Provas de Ingles - 1990 a 2012

8/12/2019 Provas de Ingles - 1990 a 2012

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Provas DiscursivasIRB

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Lngua Inglesa

Concurso de Admisso Carreira de DiplomataProvas Discursivas

Temas de Redao da Prova Escrita de Ingls

1990"Men in great place are thrice servants: servants of the Sovereign or State, servants of fame and servants ofbusiness... It is a strange desire to seek power and to lose liberty: or to seek power over others and to lose powerover a man's self"

1991"Throughout history the political influence of nations has been roughly correlative to their military power. WhileStates might differ in the moral worth and prestige of their institutions, diplomatic skill could augment but neversubstitute for military strength. In the final reckoning, weakness has invariably tempted aggression and imprudencebrings abdication of policy in its train. Some lesser countries have played significant roles on the world scale forbrief periods, but only when they were acting in the secure framework of an intelectual equilibrium. The balance ofpower, a concept much maligned in American political writing - rarely used without being preceded by the pejorative'outdated' - has in fact been the precondition of peace. A calculus of power of course, is only the beginning of policy;it cannot be its sole purpose. the fact remains that without strength even the most elevated purpose risks beingoverwhelmed by the dictates of others."

Henry Kissinger, White House Years1992Negotiation has been defined as a form of interaction through which individuals, organizations and governmentsexplicitly try to arrange (or pretend to do so) a new combination of their common and conflicting interests.Write a dissertation on negotiation, highlighting its role in diplomacy.

1993"Science is the search for truth - it is not a game in which one tries to beat his opponent, to do harm to others. Weneed to have the spirit of science in international affairs, to make the conduct of international affairs the effort to findthe right solution, the just solution of international problems, not the effort by each nation to get the better of othernations, to do harm to them when it is possible."

(Linus Carl Pauling)1994"Two cheers for democracy: one because it admits variety and two because it permits criticism".

1995"When I am abroad, I always make it a rule never to criticise or attack the government of my own country. I make upfor lost time when I come back."

1996

Darcy Ribeiro(Adaptado de O Povo Brasileiro, 1995)

Os negros do Brasil, trazidos principalmente da costa ocidental da frica, foram capturados meio ao acasonas centenas de povos tribais que falavam dialetos e lnguas no inteligveis uns aos outros. A frica era, ento,como ainda o hoje, em larga medida, uma imensa Babel de lnguas. Embora mais homogneos no plano dacultura, os africanos variavam tambm largamente nessa esfera. Tudo isso fazia com que a uniformidade racialno correspondesse a uma unidade lingstico-cultural que ensejasse uma unificao, quando os negros se


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encontraram submetidos todos escravido. A prpria religio, que hoje, aps ser trabalhada por geraes egeraes , constituiu-se uma expresso da conscincia negra, em lugar de unific-los, ento, os desunia. Foi at

utilizada como fator de discrdia.A diversidade lingstica e cultural dos contingentes negros introduzidos no Brasil, somada a essashostilidades recprocas que eles traziam da frica e poltica de evitar a concentrao de escravos oriundos deuma mesma etnia, nas mesmas propriedades, e at nos mesmos navios negreiros, impediu a formao de ncleossolidrios entre os escravos. Encontrando-se dispersos na terra nova, ao lado de outros escravos, seus iguais nacor e na condio, mas diferentes na lngua, na identificao tribal e freqentemente hostis pelos referidos conflitosde origem, os negros foram compelidos a incorporar-se passivamente ao universo cultural da nova sociedade.

1996"Colonies do not cease to be colonies because they are independent".

(Benjamin Disraeli)1997

Analyze the following statement in the light of 20th century history:

"Arms alone are not enough to keep the peace. It must be kept by men. The mere absence of war is not peace."(John F. Kennedy)1998Discuss the following statement in the context of economic integration and globalization. (from 400 to 500 words):"The cultural revolution of the later twentieth century can best be understood as the triumph of the individual oversociety, or rather, the breaking of the threads which in the past had woven human beings into social textures."

(Eric Hobsbawm,Age of Extremes )1999Discuss the following statement in relation to the issue of state secrets and the role of the press."The greatest triumphs of propaganda have been accomplished, not by doing something, but by refraining fromdoing. Great is the truth, but still greater, from a practical point of view, is silence about the truth."

(Aldous Huxley)

PROVAS DISCURSIVAS DE INGLS1997

Text 1Quando se fala em vegetao no Brasil, as atenes sempre se voltam para a exuberncia da Floresta Amaznica,ou para as manchas ainda preservadas da Mata Atlntica, onde sobrevivem espcies raras de animais e plantas.Mas no interior do pas, especialmente na regio centro-oeste, onde as novas fronteiras agrcolas avanam emritmo acelerado, que se encontra um ecossistema ainda pouco pesquisado, que com seu perfil singelo abriga florae fauna extremamente ricas: o cerrado. Nos ltimos anos, estas reas passaram a merecer ateno especial dosgovernos estaduais e instituies de pesquisa.

A capital do pas cresceu a partir do final da dcada de 50 em pleno corao do cerrado. Quando os pioneiroschegaram regio do Distrito Federal, a ordem era ocupar os espaos vazios, para que surgisse a nova capital.Os tratores rasgaram a vegetao rasteira, derrubando rvores retorcidas, desnudando as margens dos rios ecrregos. Braslia surgiu imponente em poucos anos. Mas estes gestos picos de desbravamento em pleno sculo

XX redundaram num alto preo para as reas de cerrado.Corrigir distores no planejamento de ocupao e, principalmente, rever posies equivocadas sobre o cerrado,visto at pouco tempo como uma vegetao pobre e sem valor enquanto ecossistema pela maioria das pessoas,tem sido um desafio para governos e estudiosos. As novas geraes de candangos, cada vez mais distantes dasaga vivida pelos pais que ajudaram a construir a cidade de 34 anos, aprenderam intuitivamente a amar avegetao rala e de galhos contorcidos. E passaram a cobrar a proteo desse patrimnio de importncia mpar. Ocerrado, para quem acompanha seu ciclo anual, representa um milagre renovado a cada incio de temporada dechuva.

[A partir de um texto do Governo Federal na Internet]Text 2


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A viagem era longa pela estrada de terra, a floresta quase fechando o caminho. Mrio, dirigindo o carro, comeoua correr. Tom, a seu lado, ia ficando cada vez mais tenso. Subitamente, alguma coisa aconteceu. Sentiu que

dentro dele tudo se relaxava. Olhava o farol iluminando o barranco vermelho, uma rvore debruada no caminho,as estrelas que brilhavam congeladas no cu azul-marinho. De repente no havia mais separao entre ele e tudoque o cercava. Ele era tudo a luz do farol, o barranco iluminado, a rvore, as longnquas estrelas e tudo eraele. Nesse momento cessou o medo. Todo e qualquer medo cessou em seu corpo e em seu esprito. No haviamais o temor da morte, porque no havia morte. Ele estava em todas as coisas mais do que isso, ele era todasas coisas. E continuaria sendo para sempre.

Helena Jobim,Antonio Carlos Jobim, um homem iluminado

1998

Text 1

Um passo de conseqncias incalculveis foi dado quando o homem, na tarefa de fixar e de transmitir opensamento, percebeu que lhe era possvel substituir a imagem visual pela sonora, colocar o som onde at entotinha obstinadamente colocado a figura. Dessa forma, o sinal se libertaria completamente do objeto e a linguagemreadquiriria a sua verdadeira natureza, que oral. "Decompondo" o som das palavras, o homem percebeu que elese reduzia a unidades justapostas, mais ou menos independentes umas das outras (enquanto som) e nitidamentediferenciveis. Da surgiram os dois tipos de escrita que marcam essa grande revoluo decisiva: a escrita silbica,na qual o sistema se funda em "grupos de sons", representados por um sinal, e a escrita alfabtica, em que cadasinal corresponde a uma letra. A segunda representa, por conseqncia, um progresso com relao primeira,porque atinge o limite da anlise que ela tinha iniciado. Assim, pois, pode-se dizer que a escrita alfabticarepresenta, com relao silbica, uma complexidade maior de ordem ideolgica, mas uma inestimvelsimplificao tcnica.

(Wilson Martins,A Palavra Escrita)Text 2Para cada mil publicaes referentes aos problemas da guerra, pode-se contar com um trabalho acerca da fome.No entanto, os estragos produzidos por esta ltima calamidade so maiores do que os das guerras e dasepidemias juntas. E h mais, a favor deste triste primado da fome sobre as outras calamidades, o fatouniversalmente comprovado de que ela constitui a causa mais constante e efetiva das guerras e a fasepreparatria do terreno, quase que obrigatria, para a ecloso das grandes epidemias.Quais so os fatores ocultos desta verdadeira conspirao de silncio em torno da fome? Ser por simples obra doacaso que o tema no tem atrado devidamente o interesse dos espritos especulativos e criadores dos nossostempos? No cremos. O fenmeno to marcante e se apresenta com tal regularidade que, longe de traduzir obrado acaso, parece condicionado s mesmas leis gerais que regulam as outras manifestaes sociais de nossacultura. Trata-se de um silncio premeditado pela prpria alma da cultura: foram os interesses e os preconceitos deordem moral e de ordem poltica e econmica de nossa chamada civilizao ocidental que tornaram a fome umtema proibido, ou pelo menos pouco aconselhvel de ser abordado publicamente.

(Josu de Castro, Geografia da Fome)

1999

Text 1(Oswaldo Aranha,) como Vargas, embora por razes opostas, no cultivava mgoas. Getlio, por viso estratgica,por pragmatismo e fleuma. Oswaldo, pelo desprendimento e por um certo desligamento diante das leis da poltica,que considerava, e de fato para ele o foi, mais uma misso do que uma profisso. Contra algumas de suas regrase contra sua tirania parece ter intimamente batalhado a vida inteira. Ao longo de quatro dcadas, ele manteve umasurpreendente e tormentosa relao de lealdade com Getlio Vargas, um misto de chefe poltico, "de pai e deirmo mais velho", ligado s suas razes gachas. Ambos eram bacharis intelectualmente bem formados, detradio jurdica, literria e humanstica. Seus temperamentos polticos eram, no entanto, opostos. A parceriapoltica de ambos, que sobreviveu s grandes intempries das dcadas de 30 e 40, refez-se uma vez mais na


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tormentosa dcada de 50, e parece ter se retroalimentado da atrao de contrrios, isto , da complementariedadena diferena. Aranha, abrasador, comunicativo, brilhante nos improvisos, era capaz de atos ousados e impetuosos

que o levavam a correr grandes riscos, talvez porque fosse constitutivamente um otimista. Vargas, mais frio,desconfiado e ctico quanto natureza humana, era movido pela perseverante vontade de poder, que exercia emseus mnimos detalhes, ocupando sempre as zonas cinzentas das sutilezas.

(Aspsia Camargo et al, Oswaldo Aranha, A Estrela da Revoluo)Text 2

No se faz a descrio de uma casa de maneira desordenada; ponha-se o autor na posio de quem dela seaproxima pela primeira vez; comece de fora para dentro, medida que vai caminhando em sua direo epercebendo pouco a pouco os seus traos mais caractersticos com um simples correr dolhos: primeiro, a viso doconjunto, depois, a fachada, a cor das paredes, as janelas e portas, anotando alguma singularidade expressiva,algo que d ao leitor uma idia do seu estilo, da poca da construo. Mas no se esquea de que percebemos ouobservamos com todosos sentidos, e no apenas com os olhos. Haver sons, rudos, cheiros, sensaes de calor,vultos que passam, mil acidentes, enfim, que evitaro se torne a descrio uma fotografia plida daquela riqueza

de impresses que os sentidos atentos podem colher. Continue o observador: entre na casa, examine a primeirapea, a posio dos mveis, a claridade ou obscuridade do ambiente, destaque o que chame de pronto a ateno(um mvel antigo, uma goteira, um vo de parede, uma mossa no reboco, um co sonolento...). Continue assimgradativamente. Seria absurdo comear pela fachada, passar cozinha, voltar sala de visitas, sair para o quintal,regressar a um dos quartos, olhar depois para o telhado, ou notar que as paredes de fora esto descaiadas. Quasesempre a direo em que se caminha, ou se poderia normalmente caminhar rumo ao objeto, serve de roteiro,impe uma ordem natural para a indicao dos seus pormenores.

(Othon Garcia, Comunicao em Prosa Moderna)

2000

1. Discuss the following statement:Developing countries have a fundamental choice. They can mimic the industrialised nations and go through aneconomic development phase that is dirty, wasteful and creates an enormous legacy of environmental pollution; orthey can leapfrog and incorporate efficient, modem technologies.

Jos Goldenberg, in Guardian Weekly, November 1999Extension: from 350 to 450 words.Value: 50 marks.2. Translate the following texts into English:

Text oneA porta de vidro do chuveiro no estava funcionando bem. Fechar, fechava, mas simples deslocao de arprovocada pela gua, ela se abria mansamente. S os nova-iorquinos excntricos, que tomam banho no inverno,sabem o que significa uma repentina rajada de ar frio a assinar com a gua quente do chuveiro um contrato depneumonia dupla que nem a penicilina rescindir. A ela, uma senhora brasileira residente em Nova Iorque, srestava mandar chamar o zelador do edifcio.O zelador compareceu ao fim de trs semanas e cinco gorjetas, munido do competente alicate. Depois de verificara procedncia da reclamao, concluiu que o conserto fugia sua alada. A um zelador cabe receber os aluguis

no fim do ms, zangar com as crianas que brincam no saguo de entrada e, eventualmente, chamar ordem osinquilinos que dependuram roupas do lado de fora do prdio. No captulo dos consertos, cabe-lhe apenas munir-sede um alicate e percorrer regularmente os apartamentos, recolhendo gorjetas.

Fernando Sabino,A vingana da porta. in: Elenco de cronistas modernos. Rio: Sabi, 1971

Text twoExiste uma tica do trabalho, como existe uma tica da aventura. Assim, o indivduo do tipo trabalhador s atribuirvalor moral positivo s aes que sente nimo de praticar e, inversamente, ter por imorais e detestveis asqualidades prprias do aventureiro - audcia, imprevidncia, irresponsabilidade, instabilidade, vagabundagem -tudo, enfim, quanto se relacione com a concepo espaosado mundo, caracterstica desse tipo. Por outro lado,as energias e os esforos que se dirigem a uma recompensa imediata so enaltecidos pelos aventureiros; as


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energias que visam estabilidade, paz, segurana pessoal e os esforos sem perspectiva de rpido proveitomaterial passam, ao contrrio, por viciosos e desprezveis para eles. Nada lhes parece mais estpido e mesquinho

do que o ideal do trabalhador.Srgio Buarque de Holanda. Razes do Brasil. So Paulo: Companhia das Letras, 1995. 26. edio.Value: 15 marks each.

3. Reading AssessmentRead this adapted version of an interview to Aurora given by John Kenneth Galbraith in late 1990 and complete theexercise that follows it.

AAurora: You have written that "[t]he tendency of the rich country is to increasing income and the tendency of thepaor country is to an equilibrium of poverty." Do you still believe that to be true?Galbraith:Yes, broadly speaking, this is still true of the poorest of the poor countries. It is certainly true of most of

Africa, which has been the great disappointment in the post-Colonial world, and it still is true of a large part of thepopulation of India, Pakistan, and elsewhere in Asia.

BAurora:Do you think that Latin America will continue to face stagnation in the early 1990s?Galbraith:Well, Latin America is a mixed bag. The poverty of Argentina, Brazil, even Mexico is not comparable withwhat you see in Africa or much of Asia. But, yes, there is no question that the high rates of growth are a thing of thepast and to some extent they were associated, of course, with a very high level of international borrowing.

CAurora:What have been the major forces determining this equilibrium of poverty?Galbraith:In the first place I identify this with primitive agriculture, and two factors have been at work there. One is,of course, population growth. If you were a poor farmer in India, Pakistan, or in much of Africa, you would want asmany sons as possible as your social security. They would keep you out of the hot sun and give you some form ofsubsistence in your old age. So, you have pressure for population growth that is, itself the result of the extremeeconomic insecurity. This is something, which hasn't been emphasised enough.Secondly, in some African countries, there has been a deeply misguided effort to keep farrn and food prices low inorder to benefit an urban proletariat. Whatever advantagcs this has had in the short run, it's had disastrous efsectsin the longer run. You have to divide the problem between urban activity (with some industrial life), and agriculture,with its equilibrium of poverty.

DAurora:Agricultural economists have certainly spent some time looking at the problems of food production, theproblems of small scale agriculture, but would vou say that this stands out as one of the major policy failures?Galbraith: Well, there have been differences. In some parts of India there have been substantial agriculturalsuccesses. The so-called grain revolution gave India some food self-sufficiency. But in the poor countries as awhole, over much of Africa and Asia and over some of Central Arnerica, agricultural development has beenextremely disappointing.

EAurora: One of the stories that emerges from the history of development planning is that there has been suchapparently limited leaming from policy mistakes, or even successes for that matter. Do you have any thoughts onthat?

Galbraith: I think one of the major errors in the whole discussion of economic development has been the tendencyto look at the United States or Canada and say that what we've done has worked here, and so it must work in thepoor countries. And so we have sought to transfer from the developed westem countries or in the case of the formerSoviet Union to Mozambique and Ethiopia, the principles and practices of a rather highly developed system. Weforget that in our own path to economic development, we've had a very different set of priorities. We saw the needin the early stages to concentrate on education, on individual farra holdings, and on transportation, and this hasmostly been forgotten in the desire to transfer developed structures and developed industry to the poor countries.

FAurora: Which has been of greater importance, bad advice based on a poor understanding of developmentprocesses or reasonable advice ignored when the advice doesn't appear to be in the interests of more powerfulpolitical groups in society?


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Galbraith: I would attribute something to bad advice, but I would attribute a good deal to other factors, namelyilliteracy, political instability, and bad land distribution systems. This, of course, is particularly important in Central

and South Arnerica. In addition, the accomrnodation to poverty destroys initiative, saps energy, prevents the searchfor something better and then becomes self-perpetuating.G

Aurora: Does the accommodation to poverty suggest that meaningful change must come from the outside?Galbraith: Absolutely. And one of the significant changes is the longer run prospect for urbanisation and thedrawing of people from agriculture into industry with a higher productive potential. But that is something which Iwould not emphasise at the expense of the other factors that I've mentioned, namely, emphasis on political stability,education, and cultural investment. We must always have in mind one simple fact-there is no literate population inthe world that is poor, and there is no illiterate population that is anything but poor.

HAurora: Migration is very important in the history of the West. Would you not agree that the opportunities formigration tend to be much poorer in the Third World countries today? There are no new continents to discover.Galbraith: I quite agree that in the last century or the early part of this century, the individual solution for poverty

was to move from the poor countries to the rich countries, and I don't think that process is coming completely to anend. It is still true that in the highly industrialised countries the second and third generations of a labour force don'ttake very kindly to repetitive, systematised industrial labour. And so there is a steady demand for workers fleeingthe worst privations of agriculture in other countries. That is what brings a very large number of Yugoslavs toGermany and Northern Africans to France. It brings very, very large numbers of Mexicans and West Indians to theUrited States. That process, I think, will continue.

Exercise1. Summarise the interview in your words as an oficial report. The language must be formal.Write between 200 and 300 words. [10 marks]2. Write below five words or phrases that are unnecessary in section H of the interview. [5 marks]3. Select one correct option for each of the statements or questions below. [5 marks]a) Galbraith daims that:i - The problem with the equilibrium of poverty can only be solved by abandoning agriculture and investing in urbanindustrialisation.ii - Primitive agriculture is a major cause of population growth.iii - The grain revolution has been disappointing.b) According to Galbraith:i The developed world has exported its models but not its priorities to poor countries.ii - Powerful political groups in poor countries have resorted to misguided advice and this has preventedindustrialisation from breaking the equilibrium of poverty.iii - The education of the immigrant work force in industrialised countries has done away with the need for moreimmigrant labourers.c) What does the interviewer mean by "the outside"? (Section G of the interview)i- abroadii - cities.iii - non-agricultural sectors.

d) In the text, the word "equilibrium" (passim) could be replaced by:i - balance.ii - perpetuation.iii - equity.e) In the text, "'absolutely" (Section G of the interview) means:i - quite.ii - totally.iii - hardly.

2001


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Traduo A:

exceo de quarto pequenos poemas publicados por acaso, Emily Dickinson (1830-1886) nada viuimpresso de seu no decurso de uma estranha vida de quase absoluta recluso e de intenso debruar-se sobre simesma e sobre a essncia da limitada escala dos objetos que a rodeavam. Escreveu, todavia, mais de mil eseiscentos poemas (dos quais uns trezentos ainda hoje inditos, ao que saibamos), que s foram publicados, e emparte, bastante tempo aps sua morte. O gnio de Emily Dickison demorou ainda mais em ser reconhecido.Somente durante os ltimos anos da dcada de vinte, j neste sculo, sua obra comeou a adquirir verdadeiraimportncia, s ento entrando a agir como fora transformadora da poesia mundial. Hoje a unanimidade da criticatem-na considerado como o maior poeta americano do sculo XIX, ao lado, e completando, e compensando,Walt Whitman; o francs Ren Taupin, por exemplo, numa dessas frases de relativa significao, declara-asuperior a Safo, enquanto o ingls Mertin Armstrong, menos entusistico, diz de sua poesia tratar-se da mais belaescrita por mulher, em lngua inglesa.

A glria, no entanto, de Emily Dickson, no depende, de modo algum, de sua condio de mulher.

Mrio Faustino, Emily Dickson in Poesia Experincia. So Paulo: Editora Perspectiva, 1977.

Traduo B:

s oito e meia da noite de 16 de maro de 1964 eu no sabia que minha vida ia mudar. s nove horas iapassar pela primeira vez no Brasil o filme Deus e o Diabo na Terra do Sol, de Glauber Rocha. Trs dias antes, euestivera no comcio de Jango na Central do Brasil, onde a noite cara estrelada por milhares de tochas de petrleoque os trabalhadores da Petrobrs erguiam como personagens de Eisenstein e eu olhava apaixonado o rosto daprimeira-dama no palanque.

Todos nos sentamos histricos, como cados de repente na praa amotinada de So Petersburgo ouvendo a decapitao de Maria Antonieta na Bastilha.

Eu estava ali dentro, mas no me sentia muito parte daquilo tudo. Estranho, um Presidente da Repblicapedindo apoio a uma multido de miserveis para salv-los. De que? Sua mulher parecia alheia, linda, intocadapor aquela massa. [...] Uma revoluo seria feita, mas no rolou nada. Dali a trs dias, num cinema do Rio, fez-seuma.

[O] filme comeou. Um plano areo do serto de Cocorob. Corte sbito para o olho morto de um boi rodode sol. Villa Lobos na trilha. E caiu um silncio sideral na sala. Todos os olhos estavam sendo feridos por imagensabsolutamente novas. Como explicar isso? No apenas um bom filme que vamos. Nada. Era um pas que nascia nossa frente.

Arnaldo Jabor, Deus e o Diabo na Terra do Sol, in: Folha Conta Cem Anos de Cinema. So Paulo, 1995.

Resumo

Wired Greater China Could Link the World

The historian Barbara Tuchman called it One of the greatifs and harsh ironies of history, that in January1945 Mao Zedong and Zhou Enlai offered to travel to Washington to negotiate Chinas future directly with PresidentFranklin Roosevelt. Tragically for the future of China and the West, the effort was buried by hostile StateDepartment personnel.

The river of history does not flow down high stone canyons; it can turn in directions unforeseen by thosewho guide it and misunderstood by those study it. Bur the Internet and digital technology offer a redefinition ofcommunication between nations, a decentralization of diplomatic and economic links.

In this new global civilization connection connected by modems, optical fiber cables and satellitetransmission, the Peoples Republic of China and Greater China including ethnic Chinese communities throughout


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the Pacific rim, from Bangkok to Sydney, from Singapore to Vancouver - will be a crucial nexus. The direction theyselect will change the world.

Here are three scenarios: A low-integration China where, in the face of catastrophic unemployment from the privatization of state-

owned enterprises and a backlash from those who do not benefit from free markets, China retreats from theglobal economy and gives up its efforts at economic reform. New-technology channels such as the Internetare closed in the cause of greater political stabilization.

A selectively open China, a version of the current situation, in which more industrial and business sectorsare privatized, but where the Internet is not allowed a major role because Beijing lacks control over itscontent. The main risk of this choice is being cut off from the explosive impact of technological changes.

A virtual greater China that would involve a deep electronic integration across political, military, legal,economic and sociocultural domains, in science, technology, medicine and ecology. Beijing, in collaborationwith Taiwan and Singapore, would invest in and build a network linking the remotest villages of the

mainland with all the communities of the Chinese diaspora.

By choosing this third path, Beijing could profoundly alter the way the world thinks and acts within anintegrated economy. Today, we consider and describe economies in national terms and put the label global ontrade between countries. This is an archaic distinctioncountries do not exist in the world of e-commerce.

The Ming admiral Zhen He (1371-1435) led seven trading and exploration voyages that visited 37 countries,from what is now Vietnam to Arabia. His journeys seeking trade and information contrasted with the ensuingEuropean voyages of conquest.

Historians of China have often lamented that the Ming chose to not follow up un admiral Zhensideas anddiscoveries. Today the Internet has provided China the opportunity to reverse that mistake. The ChineseDiaspora is the most populous and widespread ethnic community in history. If it were integrated through newcommunications technology, an emerging virtual China could become the foundation of world peace andprosperity.

Howard Perlmutter and David Perlmutter, in International Herald Tribune, 02/03/2001

Resumo: 250 palavras

Redao

In the light of the following quotations, comment on the relations between economics, warfare, and theforging of the modern state.

What a country calls its vital economic interests are not the things which enable its citizens to live, but thethings which enable it to make war.

Simone Weil in: W.H. Auden. 1971

Think of political economy as an historical process rather than some kind of established model. It begins and this is often forgottenwith war, the father of all things, it was war, time and again pushing up the expenses ofgovernments, that fostered the development of modern systems of taxation. For most of history, men lived inwarfare states, not welfare states.

Those who prefer their political history to be finance-free need to remember that it was in large measure thequest for taxation that led to the spread of representative government. No taxation without representation was not

just a slogan of the American Revolution; it accurately describe a historical process stretching back to medievalEngland, and indeed to ancient Athens. And as many states have sought to increase the taxation they exact, sothey have found it hard to refuse a concomitant widening of political representation. A case in point was the greatdemocratization that occurred after the First World War, which can be understood as the political price for highwartime sacrifices.


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Money does not make the world go round, but it establishes the frameworkthe cage, if you like withinwhich we live our lives. To understand this is not to be let out the cage. It does not even tell us who has the key. But

at least it shows us where the bars are.

Niall Ferguson, The Cash Nexus. Harmondsworth: Penguin, 2001

Redao: 400 a 460 palavras

2004

Read the following text on Diplomacy and Democracy and, in the light of it and any of the ideas raised in the texts inParts 1 & 2 above, assess the benefits and drawbacks of public diplomacy (in which media exposure enhances theemotional dimension) as compared with diplomacy as a rational, technical activity entrusted to specialists. Alexis de

Tocqueville wrote as follows in his classic 1835 book Democracy in America, defining a problem of democraticgovernance that is as old as the Greeks: "Foreign politics demand scarcely any of those qualities which are peculiarto a democracy; they require, on the contrary, the perfect use of almost all those in which it is deficient. Ademocracy can only with great difficulty regulate the details of an important undertaking, persevere in a fixeddesign, and work out its execution in spite of serious obstacles. It cannot combine its measures with secrecy orawait their consequences with patience."The problem Tocqueville examined then has become far more acute now. Public awareness has increased and themedia are far more intrusive. But neither has kept pace with the growing complexity of foreign policy issues. Nocountry can or should, for instance, join the World Trade Organization (WTO) without the people's support. How fewof them, though, know or can know enough to form an opinion on the issue? The dilemma persists because it isinherent in a democracy the volatility and power of public opinion and the weaknesses of democratic leadership.Not seldom, the preference of the majority is at odds with the requirements of sound policy, domestic or foreign. Notseldom an issue of foreign policy arouses the people from the slumber that is the norm, to shake them withparoxysms of moral outrage. Few are the leaders who have the moral fiber, the political skill and the intellectualmuscle required to explain such realities to them. Having ignored the rumblings, most opt for mere survival whenthe crisis bursts into the open. Hans J. Morgenthau traces the dilemma to its roots the statesman, as distinctfrom the common politician, has to reckon with considerations which the populace cannot grasp. "The statesmanmust think in terms of the national interest, conceived as power among other powers. The popular mind reasons inthe simple moralistic and legalistic terms of absolute good and absolute evil. The statesman must take the longview, proceeding slowly and by detours, paying with small losses for great advantages; he must be able totemporize, to compromise, to bide his time. The popular mind wants quick results; it will sacrifice tomorrow's realbenefit for today's apparent advantage. By a psychological paradox, the most vociferous and compromisingrepresentatives of what is least conducive to the successful conduct of foreign policy are generally politicians who intheir own constituencies would not dream of acting the way they expect the framers of foreign policy to act... Thedaily routine of their political lives is devoid of those moral and intellectual qualities which they really admire, whichto the public they pretend to possess, and which they wish they were able to practice... they make foreign policyover into a sort of fairy-land where virtue triumphs and vice is punished, where heroes fight for principle without

thought of consequence, and where the knight in shining armour comes to the succour of the ravished nation,taking the villain's life even though he might in the process lose his own."Leaders have four options. One is simply to sail with the wind of public opinion and treat public opinion polls as thesupreme guide. The second is to educate public opinion in the realities of the times. A British diplomat, LordVansittart, sharply defined this age-old problem: "How to induce the unwilling to accept the unavoidable." The thirdoption is to mislead and corrupt public opinion and cite the result in defense of the official stand. The leaderwhips up the people to a frenzy of chauvinism and defends his intransigence as obedience to the people's will.The last option is to practice deception.

(Adapted from A.G. Noorani's "Of diplomacy and democracy." Frontline, v. 18 - Issue 23, Nov. 10 - 23, 2001.)


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Traduo A:

As contradies do sistema colonial tm de comum unicamente isto: refletem a desagregao do sistema e brotamdele. Veremos brancos lutar com pretos e mulatos contra o preconceito de cor; mulatos e pretos, com os brancos,a favor dele; portugueses contra a metrpole, e brasileiros a favor. A aparncia ilgica e incongruente dos fatosno s torna difcil sua interpretao como constitui a razo da dubiedade e incerteza que apresentam todas assituaes semelhantes. Dubiedade e incerteza que esto nos prprios fatos, e que nenhum artifcio de explicaopode desfazer. Os fatos claros , em seu conjunto e definidos, s vm em seguida, quando tais situaesamadurecem. Intil procur-los antes, torcendo os acontecimentos ao gosto particular do observador. omovimento eterno da Histria, do Homem e de todas as coisas que no pra e no cessa, e que ns, com ospobres instrumentos de compreenso e de expresso que possumos, no apanhamos e sobretudo no podemosreproduzir seno numa parcela nfima, cortes desajeitados numa realidade que no se define esttica, e simdinamicamente.

Caio Prado Junior. Formao do Brasil Contemporneo.So Paulo: Brasiliense / Publifolha, 2000 (com adaptaes).

Traduo B:

Translate the following passage from Joo Guimares Rosa's "O Espelho" into English:

O senhor, que estuda, suponho nem tenha idia do que seja na verdade um espelho? Demais das noes defsica, com que se familiarizou, as leis da tica. Reporto-me ao transcendente. Tudo, alis, a ponta de ummistrio. Inclusive, os fatos. Ou a ausncia deles. Duvida? Quando nada acontece, h um milagre que noestamos vendo. Fixemo-nos no concreto. O espelho, so muitos, captando-lhe as feies; todos refletem-lhe orosto, e o senhor cr-se com aspecto prprio e praticamente imudado, do qual lhe do imagem fiel. Mas queespelho? H-os "bons" e "maus", os que favorecem e os que detraem; e os que so apenas honestos, pois no. Eonde situar o nvel dessa honestidade? Como que o senhor, eu, os restantes prximos, somos, no visvel? Osenhor dir: as fotografias o comprovam. Respondo: que, alm de prevalecerem para as lentes das mquinasobjees anlogas, seus resultados apiam antes que desmentem a minha tese, tanto revelam superporem-se aosdados iconogrficos os ndices do mistrio. Ainda que tirados de imediato um aps outro, os retratos sempre seroentre si muito diferentes. Se nunca atentou nisso, porque vivemos, de modo incorrigvel, distrados das coisasmais importantes.

Primeiras Estrias , 12. ed. Rio de Janeiro: Jos Olympio, 1981 (com adaptaes).

Resumo:

Read the following text and in your own words summarize it in up to 200 words.

Summit meetings can have their drawbacks. The assumption that personal acquaintances between the leaders ofstates will forestall future conflicts has often been gainsaid by history. Summits that peacefully negotiated thesettlement of conflicts seldom produced outcomes with long-term consequences. During the Cold War debate as totheir value abounded. Some of the arguments fielded then still provide ammunition for critics today. How can the head of a democratic country deal successfully with the leader of a totalitarian system or dictatorship? With the mainactors rooted in different cultures it is suggested that such encounters can but lead to shallow understandings. Inthe long term, they could actually deepen the divide. Heads of state are not experts in the highly complex mattersthat clutter summit agendas. They lack the diplomatic skills of professional diplomats and are often ill-prepared forthese debates. Under pressure of time and the weight of expectations from the public at home, politicians are often


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tempted to compromise with false solutions. Since summit agreements are mostly not legally binding, statesmen donot even feel politically obliged to deliver. Critics also complain that calling summit meetings compels

Politicians and bureaucrats to set spurious priorities with respect to time, political resources, and energy.Nevertheless, most of these arguments can be countered. They have nothing to do with summits as such, butrather with the way these meetings are prepared and conducted as instruments of modern diplomacy.The advantages of multilateral summitry cannot be easily measured in short - term tangible results. In the long haul,however, they certainly can render more than just an improved atmosphere for international political negotiation,although that is a value in itself if handled properly and used with the right political nous. Summit meetings haveacquired new roles and special functions. From thisstandpoint, I want to argue that summits are an important element of international political negotiation and yield thefollowing benefits.Personal contact between heads of state and government adds new factors to the equation of power. Military andeconomic might certainly count still, but the personality of a leader, the way he performs in debate, and the thrust ofhis intellect will be factored into the discussions at a summit meeting. This affords a chance to redress imbalancesand to obtain results universally accepted as legitimate. After all, summitry is a democratic invention and not much

to the liking of dictators.Summit meetings have eminently practical effects. To prepare for a summit and avert failure, bureaucrats areconstrained to set goals and time-frames for solutions that might otherwise have been stalled or shelved. Summitshave a legitimizing function, nationally as well as internationally.Commitments undertaken by a political leader during a summit meeting can open up new avenues in domesticpolitical debate or provide fresh opportunities to break deadlocks. On the other hand, an agreement or even a mereunderstanding on the interpretation of facts reached by several heads of state also has norm-setting qualities for theinternational community. Such guidelines not only bind the participating nations together in implementing theirpolicies, but also set standards for others. To retain its useful role, however, the summit must evolve and beconstantly subject to review. One expedient reform would address the problem of how to stem or reverse thecurrent trend toward ever larger, more elaborate summits. These meetings can and should be reduced in size, thenumbers of aides and fellow participants slashed and more strenuous efforts made to muffle the media spectaclesurrounding the event itself. It has become fashionable to demand greater participation by NGOs in the summitprocess. This is tantamount to insinuating that heads of state are out of tune with the public and not liable todemocratic domestic control. The rights and duties of such organizations should be carefully defined, though.Certainly, it might help if state and nonstate actors work more closely together in the future than they have to date.Finally, it sometimes makes sense to have the broadest political participation by all states. But opening up eachsummit can also exact a price, impairing States' capacity to act. Likewise, if outcomes merely reflect the leastcommon denominator, they will prove hollow. Legitimacy is not just a question of numbers. If these considerationsare heeded, summits have a bright future. In today's world, "summitry belongs to the dramaturgy of globalism whichin turn pertains to the future of world politics."

(Adapted from Peter Weilemann's "The Summit Meeting: The Role and Agenda of Diplomacy at its Highest Level".In: NIRA Review. Spring 2000.)

2005

1 - TRANSLATION(Total: 30 marks)

Translate the following text adapted from an article by Pedro Gmez Valads in La Insignia(13th June, 2005) intoEnglish:

Europa, sem pressa, mas sem pausa


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Nunca ningum disse que o processo de construo europia fosse fcil. Superar sculos de confrontohabitualmente resolvidos por via militar no exatamente o melhor alicerce para a construo. Ou talvez sim. A

unidade poltica da Europa um caminho sem retorno. Desenham se muito claros os espaos geopolticos quesero os pivs da poltica mundial no sculo atual: os Estados Unidos; a China, onde todos os algarismos soastronmicos, com o seu disciplinado mercado de trabalho e pujante aparelho poltico militar a servio de umaexpanso econmica de que s comeamos a vislumbrar o comeo; a ndia, pas que entrou devagar pela portados fundos, j em todas as apostas das potncias do sculo; e a Unio Europia.

evidente que os golpes contundentes que a constituio europia acaba de sofrer por parte da cidadaniafrancesa e holandesa, obrigam a fazer uso daquela mxima que dizia: Estamos em guerra, temos que refletir.Claro que no se trata de um conflito blico, mas o tremor que h duas semanas sacode os campos da Europabem merece uma reflexo.

O medo da eventual entrada da Turquia mobilizou, lamentavelmente, mais do que qualquer outro argumento tiradodo prprio texto constitucional em debate. A xenofobia foi um dos pilares da contestao ao Tratado Constitucional

europeu.No fcil, lgico e evidente, que um dos defeitos irreversveis e talvez um dos mais (permitam me a licenapotica) formosos da globalizao mestiagem de culturas, naes e raas. A Europa bero da civilizao, nodeve ser mais do que exemplo de integrao. No ser fcil. Contudo, dar por morta a Constituio Europia nodeixa de ser s uma manchete de jornal. Mais nada. A sensatez obriga a abrir um tempo de reflexo de que, tenhocerteza, sairo solues. Para j, o democrtico continuar com o processo de ratificao dos diferentes estados.Interrompe lo agora seria um precedente gravssimo, um fato quase orwelliano. Todos os Estados da Europaso iguais, mais uns so mais iguais do que outros.

2SUMMARY & TEXTUAL EXERCISES(Total: 25 marks)

A. Read the following text, adapted from a report by Richard Gott, in The Guardian (Saturday, 11 th June,2005) and complete the exercises at the end of it. (10 marks)

B. Summarize the text, in your own words, in up to 200 words. (15 words)

A seismic upheaval among Latin Americas IndiansThe crises in Bolivia has put the continents balance of power in question

When the Spanish conquistadors arrived on the immense plains of the westerly part of Bolivia, they paused at asettlement not farm from the rim of a great canyon. At 12,000ft they found it to cold, and they made their permanentbase in the relative shelter of the slopes below and founded the city of La Paz.

The village of El Alto on the High plateau, which 30 years ago was home only to the capitals International airport,

has now become a huge metropolis of nearly a million Indians, driven there over the past 20 years the irresistible ofneo liberal economics. The prevailing economic system, devised by US economist in the 1980s, succeeded indestroying the countrys agricultural systems and its embryonic industries, and closing down the state owned tinmines once the source of the wealth of Spain. This predicable disaster brought hundreds or thousands ofworkless but highly politicized families to live at the gates of capital city, from where they have been able to hold it to

___________ at will. Others migrated to the lowed regions of the country, to the Chapare, to grow the profitablecrop of coca leaf, the base of cocaine.

The demands of Indians have been uncompromisingly radical they make no mention of the work or food, educationor health. They have only two specific requests: a new constitution that would recognize the part that they should


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play in the government of the country ( in which they from more than 60% of the population of 8 million), and thereturn to the hands of the states of the countrys reservedof oil and gas.

Oil was nationalized in Bolivia first in 1937, a year before the Mexican wells were expropriated, and again in 1970.The Shell of the state company, YPFB, still exists and most Bolivians remain implacably _____________ to foreignownership, but private oil companies have kept coming back. When immense reserves of natural gas werediscovered in the 1990s, 50 trillion cubic feet at the last estimate, Bolivia became ever more attractive to externalpredators, its reserves second ____________ to those of Venezuela.The governments and the companies (British gas and Spains Repsol among them) were keen to get the gas out ofthe ground and down to the coast, to be shipped off to California. Others, notably for the Indian majority, thoughtthat the gas might be better used to fuel Bolivias own industrial development, The governments attempts to securethe export of the gas through Chile, Bolivias traditional enemy, ended in October 2003 when in violent protest in El

Alto led to the overthrow of President Snchez de Losada, Bolivias last elected president. This weeks events havebeen an almost exact replay, which the resignation of the stop - gab president, Carlos Mesa, after prolonged Indiandemonstrations and roadblocks had made the country ungovernable by his regime. Something new was required.

The chief emerging protagonist in nest stage of Bolivias drama is Evo Morales, an Aymara Indian from the highplateau who became the organizer of the coca growers in the Chapare, in the headwaters of the Amazon. From thisbase of desperate landless peasants and politicized former tin miners, he has become a national figure, allying thesocialist rhetoric of the traditional Bolivian left with the fresh language of the indigenous population, now mobilizedand angry.

Morales leads the Movement Towards Socialism, and is an outspoken supporter of Castros Cuba. He is also afavorite son of Venezuelas Hugo Chvez, whose wider ambition has been to replicate the revolution of SimnBolvar, whose name is immortalized in that of Bolivia. The Americans have accused Chvez of providing MoralesWith assistance at the presidential election in 2002 (in which he came second), and this would hardly be unusualsince all parties in Bolivia depend of external patrons, whether from Europe or the US. Morale has certainly taken aleaf from Chvezs book in demanding the holding of a constitutional assembly to draft a new constitution. This wasChvezs triumph in 1999, modernizing and radicalizing the country with a single below the forces of oppositioncould mobilize to prevent him.

The crisis came to a head as the congress met to accept President Mesas resignation in the old colonial capital ofSucre (away from the protesters in La Paz). According to the constitution, the presidency would then fall toHormando Vaca Das, the president of the senate and a wealthy white landowner from the lowland eastern region,centered on the city of Santa Cruz. The area around Santa Cruz is the principal wealth producer of the country,with the Soya fields of agribusiness on the surface, and oil and gas underground. This is the land of more recentwith settlers who have been opposed to the political emergence of the Indian majority in the western high lands, andto the Indian resistance that has emerged to challenge them in the lowlands. Elite white groups have been askingfor autonomysome even argue for independenceand have unilaterally called for a referendum on this issue in

August.

Vaca Daz had the support of the largest parties in the congress but was unacceptable to the Indians and, under

pressure from the leaders of the armed forces and the Catholic Church, he declined the task. So too did MarioCossio, the second constitutional choice. If fell to the third in line, Eduardo Rodrguez, president of the supremecourt and a men without political affiliation, to take up the challenge. Fresh elections will be held before the end ofthe year, and Moraless demand for a constituent assembly is on the agenda.

If Morales eventually emerges of Bolivias elected president, the relation of forces in the countries of the Andes willbe changed, since comparable indigenous movements in neighboring countries are also demanding their propershare of power.

A. TEXTUAL EXERCISES


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(2 marks per correct answer)

a) Fill in the three gaps in the text above with an appropriate word or phrase.

I. This predictable disaster brought hundreds of thousands of workless but highly politicized families live inthe gates of the capital city, from where they have been able to hold it to _________ at will.

II. The shell of the state company, YPFB, still exists, and most Bolivians remain implacably____________ to foreign ownership, but private oil companies have kept coming back.

III. When immense reserves of natural gas were discovered in the 1990s, some 50 trillion cubic feet at thelast estimate, Bolivia became ever more Attractive to external predators, its reserves second __________to those of Venezuela.

b) Choose the most appropriatesubstitute of the words or phrases underlined:

I. Stopgap: the resignation of the stopgap president

(1) replacement(2) dithering(3) transient(4) interim(5) filler

II. Shell: the shell of the state company, YPFB, still exists

(1) core(2) husk(3) wealth(4) trappings(5) wherewithal

B. SUMMARY(15 marks)

Summarize the text, in your own words, in up 200 words.

3COMPOSITION

Read the following editorial from the Washington Post, 20 thMarch, 2005, and in the light of it and of the test byRichard Gott in section 2, comment on the geopolitical, social, and economic issues raised as they affectSouth American integration.

A Threat to Latin Democracy

Another Latin American democracy is on the verge of crumbling under pressure from leftist populism. Thetrouble comes this time in Bolivia where a democratic president and congress face a paralyzing mix of strikesand road blocks by a radical movement opposed to foreign investment and free market capitalism. Theinsurgents, who claim to represent the countrys indigenous population, drove one democratically electedpresident from office 18 month ago, now they are working on his successor, Carlos Mesa, who has searchedvaliantly but unsuccessfully for compromise. The populist ride a leftist wave of momentum in Latin America andhave the rhetorical and possibly material, support of the regions self styled Bolivarian revolutionary,


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Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez. The democrats could use some outside help, from their neighbors and theUnited States.

Accounts of political crises in Andean countries such as Bolivia sometimes portray a poor and disenfranchisedindigenous majority pitted against an ethnically European and mestizo elite. The facts tell a different story inBolivia. Mr. Mesa, polls show, has the support of two thirds of his compatriots, while the party leading theprotests, the Movement Toward Socialism, has never received more them 21 percent of the vote in an election.Nor is it the case that Bolivias experiment with free market policies in the 1990s failed to help the poor. Percapita incomes rose by 20 percent in the second half on the decade. Thanks to private foreign investment,significantly more Bolivians gained access to water, sewage systems and electricity.

The populist minority, led by former coca former Evo Morales, is bent on using force to reverse that progress.Already it has effectively blocked natural gas exported to the United States. Its current strikes are aimed atstopping further foreign investment in that industry though confiscatory taxes and reversing the privatization ofother industries. Mr. Mesa, swearing off the use of force to break up the roadblocks, has countered with

democratic political tactics: first a national referendum on a compromise gas policy, then an accord withCongress on political and economic reforms. Last week, in desperation, he proposed that his own term aspresident be cut short and new elections be held in August; Congress rejected the proposal, and Mr. Mesa laterannounced he would stay on. But the opposition still threatens to renew a blockade that is devastating on of thehemispheres poorest economies and prompting talk of secession in Bolivias relatively prosperous and pro capitalist eastern provinces.

All of this is good news for Mr. Chavez, who along Cubas Fidel Castro dreams of a new bloc of Latin socialist(i.e., undemocratic) regimes that will join with likeminded states such as Iran, Libya and China to oppose theUnited States. Bolivias neighbors, including Brazil, Argentina and Chile, ought to be alarmed by this trend; butthough their own leftist governments have expressed support for Mr. Mesa they have refrained from moreconcerted action such as demanding that Mr. Chavez cease his meddling. The State Department issued astatement last week expressing support for the people of Bolivia and peaceful democratic process. If there is adeeper U.S. policy to head of the breakdown of democracy in Latina America, there isnt much sign of it.

2006

1Translation (Total 30 Marks)A) (Total 15 Marks)Translate the folowing text adapted from Don Cupitts The Sea of Faith (London: BBC, 1984) into portuguese:

Prometeus Unbound

The minds power ton onnovate and fashion pure fictions was traditionally seen as a source of sin. Saintssallied forth into the desert to do battle agaist the evil thoughts that rose unbidden in their imaginations. As we nowview it, they were actually tussiling with their own crativity, not Satan.

Since ancient times, the common theme in mythology is that there are appoited limits to humam power and

knowledge. Overstepping the bounds the gods had set was tantamount to courting disaster.So powerfully alluring hs been the theme of mans technological pride being brought low that new myths

hava continued to be hatched well into modern age. As late as 1960s techno-sceptics posited that the spaceprogramme might bring down divine wrath upon makind. This etnic of tradion was petently designed to discourageunbridled innovation and social change.

B) (Total 15 Marks) Translate the following text adapted from na article by Mino Carta in CartaCapital (5thNovember 2005) Into English:

O Velho Mundo fica muito longe


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Karl Marx e Alxis de Tocqueville concordavam em um ponto: a extrema pobreza no gera revolta maisapatia.

Ralf Dahrendorf retoma o assunto em artigo recente A faixa da populao de longe mais crtica diz ele aquela que comeou a progredir para novas e melhores condies, mas, l pelas tantas, encontrou o caminhobloqueado. So estes os grupos que se mobilizam em contestaes violentas e acabam por determinar grandesmudanas.

Daherendof pressentia, claro, os desdobramentos da revolta da periferia parisiense, inspiradoras deoutras turbulncias em vrios cantos da Europa ocidental.

Pensei no Brasil, vice-campeo mundial em m distribuio de rende, onde 70% das famlias vivem, nomximo, com dois salrios mnimos e 30% dos habitantes vegetam abaixo da linha de pobreza. Sem contar aherana da escravido que deixou nos lombos nativos a marca fundo do chicote.

2SUMMARY & TEXTUAL EXERCISES (Total 25 Marks)

A. Read the following text, adapted Radical Islam, Liberal Islam By M. A. Muqtedar Khan (Current History, Vol

102, n. 668, December 2003) and complete the exercises at the end. (10 marks)B. Summarise the text, in your own words, in up to 200 words

American foreign policy currently faces a critcal menace from the Muslim World in the guise of burgeoning,embedded anti-Americanism in the Muslim World. That was already bred a catastrophic attack on America, twowars, and a significant compromise of american democracy. It is therefore of utmost importance that anti-

Americanism in the Muslim World be adressed, extenuated and even reversed.The roto of Muslim anti-Americanism is towfold: the manisfestly unjust consequences of American foreign

polices; and the casting of America as the designated other in islamist discourse. Islamist discourse has concotedthe idea of na islamic civilization diametrically opposed to a caricaturized west. Islamist define the West as imperial,morally dacdent, ungodly (secular). Western power and values ar vilified as the source of all Muslim grievances.They proceed to envisage a reinvigorated Islamic civilization depicted as just, moral and god-centred. Thus, therouting of the West and rebuffing of Western values are sine qua nonconditions for revival Islam.

Independence from the West has ever been the overrifing goal os political Islam. Failure to achieve thatgoal, compouded by real and perceived injustices committed by America and its allies, has grafted vitrolic hatred of

America in the hearts of radical Islamists. They and their hate mongering are perverting the moral abric of theMuslin World and subverting Islams message of justice, mercy, submission, compassion and enlightenment.

Is is my contentation tha the beste anti-dote to radical Islam is liberal Islam, wich is sympathetic to liberalvalues. Islam is essentilly a set of revealed valus designed to help prod humanity along the path to enlightenmentand virtue. Many such values were nurtured in the heyday of liberal Islam in Islamic Spain, unde Emperor Akber inMughal India anda Abbasid Caliphate in the heartlands os Islam. The atmosphere of religious tolerance under theirrule was comparable to the beste of times in America. Educational and scientific fervor was at its peak andpluralism was widely practiced. Indeed, Islam was a byword for learning and culture.

Moderate is commoly taken to mena lukewarm. This is misleading and demeaning. Moderate Muslims canbe beste understood as having achieved a negotiated pecae with modernity. They treat it as the existencialcondition of our time while submitting to the message of islam. By grasping the distinction between historical Islam

and Islamic principles, they are able to bridge te gap between text and context though rational interpretation.Moderate Muslims, who favor peace without being pacifists, are critical os Americam foreign policy for the

Muslim World. They tooo denouce the prejudiced view of Islam in the West. Muslim moderates refuse, though ], toblame the West or modernity for all the affictions besetting the Muslim World.

Islamists, both moderate and radical, use na imaginary, caricaturized version of the West as a foil forIslamic indentity. Islam is the reverse of the West: it is moral, it is just, it is rigtheous and it is not secular. This imageof the West in the minds of many Ialamists is parttly the consequence of a radical reading of Syed Qutbs diatribesagainst secularims and modernity in Nasserite Egypt.

Islamists, however, are not alone in their misrepresentation of Syed Qutb. In a recent article in the NewYork Times Paul Berman argued that it was Qutbs philosophy and understanding of islam that provided theideological underpinnig for Al Qaeda and its affiliates. The revulsion of liberalism and the desire to preserve Islam


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from the cultural impact of modern secularism combined with a desire to become martyrs in the cause os Islam,Berman argues, are cornestones of Qutbs ideology. He also insists that while Qutb is indeed critical of the US,

perfidious foreign policy and its suppot for israel, he does not realy focus on it. Qutb, according to Berman, and inmy opinion correctly, is more concerned with ideas, valus and normas that shape society than with geopoliticalconflicts.

Berman also holds that it is not American foreign policy but the challenge of liberalism, particulary itsmorality that vexes Qutb. By implication, the US________ change its foreign policy but those motivated by aversionfor liberalism will continues to influence the world, the Muslim World in particular. Berman s reading not _______absolves US foreign policy from being a major cause of incitement _______rebellion and resistence among Islamicmilitants, but also suggests that this indeed a clash of civilizationIslam versus liberalism.

While advancing the notion that there can be alternative reading of Muslim ideologues, i am also arguingthat discourse is what we make of it. Ideas have na impact on reality, but reality in turns affects the formantion ofideas and how ideas are apprenhended. Some Muslims read Qutb and are motivated to use violence against theirregimes and the West, whom they perceive as tyrannical. Others read him as na advocate of freedom, social justiceande responsible governance.

The different readings of Syed Qutb underscore the diversity within Islam and among Muslims. Profiles ofIslam and Muslims cannot be painted with broad brushes. Quick single-variable explanations as to why Muslims areangry a the US will not suffice. Muslim realities, like Muslim thinking, are complex, diverse and challenging. Aspolicy makers in Washington rethink the Muslim World, they would do ell to remeber that ethnocentricinterpretations and sweeping judgments will only heighten misunderstanding and lead to bad policy. Bad thingsensue from bad policy.

A liberal reading of Qutb reveals him as philosopher of freedom and justice, not a philosopher of terror.Similary, sympathetic view of the Muslim World will reveal a thirst for freedom and justice, not a penchant forviolence or hate. American policy makers do recognize the significance and potential of liberal Islam and theatrategic value of supporting moderate Muslims. However, they have so far shown interest only in using moderatesto lend legitimacy to certain US policies in the Muslim World. They have not taken on board moderate Muslim inputin shaping post-September 11 Policies nor have they sought their assistance in moderating the governmentsrhetoric and messages to the Muslim World. But then the current US administration has proven to be secretive,closed, and insular, xcluding even moderates conservaties from policy making. It would be pie in the sky to expectthis administratios to include diverse opinion. The potntial of moderate Muslims thus remains untapped.

TEXTUAL EXERCISES (Total: 10 marks, 2 per correctt answer)

a) Fill in the three gaps in the text above with an appropriate word or phase.

Berman also holds that it is not American foreign policy but the challenge of liberalism, particulary itsmorality that vexes Qutb. By implication, the US______ change its foreign policy but those motivated byaversion for liberalism will continues to influence the world, the Muslim World in particular. Bermansreading not _______ absolves US foreign policy from being a major cause of incitement _______rebellionand resistence among Islamic militants, but also suggests that this indeed a clash of civilization Islamversus liberalism.

b) Choose the most appropriate substitute in context for the words underlined:

I. grafted: Failure to achieve that goal, compouded by real and perceived injustices committed by America and itsallies, has grafted vitrolic hatred of America in the hearts of radical Islamists.

1. etched

2. transplanted

3. inserted


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4. corrupted

5. instilled

II. Lukewarm: Moderate is commoly takento mean lukerman.

1. aloof

2. half-hearted

3. frail

4. neutral

5. gutless

3Composition (45 Marks)

Awarebss that change is constant feature of human life is as old as civilisation. However, more recently,technological development has gratky enhanced noth the propects for rapid change and the range of its socialpolitical, and cultural impact.Bearing this in mind, comment on Bearms contention (in muqtedar Khans text Radical Islam, Liberal Islaminsection 2 above) that those motivated by aversion for liberalismwill continue to seek the downfall of thewest as long as its culture continues to influence the world, the Muslim World in Particular.

(set Length 350-450 words)

20071TRANSLATION (Total: 30 Marks)

A) (15 marks) Translate into Portuguese the following text adapted from John Cornwells Seminary Boy(New York:Doubleday, 2006):

By late 1944, and after four wartime home removals, I was attending a Catholic primary school run by Irish nunsand spinsters, surrounded by a hostile world of unbelief. One Sunday a V-2 rocket destroyed a nearby Anglicanchurch, killing most of the congregation. The next day Miss Doonan, who taught us so piously to make the sign ofthe cross, informed us that these people had been struck down by God because they were Protestants.

The day before we celebrated the end of the war in Europe, I was humming to myself, skipping ahead of the girlwho took me to school, when two bull terriers hurtled round the corner and sank their teeth into my plump legs. Ispent the morning in a doctors surgery being stitched up and painted with iodine. According to the policeman whovisited our house on Victory Day, the dogs owner claimed that I had made the animals bite me by my singing anddancing.

B) (15 marks) Translate into English the following text adapted from Wilson Martins A Palavra Escrita(So Paulo:Editora tica, 1996):

No havia razo para que os gregos amassem e, por conseqncia, guardassem os seus prprios livros: Scrates,como tantos outros, nada escreveu. Desprezando profundamente os brbaros, no havia igualmente razo paraque amassem e, por conseqncia, procurassem guardar os livros estrangeiros. Assim, o povo letrado porexcelncia da Antiguidade, a ptria das letras e das artes, no possua bibliotecas. Para completar o paradoxo,


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um povo militar e guerreiro, comerciante e prtico, imediatista e poltico, que s admitia a palavra escrita ou oralcomo instrumento da ao, que vai, no mundo ocidental, possuir as melhores bibliotecas e, em particular, as

primeiras bibliotecas pblicas. Nisto, alis, neste ltimo trao, est gravado o carter de um povo, voltado para aconquista do mundo e capaz de imediatamente perceber a utilidade de todas as armas: com os romanos, o livropassa da categoria sagrada para a categoria profana, deixa de ser intocvel para ser condutor, e, posto ao alcancede todos, o veculo por excelncia das idias, dos projetos e dos empreendimentos.

2SUMMARY & TEXTUAL EXERCISES (Total: 25 marks)

A. Read the following text adapted from Empires with Expiration Datesby Niall Ferguson in FOREIGN POLICY,nr. 156 (Sept./Oct. 2006), and complete the exercises at the end. (10 marks)

B. Summarize the text, in your own words, in up to 200 words. (15 marks)

Empires, more than nation-states, are the principal actors on the stage of world history. Much of history consists of

the deeds of the few score empires that once ruled alien peoples across large tracts of theglobe. Yet the lifespan of empires has tended to decline. Compared with their predecessors, the empires of the lastcentury were singularly shortlived. Reduced imperial life expectancy has profound implications for our own time.

Officially, there are no empires now, only 190-plus nation-states. Yet the ghosts of empires past continue to stalkthe Earth. Regional conflicts are easily nay, often glibly explained in terms of imperial sins of yore: an arbitraryborder here, a strategy of divide-and-rule there. Moreover, many of today's most important states are stillrecognizably the progeny of empires. Imperial inheritance is apparent from the Russian Federation to Great Britain,Italy and Germany. India is the heir of the Mughal Empire and the British Raj, China the direct descendant of theMiddle Kingdom. In the Americas, the imperial legacy is patent from Canada to Argentina.

Today's world, in short, is as much one of ex-empires and former colonies as it is of nation-states. Even institutionsdesigned to reorder the world after 1945 have a distinctly imperial bent. For what __________ are the fivepermanent members of the U.N. Security Council if not a cozy __________ of empires past? And what, pray, is"humanitarian intervention" if not a more politically correct-sounding version of the western empires' old "civilizingmission"?

Empires life cycles and geographic reach are remarkably irregular. Whereas the average Roman empire lastedover 800 years, equivalents elsewhere before the modern age survived no more than half that time.

The empires forged in the 20th century, by contrast, were comparatively short. Why did they prove so ephemeral?The answer lies partly in the unprecedented degrees of centralized power, economic control, and socialhomogeneity to which the Communists in Russia and China, the Fascists in Germany and Italy and the expansionistJapanese aspired. They were not content with the haphazard administrative arrangements that had characterizedthe old empires. Though they inherited from the 19thcentury nation-builders an insatiable appetite for uniformity,these new "empire states" repudiated religious and legal constraints on the use of force. They relished sweepingaway old political institutions and existing social structures. Above all, they made a virtue of ruthlessness. The

empire states of the mid-20th century were to a considerable extent the architects of their own demise. In particular,the Germans and Japaneses imposed their authority on other peoples with such unbridled ferocity that theyundermined local collaboration thus laying the foundations for indigenous resistance. At the same time, theirterritorial ambitions were so boundless that they swiftly conjured into being an unassailable coalition of imperialrivals in the form of the British Empire, the Soviet Union, and the United States. Empires do not survive for long ifthey cannot establish and sustain local consent and if they allow more powerful coalitions of rival empires to uniteagainst them. The crucial question is whether or not today's global powers behave differently from their imperialforebears.


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Publicly, the leaders of the American and Chinese republics deny entertaining imperial designs. Both states are theproduct of revolutions and have entrenched anti-imperialist traditions. Yet the mask does slip on occasions. In 2004

a senior presidential advisor confided to a journalist:

"We're an empire now and when we act, we create our own reality." Similar thoughts may cross the minds ofChina's leaders. In any case, it is perfectly possible for a republic to behave like an empire in practice, whileremaining in denial about its loss of republican virtue. A historical pattern of U.S. imperial intervention underpins thewidespread assumption that the U.S. military presence in Afghanistan and Iraq will not long outlast President Bush'sterm in office. Empire especially unstated empire is ephemeral in a way that sets our own age quite apart. Inthe American case, however, the real snag is not the alienation of conquered peoples or threats posed by rivalempires (the prime solvents of other 20th-century empires) but domestic constraints. These take three distinctforms. The first can be classified as a troop deficit. The United States prefers to maintain a relatively smallproportion of its population in the armed forces, at 0.5 percent. Moreover, only a small and highly trained part of thismilitary is available for combat duties overseas. Members of this elite are not to be readily sacrificed. Nor are theyeasy to replace. The second constraint on America's tacit empire is the burgeoning budget deficit. The costs of the

war in Iraq have substantially exceeded the administrations forecast: $290 billion since the invasion in 2003.

Finally, there is the attention deficit. Past empires were not sorely taxed to sustain public support for protractedconflicts. The American public, by contrast, tires quickly. It has taken less than 18 months for a majority of Americanvoters to start viewing the invasion of Iraq as a mistake. An empire will thrive and endure so long as the benefits ofexerting power over foreign peoples outstrip the costs of doing so in the eyes of the imperialists; and so long as thebenefits of knuckling under a foreign yoke exceed the costs of resistance in the eyes of the subjects. Suchcalculations implicitly take stock of the potential costs of relinquishing power to a rival empire.

For the time being, the costs of empire building look too high to most Americans while the benefits seem at bestnebulous. Moreover, arival equipped or willing to do the job is clearly wanting. With its republicaninstitutions battered but still intact, the United States hardly passes muster as a latter-day Rome.

All that may change, however. In a world where natural resources are destined to become scarcer, the oldmainsprings of imperial rivalry resist. Empire today is both unstated and unsung. History suggests, though, that thecalculus of power could well swing back in its favor tomorrow.

TEXTUAL EXERCISES (Total: 10 marks, 2 per correct answer)a) Fill in each of the two gaps in paragraph four of the text above with an appropriate word or phrase:For what __________ are the five permanent members of the U.N. Security Council if not a cozy __________ ofempires past?

b) Choose the most appropriate substitute in context for the words underlined in paragraph twelve:I. taxed: Past empires were not sorely taxed to sustain public support for protracted conflicts.1) drained2) compelled3) levied

4) hurt5) pressed

II. protracted: Past empires were not sorely taxed to sustain publicsupport for protracted conflicts.1) dreadful2) damaging3) drawn out4) costly5) withering

c) Re-write the following sentence from the antepenultimate paragraph of the text starting as indicated below:


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An empire will thrive and endure so long as the benefits of exerting power over foreign peoples outstrip the costs ofdoing so in the eyes of the imperialists.

Only when the benefits___________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

3COMPOSITION (Total: 45 marks)Write a composition on the following quotation fromAlbert Einstein:The unleashed power of the atom has changed everything save our modes of thinking and we thus drift towardunparalleled catastrophe.(Length: 350-450 words)

2008TRANSLATION (Total: 50 marks)PART A (25 marks)

Translate into Portuguese the following excerpt from James Baldwins Notes of a native son (1955) [in: The UnitedStates in Literature. Glenview: Scott, Foresman & Co., 1976, p. M 132.]:

I was born in Harlem thirty-one years ago. I began plotting novels at about the time I learned to read. The story ofmy childhood is the usual bleak fantasy, and we can dismiss it with the restrained observation that I certainly wouldnot consider living it again. In those days my mother was given to the exasperating and mysterious habit of havingbabies. As they were born, I took them over with one hand and held a book with the other. The children probablysuffered, though they have since been kind enough to deny it, and in this way I read Uncle Toms Cabin and A Taleof two Cities over and over and over again; in this way, in fact, I read just about everything I could get my hands onexcept the Bible, probably because it was the only book I was encouraged to read. I must also confess that Iwrote a great deal and my first professional triumph occurred at the age of twelve or thereabouts.

PART B (25 marks)

Translate into English the following excerpt adapted from Mrio Henrique Simonsens Brasil 2002 (5 ed. Rio deJaneiro: APEC, 1974, p. 11):

A idia de prever a evoluo econmica dos povos segundo modelos rgidos de determinismo histrico sempreseduziu os cientistas sociais. O futurlogo uma espcie de cartomante recheado de lgebra, e que procurasatisfazer uma das maiores angstias da humanidade, o pr-conhecimento do futuro. Alm disso, o contedo desuas formulaes parece, pelo menos para os leigos, bem mais fundamentado cientificamente do que a simplesleitura de um baralho. Fora o aspecto psicolgico, h a questo esttica. Os modelos que prevem o futuro dahumanidade segundo uma trajetria imutvel, inabalvelpor hipteses acessrias, possuem uma grandiosidade apocalptica, inacessvel quelas construes prosaicasrepletas de condicionais e condicionantes. No surpreende, por isso, que os economistas tantas vezes se tenhamaventurado no desenvolvimento desses modelos que, com o mnimo de hipteses, apresentam o mximo deprevises.

A aplicao do determinismo histrico s cincias sociais envolve dois problemas: um filosfico, que consiste emquestionar a validade da tese; outro, bem mais prtico, que o de saber se temos o direito de afirmar quedescobrimos as leis desse determinismo.

COMPOSITION (Total: 50 marks)Nationalism Internationalism. These abstract words, so often abused, so often misunderstood, cover high idealsand strong emotions, reflect modes of thought and action that shape our world. We often see the word nationalismused in a derogatory sense. The same is true of the word internationalism. When nationalism connotes, forexample, a go-it-alone isolationism, and internationalism an outlook that belittles the significance of national lifeand of nations as centres of political action and spiritual tradition, the words become contradictory and the attitudes


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they describe irreconcilable. From such interpretations of the words comes the tendency to think of nationalism asin fundamental conflict with an internationalist attitude.

Discuss the above statement, adapted from an address by then United Nations Secretary-General DagHammarskjld at Stanford University in 1955, in the light of current international political events. (Length: 350-450words)

PROVA 2009

TRANSLATION (Total: 35 marks)

PART A (20 marks)Translate into Portuguese the following excerpt adapted from Edward Saids 1993 Reith Lecture Intellectual exile: expatriates and marginals. What is the proper role of the intellectual in todays society?

Exile means being neither entirely at one with the new setting, nor fully disencumbered of the old; beset with half-involvements and half-detachments; nostalgic and sentimental yet equally a consummate mimic or secret outcast.Being adept at survival becomes the imperative, with the dangers of getting too comfortable and secure constitutinga threat constantly to be guarded against.Salim, the main character of V.S. Naipauls novel A Bend in the River, is an affecting instance of the modernintellectual in exile: an East African Muslim of Indian origin, he has left the coast and journeyed into the interior,where he survives precariously in a new state modelled on Mobutu's Zaire. Naipaul portrays Salims life at a 'bendin the river as a no-mans-land, to which hail the European intellectual advisers (who succeed the idealisticmissionaries of colonial times), as well as the assorted mercenaries, profiteers, and other Third World drifters inwhose ambience Salim is forced to live, gradually forfeiting his property and integrity in the mounting confusion. Asthe novel unravels, the natives themselves have become exiles in their own country, so preposterous and erraticare the whims of the ruler, Big Man, a symbol of all post-colonial regimes.

PART B (15 marks)

Translate into English the following excerpt adapted from a special Folha de So Paulo report on Sri Lanka byRoberto Candelori published 18th May 2009:

O Sri Lanka v-se diante de um conflito que j dura um quarto de sculo. Com uma populao dividida entrecingaleses budistas (74%) e tmeis de orientao hindu (18%), o antigo Ceilo tornou-se um "banho de sangue",segundo a ONU. O pas conquistou a independncia dos britnicos em 1948, quando comeou a implantao depolticas discriminatrias contra a minoria tmil, que tivera lugar de destaque na administrao colonial. Sucessivosgovernos baixaram leis que cercearam os direitos dos tmeis ao impor-lhes o cingals como lngua oficial erestringir-lhes o acesso educao superior e a cargos pblicos. Revoltados, os tmeis passaram a reagir,exigindo a igualdade lingustica, social e religiosa. Em 25 anos de conflito, estima-se que tenham ocorrido at 100mil mortes, e o futuro parece no menos assustador. Mais de 250 mil tmeis encontram-se agora sob a mira dosfuzis e sob o silncio da comunidade internacional. A ordem atirar.

SUMMARY (Total: 15 marks)Write a summary in your own words not over 200 words in length of the following excerpt adapted from Open up,an Economist special report on migration published 3rd January 2008.

Enoch Powell had a point. The radical British Conservative politician warned, nearly four decades ago, thatimmigrants were causing such strife that like the Roman, I seem to see the River Tiberfoaming with much blood.That proved to benonsense, as did his advice that migrants should be encouraged to leave. Had they done so, Britain and other richcountries that depend heavily on foreign labour would be in a dreadful state. One prediction he made was spot on,


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however: that by about now, one in ten people in Britain would be migrants. At the last count in 2005, the foreign-born made up 9.7% of the British population.

By historical standards, that is high but consistent with that in other rich economies. In America the proportion isnow about 13%, not far off the 15% peak reached shortly before World War I. What is particularly striking in Europeis that countries which had hitherto known only emigration, e.g. Ireland or Greece, now have an influx typical ofcountries like Australia and the U.S.This special report argues that both emigration and immigration countries, as well as the migrants themselves, havebeen coping remarkably well with this new force reshaping our world.Yet ominous signs are emerging of a shrill backlash against immigration on both sides of the Atlantic. Politiciansmay tinker with migration policies. They will certainly, under public pressure, pump extra resources and energy intobuilding more fences and walls to keep foreigners out. By linking immigration to terrorism, they may even make theirsocieties more fiercely policed. The basic forces driving migration, though, are unlikely to ebb. Migrants movemainly for economic reasons. Most appear to do so legally. The number of illegal migrants is by definition hard toascertain, but likely to be smaller than the legal sort. They probably comprise the bulk of those seen floating on raftsin the Mediterranean or scrabbling over the fence from Mexico to America. Others do not risk the high seas or

physical borders, entering instead under some other guise, perhaps as tourists, and then staying on.Lastly, there are refugees and asylum-seekers, strictly defined as those escaping persecution but often includinganybody forced to flee, for example from a war. According to the UN's refugee agency, at the close of 2006 some10m people fell under this category.The number of migrants worldwide has been reckoned at 200m. That sounds a lot, but actually adds up to only 3%of the world's population, so there is ample potential for growth. Migration has proved a successful ploy for theworld's poor to improve their lot. Nor is it the very poorest who travel, for money is required to travel overseas.In the 100 years to 1920, brighter prospects encouraged some 60m Europeans to uproot and move to the NewWorld. A European crossing the Atlantic could expect to double his income. Today the incentives are even moreenticing. Those moving from a poor country to a rich one can expect to see their income rise fivefold. As long assuch differentials persist, the draw will continue.Demography too plays a big part. Not every migrant is bound for America or Europe: two in every five head foranother poor or middle-income destination. Those aiming for the richest parts of the world, however, do theirinhabitants a favour. Without them, the greying and increasingly choosy populations across the rich world wouldalready be on the decline. That is paramount for their fast-changing economies, which consistently demand eitherhighly skilled workers or those willing to do unpleasant and tiring jobs.

One reason why much of the world has enjoyed a sustained economic boom with low inflation in the past decade isthat the effective global workforce is expanding apace. The IMF estimates it has quadrupled since 1980. In alllikelihood it will continue to grow, though at a slower rate, with a 40% increase in the world's working-age populationforecast by 2050. According to the UN, the global stock of migrants has more than doubled in four decades. Notenough young natives have the skills or motivation, so the rich must hop

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