HAZARA;

32. Muhammad Zaman Khan Abbotabad

33. Pir Muhammad Kamaran Khan Haveliyan Hazara

34. Khan Sahib Abdu Rahman Khan Totyan Lora Hazara

35. Muhammad Sarwar Khan Haripur

36. M. Abdul Majid Khan Talokar Hari Pur Hazara

37. Nawab Sir Sahibzada Abdul Qayum Khan, Peshawar

38. Khan Muhammad Abbas Khan, Shinkiyari, Hazara

39. Khan Sahib Ataye Khan, Batal Mansehra.

40. M. Faqira Kahn Malik Pura Hazara.

41. Rai Sahib Parmanind Abbotabad.

42. Rai Bahadar Ishar Das Nawan Sheher Hazara

DERA ISMAIL KHAN;

43. Nawabzada Allah Nawaz Khan Dera Ismail Khan

44. Nawabzada Muhammad Said Khan Tank

45. Khan Sahib Asadullah Khan Kulachi

46. Khan Abdullah Khan Potha

47. Malik Khuda Bakhash Khan, Dera Ismail Khan

48. Lala Bhanju Ram, Dera Ismail Khan

49. Rai Bahader Rochi Ram Dera Ismail Khn

Source; Jansson, Erland. India, Pakistan or Pakhtunistan, the Nationalist Movement in the North

West Frontier Province. Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell International, 198l.pp, 245-254.

Javed, Aziz. Sarhad ka Ayeeni Irtiqa, Peshawar: Azeem Publishing House, 1975.pp,

240-242.

APPINDIX F

LIST OF MEMBERS NWFP LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL 1946.

1. Abdul Qayum Khan Sawati. Upper Pakhli

2. Ali Gohar Khan. Lower Pakhli

3. Khan Muhammad Abas Khan, Mansehra North

4. K.B.Muhammad Zaman Khan, Haripur North

5. Sardar Bahadur Khan, Hari Pur Central

6. Raja Haider Zaman Khan, HariPur South

7. K.S Raja Abdul Rahman Khan Abbotabad East

8. Lietanant Zain Muhammad Jhan. Abbotabad West

9. Muhammad Farid Khan Tanawal

10. Munfatullah Kahn. Razarh

11. Qazi Atullah Khan, Amazai

12. Abdul Aziz Khan, Utmanzai

13. Muhammad Zarin Khan, Baizai

14. Nawab Sir Akbar Khan. Kamalzai

15. Yaqub Shah, Nowshera North

16. Mian Jafar Shah, Nowshera South

17. Arbab Abdu Rahman Khan, Doaba Daudzai

18. Dr Khan Sahib. Hashtnagar South

19. Sayed Qayid Shah, Hashtnagar North

20. Khan Amin Jan Khan Khalil

21. Arbab Muhammad Shari Khan, Bara Mohmand

22. Aslam Khan, Teri North

23. Sahib Gul, Teri South

24. Pir Shahinsh, Kohat

25. Sayed Ali Badshah, Hangu

26. Abdul Latif Khan, Lakki West.

27. Khan Habibulllah Khan. Lakki East.

28. Malik Akbar Ali Khan, Bannu West.

29. Salar Muhammad Yaqub Khan.Bannu East

30. Nawabzada Allah Nawaz Khan, D.I.Khan. South

31. Muhammad Yahya Khan, Peshawar City

32. Abdullah Jan Khan, Kulachi

33. Qutbuddin Khan,Tonk

34. K.B. Jalaluddin, NWFP Town

35. Mian Musharaf Shah, Peshawar Distric

36. Sultan Hasan Ali Kahn, NWFP Urban

37. Ali Badshah.

38. Abdul Qayum Khan Bar at Law

Members of Minority Group

1. Aisher Singh

2. Lala Koto Ram

3. Madan Lal.

4. Meher Chand Khanna

5. Mohan Lal.

6. Partab Singh

7. Sardar Ram Singh

8. Shiv Ram

9. Ghardari Lal Khan

10. Lala Bhanjo Ram Gandhi

11. Lala Khanwar Bhan

12. Lala Kival Ram

Source;Jansson, Erland. India, Pakistan or Pakhtunistan, the Nationalist Movement in the North West Frontier

Province. Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell International, 198l.pp, 255-263.

Javed, Aziz. Sarhad ka Ayeeni Irtiqa, Peshawar: Azeem Publishing House, 1975. pp, 272.