Promoting an Intercultural Workplace: Building on Diversity · 2015-07-28 · intercultural issues....

Promoting an Intercultural Workplace:Building on Diversity

Report on the Experience of Irish and Migrant Workers

Commissioned by theINTERACT PROJECT

NEXUS RESEARCHCO-OPERATIVE

Dave Redmond & Paul ButlerOctober, 2003

2

PREFACE

Immigration has become a feature of Irish society and is a feature that is here to stay. The accession of ten new

member states to the European Union next year will not only expand the Union but will also bring a new dynamic

to the Irish labour market.

Migrant workers have played a vital and positive role in the Irish economy and have enriched our society with

their different cultures and experiences. The Irish workplace has become more diverse and it is important that

we reflect on the experiences of migrant workers and the experiences of those with whom they work. From a

policy perspective, it is essential that we look beyond simply facilitating migrant work to ensuring that migrant

workers are effectively integrated into the Irish workplace. In this context, we believe that this research provides

useful insights into how the transition to an intercultural workplace is being experienced and managed.

The motivation informing this research was to ascertain what migrant workers and their colleagues think and feel

about their workplace, how they behave towards one another and to get a sense of the level of awareness of

intercultural issues. There are some findings which, we believe, give grounds for optimism, however, it is clear

that much work remains to be done to ensure that migrant workers are effectively integrated into the workplace

and to ensure that the Irish workplace becomes more aware of and responsive to intercultural issues.

The Interact Project would like to thank all of the companies, employees and trade unions who facilitated and

participated in this research; without their cooperation and honesty this report would not have been possible.

3

1 Introduction 6

1.1 Context 6

1.1.2 An expanding intercultural workforce 6

1.1.3 Demands of integration 6

1.1.4 Role of the Interact Project 7

1.1.5 Rationale for the Research 7

1.2 How the Research was Undertaken 8

1.3 Report Structure 9

2 Migrant Workers and Paths to Working in Ireland 10

2.1 Background 10

2.1.1 Immigration trends in Ireland 10

2.1.2 Trends in migrant workers coming to Ireland 11

2.1.3 Origins and Characteristics of Migrant Workers Surveyed 13

2.2 Reasons and Motivations for Coming to Ireland 15

2.2.1 Economic factors 15

2.2.2 Poor employment prospects at home 16

2.2.3 Learning English 16

2.2.4 Settling in Ireland 17

2.2.5 Seeing the world 17

2.3 Steps Taken to Come 17

2.3.1 Previous experience of working abroad 17

2.3.2 Getting Access to Information 17

2.3.3 Means of Recruitment 18

2.3.4 Information available prior to arrival in Ireland 19

2.3.5 Travel and Visa/Work Permit Arrangements 20

2.3.6 Initial Impressions 20

2.4 Conclusion 21

3 Settling into the Workplace 22

3.1 Induction, Information and Initial Training 22

3.1.1 Induction Process: Migrant Nurses 23

3.1.2 Induction Process: Other Occupations 24

3.1.3 Elements of the Induction Process 25

3.1.4 Information on Trade Unions 26

3.1.5 Information on the Permit System 27

TABLE OF CONTENTS

4

3.1.6 Initial Training 28

3.1.7 Difficulties Understanding Pay and Taxation System 29

3.1.8 Problems in Accessing Information 30

3.2 Interventions to Inform and Support Irish Workers 30

3.3 Available Language Supports 32

3.4 Conclusion 33

4 The Dynamics of Integration 34

4.1 Perceptions of welcome 34

4.2 Adapting to the Work Culture 35

4.3 Relationships with Work Colleagues and Management 37

4.3.1 Attitudes to relationships between Irish workers and migrant workers 37

4.3.2 Breaking the Ice 38

4.3.3 Relationships with Management 39

4.4 Communication and Language 41

4.4.1 Use of English in work tasks 41

4.4.2 Communication between workers and management 42

4.4.3 Communication with Irish colleagues 43

4.4.4 Use of English outside work 45

4.5 The Impact of Pay and Working Conditions 45

4.5.1 Satisfaction with Pay 46

4.5.2 Meeting expectations: Catering and Hospitality Sector 47

4.5.3 Meeting expectations: Food Processing Sector 48

4.5.4 Meeting expectations: Healthcare Sector 49

4.6 Career Development and Training Opportunities 49

4.6.1 Access to Information 50

4.6.2 Access to and Availability of Training 51

4.6.3 Difficulties in Accessing Training 52

4.6.4 Achievement of Promotion 54

4.6.5 Attitudes to Equality of Opportunity 55

TABLE OF CONTENTS

5

4.7 Life outside The WorkPlace 56

4.7.1 Socialising and Irish Pub Culture 57

4.7.2 Events Organised by the Company 58

4.7.3 Safety and Security 59

4.7.4 Accommodation 60

4.7.5 Managing Family Relations 60

4.8 Conclusion 62

5 Conclusions and Policy Implications 64

5.1 Conclusions 64

5.1.1 Motivations for coming to Ireland 64

5.1.2 Steps taken to come to Ireland 64

5.1.3 Orientation and Induction 64

5.1.4 Adapting to Irish Work Culture 65

5.1.5 Satisfaction with Pay and Conditions 65

5.1.6 Career Development and Training Opportunities 65

5.1.7 Communication and Language Issues 66

5.1.8 Workplace Issues 66

5.1.9 Career development and training 66

5.1.10 Life Outside the workplace 66

5.2 Issues of Concern 67

5.2.1 Issues arising before migrant workers arrive in Ireland 67

5.2.2 Orientation and Induction Issues 68

5.2.3 Communication and Language Issues 68

5.2.4 Workplace Issues 69

5.2.5 Career Development and Training 69

5.2.6 Operation of the Employment Permit and Working Visa/ Authorisation Scheme 69

5.2.7 Developing an Immigration and Integration Policy 70

5.2.8 Policy Issues for the Social Partners 70

TABLE OF CONTENTS

6 CHAPTER 1

1 INTRODUCTION

1.1 CONTEXT

1.1.2 An expanding intercultural workforce

Rapid employment growth in Ireland throughout the last decade has seen employers looking abroad to satisfy

their employment needs. Despite the recent decline in the economic growth rate, many factors, including the

demographic situation of an ageing population and ongoing recruitment gaps in certain sectors, point to a need

for significant immigration to satisfy labour demands for future forecast economic growth. The FÁS Irish Labour

Market Review 2002 highlights the fact that the Irish economy will have an ongoing need for migrant workers.

This growth of an intercultural workforce has been recognised by the Government as an important

contributing factor to the sustained economic growth of the past decade. Immigration procedures have been

changed to manage inward migration. For example, the work permit system operated by the Department of

Enterprise, Trade and Employment has been continuously re-examined and changes made to cope with numbers

of requests for permits and visas. Under the working visa scheme, a fast track approach has been adopted in

the case of ICT professionals, certain health professions and some professions in the construction industry.

1.1.3 Demands of integration

Although there is very limited quantitative data on the circumstances and experiences of new minority groups, the

potential for poverty and social exclusion for these new communities has been raised in Government policy and

programmes. “Without integration, migration may give rise to stresses and strains that can seriously harm social

cohesion”.1 If integration is achieved there are huge rewards for those concerned and for society as a whole.

A significant initiative, indicative of these concerns, has been the establishment by the government of

the National Anti-Racism Awareness Programme over a three year period from 2001 to 2003. Entitled “kNOw

Racism”, the Programme has undertaken a range of activities including the development and advertisement of

anti-racist messages and the funding and administration of a grant scheme which provided support to local

community anti-racism awareness initiatives.

The National Action Plan Against Social Exclusion (NAPincl) 2001-2003 refers to the vulnerability to

social exclusion and poverty of migrants from different countries and cultures who experience difficulties and

obstacles in fully integrating into their new country of residence.

In the context of the labour market, providing a positive working environment where diverse cultures

are respected and valued, has been promoted by The Irish Business and Employers Confederation (IBEC) and

the Irish Congress of Trade Unions (ICTU) as an important element of good business practice. In addition to

various internal initiatives, both organisations are co-founders and sponsors of Anti-Racist Workplace Week,

promoters of the Dignity at Work Charter and actively participate in the National Anti-Racist Awareness

programme.

1 World Migration Report 2003, “Managing Migration - Challenges and Responses for People on the Move”, InternationalOrganisation for Migration, 2003.

7INTRODUCTION

1.1.4 Role of the Interact Project

Promoting an intercultural workplace is a project developed under the European Social Fund's EQUAL Initiative

by a “Development Partnership” called Interact, which consists of Irish Congress of Trade Unions, Irish Business

and Employers Confederation, Integrate Ireland Language and Training, (formerly the Refugee language Support

Unit in TCD) and FÁS. The aim of the project is to address some of the challenges presented in developing a

multicultural work environment where often significant numbers of the work force have limited or no knowledge

of English. The operating period for the project is June 2002 to March 2004.

THE PARTNERSHIP IS WORKING WITH THREE SECTORS WHERE MIGRANT WORKERS ARE

WELL REPRESENTED. THESE ARE

• Medical / Health Services Sector / Hospitals

• Catering / Hospitality Sector

• Food processing / Horticulture Sector.

The project seeks to address some of the barriers at enterprise level in order to ensure the

establishment of effective supports for both the employers of non-Irish nationals, the non-Irish national

employees themselves and their Irish colleagues and “consequently develop the conditions that will enable the

Irish labour market to support a multi-cultural workforce”. This involves the engagement of both the management

and the unions within the companies.

1.1.5 Rationale for the Research

The Interact Project commissioned Dave Redmond and Paul Butler of Nexus Research to carry out research to

inform their ongoing work.

This report is based on baseline research to establish issues of concern arising for both migrant and

Irish workers in an intercultural workplace.

Research questions focused on the feelings of migrant workers regarding integration and support

within the workforce, the feelings of Irish workers regarding support on changes within the working environment.

The research examined the existence of language difficulties and problems of communication. This report is the

culmination of the research.

1.2 HOW THE RESEARCH WAS UNDERTAKEN

Through a questionnaire survey and a series of follow-up focus group interviews, the research aimed to develop

an understanding of the attitudes and experience of migrant workers, Irish workers, management and trade

union officials.

Research questions focused on the degree to which migrant workers and Irish workers feel integrated

and supported in (and threatened by) a changing workplace.

IN COLLABORATION WITH THE PROJECT PARTNERS A QUESTIONNAIRE WAS DEVELOPED

COVERING THE FOLLOWING ISSUES:

• Current employment circumstances;

• Induction;

• Pay related issues;

• Relationship with work colleagues;

• English and other language usage in the workplace;

• Job training;

• Living circumstances of migrant workers in Ireland;

• Language skills/supports.

Steps were taken to ensure that there was comparability with the research being carried out by the

transnational partner in Finland. This involved consultation with the Finnish partner in relation to the research

actions.

Some 566 questionnaires were completed and returned – 337 (59.5%) from Irish and 229 (40.5%)

from migrant workers. Eleven organisation and enterprises were involved in the survey phase of the research (6

hospitals, 3 food processing enterprises and 2 establishments in the catering and hospitality sector).

A series of focus group interviews – with Irish and migrant workers interviewed separately - were then

undertaken in a number of these enterprises and organisations across the three sectors to explore issues arising

in more depth. A total of 32 migrant workers and 35 Irish colleagues were interviewed in five workplaces.

It should be noted from the outset, that this research was undertaken in companies and organisations

collaborating with the Interact project. It is therefore based on working with employers and organisations who

are committed to developing a greater understanding of the issues facing migrant workers, and at a broader

level, diversity in the workplace. The experiences of undocumented migrant workers or other abuses of the work

permit or working visa/ working authorisation system are therefore not present.

8 CHAPTER 1

9INTRODUCTION

1.3 REPORT STRUCTURE

Chapter 2 presents the reasons and motivations migrants had for coming to Ireland, the steps taken to come

and discusses initial impressions and orientation.

Chapter 3 examines how migrant workers experienced the process of settling into the workplace, their

induction and initial training. The availability of language supports at this early stage is presented as is the

response of Irish workers.

CHAPTER 4 EXPLORES THE DYNAMICS OF INTEGRATION BOTH IN THE WORKPLACE AND IN

THE WIDER ENVIRONMENT FROM THE PERSPECTIVE OF THE MIGRANT WORKERS AND THE

IRISH WORKERS. THE FOLLOWING FACTORS ARE DISCUSSED:

• Perceptions of Welcome

• Adapting to the Work Culture

• Relationship with Work Colleagues and Management

• Communication and Language

• The Impact of Pay and Working Conditions

• Career Development and Training Opportunities

• Life outside the Workplace

Chapter 5 present conclusions and implications for policy, looking at promoting effective practice and

meeting the needs of a migrant worker community and an Irish worker community. These will allow for the

development of better targeted interventions in the workplace by the project and by other actors, particularly

around issues of language support.

Throughout the report, quotes from Irish workers and migrant workers are used. Unless the quotes are

specifically noted as comments from the survey research, it can be understood that the quotes are taken from

the focus group interviews.

2 MIGRANT WORKERS AND PATHS TO WORKING IN IRELAND

A remarkable social change has been going on in Ireland since the mid-1990s, as the country has changed from

an emigrating society into an immigrating one. This change occurred at a rapid speed and scale. This chapter

presents an overview of these demographic trends, using data from 2002's Census of Population and data from

the Department of Enterprise, Trade and Employment.

This chapter examines the paths migrant workers took in coming to Ireland and the rationale behind

their migration. This involved looking at how migrant workers received information in relation to the Irish labour

market, their recruitment patterns and procedures and issues of access to employment permits.

The research is concerned with migrant workers no matter how they came to Ireland not only under

the work permit or work authorisation schemes. Many of the workers involved in the research came from EU or

EEA countries.

This chapter briefly explains the operation of the employment permit system and authorisation

schemes.

2.1 BACKGROUND

The 2002 Census data together with information from the Department of Enterprise, Trade and Employment

gives an overview of the trends in the migration of people to Ireland. While this data does not paint the complete

picture, it identifies the principal sectors of the economy that are driving some of these trends and the main

countries whose citizens have joined the Irish workforce.

This section also outlines the background of respondents to the survey research.

2.1.1 Immigration trends in Ireland

The profile of the population has been changing since the mid-1990s. These immigration trends have been

largely spurred by rapid economic and employment growth, as employers have looked abroad to satisfy their

employment needs.

The latest Census of Population shows that the extent of immigration into the State has more than

quadrupled since the 1986 Census – although the fact that there is no question on ethnicity in the Census

means it is difficult to be precise as to the ethnic background of those who have entered the State.

Some indication can be gleaned however from the question on nationality, which showed that there

were 224,300 non-Irish nationals living in Ireland in 2002- almost six percent of the total population. Of those

almost half were from the United Kingdom. Other EU nationals and nationals from other European countries

were the next most numerous categories followed by Asian, African and US nationals (Central Statistics Office,

2003).

10 CHAPTER 2

11MIGRANT WORKERS AND PATHS TO WORKING IN IRELAND

2.1.2 Trends in migrant workers coming to Ireland

Data from the Department of Enterprise, Trade and Employment gives a further breakdown of national

differences of those who have entered the State through the work permit scheme or the work authorisation

scheme.

WORK PERMITS

The majority of non-EEA nationals working in Ireland do so with ‘work permits’2 which are applied for by the

employer. Only an employer can apply for a work permit to employ a person who is not a national of an EU/EEA

State. Employers who apply for work permits are required to establish that it has not been possible, in spite of

reasonable efforts being made to fill the vacancy with an EU/EEA national.3

The work permit scheme, by which people from non-EEA countries entered the State has grown from

6,250 in 1999 to 40,321 in 2002.5 Interesting to note however is the decrease in the numbers of new permits

from 2002. According to 2003 figures, renewals outstripped applications for new permits.

The majority of migrant workers have come from Central and Eastern Europe -Latvia (9.8%), Lithuania

(9.5%), Poland (7.8%), and Romania (6.1%) in particular - and east and south-east Asia- Philippines (8.1%),

China (3.1%) and Malaysia (2.7%) especially (figures for 2002). These 7 countries represent 47% of all permits

issued in 2002 and 49% of all renewals.

The following table presents a distribution of work permits by sector of employment. Catering and

other service sector jobs predominate.

TABLE 1: TOTAL WORK PERMITS ISSUED BYYEAR AND by category: 1999-2003

4

YEAR NEW PERMITS RENEWALS GROUP TOTALPERMITS

1999 4,328 1653 269 6,250

2000 15,434 2,271 301 18,006

2001 29,594 6,485 357 36,436

2002 23,326 16,562 433 40,321

2003 15,342 16,487 347 32,176

2 According to Census 2002 data, there was a total of 74,238 people from outside the EU aged 15-64 resident in the State in 2002.

3 Where applications are made for work permits to be renewed the employer does not have to engage with FÁS employment services.

4 Figures for January 1 to August 31 2003.5 The real figure of new immigrant workers entering Ireland on work permits would have been less, as the above figures

include an estimated 2,000 to 3,000 workers per annum changing jobs.

THE URBAN CENTRES WERE THE FOCUS FOR JUST OVER HALF OF ALL THE WORK PERMITS

ISSUED IN 2002:

• Four in ten permits were issued to employers in Dublin in 2002;

• 7% issued to Cork;

• almost 4% issued to Limerick;

• Counties bordering on Dublin (Meath and Kildare) received 10.5% of all permits issued in 2002.

WORK AUTHORISATIONS

To facilitate the recruitment of suitably qualified people from non-EEA countries for designated sectors

of the employment market where skill shortages are particularly acute, a Work Authorisation scheme was

introduced. This makes it possible for prospective employees with job offers from employers in Ireland to obtain

work authorisations from Irish Embassies and Consulates, in their country of origin. The number of work

authorisations is much smaller than work permits, running at about 250 per month in recent years.

12 CHAPTER 2

Table 2: Analysis of work permits by sector:1999- August 2003

SECTOR 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003

Services to industry 3,010 6,538 14,018 15,068 8,680

Catering 694 3,907 9,129 10,306 7,899

Agriculture/Fisheries 449 2,963 5,714 6,248 4,625

Industry 414 1,744 3,119 3,094 2,321

Medical and Nursing 721 1,353 2,252 2,883 4,161

Entertainment 452 650 1,021 874 662

Domestic 80 195 521 788 659

Education 304 364 480 610 466

Sport 60 118 121 153 149

Exchange agreements 60 72 61 297 654

Table 3: Recent trends in granting of workvisas and authorisations

6

PERIOD VISAS AUTHORISATIONS TOTAL

June –Dec 2000 991 392 1,383

2001 2,667 1,082 5,750

2002 1,753 857 4,612

Jan– March 2003 300 191 491

Total 5,711 2,522 8,233

6 The data in these tables have been compiled from information provided by the Department of Enterprise, Trade and Employment.


Work authorisations are only granted to those in occupations in healthcare, in information and

communication technologies, and in construction. (See table 4)

The Philippines heads the list of countries from which work visa and work authorisation holders

originate with 41% of visas granted in 2002. South Africa (19%) and India (15%) receive the next highest

numbers of working visas, followed by Australia and Nigeria with 5% each. These five countries received 85%

of all working visas granted in 2002.

2.1.3 Origins and Characteristics of Migrant Workers Surveyed

The following table shows the distribution of migrant worker survey respondents by region of origin and

employment sector.

Table 4: Occupations for which work visas andauthorisations granted in 2002

EMPLOYMENT AUTHORISATIONS % VISAS %

Registered Nurse 150 17.5% 1,245 71.0%

ICT Professional 162 18.9% 394 22.5%

Construction Engineer 277 32.3% 51 2.9%

Medical 81 9.5% 30 1.7%

ICT Technician 88 10.3% 18 1.0%

Architect 72 8.4% 11 0.6%

Quantity Surveyor 15 1.8% 3 0.2%

Town Planner 8 0.9% 1 0.1%

Building Surveyor 4 0.5% 0 0.0%

Total 857 100% 1,753 100%

Table 5: Region of Origin of Respondents

REGION HOSPITALS CATERING FOOD TOTAL& HOTELS PROCESSING

EU/EEA country 16% 36% 11% 17%

EU Accession countries 1% 3% 23% 8%

Romania 1% 0% 56% 20%

Indian Sub-continent 13% 32% 3% 11%

Russia, Ukraine, Belarus 1% 4% 0% 2%

USA/ Canada 3% 7% 0% 3%

Africa 5% 0% 2% 3%

Middle East 3% 0% 0% 2%

China/ South Korea 1% 0% 4% 2%

Philippines/ Malaysia/Sri Lanka/ Trinidad 55% 18% 0% 31%

Number of cases 121 28 80 229

Some differences between the sectors are evident. For example in the food processing sector, most

of the migrant workers are from Central and Eastern Europe while in healthcare sector a significant number are

from the Philippines.

While the majority of respondents in the hospitals were employed in Ireland on the basis of work visas,

in the catering and hotel sectors and in the food processing sector they are mainly employed through work

permits.

The majority of migrant worker respondents in the healthcare sector are female. In food processing and

in the catering and hospitality sectors women are in the minority.

Almost all migrant workers in the catering and hospitality sector are aged between 20 and 40 (93%).

The corresponding figure for the food processing sector is 84%. In the healthcare sector, there is a more even

spread of age groups- 33% are aged between 20 and 29; 44% between 30 and 39; and 20% between 40

and 49.

Regarding levels of education, the following table gives a breakdown across migrant and Irish workers.

From the survey it is evident that migrant workers tend to have higher levels of education than their

Irish colleagues. A higher percentage of migrant workers have completed degree courses.

14 CHAPTER 2

Table 6: Distribution of respondents by sectorand basis upon which working in Ireland

BASIS HOSPITALS CATERING FOOD & HOTELS PROCESSING

Work visa 63.2% 0% 10.7%

Work permit 18.8% 60.7% 76.2%

Student visa 0.9% 3.6% 3.6%

Citizen of other EU member state 10.3% 32.1% 8.3%

Other basis 6.8% 3.6% 1.2%

Table 7: Level of Education

LEVEL OF EDUCATION PERCENTAGE

Irish Primary level education 3%

Second level education 37%

Completed diploma/ certificate course 35%

Completed degree course 13%

Completed postgraduate course 12%

Migrant workers Second level education 21%

Completed diploma/ certificate course 27%

Completed degree course 44%

Completed postgraduate course 8%


In the healthcare sector this is partially due to the fact that the professional qualification of many

migrant nurses has degree status (something which is only beginning to happen in Ireland). Among the migrant

worker nurses 85% have completed degrees or postgraduate courses compared to 50% of Irish nurses. Most

migrant workers in this sector have some form of third level education.

In the food processing sector, migrant workers have higher levels of education than their Irish

counterparts. For example among the migrant workers 57% have completed diploma/certificate courses or

degree courses compared to 18% of Irish workers.

This trend is also the case in the hospitality and catering sector. Among the migrant workers 54% have

completed diploma/certificate courses or degree courses compared to 41% of Irish workers.

This may mean migrant workers are over qualified for jobs in which they find employment in Ireland.

2.2 REASONS AND MOTIVATIONS FOR COMING TO IRELAND

In the focus group interviews migrant workers were asked about their reasons for seeking work in Ireland. The

primary reason stated by migrant workers was to earn money for themselves, their future and their family. Many

migrant workers came to Ireland because there were poor employment prospects for them at home. This may

have been due to the local economy under performing, their specific skills being in low demand or due to a

recent redundancy.

Some migrant workers came to Ireland with the principle objective of learning English. Few were

entirely motivated by thoughts of settling permanently in Ireland and some were in Ireland because of a

wanderlust.

2.2.1 Economic factors

The vast majority of the migrant workers involved in the research cited economic factors as the principal

motivating factor in their decision to come to Ireland.

YES .. THE ONLY MOTIVATION IS THE MONEY. EVERYONE HAS THEIR OWN PURPOSE FOR THE MONEY, BUILD A HOUSE

FOR THE FAMILY, YOU KNOW DO SOMETHING. LIKE A LONG TIME AGO IN IRELAND PEOPLE GOING EVERYWHERE. THEY

HAVE EXACTLY THE SAME MOTIVATION.

WE COME HERE FOR GOOD MONEY, WE ARE HARD-WORKING.

The potential income that migrant workers could earn in Ireland was generally a multiple of what could

be earned in their native country.

IT IS GOOD FOR US, BECAUSE WE ARE SENDING MONEY IN OUR COUNTRY. IT'S DOUBLE OR TRIPLE OF WHAT WE ARE

EARNING IN OUR COUNTRY.

Migrant workers had multiple intentions for their earnings. For many, the money saved was to be sent

to their immediate and/ or their extended family, at home.

IT'S MY INTENTION BECAUSE I'M NOT FROM A RICH FAMILY, MY FATHER HAS PASSED AWAY A LONG TIME AGO AND I

HAVE ONLY ONE BROTHER, I'VE BROUGHT HIM HERE. I WANT TO IMPROVE THINGS A LITTLE BIT FOR MY FAMILY. I DON'T

EXPECT A LOT, JUST COME HERE AND WORK.

Many migrant workers had partners and children dependant on this money. As an Irish colleague

understood it:

ONE OF MY COLLEAGUES SAID THAT SHE WOULD BE WORKING UNTIL HER CHILDREN GRADUATE AND SHE HAS THREE

CHILDREN, BECAUSE THEY COULDN’T AFFORD TO DO IT BACK HOME.

The earnings that could be saved by the migrant workers, if it was not to be sent home for the ongoing

maintenance of the family at home, was also regarded as a deposit on a secure future for the family.

2.2.2 Poor employment prospects at home

Some workers left their native country for Ireland because of the employment prospects and conditions at home.

I CAME TO DUBLIN BECAUSE I HAVE NOTHING TO DO AT HOME. I GOT THIS JOB IN FÁS OFFICE.

Lower wages as mentioned, a lack of opportunities to advance, costs and availability of education and

training featured as motivating factors.

The closure of a factory in a Romanian city prompted a number of former staff to seek work in a plant

in Ireland.

I WORKED IN A FACTORY THAT WAS CLOSING, THE AGENCY CONTACTED US AND ASKED IF WE WANTED TO WORK IN

IRELAND, WE PASSED AN INTERVIEW AND WERE GIVEN A VISA.

People were generally informed of the potential benefits of working in Ireland in terms of the wages

and working conditions.

2.2.3 Learning English

A secondary reason for coming to work in Ireland for many was the opportunity to improve their English.

ACTUALLY, I CAME TO DUBLIN TO STUDY ENGLISH. I WAS A STUDENT FROM JULY UNTIL JANUARY. THEN I APPLIED FOR A

PART-TIME JOB IN A HOSPITAL. I WAS A NURSE IN KOREA, I DON’T WANT TO LOSE MY REGISTRATION.

WELL, I ALWAYS WANT TO LEARN SOME ENGLISH BUT I HAVE NO PATIENCE TO GO TO SCHOOL BECAUSE WHEN YOU GO

TO SCHOOL YOU STILL CAN'T SPEAK THAT WELL, SO I WANT TO COME TO ANOTHER COUNTRY AND LEARN.

For many migrant workers, for example the Filipino nurses, it was a prerequisite that they have a good

command of spoken and written English, other migrant workers had very limited English before arriving in Ireland.

2.2.4 Settling in Ireland

While not many migrant workers envisaged settling permanently in Ireland, some had hoped that eventually their

partner (and children) would move over to be with them. Some such migrant workers had hoped to educate their

children in Ireland.

I ALREADY BRING MY FAMILY HERE, JUST IN CASE THEY WILL GIVE ME A PERMANENT CONTRACT, AND THEY WILL

CHANGE IT, BECAUSE MY DEPENDENT IS NOT ALLOWED TO WORK. THAT'S THE ONLY PROBLEM.

I WILL DEFINITELY GO BACK TO THE PHILIPPINES BECAUSE I HAVE MY CHILDREN. MY HUSBAND AND I NEVER REALLY

PLANNED TO STAY HERE FOR LONG, BECAUSE FIRST THE WEATHER. THE PEOPLE AND THE HOSPITAL ARE FINE, BUT YOU

CAN'T CHANGE THE WEATHER. I CANNOT COPE WITH THE WEATHER. IN OUR CASE, WE ARE HERE TO SAVE MONEY. AFTER

THAT RETIRE IN THE PHILIPPINES, BUT STAYING HERE FOR A GOOD WHILE.

16 CHAPTER 2


2.2.5 Seeing the world

A small number of the migrant workers were motivated by travel. For these, Ireland was regarded as a launch

pad for Europe or further afield.

I WANT MORE EXPERIENCE IN OTHER COUNTRIES. I WANT TO GO TO AMERICA NEXT YEAR

I WILL STAY ANOTHER 2 YEARS. I LIKE TO STAY HERE AND GO ON HOLIDAYS EVERY 6 MONTHS, TO GET TO KNOW EUROPE.

2.3 STEPS TAKEN TO COME

The decision behind leaving a person's country was more often than not driven by economic needs. The routes

by which migrant workers ended up in Ireland varied. Getting access to information was critical. Many of the

migrant workers had already worked abroad, so coming to Ireland in these instances came as a next logical step.

The means of recruitment was an important milestone for the majority of migrant workers. Personal

contacts were very important in this, as well as the employment agency or recruitment company in the home

country. On the basis of their recruitment experience, they could arrive into the Irish work force fully informed of

their job specification, their payment structure, their rights under employment legislation, the local culture and

the cost of living. The alternative was true for others, they arrived into work knowing none of this, alone and with

non-existent English.

This section examines the various routes taken by migrant workers to make it to the Irish labour market

and their initial impressions.

2.3.1 Previous experience of working abroad

The route from the home country to working in Ireland was not always a direct one. Some of the migrant workers

had previously worked abroad, prior to working in Ireland. Many of the Bangladeshi hotel workers interviewed,

for example, had worked in the sector in Sri Lanka. The majority of the skilled meat factory workers from Hungary

had worked in Germany and/or Denmark.

Some of the migrant worker nurses were also accustomed to working abroad.

I WORKED IN THE MIDDLE EAST BEFORE COMING HERE AND I WAS HIRED BY A RECRUITING AGENCY WHERE WE WERE

INTERVIEWED IN DUBAI AND WE CAME HERE LAST .. TWO YEARS AGO.

2.3.2 Getting Access to Information

Migrant workers learned about employment opportunities in Ireland in a number of ways. Friends and relatives

were important sources of intelligence.

MY FRIEND WORKS HERE AND TRANSLATES ENGLISH TO PORTUGUESE, IN FACT SHE HELPED ME COME OVER. SHE

INTRODUCED ME TO THIS WOMAN AND ASKED ME IF I WANTED TO WORK IN A FACTORY IN DUBLIN ASKED ME IF I

WANTED TO WORK WITH HER PART-TIME.

WHEN I WAS STILL IN THE PHILIPPINES I WAS ALREADY TELLING EVERYBODY THAT “YOU KNOW MY HUSBAND CALLED

ME AND TOLD ME ALL ABOUT THE WORK. HE ALSO TOLD ME THAT IT WAS REALLY COLD THERE AND THAT I MIGHT NOT

BE ABLE TO COPE. I DID NOT BELIEVE HIM INITIALLY SO I SAID TO SEE IS TO BELIEVE. I HAVE TO SEE IT MYSELF.

2.3.3 Means of Recruitment

For migrant workers the most common recruitment was by means of an agent in their home country.

This is especially the case in the food processing sector where just over half (53%) of survey

respondents were recruited in this way, compared to 36% in the healthcare sector and 30% in the catering and

hospitality sector. This is mainly due to the higher proportion of non-EU/EEA nationals in the latter two sectors.

For the majority of migrant workers, an employment agency in their home country played an integral

role in getting them to Ireland. The accounts of migrant workers’ experiences with recruitment agencies

indicated that there was a wide variation in the level of services offered and in the costs involved.

In some cases, the agency approached potential candidates in their centre of education or training.

THE AGENCY CONTACTED US AND ASKED IF WE WANTED TO WORK IN IRELAND, WE PASSED AN INTERVIEW AND WERE

GIVEN A VISA.

In many other cases, potential migrant workers approached an agent who had knowledge of contacts

with Irish employers.

IN A NEWSPAPER, I SAW AN AD FOR A RECRUITMENT GUY, HE ASKED ME FOR CV WITH ALL MY EXPERIENCE- I

SUBMITTED EVERYTHING, WAS INTERVIEWED BY HIM AND THE OWNER'S SON AND THEN WAS OFFERED A PERMIT.

Thus, many entered the interview process. Depending on the particular jobs that recruitment

companies were seeking to fill in the various industrial sectors in Ireland, the interview process could be quite

different. For many workers being recruited to the food processing sector in Ireland, a review of the candidates

curriculum vitae led to an job offer. The candidates command of English was not taken into account.

THERE’S NOBODY SPEAKING THE ENGLISH LANGUAGE WHEN THEY ARE COMING, WELL MAYBE VERY LITTLE – SOME

PEOPLE, ONE OR TWO PERSONS, BUT REST THEY DIDN’T SPEAK ENGLISH LANGUAGE. THEY STILL HAVE DIFFICULTIES,

VERY, VERY DIFFICULT SITUATION [THROUGH AN INTERPRETER]

18 CHAPTER 2

Table 8: How migrant workers were recruitedto current job (Respondents to the survey)

METHOD HEALTHCARE FOOD CATERINGPROCESSING & HOTELS

(1) Through an agency in Ireland 24.8% 15.8% 7.4%

(2) Through an agency abroad 35.9% 52.6% 29.6%

(3) Through Irish newspapers, journals 18.8% 5.3% 3.7%

(4) Through international newspapers, journals 1.7% 1.3% 0%

(5) Through the Internet/ web 4.3% 1.3% 0%

(6) Through personal contacts in Ireland 13.7% 17.1% 33.3%

(7) Through personal contacts abroad 4.3% 3.9% 0%

(8) Called in to the workplace in person 10.3% 2.6% 25.9%

(9) Other (please state) 5.1% 3.9% 3.7%

Percentages do not add up to 100% as some respondents ticked more than one option


In the healthcare sector Irish hospital personnel were involved in this part of the process.

JUST THE SAME, THE MATRON FROM THIS HOSPITAL WENT TO OUR COUNTRY AND THEY TALKED TO ONE OF THE AGENCY

THERE AND THEY TOLD US THAT THERE IS A SHORTAGE OF NURSES HERE. SO THE MATRON OF THE HOSPITAL WAS THE

ONE WHO INTERVIEWED US FOR THE POST HERE.

Sometimes prospective migrant workers paid an agent or recruitment agency. There was often

confusion as to whether this fee was the recruitment company's professional charge or whether the cost was

for the work permit itself.

THIRTY THOUSAND HUNGARIAN FORINTS – THE FIRST PEOPLE THEY DIDN’T HAVE TO PAY. THE FIRST GROUP DIDN’T

HAVE TO PAY IT BUT THEY HAVE TO NOW.

The recruitment agency represented a critical link for potential migrant workers in getting to Ireland. In

providing this service for Irish employers, these agencies were important intermediaries for the transfer of knowledge

about the Irish labour market and procedures relating to the work permit and work authorisation schemes.

2.3.4 Information available prior to arrival in Ireland

Many migrant workers arrived into the workplace in Ireland, unsure as to the exact nature of their day to day

work. They may have been recruited within the catering and hospitality sector, but their contract (assuming there

had been a contract signed in their home country) did not specify whether this meant employment as a kitchen

porter, hall porter or as a barman. Where the employment was of a low skilled nature, the exact nature of the

work was generally unspecified, either by the employment agency or if there was a contract signed, within the

contract. Migrant workers were often employed as general operatives.

Typically in the food processing sector information was hard to come by.

WE KNEW JUST THAT WE WOULD BE WORKING WITH MEAT, NO MORE.

WE DIDN'T KNOW WHAT WE WOULD BE DOING, KNEW NOTHING ABOUT PACKING OR OTHER THINGS. WE FOUND OUT THE

NEXT DAY.

THE RECRUITMENT GUY DIDN'T TELL US MUCH ABOUT IRELAND, BUT HE GAVE US A BOOK ABOUT DISCOVERY IRELAND

AND LOOK AT WEBSITE. HAVING READ THE BOOK I THOUGHT “I SHOULD GO THERE” A CHANGE OF LIFE, IF YOU

COMPARE ASIA AND EUROPE, LIFE IS BETTER HERE.

On the other hand, healthcare sector migrant workers tended to be provided with more complete

information.

THAT WAS ONE GOOD THING ABOUT OUR EMPLOYER. THEY TOLD US ABOUT THE BACKGROUND AND SHOWED US

PICTURES OF DUBLIN, THE CITY CENTRE AND EVERYTHING.

Information on rates of pay was not always clear for all migrant workers.

THE RATE OF BASIC PAY IS DIFFERENT, THE BONUS IS DIFFERENT

In some cases, migrant workers were also unaware of exactly the town or city where they were going

to be living or working. Where accommodation was to be provided by the employer (if only for the first six weeks

in the case of the nurses) the migrant workers were generally aware of this and the cost of rent.

2.3.5 Travel and Visa/Work Permit Arrangements

Payment for travel to Ireland and help with work permit or visa application was often part of the deal.

THE HOSPITAL DEALT WITH THAT, THE HOSPITAL FILLED OUT THE APPLICATION FOR THE IMMIGRATION.

FREE AIR TICKET FOR THOSE WHO CAME THROUGH IRISH RECRUITMENT COMPANY BASED IN MALAYSIA.

Many migrant workers had their airfare paid for by the employer. The more recent arrivals across the

sectors have had to cover the cost of their travel. This was especially the case if the migrant worker was

recruited through a friend or relative who was already in Ireland.

FOR YOUNGER BROTHERS WHO CAME OVER AFTERWARDS, WE (THE OLDER BROTHERS) PAID FOR THEIR AIR TICKET.

The bulk of migrant workers from non-EU/EEA countries are employed on the basis of work permits

rather than visas. Therefore a new work permit needs to be applied for if they wish to change jobs. Some were

not aware of how this could be done.

One worker in the healthcare sector came to Ireland with a student visa, and then changed category.

I CAME HERE WITH A STUDENT VISA AND THIS WOMAN HELPED ME GET A WORK PERMIT AND I WORKED AS A CARER.

WHEN I CAME HERE TO THIS JOB, I GOT A CONTRACT AND IT WAS EASIER TO PROCESS MY WORK VISA, IT ONLY TOOK

ME A WHOLE DAY.

Anyone who wishes to practice nursing in Ireland must be registered with An Bord Altranais (The

Nursing Board). Nurses from many countries must undertake a period of supervised clinical practice in an Irish

hospital before they will be eligible for full registration.

2.3.6 Initial Impressions

Migrant workers arrived in Ireland with colleagues or individually. The pattern differs from sector to sector. In the

healthcare sector migrant worker nurses tended to be recruited and inducted in groups.

TWENTY OF US TOGETHER CAME HERE. SOME CAME FROM PHILIPPINES SOME DIRECT FROM SAUDI ARABIA AS WELL.

At the start of their time in Ireland some migrant workers, who despite fluency in English, found it

difficult to get used to Irish accents.

FOR THE FIRST FEW WEEKS I HAVE TO GET USED TO THE ACCENT

AT FIRST IT WAS REALLY HARD BUT AFTER ONE OR TWO MONTHS WE COULD [UNDERSTAND].

20 CHAPTER 2


Having English as a second language helped the migrant workers to adapt.

IN OUR COUNTRY, ENGLISH IS OUR SECOND LANGUAGE. WE EASILY ADAPT. THAT IS WHY IT IS EASIER FOR US TO

COMMUNICATE WITH OUR CO-WORKERS.

Other aspects of the new life in Ireland presented challenges. For some workers, the food was testing,

both initially (and in the longer term).

THE FIRST TIME THAT I CAME HERE, I HATED THE FOOD. EVERYONE WAS TELLING ME THAT THE FOOD IN IRELAND IS

TERRIBLE. SO I SAID I BETTER EAT IT, BECAUSE I MIGHT NOT EAT AGAIN. I STILL HATE THE IRISH FOOD, IT IS HORRIBLE.

The weather was another difficulty that migrant workers had to get used to.

2.4 CONCLUSION

This research examined the paths migrant workers had taken in coming to Ireland and the rationale behind their

migration. This involved looking at how migrant workers received information, recruitment patterns and access

to employment permits.

Evidence from this research suggests, not unsurprisingly, that economic factors are the principal

motivation for migrant workers coming to Ireland. Migrant workers enjoy pay rates that are multiples of what is

available in their home countries. A secondary motivation is to learn English.

Most migrant workers, especially those with dependents at home, do not envisage staying longterm in

Ireland.

The first concrete step towards working in Ireland was generally made through an agent in their home

country. This may be a service for which they have to pay money and incur debt.

Workers engaged in food processing and in the catering and hospitality sector were often unaware of

the exact nature of their day-to-day work until they started work in Ireland. Information available on pay and

conditions may also have been incomplete at this stage.

Irish accents and Irish food presented challenges to migrant workers when they began their stay in

Ireland.

3 SETTLING INTO THE WORKPLACE

Once the migrant workers arrived in Ireland and entered the labour force, a number of interventions were

generally put in place to ease their transition to working in what was for many a new environment. The majority

of migrant workers received an induction. This varied across the sectors from a one hour session with the

company manager to a comprehensive programme that explained among other things, an overview Ireland's

employment and equality legislation.

The experience of training can be an important formative stage of integration for a migrant worker as

they get to meet and know their Irish co-workers and become accustomed to the workplace. The provision of

English language support can be of critical importance for the newly arrived migrant worker during this settling

in phase.

Irish workers can also benefit from information and awareness interventions at this stage. Where

companies and unions have engaged in such proactive work with Irish staff, it has been found to be helpful in

promoting a positive integration dynamic.

This chapter examines these workplace interventions from the point of view of the migrant worker and the Irish

worker.

3.1 INDUCTION, INFORMATION AND INITIAL TRAINING

The majority of migrant workers received some form of induction. The most detailed induction process was

organised for migrant nurses. Workers in other parts of the healthcare sector, the food processing and the

hospitality and catering sectors did not generally experience the same degree or intensity of induction.

For some, their induction consisted of a health and safety course. They had to find out any extra

information they needed in relation for example to pay or overtime by asking a colleague. This assumed that the

migrant worker's level of English was good enough to understand the answer.

In some cases employers took on board the feedback of migrant workers, which in turn informed the

induction process for the next group of migrant workers.

Information on Trade Unions was generally left to the individual to discover for themselves. Initial

training varied from sector to sector and within sectors. The majority of training was on the job and experiential.

Language difficulties were common. Many migrant workers relied on a colleague who spoke good English.

22 CHAPTER 3

23SETTLING INTO THE WORKPLACE

3.1.1 Induction Process: Migrant Nurses

Nurses were placed in education and training hospitals where they received induction and training. There they

generally took part in a classroom based orientation session for one week before beginning their training on the

wards.

THE FIRST WEEK OF YOUR SIX WEEKS IS ABOUT GETTING TO KNOW IRELAND, ISN’T IT? IT’S LIKE UNDERSTANDING

COSTS OF ACCOMMODATION, ALL THESE KINDS OF THINGS.

THIS INDUCTION DEALT WITH A RANGE OF CONCERNS, INCLUDING:

• human resources issues;

• accommodation;

• the local area;

• how to organise social welfare;

• setting up a bank account;

• occupational health & safety;

• nursing in Ireland and how it is structured;

• the tax system and how it operates;

• trade unions;

• training programme.

The content was specific to the local hospital. The classroom orientation also covered theoretical

content relating to nursing in an Irish health care setting.

Accommodation was provided by the hospitals during this induction period and the six week training

module that followed. During this time, most nurses found private accommodation, generally in the private rental

sector in the locality of the hospital. The induction process for some nurses involved a tour of their local

environment.

I THINK WE WERE ALSO TAKEN BY THE BUS, BUSES PAID BY THE HOSPITAL, WE WERE TAKEN FOR A BUS RIDE THROUGH

THE WHOLE OF DUBLIN AND OUR LOCAL AREA.

An employer in the healthcare sector took on board the feedback of migrant workers. This then

informed the induction process for the next group of migrant workers who arrived.

IT’S JUST THAT THE FIRST BATCH OF FILIPINOS OR MAYBE THE SECOND BATCH, MY HUSBAND IS A PART OF THAT BATCH,

THEY WERE THE ONES WHO SUFFERED. THERE WAS NO INDUCTION, THEY ARRIVED HERE ON A SATURDAY AND THAT

MONDAY THEY WENT TO THE HOSPITAL AND WORKED WITH NO ORIENTATION AT ALL. AND BECAUSE OF THEIR

FEEDBACK THE FOURTH AND FIFTH BATCH WHERE I WAS PART OF, WE ALREADY HAVE A ONE WEEK ORIENTATION

BEFORE WE WENT TO THE HOSPITAL.

This is indicative of the level of support available to most migrant nurses.

3.1.2 Induction Process: Other Occupations

This level of co-ordination and support in the induction process was not that which migrant workers in the

catering and hospitality sector and in the food processing sector received. Indeed for other migrant workers in

the healthcare sector, apart from nurses, the induction was quite cursory.

A migrant worker in the materials management section of a hospital had no orientation.

I GOT A NOTE FROM PERSONNEL SAYING I GOT THE JOB. WHEN I GOT THE JOB I WAS JUST SENT TO THE DEPARTMENT.

IF THERE’S A FIRE DRILL I DON’T EVEN KNOW WHERE TO RUN TO. YOU JUST USE YOUR OWN INITIATIVE AND DECIDE

WHAT HAPPENS.

Migrant workers in a food processing sector factory received a brief introduction to the company on

their first morning in the staff canteen, after which they were told which area of the factory they would be working

in. This served as their induction.

WE WERE IN A MEETING WITH ALL THE OTHERS IN THE CANTEEN AND ONE OF THE MANAGERS HAD A LIST AND EACH

OF US WERE TAKEN TO A SECTION.

THE PRESENTATION WAS ABOUT THE QUALITY, THE FACTORY IN GENERAL, THE SECURITY SYSTEM, THE FIRE SYSTEM.

Some of the migrant workers in this case had received information prior to their arrival about their

working conditions and about the cost of living in Ireland.

SOME OF US KNEW ABOUT OUR PAY. THE AGENCY EXPLAINED IT TO US BEFORE WE CAME, THE HOURS, THE BASIC.

WE ALSO WERE TOLD HOW MUCH THE PRODUCTS IN THE SHOPS WERE, THE BREAD, THE PRICES.

Some recruitment agencies, offered information packs or general information on life in Ireland.

AFTER WE PASSED THE INTERVIEW BEFORE WE ARRIVED, THE AGENCY GAVE US A FORM, WITH INFORMATION ABOUT

IRELAND, WITH THE CONTRACT IN IT, WITH PRICES FOR BREAD, CIGARETTES, BUTTER, FEW SMALL THINGS.

IT SEEMED VERY EXPENSIVE. I HEARD THAT IT IS THE SECOND MOST EXPENSIVE COUNTRY IN THE WORLD WITH THE

PRICES.

However the information was not always complete.

THE RENT IS VERY BIG AND HOUSES ARE VERY EXPENSIVE. WE DIDN'T KNOW BEFORE WE CAME HOW MUCH WE

WOULD HAVE TO SPEND EVERY MONTH ON RENT.

24 CHAPTER 3


3.1.3 Elements of the Induction Process

When responding to this section about induction, it was not assumed that all these options would have been

grouped together in one package. For instance, the most common element of induction within the three sectors

was a health and safety course. These courses did not always take place immediately upon arrival in the

company or organisation.

There are quite significant numbers who did not receive an explanation of payment procedures across

the three sectors and a large number did not receive an explanation of their statutory rights. Almost two thirds

of all migrant worker respondents received a description of career/job structures within the company, although

under half of all migrant workers got a description of the range of training and qualification opportunities

available. In the case of the catering and hospitality sector, less than one third of migrant workers were informed

about the organisation's equality policy.

When compared to responses from Irish workers, certain trends point to the absence of detailed

induction programmes across the sectors for all workers. For instance, even with the gaps in information made

available to migrant workers, a higher percentage of migrant workers than Irish workers have received

information and rights, duties and procedures. This is the case even though Irish workers have been, on average,

more years in the job.

The following tables give an indication of the elements of the induction process experienced by migrant

worker survey respondents and Irish survey respondents.

Table 9: Elements of induction process offeredto migrant and Irish workers (Percentages forIrish workers in brackets)

INDUCTION OPTIONS HEALTHCARE FOOD CATERINGSECTOR PROCESSING & HOTELS

(1) Explanation of the industrial relations procedures 62% (16%) 81% (47%) 48% (54%)

(2) A health and safety course 86% (52%) 87% (90%) 80% (77%)

(3) A description of career/job structures

within the company 62% (42%) 60% (53%) 68% (74%)

(4) An explanation of statutory rights 57% (29%) 62% (44%) 44% (59%)

(5) An explanation of payment procedures 67% (71%) 76% (58%) 72% (87%)

(6) Information about trades union(s) 43% (29%) 24% (33%) 12% (49%)

(7) A description of the range of training &

qualification opportunities available 48% (19%) 39% (40%) 40% (54%)

(8) A description of the range of language

supports available 33% (3%) 41% (4%) 12% (13%)

(9) Inter-cultural awareness programme 38% (16%) 21% (5%) 12% (18%)

(10) Information on organisation’s equality policy 48% (10%) 40% (14%) 32% (36%)

AGAIN THE MOST COMMON ELEMENT OF INDUCTION WITHIN THE THREE SECTORS WAS A

HEALTH AND SAFETY COURSE. SOME POINTS OF DIVERGENCE BETWEEN ELEMENTS OF THE

INDUCTION PROCESS OFFERED TO IRISH WORKERS AND TO MIGRANT WORKERS INCLUDE:

• More migrant workers than Irish workers received information on industrial relation procedures in the

healthcare and food processing sectors;

• A higher percentage of migrant workers in the healthcare sector received a description of career

structures and the range of training and qualification opportunities. This trend is reversed in the

catering and hospitality sector;

• A significantly higher proportion of migrant workers than Irish workers have received information on

the employer’s equality policy in the healthcare sector and the food processing sector.

3.1.4 Information on Trade Unions

A very low proportion of migrant workers received information about trade unions. In the catering and hospitality

sector, just over one in ten migrant workers were informed about trade unions.

Some workers in the healthcare sector were informed about their trade unions during their induction.

WE WERE GIVEN THE OPTION WHICH TRADE UNION WE WERE GOING TO JOIN. SO IT’S UP TO US AND THEY TOLD US THAT

IN EACH DEPARTMENT, IN EACH WARD I THINK THERE ARE TWO REPRESENTATIVES OF THE TRADE UNIONS. SO IT’S JUST

FOR US TO APPROACH THEM TO GET AN APPLICATION IN. SO WE HAVE TO MAIL IT OURSELVES. WE WERE TOLD IF YOU

WANT TO JOIN THE UNION BUT WE WERE NOT REALLY FORCED TO JOIN.

THE HOSPITAL ASKED THE UNION TO COME HERE AND GIVE A TALK.

However for many migrant workers, they became aware of the role and activities of the trade union in

their company or organisation over time.

NO INFORMATION (ON TRADE UNIONS) AT THE START. I AM MEMBER OF SIPTU FOR 3 MONTHS. I ASKED A LADY IN MY

DEPARTMENT THE REPRESENTATIVE. SHE GAVE ME A FORM AND I FILLED IN.

EACH SECTION HAS A REPRESENTATIVE, BUT I DIDN'T HAVE ANY PROBLEMS, SO I DIDN'T JOIN. BUT I KNOW WHO THE

PERSON IS.

There was a lack of clarity about trade union membership in the case of some migrant workers:

I HEARD THAT YOU HAVE TO BE PERMANENT STAFF TO JOIN A TRADE UNION. ABOUT A FEW MONTHS AGO I FOUND THAT

YOU DON’T HAVE TO BE PERMANENT, ONCE YOU’RE STAFF, ONCE YOU’RE WORKING HERE YOU CAN JOIN A TRADE UNION.

SO I THINK IT’S UP TO ME TO DECIDE IF PEOPLE WANT TO JOIN, IF IT’S GOING TO BE BENEFICIAL.

26 CHAPTER 3


Many migrant workers were left to find information about the trade union themselves.

IF WE WANTED TO JOIN WE HAD TO GO AND FIND OUT FOR OURSELVES.

3.1.5 Information on the Permit System

Apart from the migrant nurses, who come to Ireland under the working visa scheme, many of the other migrant

workers in the healthcare sector and the catering and hospitality sector and the food processing sector were

work permit holders. The employers have to apply to renew these permits on an annual basis. There are often

delays in the processing of the permits, which was a cause of concern for some migrant workers.

IT IS VERY STRESSFUL EACH YEAR TO WAIT FOR A WORK PERMIT. AFTER THAT YOU GO TO THE OFFICE TO OBTAIN A VISA.

A LOT OF TROUBLES. I HOPE TO DO SOMETHING WITH IT.

An Irish supervisor highlighted these worries.

ONE OR TWO OF THE MIGRANT WORKERS WOULD BE WORRIED, THEY'D ASK IS THERE ANY CHANCE THAT THEY MIGHT

BE SENT BACK. SOMETIMES WHEN IT DOESN'T COME BACK IN TIME, THEIR PAPERWORK, THEY DO GET WORRIED AND

SAY “WHERE'S MY PASSPORT, WHERE'S MY PAPERWORK” OR WHATEVER. I'D TELL THEM THAT WE'RE JUST WAITING ON

THE PAPERWORK TO COME BACK, THAT THERE'S NO PROBLEM. IT TAKES SUCH A LONG TIME FOR IT TO PROCESS.

Many migrant workers expressed confusion about the operation and the future of the work permit system.

I WANT TO ASK YOU SOMETHING. I AM AFRAID ABOUT SOMETHING. EVERY YEAR, WE NEED THE WORK PERMIT. FOR ME

IT'S THE THIRD WORK PERMIT. IF I WANT TO APPLY FOR IRISH CITIZEN, WE NEED FIVE WORK PERMITS. I DON'T KNOW IF

THE GOVERNMENT GIVE US THE FIFTH ONE. I'M AFRAID THAT AFTER 4 YEARS, THEY WILL SAY GO HOME, WE DON'T NEED

ROMANIANS.

IT WAS EASY THEN BUT I THINK THAT THIS TIME IT IS MORE DIFFICULT AS THEY ARE NOT GIVING VISAS BUT ONLY FOR

IMPORTANT JOBS LIKE WORKING IN THE HOSPITAL OR SOMETHING.

Some migrant workers felt that it would be difficult to change jobs.

IF SOMEONE WANTS TO CHANGE THEIR JOB, WE SHOULD HAVE RIGHT. WORK PERMIT CAN CHANGE. VERY DIFFICULT TO

CHANGE THE WORK PERMIT. IF I JUST LIKE TO CHANGE MY JOB, THIS IS VERY DIFFICULT AND I FEEL IT VERY UNFAIR, IT

IS NOT HUMAN RIGHTS. I REQUEST THAT IT IS MADE EASIER TO CHANGE JOBS. SO THAT EMPLOYERS DO NOT HAVE THE

OPPORTUNITY TO KEEP UNDER PRESSURE WORKERS. MAKE IT FLEXIBLE TO CHANGE JOBS. THE WORKERS WILL BE

HAPPY AND THE EMPLOYERS WILL HAVE TO TAKE CARE OF THE WORKERS.

3.1.6 Initial Training

Training for migrant nurses involved a six week placement on the ward. This time was spent getting practical

experience on the wards, generally focusing on the area in which the nurse would eventually be working. During

the placement, each nurse was continuously assessed on medical and surgical nursing practice. Once they had

passed, they registered with An Bord Altranais.

The six week session was welcomed by many nurses in order to familiarise themselves with the Irish

system.

WE WERE ALREADY WORKING IN THE PHILIPPINES AS NURSES FOR YEARS AS CHARGE NURSE AND SENIOR STAFF

NURSES. WHEN WE CAME HERE WE WERE REALLY SHOCKED BECAUSE WE DON’T DO COMMODES. IN OUR COUNTRY

NURSING IS PATTERNED WITH AMERICA SO IT WAS A SHOCK FOR US. THE ORIENTATION IS REALLY IMPORTANT, IT

MAKES US COMFORTABLE AND ACQUAINTED WITH THE JOB.

For other migrant workers in the healthcare sector, training or orientation was minimal.

WELL MY ENGLISH WAS VERY BAD WHEN I STARTED HERE AROUND TWO YEARS AGO. I STARTED IN THE KITCHEN LIKE

MOST OF US ALL DO. WHEN I FIRST CAME, ALL THEY DO IS YOU DO THIS AND YOU DO THAT. NO TRAINING AT ALL.

NO, I TAUGHT MYSELF EVERYTHING. YOU HAVE TO ASK, INSTEAD OF THEM OFFERING HOW TO DO IT.

Learning was on-the-job. A migrant carer explained his experience of training.

WHEN I CAME HERE I DON’T SPEAK THAT MUCH ENGLISH. I DON’T EVEN UNDERSTAND IRISH PEOPLE. I HAVE TO SPEND

ONE OR TWO MONTHS IN THE BEGINNING STUDYING AND LEARNING ENGLISH VOCABULARY. I USED TO WORK AS

CLEANER IN THE BEGINNING. I DID NOT HAVE ANY EXPERIENCE AS A CARER IN THE HOSPITAL OR ANY OTHER HOSPITAL

SO THAT WAS MY FIRST EXPERIENCE IN THE HOSPITAL. THEY TOLD ME BUT I DID NOT HAVE ANY IDEA HOW IT SHOULD

BE DONE OR HOW THEY WERE SUPPOSED TO LOOK LIKE OR HOW THEY ARE SUPPOSED TO BE. ON MY FIRST DAY AS A

CARER I DID NOT HAVE ANY IDEA ON WHAT I WAS SUPPOSED TO DO. I JUST WAITED FOR SOMEBODY TO TELL ME TO DO

THIS AND TO DO THAT.

This was similar for migrant workers in the food processing sector. Many unskilled workers found

themselves on their first day, following an introduction to the company, being taken to work in different sections

of the factory. Again training was on the job.

EACH SUPERVISOR TOOK WHOEVER HE NEEDED.

WE ONLY KNEW THEN WHICH SECTION, BUT WE DIDN'T KNOW WHAT THE WORK WOULD BE.

THERE WAS TRAINING FOR ONE DAY FOR US.

WE ALL HAD A PRESENTATION FIRST, THEN AFTER THAT IN EACH OTHER'S SECTIONS, WE NEEDED A COUPLE OF WEEKS,

BECAUSE WE KNEW NOTHING. “

28 CHAPTER 3


Skilled workers in the food processing sectors were shown the specific work that they would have to do.

THERE ARE CERTAIN CUTS THAT THEY MIGHTN'T HAVE EXPERIENCE OF, BUT THEY'D HAVE THE FEEL OF A KNIFE.

USUALLY YOU'D SHOW THEM THE WAY YOU WANT IT DONE AND THEY'D NEARLY KNOW, IF THEY'VE ANY KNIFE

EXPERIENCE AT ALL. IF THEY DON'T WE CAN ALWAYS GO TO THE LIKES OF X (A MIGRANT WORKER WITH GOOD ENGLISH)

AND EXPLAIN TO THEM.

Migrant workers in the catering and hospitality sector learnt in their initial training that their job

expectations were not always met.

HALL PORTER IN MALAYSIA, WE CALL IT BELLBOY. YOU STAND BY IN RECEPTION, CARRY AND WELCOME CUSTOMERS TO

ROOM OR TO THE CAR. BUT HERE, WE DO BELLBOY JOB, WE DO TOILET CLEANING, ROOM CLEANING, HALL CLEANING,

WE MAKE SANDWICHES, WE HELP CUSTOMERS WITH EVERYTHING THAT THEY NEED. SO WE ARE DOING ALL THESE

THINGS, BUT NO PROBLEM, WE CAN DO ALL THESE THINGS.

Initial training for the majority of migrant workers was mainly experiential.

3.1.7 Difficulties Understanding Pay and Taxation System

Some significant factors were not always explained to migrant workers as part of an induction.

WE DIDN'T HAVE A CLUE ABOUT TAX.

THE EMERGENCY TAX IS TERRIBLE, WE KNEW NOTHING ABOUT THAT. WE GOT THE MONEY BACK AFTER A WHILE. 2

MONTHS LATER. ONE OF THE LADS, IT TOOK FIVE MONTHS.

Understanding their payslip was a challenge for many migrant workers. The level of taxation, PRSI,

emergency tax, hours worked, overtime, etc. had not always been fully explained or even if it had, were not

always clear.

YEAH THEY HAVE A VERY DIFFICULT SITUATION FOR THE TAX, FOR SOME PEOPLE TO THE EMERGENCY TAX FOR

MONTHS AND MONTHS – FOUR MONTHS. IT’S AN EMERGENCY!

THEY DON’T UNDERSTAND .. THE SYSTEM IS NOT THE SAME AS IN HUNGARY YOU SEE. THEY NEEDED VERY GOOD

EXPLANATIONS BUT SOMETIMES YOU HAVE NO CHANCE.

A focused induction process could ensure that such teething problems as difficulties with the taxation

system or with pay issues would be dealt with at the earliest stage. These difficulties can be closely connected

with language problems.

3.1.8 Problems in Accessing Information

Information about training opportunities and career development as part of an induction was also limited. As with

difficulties in understanding the payslip or the tax system, migrant workers had to find this information out for

themselves. This was possible by asking a colleague who spoke their language.

Otherwise the migrant worker would have to engage with management, which could be frustrating and

time-consuming.

COMMUNICATION IS NOT EASY BETWEEN GENERAL WORKERS AND MANAGEMENT. HERE IF YOU HAVE A PROBLEM LIKE

THIS, YOU GO TO YOUR DEPARTMENT HEAD AND THEY GO TO ACCOUNTS. SOMETIMES THE MANAGER WILL GO

TOMORROW, THEN SEE THE GENERAL MANAGER IN ACCOUNTS SO HE'LL NOT GO IN. THEN HE FORGETS IT. NEXT DAY

ACCOUNT VERY BUSY. THEN ONE WEEK LATER...

For many migrant workers with poor English, they are heavily reliant on their migrant worker colleagues

for information. Irish nurses described the network effect in their hospital.

THE THING IS PEOPLE PICK UP A LOT OF INFORMATION FROM THEIR COLLEAGUES AS WELL. I MEAN THE PAYSLIP IS THE

PAYSLIP IS THE PAYSLIP. PEOPLE PICK UP THE INFORMATION THEY NEED SO THEY HONE IN ON THAT VERY QUICKLY.

THEY (MIGRANT NURSES) NETWORK QUITE WELL SO ONCE THE INFORMATION IS PUT OUT THERE IT MOVES AROUND

VERY QUICKLY. SO THAT’S GOOD.

No migrant workers described having an induction presented to them through an interpreter or

receiving information on the elements of induction in their own language.

3.2 INTERVENTIONS TO INFORM AND SUPPORT IRISH WORKERS

The extent and manner in which Irish workers were informed about the coming of migrant workers varies.

As a worker in the catering and hospitality sector recalls at the first time migrant workers came was

quite an event.

I REMEMBER THE FIRST FOREIGN WORKER, THE FIRST TIME THE FOREIGN WORKERS CAME HERE. IT WAS LIKE, I WAS

ACTUALLY HERE, IT WAS LIKE DAVID BECKHAM WAS COMING, EVERYONE WAS HERE, THE OWNERS. THERE WAS A FUSS

MADE ABOUT EVERYTHING AND THE OWNERS, EVERYONE INVOLVED WITH THE HOTEL WAS THERE TO WELCOME THEM.

Some attempts were made to introduce staff to the new migrant workers.

THEY WERE BROUGHT AROUND TO ALL THE DEPARTMENTS AND ALL AND INTRODUCED.

But the novelty wore off.

AND NOW THEY COULD BE HERE TWO OR THREE WEEKS BEFORE YOU’D KNOW ANYONE WAS HERE, BEFORE YOU’D

SPOT THEM.

30 CHAPTER 3


For workers in the food processing sector the message from management was blunter.

THEY WERE COMING TO OUR AREA FIRST. WE WERE TOLD NOT TO GIVE THEM ANY HASSLE, THAT THEY'RE NOT

REFUGEES. THERE WERE ONLY SUPPOSED TO BE A COUPLE OF THEM AND THEN WE'D BE NOTIFIED AS TO HOW IT

TURNED OUT. WE WERE NEVER TOLD ANYTHING.

YOU WOULD BE BROUGHT IN AND A PRODUCTION MANAGER STANDING IN FRONT OF YOU TELLING YOU “NOW YOU'RE

NOT TO DO ANYTHING TO THEM, YOU'RE TO LEAVE THEM ALONE”. YOU'D THINK WE WERE ANIMALS. WHAT DID THEY

THINK WE WERE GOING TO DO WITH THEM.

On the other hand some workers in the healthcare sector recalled an orientation day organised before

the arrival of migrant workers.

ORIGINALLY WHEN THEY CAME IT WAS A VERY GOOD DAY, THEY PUT UP A MAP OF THE PHILIPPINES, SHOWED US

WHERE THEY WERE COMING FROM THEY TOLD US ALL ABOUT THEIR CULTURE AND THAT TYPE OF THING.

WE DID SOME TRAINING ON DISCRIMINATION BUT THAT WAS JUST TO DO WITH SAY HOW WOULD YOU LOOK AT A

PERSON, FIRST IMPRESSIONS, THEIR SKIN. THAT’S ALL THEY WERE REALLY GOING ON ABOUT ON A PERSON, BLACK

SPOT AND WHITE SPOT.

Migrant workers often felt that their Irish colleagues were not aware or well informed about their home

country. This lack of understanding created difficulties.

WHEN I CAME HERE FIRST, I ASKED IRISH PEOPLE ABOUT ROMANIA AND THEY SAID “OH THAT'S A POOR COUNTRY”. I

SAID “IT'S NOT A POOR COUNTRY, IT HAS PASSED THROUGH A DIFFICULT PERIOD. IT'S NOT POOR.”

IT'S A VERY NICE COUNTRY, ROMANIA. IT'S DIFFERENT VALUE FOR MONEY.

PEOPLE DECIDED ABOUT US FROM WHAT THEY FIRST SAW ON THE FIRST DAY. THEY DON'T KNOW NOTHING ABOUT US.

WHEN YOU SPEAK WITH AN IRISH PERSON AND THEY CONSIDER YOU MUCH LESS, IT DOESN'T MAKE YOU FEEL SO

GOOD.

The process of informing Irish workers of the arrival of migrant workers was uneven in many

workplaces. This led to confusion over their role, status and rights as compared to their Irish colleagues.

ARE THEY BROUGHT IN HERE AS AN EQUAL TO US? IS THAT THE WAY THEY'RE BROUGHT IN? ARE THEY ON CONTRACT

OR WHAT ARE THEY ON? CAN THEY STAY ON IF THEY WANT TO, SO LONG AS THEY'RE NOT SACKED? ARE THEY

EMPLOYED THE SAME AS US? THEY'RE NOT ARE THEY, IF THE COMPANY HAS TO RENEW PERMITS.

In many cases, the process of informing Irish workers about the migrant workers' countries of origin

and their culture was left to happen naturally.

THE IRISH WERE TOLD NOTHING ABOUT OUR COUNTRY, THEY FIND OUT FROM US. WE MAKE PICTURES. THERE ARE A

FEW PEOPLE WHO ARE INTERESTED, THE BLACK SEA, THE MOUNTAINS.

3.3 AVAILABLE LANGUAGE SUPPORTS

A critical element of both the settling in process and challenge of integration for migrant workers related to

English language supports. Such language interventions were important throughout the working career of

migrant workers, especially those for whom English was new and presented serious difficulties.

Migrant workers in the nursing and medical areas of the healthcare sector generally had a good

standard of English on arrival. There may have been instances of communication difficulties related to phone

conversations, but for the majority, their spoken and written English was adequately fluent for work tasks and

communication with management and Irish co-workers. It was in the other occupations in the healthcare sector,

those in the catering and hospitality sector and especially in the food processing sector, where language

support was a “make or break” situation for migrant workers.

IN THE SURVEY MIGRANT WORKER RESPONDENTS WERE ASKED WHETHER THEY HAD A

NEED FOR SUPPORT IN RELATION TO ENGLISH LANGUAGE DIFFICULTIES. A TOTAL OF 29% OF

MIGRANT WORKERS EXPRESSED A NEED FOR SUPPORT. THE NEED FOR SUPPORT VARIED

BETWEEN THE THREE SECTORS.

• Food processing sector - 55% respondents

• Catering and hospitality – 17% respondents

• Healthcare – 8% of respondents

In the survey, migrant workers, whose native language was not English, were asked to respond to a set of

statements about their expectations of their English language skills before they began their current employment.

The responses of workers in the healthcare sector suggested that most had relatively high

expectations in regard to their English language skills. In the food processing and in the catering and hospitality

sectors while most felt that their English language skills were adequate for work situations, the percentage who

thought that they were adequate for socialising is much lower.

32 CHAPTER 3

Table 10: Agreements with statement bymigrant workers in relation to Outcomes inrelation to English language skills by sector

HEALTHCARE FOOD CATERINGPROCESSING & HOTELS

STATEMENT % % %

My English language skills have been good enough to get my work done 94.1% 79.7% 100%

My English language skills have been a barrier in socialising with my co-workers in work (e.g. in the canteen) 9.9% 31.3% 33.3%

My English language skills have been a barrier in socialising with my co-workers outside work (e.g. in the pub, at parties) 6.9% 31.3% 23.8%

My English language skills have been adequate to deal with work issues 92.1% 78.1% 85.7%

Percentages in table refer to amount of respondents agreeing or strongly agreeing with the statement


Of the migrant workers interviewed, some were provided with access to English language classes.

WHEN I CAME HERE, THE COMPANY PAID FOR US A COURSE, THREE WEEKS, AFTER WORK, TWICE A WEEK. IT WAS VERY

GOOD. I WAS LUCKY THEN, NOBODY ELSE GOT IT. I WAS LUCKY, BECAUSE MY ENGLISH WAS VERY BAD THEN. I DIDN'T

KNOW JUST FEW WORDS IN ENGLISH.

But even where English language classes may be provided by the employer, they were available only

at the end of what may be a long working day.

“NO .. THEY AREN’T FORCING ANYONE TO GO. SOME PEOPLE WORK INTO THE EVENING TIME ‘TIL 7 AND THEY’RE

NORMALLY STARTING AT 7 O’ CLOCK [IN THE MORNING] SO SOME PEOPLE WORKING VERY HARD, TIRED AFTER THE

WORK, GO HOME, EAT SOMETHING AND RELAX A BIT, KEEP THEIR ENERGY FOR THE NEXT DAY.”

In the healthcare sector, English language training was not generally provided by the employer. The

nurses were supposed to have a high standard of English in order to be registered. In other areas of the hospital,

for example in the canteen or maintenance, there were no structured programmes for migrant workers.

3.4 CONCLUSION

Though a higher proportion of migrant than Irish workers received some form of induction, the quality varied

widely. As yet, a more comprehensive induction process is the norm only for medical or paramedical workers in

the hospitals. There are gaps in information that migrant workers are given in relation to pay procedures and

entitlements.

For most migrant workers, awareness of the role and status of a trade union only develop over time as

they get to know “the lie of the land” within their workplace.

Migrant workers experience anxiety when work permit renewals are delayed and may be unaware of

their rights in these circumstances.

While migrant worker nurses usually undergo a six week training placement as a condition of their

registration with An Bord Altranais, other migrant workers may experience minimal orientation or training, with

learning on the job being the norm.

Understanding their payslip and in particular the basis on which deductions such as tax, PRSI, and

union dues are made presented problems for some migrant workers. Not knowing which individual, section or

department to approach for assistance is a difficulty compounded by the fact that there may be no one who can

engage with them in a language that they understand well.

Irish workers were not always well informed about migrant workers coming to their workplaces and

may not have an awareness of the cultures from which they are coming. Similarly, they may be misinformed about

their status and entitlements as compared to Irish workers.

Expressed need for language support was most evident in the food processing sector.

No migrant workers described having an induction presented to them through an interpreter or

receiving information on the elements of induction in their own language.

4 THE DYNAMICS OF INTEGRATION

THIS SECTION EXPLORES THE DYNAMICS OF INTEGRATION BOTH IN THE WORKPLACE AND IN

THE WIDER ENVIRONMENT FROM THE PERSPECTIVE OF THE MIGRANT WORKERS AND THE

IRISH WORKERS. THE FOLLOWING FACTORS ARE DISCUSSED:

• Perceptions of Welcome

• Adapting to the Work Culture

• Relationship with Work Colleagues and Management

• Language and Communication

• The Impact of Pay and Working Conditions

• Career Development and Training Opportunities

• Life outside the Workplace

4.1 PERCEPTIONS OF WELCOME

In the survey respondents were asked to indicate the extent to which they were made welcome by different

actors in the workplace.

As evident from the graph below the responses of Irish workers and migrant worker colleagues are

broadly similar. If anything a slightly higher proportion of migrant workers feel they have been made welcome.

34 CHAPTER 4

Figure 1: Relationships with co-workers atstart of employment (Comparison of Irish andmigrant workers)

Made welcome byIrish co-workers

Made welcome bymigrant workercolleagues

Made welcome bymanagement

Made welcome bythe trade union

Irish

Migrant workers

0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100

%

35THE DYNAMICS OF INTEGRATION

Though the percentage who felt they were made welcome by the trade union is low, this is partially

explained by the fact that for many respondents contact with the union only tended to happen when they

became familiar with the workplace.

The response to this question is also very similar between the three sectors.

Migrant workers reported overwhelmingly that they were made welcome both by their Irish and migrant

co-workers.

4.2 ADAPTING TO THE WORK CULTURE

For some migrant workers the transition to working in Ireland seemed unproblematic.

EVERYTHING WAS OKAY. IN MY DEPARTMENT, ALL THE TIME WE WORK ROMANIAN WITH IRISH, NEVER JUST ROMANIAN

ON ONE LINE.

IN THE LABS, I WAS LOOKED AFTER. THEY ARE REALLY NICE PEOPLE, I AM NOT COMPLAINING OF ANYTHING. I FEEL VERY

LUCKY WITH THEM. THEY HELPED ME A LOT. FOR MY INTERVIEWS FOR THE ACADEMY, I HAD TO DO EVERYTHING IN

ENGLISH. SO THEY WERE HELPING ME.

Even those migrant workers coming with training and skills found that work practices in Ireland differ

from those which they are familiar. As some migrant work nurses recalled.

EVERYTHING IS QUITE MODERN IN SOUTH KOREA, WHEN I WENT TO THE HOSPITAL THE FIRST TIME I WAS SHOCKED, NO

COMPUTERS. I JUST THINK IT WAS QUITE BACKWARD. BUT THE WORK CONDITIONS HERE ARE BETTER COMPARED TO

HOME, AS WE WORK HARD, LONG HOURS EVERYDAY BUT IN HERE WE HAVE TIME TO TALK WITH PATIENTS. THERE WERE

SO MANY THINGS TO DO WHILE HERE YOU TEND TO BE RELAXED. TO BE HONEST, I LIKE WORKING HERE.

WE EXPECTED THAT THINGS WILL BE COMPUTERIZED BECAUSE IN THE PHILIPPINES WE HAVE THAT.

IN THE PHILIPPINES WE WERE NOT DOING ANY COMMODE OR BEDSIDE CARE WITH THE PATIENT BECAUSE THERE

WOULD BE PLENTY OF RELATIVES, CARERS AND HELPERS IN THE PHILIPPINES, WE HAVE MORE PAPERWORK TO DO,

THAT’S THE ONLY THING THAT WE DID NOT EXPECT, ITS OK ALSO BECAUSE IT IS BETTER TO LEARN HOW TO. THEN YOU

BECOME CLOSER WITH THE PATIENT AND WE CAN ASSESS THE PATIENT’S CONDITION MUCH BETTER.

Table 11: Whether made welcome at start ofjob (migrant workers – by sector)

HEALTHCARE FOOD CATERINGPROCESSING & HOTELS

MADE WELCOME BY % % %

Irish co-workers 92.2% 94.8% 95.7%

Migrant worker colleagues 83.8% 94.0% 100%

Management 87.8% 94.5% 96.0%

The trade union 44.1% 58.3% 26.3%

For some migrant workers the workload in Ireland compared favourably to that in their home country.

This was more the case in the catering, hospitality and food processing sectors.

I AM VERY HAPPY, BECAUSE I USED TO WORK IN POLAND AS A WAITER, IN THE BEGINNING I USED TO WORK UP TO 16

HOURS PER DAY, SIX DAYS PER WEEK. CAN YOU IMAGINE THAT? HERE YOU HAVE BREAK IN THE MORNING, YOU HAVE

LUNCH BREAK FOR ONE HOUR, YOU HAVE BREAK IN THE AFTERNOON.

Some migrant workers commented that the status of their job was different than in their home country.

ABROAD, KITCHEN PORTERS ARE VERY IMPORTANT. BUT HERE, IRISH PEOPLE THINK THAT ASIAN PEOPLE WILL DO FOR

THESE JOBS. THEY'LL STAY IN THE KITCHEN DOING THESE JOBS. WELL THERE'S NOTHING I CAN DO THEN, IF

DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE ARE SAYING THAT. I ASKED MY MANAGER THEN WHAT CAN I DO TO INCREASE MY WAGES. HE

TOLD ME THAT YOU HAVE TO BE HERE FOR 5 YEARS TO GET A PAY INCREASE.

The way the Irish approach their work may be different. As two Filipino nurses explained.

AND FOR THE FILIPINO NURSE OR FOR THE INDIAN NURSE I THINK THEY KIND OF FEEL ‘I’M HERE TO DO THE JOB. I’M

GIVEN TEN PATIENTS TO LOOK AFTER. AT THE END OF THE DAY– EARLY MORNING, I HAVE TO HAVE EVERYTHING DONE

FOR THE TEN PATIENTS THAT WAS GIVEN TO ME’. YOU KNOW THIS IS KIND OF THE PURPOSE THAT YOU COME INTO WORK

FOR. IT’S NOT LIKE TO BE SOCIALISING OR TO COME ON NOW LETS HAVE A FAG FOR 20 MINUTES. AND IT’S HARD

BECAUSE NOT ALL OF THE FOREIGN PEOPLE SMOKE. I THINK IF YOU DON’T SMOKE YOU DON’T GET TO BE SOCIALLY

INVOLVED.

FOR US FILIPINO NURSES WE START THE DAY AND WE JUST WANT TO GO THROUGH IT ALL, FINISH THE JOB, YOU KNOW,

WASH ALL THE PATIENTS AND DO ALL THE BEDS FIRST BEFORE CHAT, CHAT, CHAT OR YOU KNOW WHATEVER. BUT THEN

FOR THEM, YOU KNOW I NOTICE FOR IRISH NURSES THEY WOULD RATHER ‘OH, SURE WE DID YOU HAVE A GREAT TIME’

SIT ON THE CHAIR AND RELAX FIRST BEFORE THE PATIENTS WOULD START DOING THE BEDS, IT’S ‘HI, HELLO’ FIRST, YOU

KNOW THIS KIND OF WAY AND THEN YOU KNOW EVEN AT NIGHTTIMES ‘LET’S GO FIRST FOR A BIT OF A FAG, GO FOR A

FAG FIRST BEFORE WE DO THE JOB’ WHEREAS FOR FILIPINO NURSES YOU KNOW WE WOULD RATHER HAVE THE JOB

DONE, FINISHED AND THEN YOU CAN RELAX. THAT’S WHAT WE WANT. BUT THEY DO THE JOB ALRIGHT. I’VE NO PROBLEM

WITH THAT AND THEY DON’T .. NO NEGATIVE THINGS ABOUT IT BUT IT’S JUST THEY DO IT LIKE - AT THEIR OWN PACE.

This is also the case according to Irish workers in the food professing sector:

I CAN SEE THOSE GUYS (MIGRANT WORKERS) COMING IN AT 5.30/ 6.00 IN THE MORNING, WAITING, READY TO WORK AND

WE DON'T START WORK UNTIL 6.45. THEY'RE STANDING HERE, WAITING TO GO.

THEY'D STAY HERE ALL NIGHT IF YOU LET THEM. THEY'D WORK ALL NIGHT.

On average migrant workers work the same hours during the week as their Irish counterparts.

However, the survey evidence shows that a higher proportion of migrant workers undertake overtime work in

comparison to their Irish counterparts. This is most pronounced in the food processing sector, where three out

of four migrant workers work overtime compared to 46% of Irish workers. A higher proportion of migrant workers

in each sector also undertake shift-work on a regular basis.

36 CHAPTER 4


4.3 RELATIONSHIPS WITH WORK COLLEAGUES AND MANAGEMENT

The results of the survey present some disconcerting findings in relation to the integration of migrant workers in the

workplace. Over half of migrant workers in the survey expressed a fear of losing their job. Almost half felt that they

do not have the same chance to succeed as Irish workers. One third felt that Irish workers have a prejudiced attitude

towards migrant workers. Almost four in ten felt that Irish workers do not trust migrant workers.

At the same time almost nine in ten migrant workers felt that it was easy to get to know the Irish

workers. The vast majority of migrant workers as an earlier table outlines, felt that they had been made welcome

by their Irish co-workers and by management.

When these issues were explored in more detail in the interviews, it was found that the process of

getting to know new co-workers threw up more rewarding experiences than challenges. In many cases, the Irish

co-workers were aware of difficulties faced by migrant workers and aimed to assist.

4.3.1 Attitudes to relationships between Irish workers and migrant workers

In the survey respondents were asked to indicate their agreement or disagreement with a series of attitudinal

statements on relationships between Irish workers and migrant workers.7

THERE ARE SOME DIVERGENCES OF OPINION BETWEEN IRISH AND MIGRANT WORKERS,

FOR EXAMPLE:

• Some 52% of migrant workers compared to 25% of Irish workers agree or strongly agree with the

statement “Migrant workers face a constant fear of losing their jobs”.


statement “Migrant workers at our workplace do not have the same chance to succeed as Irish

workers”.


statement “At our workplace, Irish workers have a prejudiced attitude towards migrant workers”.


statement “at out workplace, Irish workers do not trust migrant workers”.

ON THE OTHER HAND IRISH WORKERS AND MIGRANT WORKERS LARGELY AGREE ON SOME

STATEMENTS, FOR EXAMPLE:

• Some 87% of both Irish and migrant workers agree or strongly agree with the statement “It is easy

for migrant workers at our workplace to get to know the Irish workers.”

• About 83% of both Irish and migrant workers agree or strongly agree with the statement “It is easy

for Irish workers at our workplace to get to know migrant workers.”

There are contradictory opinions within each group. For example, as noted above though a high

percentage of migrant workers feel that it is easy to get to know Irish workers some 64% of migrant workers

agree or strongly agree with the statement “At our workplace, Irish workers do not talk with migrant workers”.

7 The findings of the transnational research conducted by Finnish partner reveal broadly similar patterns of responses.

4.3.2 Breaking the Ice

It is evident from the interviews with migrant workers that for some, becoming friendly with Irish colleagues could

be a fraught process.

SOME PEOPLE ARE VERY FRIENDLY AND VERY CLOSE TO YOU AND SOME ARE JUST WORK AND GO AWAY.

YOU SAY HELLO TO SOMEBODY AND I KNOW I’M STUPID SAYING HELLO THE FIRST TIME. SO WHEN YOU PASS THE NEXT

TIME, I ASK “WHY ARE YOU NOT SAYING HELLO TO ME NOW?”

One Irish healthcare worker commented.

MY EXPERIENCE IS THAT ONCE THE ICE IS BROKEN BETWEEN IRISH AND MIGRANT WORKERS THEN EVERYTHING

WORKS WELL. IT'S GETTING THE ICE BROKEN IN THE FIRST PLACE THAT IS THE HARD PART.

Some migrant workers felt that they were resented by some Irish colleagues.

NOT EVERYBODY BUT I THINK SOME OF THE PEOPLE, SOME OF THE IRISH NURSES EVEN, RESENT THE NEW ARRIVALS

WHEN THEY FIRST CAME BECAUSE THEY THOUGHT, THEY ALWAYS ASK WHY WE CAME HERE. ‘IS THERE ANY JOBS IN

THE PHILIPPINES’ THEY WILL ASK YOU. NOW THEY CAME TO UNDERSTAND THEY KNOW.

WE DON’T WANT TO BE LEFT BEHIND WE WANT TO KEEP PLANNING THE LIFE HERE. BUT MOST OF THEM RESENT US ‘OH,

NO YOU ARE COMING HERE’ AND IT’S A LAUGH THEY ARE BEING VERY STUPID ABOUT IT.

But in general Irish workers were helpful towards their migrant colleagues.

IT WAS EASY TO KNOW THE IRISH IN MY DEPARTMENT. THE SUPERVISORS, THE TEAM LEADERS, EVERYTHING WAS

PERFECT FOR ME. I WORK ON THE LINE WITH ANOTHER TWO GIRLS. IF I HAVE A PROBLEM, I ASK AND THEY HELP ME.

THEY ARE PEOPLE WITH VERY GOOD EXPERIENCE AND HAVE BEEN WORKING THERE FOR A LONG TIME AND WE ARE

LIKE A SMALL FAMILY. SO IT WAS VERY EASY I THINK I WAS VERY LUCKY, AND THAT IS ONE OF THE REASONS WHY I TOOK

THE PERMANENT JOB AND DECIDED TO STAY HERE LONGER.

Sometimes perceptions of prejudice were a result of misinterpreting a situation, as one Irish worker

explained.

THERE WAS A SITUATION AT THE AGM OF THE UNION MEETING. THEY SENT DOWN ONE LAD, HE HAS GOOD ENGLISH,

BUT HE PICKED IT UP THE WRONG WAY WHAT WE WERE TALKING ABOUT. WE CAME IN THE NEXT MORNING AND NONE

OF THE FOREIGN BOYS THAT WE NORMALLY TALK TO WERE TALKING TO US. WE FOUND OUT LATER THAT HE WAS AFTER

TELLING THEM THAT WE WERE ANTI-FOREIGN. THAT'S WHAT HE THOUGHT WE SAID, SO WE HAD TO GO AROUND AND

EXPLAIN TO ALL OF THE BOYS. AFTER THAT EVERYTHING WAS GRAND. HE JUST PICKED IT UP THE WRONG WAY.

Some Irish workers also perceived that migrant workers have enjoyed more favourable terms and

conditions.

THEY HAVE REALLY GOT GOOD PROMOTIONS AND TRANSFERS, WHERE THE IRISH WORKERS HAVE PUT IN FOR THEM

FOR YEARS AND NEVER GOT THEM. THE TRANSFERS ARE SUPPOSED TO WORK ON WHAT YOU CAN DO AND LENGTH OF

SERVICE. AT THE MOMENT, THAT'S NOT HAPPENING, THEY (MIGRANT WORKERS) JUST SEEM TO GET GREAT JOBS IN

HERE.

38 CHAPTER 4


On the other hand Irish workers expressed their awareness of the difficulties where migrant worker

colleagues suffer from prejudice on the part of the general public. One Irish nurse described a common incident.

I SAW A RELATIVE OUTSIDE AN OFFICE DOOR AND THE OVERSEAS NURSE PASSED BY AND SHE SAID ‘ARE YOU OK’ AND

THE PERSON SAID ‘FINE’ AND THEN THEY JUST WAITED, WENT UP AND SPOKE TO THE IRISH NURSE AND I JUST

THOUGHT IT WAS SO UNDERHAND AND THAT PERSON [THE MIGRANT WORKER NURSE] WOULD HAVE GIVEN THEM JUST

AS MUCH INFORMATION BUT YOU KNOW IF THEY’RE UPSET ABOUT THAT YOU HAVE TO REVERSE IT ON ITS HEAD AND

SAY ‘WELL LOOK, IT’S THEIR PROBLEM NOT YOURS. THEY ARE THE ONES WITH THE ISSUE, NOT YOU’.

Clearly, the extent to which migrant workers in their jobs interact with the public as clients or customers

affects their exposure to prejudice or racism from the wider population.

4.3.3 Relationships with Management

For migrant workers, understanding and getting to know their rights and responsibilities and those of

supervisors and managers in the workplace was not always straightforward. One migrant worker in the

healthcare sector offered an example.

I DIDN’T KNOW IF I WAS SICK- WILL I RING OR REPORT AN HOUR BEFORE OR A DAY BEFORE. CAN I PREDICT THAT I’M

GOING TO BE SICK TOMORROW? WHEN I ASKED ONE OF THE SISTERS IN CHARGE AND I WAS TOLD THAT “HERE IN THIS

WARD IT’S AT LEAST 24 HOURS”. SHE MENTIONED TO ME THAT I HAD TO RING IN THAT I’M GOING TO BE SICK. THEN I TOLD

HER THAT IT’S NOT LIKE THAT IN THE BOOK FROM HUMAN RESOURCES AND THEN SHE SAID “NO, IN THIS WARD WE

HAVE A DIFFERENT RULE”. SO I WAS CONFUSED. SO I THOUGHT, FOR EVERY WARD IN THIS HOSPITAL THEY HAVE A

DIFFERENT POLICY THEN? BECAUSE THAT’S WHAT I WAS TOLD. SO IT’S A LOT OF CONFUSION FOR THE FIRST FEW

MONTHS ANYWAY.

Communication with management was more difficult where a migrant worker did not have a good

command of English. An Irish worker in the food processing sector comments pointed out some problems that

had happened on the factory floor.

DISAGREEMENTS, IT WOULDN'T BE FIST FIGHTS OR ANYTHING LIKE THAT. IT WOULD BE DISAGREEMENTS AND THE

SUPERVISOR WOULD BE SAYING “HOLD ON THERE FOR A MINUTE”, WHILE WE TRY TO EXPLAIN OR GET SOMEONE TO

EXPLAIN. BUT IT'S VERY DIFFICULT. THE FOREIGN PERSON CAN GET VERY ANGRY, BECAUSE THEY DON'T REALLY KNOW

THEMSELVES.

In the healthcare sector, clinical nurse managers and midwife managers also expressed highlighted the

difficulties they perceived.

IT TAKES TIME FOR THEM TO GET USED TO THE HOSPITAL WAYS AND TO BE RELIED UPON.

Migrant workers could themselves become dependent for information on their entitlements and

responsibilities from managers or supervisors. Clarity on pay scales were difficult to ascertain.

ONLY WHEN YOU ARE PROMOTED FROM PORTER TO SUPERVISOR, THEN YOU WILL KNOW WHAT THE SALARY IS.

Despite good intentions, new work arrangements were not always communicated effectively, as one

migrant worker recalls:

ONE TIME THERE WAS A MEETING, A BIG MEETING AND THE WHOLE FACTORY WAS IN THERE AND WHEN THE MEETING

WAS FINISHED THEY SAID EVERYTHING- SO ABOUT SIXTY OR SEVENTY DIDN’T UNDERSTAND. SO ANYWAY I’M GOING

IN THERE TO THE BIG BOSS ‘LOOK’ I SAID ‘YOU KNOW THAT THERE ARE FOREIGNERS IN HERE – ABOUT 70 PERCENT AT

LEAST’. I SAID ‘NOBODY UNDERSTANDS WHAT’S GOING ON IN HERE’. THEY STILL DON’T KNOW WHAT’S GOING ON .SO

THEY JUST EXPLAIN AT CHRISTMAS TIME THAT THEY WANT TO PUT A NEW LINE IN.- MAYBE IT’S MAKING IT A LITTLE MORE

EXTRA WORK.

Many migrant workers had positive experiences in their dealing with management in relation to

changing their roster or working arrangements.

THEY ASKED ME WOULD I WORK PERMANENT NIGHTS AND I SAID YES. BUT AFTER A FEW WEEKS, I ASKED COULD I

MOVE TO ANOTHER SECTION WHERE I DON'T HAVE TO WORK NIGHTS AND SHE HELPED ME.

In the catering and hospitality sector some examples of poor relations with management were evident.

Staff dedication was perceived by some to be undervalued by Irish workers;

WORKERS ARE WORKED AND OFTEN FEEL RUN DOWN, STAFF ARE USED AND FAVOURS NOT RETURNED E.G. ASKED TO

WORK LATE AND PROMISED TO GET OFF SLIGHTLY EARLY THE NEXT DAY BUT NEVER HAPPENS.

MANAGEMENT ARE A BIT OBLIVIOUS WHEN IT COMES TO COMMUNICATION AND NOTICE.

ALWAYS DID LOTS OF EXTRA DAYS FOR THEM AND WHEN IT CAME TO ME NEED A DAY OFF I NEVER GOT IT.

This was also the case for migrant workers.

THE KITCHEN PORTER JOB IS VERY DIFFICULT. KITCHEN DEPARTMENT MANAGEMENT HAVE TO LOOK AFTER THE

KITCHEN STAFF. ALSO IF YOU DO NOT HAVE GOOD ENGLISH, YOU CANNOT DO THIS JOB. IT IS VERY HARD. THREE YEARS

ON, THEY DON'T CARE, WHETHER WE ARE HAPPY OR NOT.

SOMETIMES, THE WORKERS ARE TREATED RUDELY. EVERY MANAGER IS NOT THE SAME. BUT SOME GET ANGRY “ WHY

ARE YOU ASKING ME ALL THESE QUESTIONS?” SOMETIMES THE DUTY MANAGER CAN BE VERY RUDE, USING ROUGH

LANGUAGE. I WORK AS A PORTER, HE'S EDUCATED WITH EXPERIENCE, HE'S A MANAGER. BUT WE ARE BOTH WORKING

FOR THE COMPANY TAKING A SALARY. HE HAS NO RIGHT TO BE ANGRY WITH ME.

40 CHAPTER 4


4.4 COMMUNICATION AND LANGUAGE

A central aspect in the integration dynamic is the ability to communicate. In terms of the experience of many

migrant workers, especially in the focus group interviews, the role of language support interventions was

important. Such interventions were important in assisting migrant workers to settle into the workplace.

The ability to communicate with Irish co-workers and with management tended to be taken for granted

in the nursing and medical occupations of the healthcare sector. Outside of these occupations, the level of

fluency, comfort and the ability to cope with English language varied widely. Settings such as participation in an

induction process, training scenarios, daily work tasks, meetings about productivity, canteen chats with Irish co-

workers or simply going to the local shop or pub had the potential to create difficulties for those with limited

English language capability. Such situations can represent major obstacles to integration both within the

workplace and outside.

This section examines the experiences of migrant workers in relation to how they cope with barriers to

communication. Communication between migrant workers and their Irish co-workers and management requires

some give and take. This section also deals with how Irish workers face these challenges.

4.4.1 Use of English in work tasks

The relevance of English language issues was closely related to the nature of employment in which migrant

workers were engaged.

Typically, migrant workers in medical occupations in the healthcare sector were deemed to have a

certain level of English fluency prior to arrival in Ireland. (As noted above for nurses this indeed was a

requirement for registration with An Bord Altranais in Ireland.) Taking instruction, giving instructions, making

verbal and written reports are all part of the day to day activities of healthcare professionals. But even for those

with fluency in English it still took a while to get up to speed.

WHILE GIVING REPORTS THERE ARE MISUNDERSTANDINGS, AND THEN WE LISTEN TO THEM FOR THE PROBLEMS, WE

LEARN HOW TO MAKE IT OUT AGAIN.

On the other hand for workers in a production line environment, such as in a meat factory, the

requirements for English language fluency, as a pre-condition for doing their day to day tasks, are less evident.

THEY HAVE A LINE SYSTEM SO EVERYBODY IS DOING THEIR OWN THING, SEPARATELY

4.4.2 Communication between workers and management

Difficulties arose when there was nobody from management who could talk to migrant workers in their own language.

“THAT THE BIGGEST PROBLEM OF THE LANGUAGE THE BOSSES TALKING THE ENGLISH AND THEY JUST LOOKING AT

THEM SAYING NOTHING AND I’M JUST LAUGHING BECAUSE I SEE IT- THE WHOLE STANDING IN THERE, TEN OR FIFTEEN

HUNGARIAN MEN, AND HE’S SPEAKING TO THEM IN IRISH/ENGLISH LANGUAGE WHICH NOBODY UNDERSTANDS JUST

LOOKING AT HIM. THEN EVERYBODY GO BACK TO THE WORK. THEY DON’T KNOW WHAT HE’S TALKING ABOUT.”

This reality was acknowledged by Irish colleagues in a supervisory role.

IT'S A BIT DIFFICULT AT THE MOMENT. THE NEW FELLAS THAT CAME IN, YOU TRY AND EXPLAIN THINGS TO THEM AND

THEY JUST DON'T UNDERSTAND. THEY GET FRUSTRATED AND THEN YOU GET FRUSTRATED TRYING TO TELL THEM.

In one organisation a production line migrant worker found himself serving as ad-hoc interpreter but

he was not always at liberty to help in this way.

I HAVE TO STOP FOR ONE MINUTE [ON THE LINE] AND THEY DON’T LIKE THAT. THEY REALLY NEED SOMEONE TO HELP

THEM ..

Many migrant workers found themselves in need of English language support around issues such as

pay and taxation, overtime and holiday entitlements.

THEY DON’T UNDERSTAND .. THE SYSTEM IS NOT THE SAME AS IN THEIR HOME COUNTRY. THEY NEEDED VERY GOOD

EXPLANATIONS. [THROUGH INTERPRETER]

Migrant workers often found themselves dependent on Irish colleagues for information.

WE DON'T KNOW HOW IRISH WORKERS COPE, THEY ARE OUR FRIENDS BUT NOBODY TELL US ABOUT SOMETHING LIKE

AN INCREASE IN PAY...

Things tended to improve with time for many migrant workers.

AFTER ABOUT SIX MONTHS, THEY GET TO KNOW WHAT YOU'RE SAYING AND YOU GET TO KNOW WHAT THEY'RE SAYING.

In the survey, 64% of Irish workers agreed or strongly agreed with the statement “Migrant workers at

our workplace often imply that they understand what Irish people say although in reality they don't understand

what is said” compared to 43% of migrant worker respondents.

42 CHAPTER 4


4.4.3 Communication with Irish colleagues

In communicating with Irish colleagues difficulties arose, at least at the outset, from migrant workers trying to

cope with accents or with people who spoke too fast.

SOMETIMES IT'S VERY DIFFICULT TO UNDERSTAND WHAT IRISH EMPLOYEES SAY. MAYBE BECAUSE THEY'RE ALWAYS IN

A HURRY.

Some Irish colleagues modified their behaviour to alleviate this problem.

FOR THE FIRST FEW DAYS, THE PEOPLE IN MY DEPARTMENT SPOKE VERY SLOWLY. THEY WERE VERY GOOD TO ME.

JUST IN CASE THEY SPEAK VERY FAST, WE CAN SAY SLOW DOWN. THEN THEY UNDERSTAND.

PEOPLE HAVE NO PROBLEM WHEN YOU ASK THEM TO SLOW DOWN.

But sometimes migrant workers felt reluctant to ask Irish colleagues to speak more slowly.

THERE ARE SOME PEOPLE WE FIND DIFFICULT TO UNDERSTAND DUE TO THEIR ACCENT. WE KNOW WE CAN ALWAYS ASK

THEM TO REPEAT WHAT THEY SAID BUT SOMETIMES THEY GET ANNOYED SO WE DON'T KNOW WHERE TO PUT

OURSELVES. LANGUAGE IS REALLY A BIG HASSLE WHEN IT COMES TO WORK.

SOME IRISH WORKERS ARE EASILY IRRITATED BY MIGRANTS ASKING THEM TO SPEAK SLOWLY.

However, as one Irish worker acknowledged this required a conscious effort.

IT CAN BE EASIER TO AVOID A MIGRANT WORKER THAN MAKE THE EFFORT TO COMMUNICATE.

Migrant workers also have learnt to cope with unusual expressions.

THE TERM‘ SPENDING A PENNY’ HAD SOMEBODY WONDERING DID THEY WANT TO GO OUT AND BUY A NEWSPAPER OR

WHAT. INITIALLY THEY THOUGHT THESE SAYINGS WERE STRANGE. AND THEY’VE GOT VERY USED TO US NOW SO YOU

ASK THEM HOW THEY ARE AND THEY’LL SAY ‘I’M GRAND’.

Telephonic communication was an area that threw up problems for both migrant workers and their Irish

colleagues.

WELL THE NURSE SOMETIMES COMES DOWN TO THE LAB, BUT SOMETIMES DEALS ON THE PHONE. SOMETIMES WHEN

YOU’RE LEAVING A PHONE MESSAGE YOU KNOW THAT WHOEVER YOU’RE TALKING TO DIDN’T UNDERSTAND WHAT YOU

WERE SAYING. OR ELSE YOU DIDN’T UNDERSTAND WHAT THEY WERE SAYING YOU WERE JUST SAYING ‘YEAH, YEAH,

YEAH’.”

I WAS DEALING WITH SOMEBODY FROM CORK, AND HE WAS TALKING AND TALKING AND EVENTUALLY I SAID ‘SEND ME

A FAX’ BECAUSE I COULD NOT UNDERSTAND WHAT HE WAS TALKING ABOUT.

I RANG SOMEBODY AND I WAS TALKING TO THEM. IT WAS ONLY IN THE COURSE OF A FACE TO FACE CONVERSATION

FOLLOWING ON FROM THAT I REALISED THAT SHE HAD TOTALLY MISUNDERSTOOD WHAT I HAD SAID ON THE PHONE.

An Irish worker pointed to the importance of non-verbal communication.

INDIVIDUALLY THEY’RE QUIETER COMING FORWARD BUT NOW THEY COME AGAIN ‘WHAT DO YOU MEAN?’ YOU GET

USED TO WORKING WITH THEM AS WELL SO YOU SLOW DOWN YOUR TONE OF VOICE YOU KNOW SOMETIMES THE

TELEPHONE ISN’T A GOOD PLACE TO EXPLAIN SOMETHING VERY IMPORTANT SO YOU NEED TO GO AND IT’S BODY

LANGUAGE, YOU CAN READ THE FACE SOMETIMES.

As another Irish colleague intimated, this could be as much a cultural difference rather than a problem

of language, as raising one's voice might be deemed to be offensive behaviour according to the migrant worker's

cultural mores.

Both Irish and migrant workers tended to mix with their own nationalities in off-duty circumstances,

such as in the canteen. On the one hand this was because the migrant workers level of English fluency is not

adequate to sustain a conversation.

YEAH ..BETTER TO SPEAK THEIR OWN LANGUAGE .. THEY HAVE NO WORDS OF ENGLISH [THROUGH INTERPRETER]

SOMETIMES, BECAUSE OF THE LEVEL OF ENGLISH AMONG THE MIGRANT WORKERS, THE IRISH DON'T WANT TO TALK

TO THEM.

There were practical reasons why this happens as well.

THE FILIPINOS SIT TOGETHER IN THE CANTEEN, WE ARE MOSTLY NON-SMOKERS, SO WE SIT TOGETHER ON THE OTHER

SIDE. USUALLY THE IRISH ARE SMOKERS, SO THEY SIT ON THEIR SIDE.

But, as one migrant worker explained:

SOMETIMES YOU'RE FED UP SPEAKING ENGLISH. IT'S A BREAK, YOU UNWIND YOURSELF, YOU DON'T BURDEN

YOURSELF. PEOPLE SAY, WHY ARE YOU NOT SPEAKING ENGLISH? YOU'RE ALREADY STRESSING YOURSELF, SPEAKING

TO THE DOCTOR IN ENGLISH, TALKING TO YOUR CO-WORKERS IN ENGLISH, TALKING TO THE PATIENTS IN ENGLISH,

THAT'S WHY IT'S CALLED A BREAK. CAN THEY UNDERSTAND THAT? WHEN YOU SEE ANOTHER PERSON OF YOUR

COUNTRY, YOU DON'T SPEAK TO HER IN ENGLISH. YOU'RE FED UP. IT'S A BREAK, IT'S TO UNWIND YOURSELF, REST YOUR

MIND. WHEN WE TALK TO OURSELVES IN THE CANTEEN, IT'S NOT ABOUT PATIENTS OR OTHER WORKERS, WE TALK

ABOUT THE ACTORS AND ACTRESSES IN OUR COUNTRY. SOMETIMES IRISH PEOPLE COMPLAIN THAT WE SPEAK OUR

LANGUAGE.

44 CHAPTER 4


This view was shared by an Irish worker.

THE DIFFICULTY IS THAT WHEN YOU’RE IN THE CANTEEN THE NATURAL INSTINCT IS TO SIT WITH SOMEONE YOU’RE

FRIENDLY WITH OR WHATEVER EVEN IF YOU’VE GOT THREE OR FOUR PEOPLE WITH DIFFERENT LANGUAGES AT THE

TABLE, THE NATURAL THING IS TO CONVERSE IN YOUR OWN LANGUAGE. WELL THAT CAN BE A BARRIER SOMETIMES IN

A WAY, MAYBE YOU DON’T UNDERSTAND THE LANGUAGE.

4.4.4 Use of English outside work

The ability to converse in English had a wider impact than on work tasks.

WHEN YOU DO NOT HAVE ENGLISH, THEY DO NOT WANT TO WASTE TIME WITH YOU. THEY DON'T HAVE PATIENCE WITH

YOU. MY FRIEND STAYED IN THE COUNTRY FOR TWO YEARS AND HE DID NOT LEARN MUCH ENGLISH. HE WENT BACK TO

BRAZIL. HE SAVED MONEY. IF YOU DON'T HAVE GOOD ENGLISH IT'S VERY DIFFICULT, THEY DON'T CARE. YOU HAVE TO

TEACH YOURSELF.

As one migrant worker in the food processing sector explained, even shopping for groceries could be

problematic where a person had virtually no English.

THEY HAVE A VERY DIFFICULT SITUATION SOMETIMES THEY DON’T KNOW WHAT IS IN THE BOX! BECAUSE THEY NOT

ABLE TO READ IT. SO EVENTUALLY FIGURE IT OUT AND THERE’S NO PROBLEM. THEY KNOW WHAT’S THE BREAD, WHAT’S

THE MEAT. [THROUGH AN INTERPRETER]

4.5 THE IMPACT OF PAY AND WORKING CONDITIONS

The degree of integration can be clearly linked to working conditions, levels of satisfaction with pay and whether

expectations had been met. This is obviously the case for both migrant and Irish workers. This section examines

results from the survey in relation to these issues, taking a sectoral approach.

A large majority of Irish and migrant workers in all three sectors felt that their expectations had been

met. Where expectations were not met, generally the relationship with management, pay issues, training

provision and promotion opportunities were of concern to both Irish and migrant workers.

All the quotes in this section are taken from questionnaire responses.

4.5.1 Satisfaction with Pay

In the survey respondents were asked to indicate their agreement with five statements on pay. The following graph

summarises the responses to the question In general migrant workers would seem somewhat more satisfied than

the Irish workers though marked divergences between the two are only evident in relation to the first statement.

For Irish nurses, the high cost of living especially in Dublin, was cited as an issue.

I COULD DO WITH MORE MONEY BECAUSE I CAN'T AFFORD TO BUY OR RENT A HOUSE.

MY SALARY IS NOT SUFFICIENT TO MEET THE BASIC REQUIREMENTS OF LIVING. BY EXHAUSTING MYSELF, BY DOING

OVERTIME I CAN JUST ABOUT MANAGE TO PAY BILLS. AS FOR A HOLIDAY I WOULD HAVE TO BORROW FROM THE BANK

TO ENJOY SUCH A LUXURY.

I DON’T THINK THE WAGES ARE IN LINE WITH THE COST OF LIVING FOR EXAMPLE FOOD, ELECTRICITY, “INSURANCE”.

For migrant worker nurses, as well as the high cost of living, high taxes were seen problem.

I AM ON HIGHER PAY WHEN I AM DOING NIGHT CALLS AND WEEKEND DUTIES. THE TAX IS CUT OFF. THE SALARY IS SAME

AS MY REGULAR PAY EVEN AFTER SO MANY CALLS.

HIGH TAXES ARE DEDUCTED IF WE DO OVERTIME FROM OUR SALARIES. THE MORE OVERTIME WE DO THE LESS PAY WE GET.

Difficulties in interpreting payslips were again highlighted by migrant workers.

THE PAYSLIP IS NOT WELL EXPLAINED. IT IS VERY HARD TO UNDERSTAND THE FORMAT OF THE PAYSLIP. ESPECIALLY

THE COMPUTATION HOW THEY ARRIVED TO THAT CERTAIN AMOUNT.

SOME OF THE DEDUCTIONS IN THE PAYSLIPS WERE NOT PROPERLY EXPLAINED THAT'S WHY FOR THE FIRST FEW

MONTHS WE'RE REALLY UNSURE IF WE'RE PAID CORRECTLY.

46 CHAPTER 4

Figure 2: Agreement with Statements on Pay(Comparison of Irish and migrant workers)

Receive fair rateof pay

Paid same ascolleagues for samework

Receive regularincrement to wages

Earn sufficient tosave

Able to supportfamily/dependents

Irish

Migrant workers

0 20 40 60 80 100

%


In the food processing sector, the most common complaint among Irish respondents the survey

respondents, was one of low pay.

WE DON’T GET PAID ENOUGH COMPARED TO OTHER WORKPLACES.

THERE'S NOT ENOUGH MONEY FOR WORK DONE.

WAGES SHOULD BE HIGHER.

For migrant workers issues of concern related to payment of bonuses i.e.– not receiving any bonus, or

receiving a different pay bonus than colleagues.

RATE OF BASIC PAY DIFFERENT, BONUS FOR TEAM MEMBERS DIFFERENT (I.E. SAME TEAM, SAME HOURS, DIFFERENT

BONUS BY AMOUNTS UP TO E30).

In the catering and hospitality sector, low pay and the lack of a pay rise was an issue for Irish workers

and migrant workers.

I AM WAITING FOR A PAY RISE.

THOUGH MINIMUM WAGE HAS GONE UP I RECEIVE THE SAME PAY RATE.

YOU DON'T GET THE WAGE INCREASE WHEN THEY SAY YOU WILL. SOMETIMES I DO THE JOB OF TWO PEOPLE. I SHOULD

BE PAID MORE FOR THIS.

4.5.2 Meeting expectations: Catering and Hospitality Sector

Some 65% of Irish survey respondents in the catering and hospitality sector felt that the job had met their

expectations, the percentage is somewhat higher at 81% among the migrant workers. Where expectations were

not met, the mismatch between job tasks, qualifications and experience, pay issues, training provision and

opportunities were of concern to both Irish and migrant workers.

IRISH WORKERS PRIMARILY HIGHLIGHTED PAY RELATED ISSUES, INCLUDING:

• Low pay levels:

I'M JUST GETTING BARELY OVER THE GOING RATE AND I'M THERE OVER FOUR YEARS.

• Lack of overtime rate:

HARD WORK BUT GIVEN TOO MUCH TO DO. HAVE TO HAVE WORK DONE BEFORE CURTAIN TIME. IF IT GOES OVER TIME

THERE IS NO EXTRA PAYMENT JUST BASIC PAY.

• Awareness of pay scales and progression:

NO TALK OF PAY SCALES. NO OPPORTUNITY OF PROGRESSING FURTHER IN MY POSITION.

Some migrant workers felt that they were experiencing poor working conditions:

1) BELOW MY STANDARD OF PROFESSIONALISM 2) STAFF WELFARE SHOULD HAVE BEEN TAKEN CARE OF MORE

SERIOUSLY 3) MEDICAL BENEFIT 4) PANEL CLINIC FOR STAFF.

On average, migrant workers worked longer hours than their Irish counterparts. Some 29% of migrant

workers worked overtime, compared with 21% of Irish workers. Some 63% of migrant workers undertook

regular shift work compared to 29% of Irish workers.

4.5.3 Meeting expectations: Food Processing Sector

Some 75% of Irish respondents felt the job had met their expectations, the percentage is somewhat higher

among the migrant workers (95%). Where expectations were not met, the relationship with management, pay

issues, training provision and promotion opportunities were of concern to both Irish and migrant workers.

• Pay levels:

VERY SLOW TO KEEP UP WITH TODAY'S ENVIRONMENT WITHIN EUROPE AND OTHER IRISH FACTORIES, PAY AND

CONDITIONS ARE SUB-STANDARD AND THE GENERAL WORKFORCE OPINIONS ARE DISREGARDED AND UNHEARD.

• Induction process:

INDUCTION PROCESS DOESN’T GO THROUGH EVERYTHING IT SHOULD- BECAUSE PEOPLE COME DOWN ONTO THE

FLOOR AND DON’T KNOW ANYTHING.

• Difficulties with management:

THERE IS A LACK OF COMMUNICATION BETWEEN THE SUPERVISORS AND THE OPERATORS. PROBLEMS ARE NOT BEING

SOLVED.

• Lack of training:

I WAS NEVER GIVEN ANY PROPER REAL TRAINING, EVENTUALLY YOU LEARN YOURSELF.

NO TRAINING OPPORTUNITIES AND POOR RELATIONSHIP WITH MANAGEMENT.

• Career advancement:

THERE IS NOT MUCH CHANCE TO MOVE UP THE LADDER AND EARN BETTER WAGES.

• Communication difficulties:

VERY FEW SPEAK TO ONE ANOTHER. MANAGEMENT DON'T COMMUNICATE. FOREIGN PEOPLE DON'T UNDERSTAND

IRISH AND IRISH DON'T UNDERSTAND THEM.

Lack of training/promotional opportunities was the main concern of migrant workers, while a poor

relationship with management was the most cited difficulty by Irish workers.

48 CHAPTER 4


On average, there was no difference in the average number of hours normally worked per week (excluding

overtime) between Irish and migrant workers. Some 76% of migrant workers worked overtime, compared to 43% of

Irish workers. Some 49% of migrant workers undertook regular shift work compared to 23% of Irish workers.

4.5.4 Meeting expectations: Healthcare Sector

Almost 80% of respondents felt the job had met their expectations, the percentage is the same amongst Irish

and migrant workers. The following table summarises the unmet expectations of Irish and migrant workers.

In relation to normal working hours (excluding overtime), there are no significant differences between

workers. As regards overtime, 40% of Irish respondents worked overtime, but the proportion rises to almost

60% among migrant workers.

On average migrant workers work twice as many hours overtime as Irish workers. The highest overtime

hours among the respondents are worked by nurses, followed by those in support services, followed by doctors/

consultants.

Some 63% of migrant workers undertook regular shift work compared to 37% of Irish workers. Most

of those undertaking shift work are in the medical job category and within this the percentage regularly working

shifts is about the same among Irish nurses and migrant worker nurses.

4.6 CAREER DEVELOPMENT AND TRAINING OPPORTUNITIES

The presence of migrant workers in positions of seniority or management might demonstrate to other migrant

workers that there are opportunities for career advancement in the Irish workplace. There were few examples of

migrant workers who had been promoted or indeed who had sought promotion in the research. Migrant workers'

perceptions of equality of opportunity in this regard were low.

This section examines the background to career development and the potential barriers for Irish and

migrant workers. Many of these obstacles apply equally, i.e. lack of funding for training, difficulties in accessing

information.

Information about training or career advancing opportunities is of primary importance at all stages of a

migrant worker's or an Irish worker's working life. How workers have accessed and availed of training is also

examined in this section.

Table 12: Healthcare Sector: Unmet jobexpectations of Irish and migrant workers

ISSUE % %IRISH MIGRANT

WORKERS WORKERS

Relationship with management 25.0% 4.2%

Job tasks not matching experience/qualifications 9.1% 25.0%

Lack of induction/poor job description 29.5% 16.7%

Pay related issues 29.5% 20.8%

Relationships with colleagues 0.0% 12.5%

Lack of training/promotional opportunities 25.0% 12.5%

4.6.1 Access to Information

All workers need to be able to access the information about how to advance their career or about what training

opportunities exist. This ability to access information is an issue of concern for both Irish and migrant workers.

There are a variety of stages and routes whereby this information may be available:

• At a job interview or by the recruitment agency

• Upon arrival or during an induction

• When a training or promotion opportunity comes up within the company/ organisation

• Training opportunities or professional qualifications available external to the workplace

• English language training- classes within the company or outside

Many migrant nurses had a detailed understanding of their career opportunities before they arrived in

Ireland. They also had a comprehensive induction and orientation. Many nurses reported significant difficulties

in accessing training opportunities, but their access to information was generally non-problematic.

For a large proportion of migrant workers, the recruitment agency did not provide an adequate level of

detail regarding qualification opportunities and career counselling. Equally for a large proportion of migrant

workers, the induction process was minimal, presenting scant information on future training or career

opportunities.

Language difficulties were common for many migrant workers, making it difficult for them to approach

a human resources department. This led to a reliance on migrant worker colleagues who had been in the job

longer or who had better English. These colleagues would generally channel important information through the

group.

It was through such conduits that many migrant workers found out about job vacancies or training

opportunities.

Information regarding a training opportunity or an internal job vacancy was also in many instances

advertised on notice boards.

YOU'D BE INFORMED BY IT BEING PUT UP ON A NOTICE BOARD. IT'S UP TO EVERYONE THEN IF THEY WANT TO APPLY.

Some potential candidates were notified in person.

AS FAR AS THE NURSING GOES, IF THERE IS AN AVAILABLE POST, THEY LET YOU KNOW ABOUT IT. IF YOU WANT IT, YOU

CAN APPLY, IF NOT, THAT'S OKAY. THE OPPORTUNITIES ARE THE SAME. THERE IS NO RACIAL DISCRIMINATION. WE ARE

ALL EQUAL.

However many migrant workers found that information relating to training was not always easy to

access.

EMPLOYERS MUST BE INVOLVED IN DIRECTING OR GETTING INFORMATION ON COURSES OR TRAINING- MAKES

EMPLOYEES IMPROVE THEIR QUALIFICATIONS AND QUALITIES.

50 CHAPTER 4


Of course, not all migrant workers were interested in further training or availing of promotion

opportunities. Some Irish and migrant workers were satisfied in their positions and were not seeking information

or access to training.

4.6.2 Access to and Availability of Training

The survey asked respondents to comment on their experiences of training. This section presents some results

according to each sector.

CATERING AND HOSPITALITY SECTOR

Some 88% of Irish workers in the catering and hospitality sector said they had received some training

compared to 82% of migrant workers. For the most part, it was a condition of the employment contract. Over

one in five Irish workers requested training, compared to one in seven migrant workers. Some 54% of Irish

workers and 39% of migrant workers feel that they are kept informed of all relevant training opportunities.

Some 91% of Irish workers reported receiving payment while in training compared to 83% of migrant

workers. About the same proportion of Irish (17%) and migrant worker (15%) respondents reported difficulties

accessing training.

According to all but one of the migrant workers who undertook training, training was not available in

languages other than English.

FOOD PROCESSING SECTOR

Some 90% of migrant workers had received training compared to 81% of Irish workers. It was a

condition of the employment contract for 70% of migrant workers and 62% of Irish workers. A higher proportion

of migrant workers have requested training (21% of Irish and 38% of migrant workers). Half of all migrant

workers and one quarter of all Irish workers feel that they are kept informed of all relevant training opportunities.


workers. About the same proportion of Irish (16%) and migrant worker (14%) respondents had difficulties

accessing training.

Some Irish workers pointed to a lack of resources invested in training.

THERE IS NOT ENOUGH COURSES GOING TO MEET OUR REQUIREMENTS. (QUOTE FROM SURVEY RESPONSE)

NOT ENOUGH PEOPLE TO TRAIN OTHERS. (QUOTE FROM SURVEY RESPONSE)

The nature of the training presented problems for some workers.

OVER RELIANCE ON ON-THE-JOB TRAINING. (QUOTE FROM SURVEY RESPONSE)

The expectations of managers were often regarded to be too high or unrealistic.

IN SOME CASES, THE TEAM LEADER EXPECTS YOU TO KNOW WHAT TO DO WHEN YOU START IN A CERTAIN AREA. (QUOTE

FROM SURVEY RESPONSE)

NOT ALL THE PERSONS ARE THE SAME, SO NOT EVERYBODY IS CAPABLE OF BEING TRAINED IN A SHORT TIME. (QUOTE

FROM SURVEY RESPONSE)

Some migrant workers pointed to English language difficulties in accessing and also in understanding

the training available.

HEALTHCARE SECTOR

A higher percentage of Irish (86%) than migrant workers (69%) said they had received training. A

somewhat higher proportion (71%) of migrant workers than Irish workers (53%) in the medical job category

indicated that training received was a condition of their employment contract. A higher proportion of Irish have

requested training: (36% Irish and 18% migrant workers)


workers. Training was not available in languages other than English.

About the same proportion of Irish (18%) and migrant worker (17%) respondents had difficulties

accessing training.

Irish nurses mentioned difficulties with funding, problems in accessing courses, and the practical

difficulties of managing training and work. Migrant nurses mentioned that the manager was open to attending

training. The remaining responses focused on the lack of training opportunities, difficulties in accessing training

and one migrant nurse felt that training was for Irish nurses only.

Irish nurse managers pointed to the fact that staffing shortages preclude their access to training.

Migrant doctors pointed to difficulties for non-EU nationals in accessing specialist training programmes.

Irish workers in administration highlight difficulties in accessing training due to lack of staff cover and the lack

of funding for training. Both migrant workers and Irish workers in the support services feel that training

opportunities have been restricted and are very difficult to access.

Those Irish and migrant workers in the paramedical area stressed the budgetary constraints or limited

personal funding that made training difficult if not impossible.

4.6.3 Difficulties in Accessing Training

The lack of access to training and promotion opportunities was highlighted as a concern for both Irish and

migrant workers. One Irish worker in the catering and hospitality sector described the situation.

NO TRAINING OPPORTUNITIES, NO BENEFITS- SUCH AS BONUS/SICK PAY, FLEXI-TIME.

A migrant worker also pointed to the lack of advancement opportunities.

JOB AND OPPORTUNITIES FOR TRAINING ARE NOT FULLY IMPLEMENTED TO THE ADVANCEMENT OF CAREER

PROGRESSION IN THE INDUSTRY, BY EMPLOYERS. THERE IS A LACK OF INFORMATION ON THE JOB TRAINING

OPPORTUNITIES THAT LEAD TO PROFESSIONAL QUALIFICATIONS.

Some migrant workers found themselves fixed for lengthy periods in the job that they were recruited

for, with little opportunity to move within the company or organisation or for promotion.

I CAME HERE FOR GOOD MONEY. I FIND KITCHEN PORTER JOB, ONLY JOB AVAILABLE IN THE HOTEL. I'M NEARLY THREE

YEARS WORKING HERE. I'M TRYING TO INCREMENT MY WAGES, I APPLY FOR THREE JOBS, BAR TENDER, WAITER, HALL

PORTER. ONE DAY MY MANAGER CALLED ME AND SAID YOUR JOB CANNOT BE CHANGED FROM THE KITCHEN

DEPARTMENT. SHE SAID THAT THE DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE TOLD HER THAT YOUR JOB CANNOT BE CHANGED.

52 CHAPTER 4


Information on internal transfers was quite often found out “on the grapevine”. This could lead to

confusion.

I FILLED OUT A FORM TO MOVE FROM MY SECTION AND I DIDN'T RECEIVE ANY ANSWER. YOU WOULD GO TO THE

SUPERVISOR, I THINK.

Some migrant workers highlighted feelings of discrimination when they did not get a place on the

training or study course in which they were interested.

I MEAN, WHEN IT COMES TO LIKE LECTURES AND SEMINARS THEY ENCOURAGE US TO GO BUT THERE WAS A TIME

WHEN I ASKED ABOUT STUDIES TO GO ON. I LIKE TO GO ON A MASTERS SO I ASKED THE PROCESS OF HOW I DO IT BUT

I THINK THEY TEND TO IGNORE ME.

These difficulties in getting a place on courses were shared by Irish colleagues. Budgetary constraints

rather than any greater focus on Irish over migrant workers seemed to be the root of many problems.

WE NEVER HAD MUCH FOR TRAINING BUT WHATEVER WE’VE NOTHING AT ALL NOW IN OUR END OF IT. A LOT OF TRAINING

IS SELF-FINANCING.

Some migrant workers in the healthcare sector experienced bureaucratic problems in accessing a

training opportunity.

I SAID ‘OH,– IT HAS TO BE APPROVED BY THESE PEOPLE, YOU HAVE TO SEND SOMETHING.

EVEN IF YOU PAY FROM YOUR OWN POCKET, THEY WON’T ACCEPT YOUR APPLICATION UNLESS THEY'RE APPROVED. SO

HOW WILL YOU GO THERE? WHEN YOU WANTED TO GO ON YOU PROFESSIONAL UPGRADING WAS HALTED.

Proof of English language competence may also have been a requirement to pursue career

advancement though further education or training.

IF YOU'RE GETTING UP TO DO A THIRD LEVEL COURSE, IF YOU ARE A FOREIGNER YOU HAVE TO SHOW PROOF OF

COMPETENCY FOR ENGLISH AND ONCE I RUNG UP A COLLEGE AND I ASKED THEM ABOUT IT AND THEY TOLD ME TO TAKE

THE TEST ON ENGLISH AS A FOREIGN LANGUAGE BEFORE I CAN DO A COURSE WITH THEM.

These workers felt that a certain set of personal characteristics were necessary in order to access

training or career opportunities.

YOU HAVE TO BE REALLY STRONG, STRONG WILLED AND DETERMINED

4.6.4 Achievement of Promotion

The number of examples of migrant workers who had gone for promotion or who had been promoted was low.

A migrant worker in the catering and hospitality sector had been promoted after three years in his original

position. This promotion was welcomed by his migrant workers colleagues as it allowed them an understanding

of the pay increment.

MY BROTHER STARTED AS A PORTER AND NOW HE'S SUPERVISOR. WHEN YOU ARE PROMOTED FROM PORTER TO

SUPERVISOR, THEN YOU WILL KNOW WHAT THE SALARY INCREASE IS.

In the food processing sector, a migrant worker with a professional qualification had been promoted.

THERE ARE TWO ROMANIAN TEAM LEADERS, ONE WAS A MATHS TEACHER IN ROMANIA. EVERYONE THINKS HE IS VERY

GOOD.

Other migrant workers expressed doubt as to whether they would be suitable team leaders.

YOU MUST KNOW PERFECT ENGLISH, YOU MUST UNDERSTAND EVERYTHING, EVERYTHING ABOUT THE PROCESS.

Seniority was considered an important factor in applying for a promotion.

BUT IT IS NOT ONLY THE ENGLISH. FROM WHAT I HAVE SEEN SO FAR, THERE ARE MANY PEOPLE WHO HAVE WORKED

HERE FOR TEN YEARS, THEY KNOW EVERYTHING ABOUT THE SECTION, SO I CAN'T ASK ANYTHING AFTER ONLY 2.5

YEARS. I CAN'T ASK FOR THAT. MAYBE IN THE FUTURE AFTER 5 OR 10 YEARS.

Some migrant workers were offered a promotion directly by their managers or supervisors.

I WAS ON ANNUAL REPORT AND MY SUPERVISOR TOLD ME THAT HE HAS ME IN HIS BOOK FOR TEAM LEADER. I DIDN'T

SAY NOTHING, I WANT THE REALITY AND NOT WORDS. MAYBE TO MAKE ME MUCH EXCITED ABOUT WORK.

An Irish manager described the policy in their company.

I OFFERED ONE OF THE MIGRANT WORKERS A FEW WEEKS AGO THE CHANCE TO WORK IN ANOTHER SECTION AND I

THINK HE'D DONE TWENTY MINUTES OF IT AND HE SAID NO THANKS, I'D RATHER GO BACK. THEY ARE OFFERED, THE

SAME AS THE IRISH, IT'S THERE FOR THEM. IF THEY'RE HAPPY TO GO AND DO IT, WE WON'T STOP THEM.

The promotion of migrant workers had caused difficulties with some Irish workers in the food

processing sector.

AT THE MOMENT, I DON'T KNOW HOW ANYONE ELSE FEELS ABOUT IT, BUT WE WERE DOING OUT A LIST AND MORE

MIGRANT WORKERS HAVE TEAM LEADER JOBS OR SUPERVISORS OVER IRISH. THEY HAVE REALLY GOT GOOD

PROMOTIONS AND TRANSFERS, WHERE IRISH WORKERS HAVE PUT IN FOR THEM FOR YEARS AND NEVER GOT THEM.

THE TRANSFERS ARE SUPPOSED TO WORK ON WHAT YOU CAN DO AND LENGTH OF SERVICE. AT THE MOMENT, THAT'S

NOT HAPPENING, THEY JUST SEEM TO GET GREAT JOBS IN HERE.

54 CHAPTER 4


On the other hand, in the healthcare sector, a migrant worker in the maintenance section was positively

encouraged by his colleagues to apply for a promotion.

THERE WAS A JOB THERE IN THE MY DEPARTMENT, WORKING IN A GRADE A JOB. I’M ONLY GRADE D. THE PEOPLE WHO

WERE IN THERE BEFORE ME, THE ONE TOLD ME ‘WHY DON’T YOU GO FOR A GRADE A JOB. I MEAN YOU’RE VERY GOOD

WITH THE COMPUTERS. WHY DON’T YOU GO FOR THAT?’ SO THEY WERE PUSHING ME TO GO FOR IT AND I WAS SITTING

DOWN AND I THOUGHT WELL I DON’T KNOW THE HOSPITAL POLICY OR ANYTHING. YOU JUST DON’T GO IN AND MAKE

YOURSELF KNOWN AND I DID GO IN FOR IT BUT I DIDN’T GET IT THOUGH.

Some migrant workers in the catering and hospitality sector felt that their career development was

being restricted.

IF IN OUR OWN COUNTRY, WE WOULD HAVE BEEN PROMOTED BY NOW.

4.6.5 Attitudes to Equality of Opportunity

In the survey, respondents were asked for their opinions on statements relating to career development and

chances to succeed.

Table 13 focuses on the responses of workers across the three sectors to the statement “At our

workplace, career development is harder for migrant workers than for Irish workers”.

At our workplace, career development is harder for migrant workers than for Irish workers

Nine in ten Irish workers in the catering and hospitality sector are of the belief that career development

is more difficult for migrant workers. In fact more Irish workers in this sector agreed with this statement than

migrant workers in the other two sectors. In the healthcare sector, the majority of Irish workers (58.2%) and

migrant workers (55.2%) disagreed with the statement.

Table 13: Attitudes of Irish and Migrantworkers to statement on career development

AT OUR WORKPLACE, CAREER DEVELOPMENT % % % %IS HARDER FOR MIGRANT WORKERS STRONGLY DIS- STRONGLYTHAN FOR IRISH WORKERS AGREE AGREE AGREE DISAGREE

Irish Workers- Food Processing Sector 7.3 30.9 47.3 14.5

Irish Workers- Catering and Hospitality Sector 27.5 62.5 7.5 2.5

Irish Workers-Healthcare Sector 8.7 33.0 46.1 12.1

Migrant Workers- Food Processing Sector 26.1 26.1 33.3 14.5

Migrant Workers- Catering and Hospitality Sector 19.2 73.1 7.7 0.0

Migrant Workers- Healthcare Sector 19.6 25.2 47.7 7.5

Table 14 focuses on the responses of workers again across the three sectors to the statement

“migrant workers at our workplace have not the same chances to succeed in their work as Irish workers”.

Six in ten migrant workers in the food processing sector felt that migrant workers do not have the same

success potential as Irish workers. Three in four Irish workers in this sector did not agree. Over half of migrant

workers in the other two sectors pointed to a lack of equality of opportunity to succeed.

4.7 LIFE OUTSIDE THE WORKPLACE

The experiences of migrant workers outside the workplace have an obvious bearing on their integration within

Irish society. Do migrant workers feel isolated once they leave work? Do they mix with Irish people outside of

their working week? Are there opportunities for migrant workers and Irish workers to meet socially either through

events organised by the employer or through social outlets in their community?

This section deals with such questions. Some events with an intercultural focus were organised by

employers. Any social events tended to be seasonal, summer barbecues or Christmas parties. Such events,

while welcomed and well attended by migrant and Irish workers, tended to have a strong focus on alcohol.

Many migrant workers felt uncomfortable with the level of drinking that was associated with socialising

in an Irish pub. This had an impact of isolating some groups of migrant workers, who would only tend to socialise

within their own community.

A very concerning result related to the feelings of a lack of security expressed by a large proportion of

migrant workers, particularly those based in Dublin. There was an acceptance among many that going out after

dark was a serious risk.

Long term integration of migrant workers may be hampered by difficulties in family reunification.

Permission for migrant workers to bring family members to Ireland is discretionary and their rights and

entitlements in Ireland are limited.

56 CHAPTER 4

Table 14: Attitudes of Irish and Migrantworkers to statement on equality of chancesto succeed

MIGRANT WORKERS AT OUR WORKPLACE % % % %HAVE NOT THE SAME CHANCES TO SUCCEED STRONGLY DIS- STRONGLYIN THEIR WORK AS IRISH WORKERS AGREE AGREE AGREE DISAGREE

Irish Workers- Food Processing Sector 9.3 16.7 61.1 13.0

Irish Workers- Catering and Hospitality Sector 4.8 26.2 47.6 21.4

Irish Workers-Healthcare Sector 6.0 28.0 51.0 15.0

Migrant Workers- Food Processing Sector 20.8 40.3 33.3 5.6

Migrant Workers- Catering and Hospitality Sector 8.0 44.0 40.0 8.0

Migrant Workers- Healthcare Sector 16.5 36.9 40.8 5.8


4.7.1 Socialising and Irish Pub Culture

Many migrant workers, especially those in the food processing sector, live together in shared accommodation.

After work, they would tend to socialise together.

THEY HAVE ONE HOUSE THE FOUR HUNGARIAN PERSONS AND IN ANOTHER PLACE THERE ARE TWO HOUSES

TOGETHER, EIGHT PERSONS LIVING THERE AND THEY ARE GOING VISITING EACH OTHER SOMETIMES AND ARE

DRINKING.

The migrant workers go out at night infrequently during the working week.

WE DON'T HAVE TIME TO SEE THEM (IRISH CO-WORKERS). WE WORK, WE ARRIVE HOME, MAYBE MAKE SHOPPING, WE

DON'T HAVE TOO MUCH TIME.

The majority of migrant workers considered Irish drinking habits excessive.

YOU SHOULD ASK WHO DOESN'T GO TO THE PUB, 90% GO TO THE PUB.

YOUR NOT AN IRISH IF YOU’RE NOT GOING TO THE PUB.

IT IS NOT USUAL IN OUR COUNTRY TO GO SO OFTEN TO THE PUB.

IT IS COMMON IN EUROPEAN COUNTRIES THAT YOUNG PEOPLE WANT TO DRINK, FUN, NOTHING ELSE. I HAVE NOTHING

AGAINST DRINK, BUT NOT EACH DAY, I'M NOT GOING TO UNDERSTAND. 7/8 BEERS, WHERE DOES IT GO? IT IS RAINING,

NOTHING ELSE TO DO. IT IS A NATIONAL SPORT. THEY CAN RUN LIKE RABBITS, I DON'T KNOW HOW THEY CAN AFTER SO

MUCH ALCOHOL.

Migrant workers tended to organise social occasions that were not focused on alcohol.

HAVE A SOCIAL DRINK A LITTLE BIT HERE, A LITTLE BIT THERE AND MAKE THE POT OF FOOD – LIKE A BARBECUE, LIKE

IN HUNGARY THEY HAVE A BIG HUGE POT AND THEY COOK THE STEW IN IT AND HAVE A COUPLE OF DRINKS AND SING

THE SONGS.

Their Irish colleagues were generally invited to any such events.

IT NEEDED A LOT OF WORK DONE WITH US TO KNIT TOGETHER BUT OVERALL WE GET INVITED TO THEIR WEDDINGS,

THEIR CHRISTENING, THEIR PARTIES, THEIR BIRTHDAYS, ANY OCCASION. THEY’RE VERY WARM AND OPEN, AND THEY

VERY MUCH RECEIVED US AND WE HOPE WE RECEIVED THEM IN THE SAME WAY.

Irish workers who had attended parties hosted by migrant workers reported enjoying the occasions.

WELL, LIKE SATURDAY NIGHT THERE, WE WERE INVITED TO A BIRTHDAY PARTY AND IT WAS A CELEBRATION FOR A

PROMOTION AS WELL AND THE CHILDREN COME AND THE ADULTS COME AND THERE’S NOT A HUGE AMOUNT OF DRINK

BECAUSE THERE’S LOTS OF FOOD, THE MUSIC IS ON AND THEY’RE ALL DANCING.

THERE’S NO SORT OF PRESSURE TO BE DRINKING OR FALLING AROUND DRUNK OR ANYTHING LIKE THAT AND THE

CHILDREN ARE ALL THERE AND EVERYBODY’S WELCOME. IF YOU BROUGHT ALONG FOUR OR FIVE PEOPLE THEY’D BE

QUITE WELCOME TOO. IT’S A DIFFERENT .. THEY COOK A LOT AND EVERYONE’S WELCOME AND THEY’RE VERY SOCIABLE.

Some migrant workers did not participate in the pub culture due to cost, preferring to have a drink at

home. An Irish workers explained the differences in drinking cultures.

YOU SEE THE WAY WE DO IT IS THE IRISH PEOPLE GO TO THE PUB AND DRINK PINTS. A LOT OF THE FOREIGN LADS DON'T

DRINK PINTS. THEY'D MORE DRINK BOTTLES OF SPIRITS, WINE AS WELL. IT'S CHEAPER TO BUY IT DOWN THE OFF

LICENCE AND DRINK IT AT HOME.

4.7.2 Events Organised by the Company

Events organised by the company or organisation to promote intercultural activities while successful tended to

extend to seasonal events and were largely closely related to drinking.

THEY HAVE A PARTY, LIKE A CHRISTMAS PARTY, IN THE YEAR, LIKE ONCE OR TWICE, SOMETHING LIKE THAT.

Christmas parties for the workplace as a whole or for specific departments were cited most commonly

as events organised by the employer that brought migrant workers together with Irish workers outside the

workplace.

CHRISTMAS THINGS STARTED, AND THAT STARTED IT REALLY. WE HAD DIFFERENT PARTIES IN DIFFERENT

DEPARTMENTS AND THEY WOULD COME.

THEY WERE PRETTY SHY AND ABOUT COMING TO THINGS INITIALLY, BUT THEY CAME, THEY ENJOYED THEMSELVES.

THEY CAME TO THE HOSPITAL BALL. YOU KNOW IT’S JUST MAKING THEM FEEL THERE AS MUCH WELCOME AS ANYBODY

ELSE. THEY ENJOY SOCIALISING.

Departmental nights out were very common amongst Irish workers. From time to time, depending on

the reason, migrant workers would join in.

I’M NOT USED TO GOING OUT. I’D RATHER STAY AT HOME. BUT WHEN WE HAVE A NIGHT OUT LIKE IF SOMEBODY’S

LEAVING OR IF SOMEBODY’S HAVING A WEDDING YOU SEE A NIGHT OUT, OR DURING CHRISTMAS WE ALWAYS ARRANGE

FOR A NIGHT OUT, WE ALWAYS GO OUT. BUT LIKE IT’S NOT THE CASUAL THING GOING OUT EVERY FRIDAY OR LIKE

USUALLY WE’RE DOING ONE WEEK NIGHTS AND AFTER THAT ‘OH, WE’LL GO TO THE PUB ON MONDAY’. I MEAN THEY ARE

GOING TO ARRANGE FOR ALL THE STAFF BUT I DON’T USUALLY GO OUT.

Some companies and organisations operated social clubs, that organised barbecues during the

summer. An Irish manager described events that their company's social club put on.

WE'D HAVE SOCIAL CLUB DANCES, BARBECUES HERE FROM THE FACTORY, THEY'RE ALL IN THE SOCIAL CLUB AND THEY

ALL COME TO ALL THE EVENTS. OUR DINNER AT CHRISTMAS. THEY WERE AT THE BARBECUE A FEW WEEKS AGO. THEY

SEEMED TO ENJOY IT AND MIXED VERY WELL.

58 CHAPTER 4


4.7.3 Safety and Security

Some migrant nurses described their fears of drunken behaviour.

I WORK IN CASUALTY AND IT’S MAYBE BECAUSE I SAW SO MANY PEOPLE IN CASUALTY BEING DRUNK EVERY FRIDAY,

HOW THEY LOOK AND HOW THEY WERE IN TROUBLE YOU KNOW. IT JUST COME INTO MY MIND THAT IF EVER I GO THERE,

EVEN THOUGH I’M NOT DRUNK IT COULD HAPPEN TO ME. I MEAN THERE ARE WOMEN COMING WHO HAVE BEEN

SLAPPED BY SOMEBODY IN THE PUB AND THEY CAN'T DO ANYTHING BECAUSE HE’S DRUNK. IT COULD HAPPEN TO ME

SO THAT’S WHY SOMETIMES I’M FEELING ‘WHY GO THERE?’. I ENJOY WATCHING MY TV AND YOU KNOW.

These fears for security and safety are commonplace among migrant workers in Dublin.

WE DO NOT GO OUT AT NIGHT, BECAUSE OTHERWISE WE WILL END UP IN THE HOSPITAL. WE WOULD FEAR TO GO OUT

AT NIGHT, ESPECIALLY DURING THE WINTER BECAUSE YOU CANNOT SEE THEM ROAMING AROUND. DON'T GO TO

PLACES THAT ARE VERY FAR, BECAUSE WE WILL SEE DRUNK IRISH PEOPLE AND THEN THE TEENAGERS AND THEY WILL

BULLY US ON THE ROAD. SO WE DON'T GO OUT MUCH DURING THE NIGHT.

I WOULD ALSO FEEL UNCOMFORTABLE AT NIGHT TIME.

BECAUSE I’VE LIVED ABROAD BEFORE SO IT’S NOTHING NEW I JUST THINK I FOUND THE IRISH VERY AGGRESSIVE. BUT

THAT’S ALL ONE CAN SAY.

THE IRISH PEOPLE ARE QUITE COLD, I’M SORRY BUT IT MIGHT BE BECAUSE THEY SPEND SO MUCH TIME IN THE PUB.

I’M SORRY BUT THEY ARE.

Migrant workers reported experiences of hassle on a night out.

WELL GOING INTO PUBS, HAVING PINTS AND YOU SEE PEOPLE BRINGING UP STORIES AND WHAT I SAY TO THEM ‘LOOK,

I SAY I PAY MY TAXES’- ‘SO JUST MIND THE WAY YOU SPEAK TO ME’ OR IF YOU HAVE SOMETHING ELSE TO SAY I JUST

BRUSH THEM OFF. IT ALL DEPENDS .. I THINK THEY’RE JUST BEGINNING TO ACCEPT THE FACT THAT THE PEOPLE ARE

NOW HERE AND PEOPLE ARE PICKING UP JOBS AND WORKING AND THEY’RE TRYING TO DO WELL FOR THEMSELVES

AND THERE ARE IGNORANT ONES WHO ARE ENVIOUS AND JEALOUS, CAUSING TROUBLE.

Migrant workers are also accustomed to verbal abuse during the day, even while doing their shopping.

THEY ARE VERBALLY ABUSIVE TO US, THEY THINK THAT WE ARE CHINESE. THEY BELIEVE THEY CAN SAY TO US, LIKE IN

THE SHOPPING CENTRE “CHINESE SOUNDING WORDS”, “GET OUT OF OUR COUNTRY”.

Some migrant workers develop their own coping mechanisms.

YEAH DEFINITELY, WHEN YOU CAME IN AS A FOREIGNER YOU HAVE TO BE PREPARED TO RECEIVE AND GIVE OUT SLAGS.

THAT’S WHAT I’VE LEARNT, YOU HAVE TO TAKE AND GIVE. YOU DON’T TAKE ANYTHING PERSONAL. THAT’S THE WAY I

WORK IT.

4.7.4 Accommodation

English language difficulties put these migrant workers at a disadvantage in dealing with their landlord.

THEY HAVE A RIGHT PLACE, NO PROBLEM. HE SAID THERE’S SOME RAIN COMING THROUGH THE ROOF OTHERWISE IT’S

ALL RIGHT! THEY TRY TO SAY TO THE OWNER ABOUT THE TROUBLE AND THE OWNER DON’T BOTHER, I THINK THEY’VE A

PROBLEM IN THE ATTIC WITH THE TANK, THE WATER IS COMING THROUGH TO THE CEILING. EVENTUALLY THEY FIXED IT,

BUT IT’S STILL DRIPPING.

Some employers provided accommodation for the initial period.

WHEN WE LEFT OUR COUNTRY, IT WAS ALREADY A PACKAGE DEAL, FOR 6 WEEKS ACCOMMODATION IN THE DORMITORY.

AFTER THAT YOU HAVE TO LOOK FOR A HOUSE. BUT THIS HOSPITAL IS VERY GOOD, BECAUSE IF WITHIN THE SPAN OF

SIX WEEKS, YOU COULDN'T FIND A HOUSE, YOU COULD EXTEND IT FOR FREE.

Difficulties with the accommodation provided by their employer was identified by some migrant

workers.

THEY STILL DON’T HAVE A WASHING MACHINE, THEY HAVE NO HOT WATER, NO SHOWER.

IT’S A BRAND NEW HOUSE, BUT THERE’S NOTHING IN IT. IT’S NOT FINISHED. THEY HAVE COOKER NOW BUT STILL I DON’T

KNOW HOW MANY WEEKS THEY ARE AND THEY HAVE NO WASHING MACHINE, THEY’RE NOT ABLE TO WASH THE

CLOTHES.

4.7.5 Managing Family Relations

After being three months in Ireland a person who is employed on the basis of a work visa, work authorisation

may apply for permission to bring his or her family members to Ireland. This permission is normally granted but

is discretionary. Where family members are reunited rights and entitlements can be very limited. The main

difficulty is that spouses of migrant workers coming to Ireland have no right to work so migrant workers and their

families have to survive on the basis of one income.

The management of family relations was very difficult for a large number of migrant workers. Many

migrant workers had come to Ireland, leaving partners and children at home. They had come to work in Ireland

to fund their children's education. Their Irish colleagues, in the healthcare sector, were well aware of their

situation.

THE POSSIBILITY OF NOT COMING OVER IS NOT AN ISSUE FOR THEM. THEY CONSIDER IT SOMETHING THEY HAVE TO

DO FOR THE FAMILY, THEY’RE SO INTO THEIR EDUCATION AND THEIR CHILDREN GRADUATING, THAT’S WHAT THEY’RE

WORKING FOR. THEY SEE EDUCATION AS A WAY OUT OF THEIR SITUATION AND THEY WANT THEIR CHILDREN TO HAVE

A BETTER LIFE THAN THEY HAD THEMSELVES. BUT YOU SEE IT’S VERY DIFFICULT FOR THEM PARTICULARLY THE LADY

WHO CAME OVER WHEN THE YOUNGEST WAS THREE, I MEAN SHE WENT BACK THE LAST TIME THE CHILD DIDN’T

RECOGNISE HER. YOU KNOW, THINGS LIKE THAT IT’S HEART BREAKING. IT’S VERY TOUGH.

AND WHAT I NOTICE IS WHEN THEY GO HOME FOR THEIR MONTH, BECAUSE THEY USUALLY TAKE A MONTH OR FIVE

WEEKS HOLIDAYS, AND THEY COME BACK AND THEY ARE TERRIBLY DEPRESSED, TERRIBLY DEPRESSED.

60 CHAPTER 4


Some migrant workers managed to bring their partner and children over to Ireland. However this threw

up more challenges. The cost of childcare was an issue for a Filipino couple.

THE SITUATION IS THAT SHE’S GOING BACK HOME WITH THE BABY AND THE GRANDPARENTS ARE GOING TO BRING UP

THE BABY. AND THE PARTNER AND HERSELF ARE HERE BECAUSE IT’S THE COST OF CHILDCARE. BECAUSE IF THEY HAD

A BABY MINDER OR AN AU PAIR, WHATEVER IT MIGHT BE TO LOOK AFTER THE CHILD WHEN THEY ARE BOTH WORKING

IT WOULD CANCEL OUT WHATEVER BIT OF MONEY THEY MIGHT MAKE BETWEEN THEM. SO THAT MUST BE A TERRIBLE

THING TO HAVE TO DO, TO HAVE TO GO BACK HOME WITH A NEW BORN BABY AND HAND IT OVER TO THE

GRANDPARENTS TO LOOK AFTER IT.

The cost of living reduced the ability of the migrant worker to save.

IT IS DIFFICULT TO SAVE MONEY, WHEN YOU HAVE TO SPEND MONEY ALL THE TIME. THIS IS VERY EXPENSIVE. IF MY

BROTHER CAME OVER WE WOULD MAKE ENOUGH MONEY QUICKER, TWO YEARS THEN HOME. THIS IS OUR

FRUSTRATION.

The inability of migrant workers' spouses to work presented financial challenges.

MY WIFE IS WITH ME AS WELL. IT'S NOT A PROBLEM, BUT IT'S DIFFICULT BECAUSE MY WIFE IS NOT ALLOWED TO WORK

HERE. I HAVE TO PAY ALL THE BILLS, THE CHILD BENEFIT IS NOT ENOUGH, IT'S GONE IN TWO WEEKS. FOR ME IT IS A

LITTLE BIT STRUGGLE. I HAVE TO RESPECT THE LAW AND SHE CANNOT WORK. IT'S AN EXPENSIVE LIFE.

Some migrant workers had positive experiences of uniting their family. An Irish healthcare worker

described the impact.

SOME OF THEM WHO CAME OVER WERE NEWLY MARRIED, THE PARTNERS HAD COME OVER, WITH A BABY. BUT YOU CAN

SEE SORT OF, THERE’S ONE PERSON I’M THINKING OF IN PARTICULAR. YOU CAN SEE HER, SHE’S RADIANT, BECAUSE

HER FAMILY UNIT IS HERE NOW. THEY’RE ALL TOGETHER AND SHE’S QUITE FRANK ABOUT IT, SHE WOULD PREFER TO

HAVE THEM HERE EVEN IF HER HUSBAND ISN’T WORKING AT THE MOMENT. IT’S LIKE SHE’S A DIFFERENT PERSONALITY.

SHE FEELS MORE. EVEN HER WORK, EVERYTHING.

A migrant worker in the food processing sector also had a positive experience of bringing her family

together in Ireland.

AFTER TEN MONTHS, MY HUSBAND CAME HERE AND THEN MY DAUGHTER TOO. WE FIND A HOUSE. MY DAUGHTER IS 12

AND A HALF AND IN SIXTH CLASS, SHE IS HAPPY. HER ENGLISH IS THE BEST, I AM ASHAMED. SHE STAYS IN SCHOOL

FROM 9 UNTIL 3. SHE TALK ALL THE TIME. SHE DOES HER HOMEWORK... I WILL STAY HERE A LONG TIME. IT'S A BIG

CHANGE IN MY LIFE, MY DAUGHTER'S LIFE. I WOULD LIKE TO STAY HERE FOR A WHILE TO FINISH HER STUDIES. I COULD

WORK EVERYWHERE IN THE WORLD, BUT IT IS VERY IMPORTANT FOR MY DAUGHTER TO FINISH HER STUDIES BECAUSE

NOW SHE LOSES A LOT OF THINGS IN ROMANIA, SHE HAS STARTED TO LEARN IN ENGLISH. IT IS VERY IMPORTANT FOR

ME TO STAY HERE FOR MY DAUGHTER TO FINISH HER SCHOOL. WE STILL NEED THE WORK PERMIT EVERY YEAR.

4.8 CONCLUSION

Even those migrant workers coming to Ireland with skills and training, found work practices in Ireland different

to that which they had been used to in their home country. Irish attitudes to work, sick leave and holidays seemed

perplexing to many.

Though some migrant workers experienced prejudice from Irish colleagues, this was not the norm.

Perceived prejudice from Irish workers often arose in circumstances where migrant workers had misinterpreted

a situation. For migrant workers making contact and building relationships with Irish workers could be a fraught

process. The opportunities for this were also influenced by the nature of the work. For example, the opportunities

for production line workers for dialogue were likely to be more limited than, workers who were part of a specialist

medical team.

For migrant workers, communication with management was more difficult when they did not have a

good fluency in English. Information about changes in work arrangements failed to be communicated effectively

to migrant workers when management only did so in English.

Both Irish and migrant workers encountered difficulties arising from Irish workers speaking too fast. A

conscious effort on both their parts was required to overcome these problems. Similarly talking and listening on

the telephone was a frustrating experience for many workers.

In general, migrant workers seemed more satisfied with their pay than Irish workers. The high cost of

living in Ireland, relative to pay was a concern expressed by many Irish and migrant workers. A higher proportion

of migrant than Irish workers undertake overtime and regular shift work.

In the survey, a majority of both Irish and migrant worker respondents felt their job expectations were

met. Where job expectations were not met, mismatch between job tasks, qualifications and experience, pay

issues and opportunities for training and promotion were of concern to both Irish and migrant workers. Migrant

workers outside the hospitals often found themselves dependent on colleagues for information, that may not

always have been reliable.

62 CHAPTER 4


Some migrant workers, encountered difficulties in accessing specialist training in third level

establishments. Both Irish and migrant workers in hospitals and elsewhere experienced budgetary constraints

as a barrier to training opportunities.

The number of examples of migrant workers who had gone for promotion or who had been promoted

was low. There were examples of Irish workers expressing on the one hand apprehension about migrant workers

being selected ahead of them for promotion, and on the other hand support for their migrant worker colleagues

in applying for promotion.

Many migrant workers, especially those in the food processing sector, live together in shared

accommodation. After work, they tend to socialise together. For the majority of migrant workers, Irish pub culture

came as a shock. While many of them would visit pubs from time to time over the weekend, they considered

Irish drinking habits excessive.

Events organised by the company or organisation to promote intercultural activities were successful

but tended to extend only to seasonal events and were closely related to drinking.

Fears for security and safety when going out at night time are commonplace among migrant workers

in Dublin.


migrant workers had come to Ireland, leaving partners and children at home. Family reunification was a serious

challenge to full integration. Many migrant workers expressed frustration with the system, especially those

whose spouse was not entitled to work. Many such workers stated that this fact would make them leave the

country at an earlier stage.

5 CONCLUSIONS AND POLICY IMPLICATIONS

This chapter firstly presents conclusions emerging from the research. It then highlights issues of concern. Where

appropriate, it indicates where action is needed-be it at the level of the workplace, the social partners or at

governmental level.

It should be borne in mind that this research is based on workplaces that were willing to engage in the

research and provides a snapshot of experiences.

5.1 CONCLUSIONS

5.1.1 Motivations for coming to Ireland

This research examined the paths migrant workers had taken to come to Ireland and the rationale behind their

migration. This involved looking at how migrant workers received information, recruitment patterns and access

to employment permits.

Evidence from this research suggests that economic factors are the principal motivation for migrant

workers coming to Ireland. Migrant workers enjoy pay rates that are multiples of those available in their home

countries. A secondary motivation is to learn English. Most migrant workers with dependents at home do not

envisage staying in Ireland long-term.

5.1.2 Steps taken to come to Ireland

Though some migrant workers learned about employment opportunities in Ireland, the first concrete step for the

majority of migrant workers was generally made through a recruitment agency in their home country. This was a

service for which they had to pay (or incur debt) and many entered into contractual arrangements not protected

by Irish legislation.

Workers engaged in food processing and in the catering and hospitality sector were often unaware of

the exact nature of their day-to-day work until they started work in Ireland. Information available on pay and

conditions was sometimes incomplete at this stage.

5.1.3 Orientation and Induction

Migrant workers may have arrived in Ireland with colleagues or individually. The pattern differed from sector to

sector. In the healthcare sector migrant worker nurses tended to be recruited and inducted in groups.

Though a higher proportion of migrant than Irish workers received some form of induction, the quality

varied widely. A comprehensive induction process was the norm only for medical or paramedical workers in the

hospitals. There were gaps in information that many migrant workers had, in all three sectors, in relation to pay,

procedures and entitlements.

Irish workers were not always well informed about migrant workers in their workplaces and may not

have had an awareness of the cultures from which they are coming. Similarly, some were misinformed about their

status and entitlements as compared to Irish workers.

64 CHAPTER 5

65CONCLUSIONS AND POLICY IMPLICATIONS

For migrant workers, the awareness of the role and status of a trade union typically only developed

over time as they became more familiarised with the workplace.

5.1.4 Adapting to Irish Work Culture

Even of those migrant workers coming to Ireland with skills and training, many found work practices in Ireland

different to that which they were used to in their home country. For many migrant workers, Irish attitudes to work,

sick leave and holidays were perplexing.

Some migrant workers experienced prejudice from Irish colleagues (Reference 5.1.8). Perceived

prejudice from Irish workers could arise in circumstances where migrant workers misinterpreted a situation. For

migrant workers making contact and building relationships with Irish workers could be a fraught process. The

opportunities for this were influenced by the nature of the work. For example, the opportunities for production

line workers for dialogue were likely to be more limited than, for example, workers who are part of a specialist

medical team.

5.1.5 Satisfaction with Pay and Conditions

In general, migrant workers seemed somewhat more satisfied with their pay than Irish workers. The high cost of

living in Ireland, relative to pay and delays in pay were concerns expressed by many Irish and migrant workers.

A higher proportion of migrant than Irish workers undertake overtime and regular shift work.

In the survey a majority of both Irish and migrant worker respondents felt their job expectations were met. Where

job expectations were not met, mismatch between job tasks, qualifications and experience, pay issues and

opportunities for training and promotion were of concern to both Irish and migrant workers. With the exception

of the hospital sector, migrant workers often found themselves dependent on colleagues for information. This

information was not always reliable.

5.1.6 Career Development and Training Opportunities


There were examples of Irish workers expressing, on the one hand, apprehension about migrant workers being

selected ahead of them for promotion, and on the other hand, support for their migrant worker colleagues in

applying for promotion.

Language difficulties were common for many migrant workers, making it difficult for them to approach

a human resources department about career development and training opportunities. This led to a reliance on

migrant worker colleagues who had been in the job longer or who had better English. These contacts would

generally channel important information through the group. It was through such conduits that many migrant

workers found out about job vacancies or training opportunities.

Many migrant nurses had a detailed understanding of their career opportunities before they arrived in

Ireland. They also had a comprehensive induction and orientation. Many nurses reported significant difficulties

in accessing training opportunities, but their access to information was generally non-problematic.

Migrant workers who are non-EU nationals may have encountered difficulties in accessing specialist

training in third level establishments. Both Irish and migrant workers in hospitals experienced budgetary

constraints as a barrier to training opportunities.

5.1.7 Communication and Language Issues

The ability to communicate with Irish co-workers and with management tended to be taken for granted in the

nursing and medical occupations of the healthcare sector. Outside of these occupations, the level of fluency,

comfort and the ability to cope with English language settings varied widely. These settings included

participation in an induction process, training scenarios, daily work tasks, work meetings, canteen chats with

Irish co-workers or simply going to the local shop or pub. For those migrant workers with poor comprehension

of English, such situations can represent major obstacles to integration both within the workplace and outside.

The relevance of English language issues was closely related to the nature of employment in which migrant

workers were engaged.

Migrant workers encountered difficulties arising from Irish workers speaking too fast. A conscious

effort on the part of both Irish and migrant workers was required to overcome these problems. Similarly,

telephone use was often a frustrating experience.

Many migrant workers found themselves in need of English language support around issues such as

pay and taxation, overtime and holiday entitlements.

Expressed need for language support was most evident (from the survey) in the food processing sector. Where

support was provided it was generally paid for by the employer and was satisfactory.

5.1.8 Workplace Issues

The results of the survey present some disconcerting findings in relation to the integration of migrant workers in

the workplace. Over half of migrant workers in the survey expressed a fear of losing their job. Almost half felt

that they do not have the same chance to succeed as Irish workers. One third felt that Irish workers have a

prejudiced attitude towards migrant workers. Almost four in ten felt that Irish workers do not trust migrant

workers.

However, almost nine in ten migrant workers felt that it was easy to get to know the Irish workers. The

vast majority of migrant workers also felt that they had been made welcome by their Irish co-workers and by

management.

5.1.9 Career development and training

Some migrant workers found themselves fixed for lengthy periods in the job that they were recruited for, with

little opportunity to move within the company or organisation or for promotion.

Migrant workers, who were non-EU nationals, encountered difficulties in accessing specialist training

in third level establishments. Both Irish and migrant workers in hospitals experienced budgetary constraints as

a barrier to training opportunities.


5.1.10 Life Outside the workplace

Many migrant workers, especially those in the food processing sector, lived together in shared accommodation.

After work, they would tend to socialise together. However in respect of social interaction with Irish co-workers

cultural differences could become more obvious, particularly in relation to alcohol.

66 CHAPTER 5


Events organised by the companies’ to promote intercultural activities were successful but tended to

extend only to seasonal events and were largely closely related to drinking.

Fears for security and safety when going out at night-time were commonplace among migrant workers,

especially in Dublin.


migrant workers had come to Ireland, leaving partners and children at home. They had, in many instances, come

to work in Ireland to fund their children's education.

Facilitating travel to the country of origin or enabling the partner and children to come to Ireland may

have a big impact on the way the migrant workers conceptualises his or her status and prospects in Ireland.

5.2 IMPLICATIONS FOR POLICY

This final section of the report presents policy implications emerging from the research.

THIS SECTION EXAMINES WHETHER POLICIES AND TARGETED INTERVENTIONS HAVE BEEN

DEVELOPED IN RELATION TO MEETING THE NEEDS OF MIGRANT WORKERS. IT FOCUSES ON

FRAMEWORKS THROUGH WHICH SUCH STRATEGIES CAN BE IMPLEMENTED, THROUGH:

• Examining the role of recruitment agencies

• Focusing on induction and orientation programmes for migrant workers

• Focusing on information sessions for Irish workers

• Ensuring the language needs of migrant workers are catered for

• Promoting an anti-racist agenda in the workplace

• Intercultural events

• Trade union actions in the workplace

• Career development and training opportunities

• Examining changes in the employment permit and working visa system

• The development of a national immigration policy

• Proactive work by the social partners

5.2.1 Issues arising before migrant workers arrive in Ireland

The first concrete step on the route to working in Ireland for the majority of migrant workers is made through an

agent in their home country. This is a service for which they may well have to pay and incur debt. Some migrant

workers enter into contractual arrangements not protected by Irish legislation. Consideration should be given by

the Irish government to entering into bilateral arrangements with other countries with a view to ensuring that

recruitment procedures are fair and transparent.

In addition, Irish employers of migrant workers should ensure that recruitment agencies with which they

are dealing, either directly or through intermediaries implement appropriate and fair procedures with regard to

the rights of migrant workers and that the terms of employment and recruitment procedures comply with the

legal standards applying within the Irish jurisdiction.

5.2.2 Orientation and Induction Issues

AN ORIENTATION SHOULD BE PROVIDED FOR MIGRANT WORKERS AND THIS COULD INCLUDE

INFORMATION ON:

• Work permit/ work authorisation/ work visa system (as appropriate in each case);

• Human resources issues – who to approach in the company/organisation if you have a problem;

how to approach/notify if there is a problem that cannot be resolved within the company;

• The tax system and how it operates;

• Trade unions;

• Training and career development opportunities.

• Health & Safety issues;

• Information about social welfare entitlements;

• Setting up a bank account;

• Accommodation – if not provided how to go about finding it, an outline of tenants rights and some

indication of prevailing rent levels in the area;

• The local area – information about shops, libraries, and other amenities including organisations/

groups that may cater for newly arrived non-Irish nationals;

Responsibility for developing the different elements of such an orientation needs to be discussed

between the social partners and government.

Migrant workers need to be provided with written information, if possible in a language they

understand, explaining their rights regarding pay, payment for overtime or shift work and sick leave procedures.

There should be transparency in terms of information being provided to Irish workers so that there is no scope

for one group of workers misinterpreting the pay and conditions of an other group of workers in the same

enterprise or organisation.

Information sessions for Irish and migrant workers, introducing them to the national or cultural

backgrounds of their respective colleagues, can be useful in easing the transition to an intercultural workplace.

5.2.3 Communication and Language Issues

Consideration should be given by the Department of Enterprise, Trade and Employment/FÁS to language

supports for migrant workers.

AT AN ORGANISATIONAL LEVEL, THE FOLLOWING CONCERNS NEED TO BE ADDRESSED:

• Is there a person available who can translate for migrant workers who do not have adequate

fluency in English? Such interpretation is critical in the “settling in” stage;

• If a migrant worker colleague serves this function informally, it is important that this service is

acknowledged and facilitated;

• Is language support available if industrial relations procedures are invoked?

Irish colleagues and managers need to be informed about the language support needs of migrant

worker colleagues, especially concerning difficulties arising from areas where misunderstandings may occur

such as use of colloquial expressions, telephone conversations or speed of speech.

68 CHAPTER 5


5.2.4 Workplace Issues

A proactive approach is important to ensure that racism and discrimination do not manifest themselves in the

workplace.

Training on multiculturalism and anti-racism should be available to Irish workers and management.

Equal opportunities policies should incorporate an anti-racist statement. Measures such as the appointment of

an equality officer or the setting up of an equality committee may also be considered.

The research also pointed to the potential for trade unions to become more proactive in their dealings

with migrant workers. Induction packs in the migrant worker’s language informing them of working rights under

all legislation, including obligations of employers and service providers under equality legislation, could

supplement other initiatives undertaken by the employer or organisation. Some of this work has already been

done by the Department of Enterprise, Trade and Employment but could be further developed.

Intercultural events were well attended by migrant and Irish workers according to the research. These

social gatherings have the potential to “break the ice” between Irish and migrant workers. Such events did not

always take account of the concerns of some migrant workers in relation to attitudes to alcohol. In organising

any such events, Irish managers could consult more closely with migrant workers and try alternative approaches.

5.2.5 Career Development and Training

All workers need to be able to access the information about how to advance their career or about what training

opportunities exist. This ability to access information is an issue of concern for both Irish and migrant workers.

Efforts should made by management to ensure that any information pertaining to training opportunities

or career advancement should be communicated to migrant workers, where possible in their own language.

The career progression of migrant workers should be monitored by employers and this should be

periodically updated and reviewed to prevent discrimination in this area, however inadvertent.

5.2.6 Operation of the Employment Permit and Working Visa/ Authorisation Scheme

While the majority of migrant workers involved in this research had not encountered serious challenges in being

able to change their job, it has been noted from the outset that this research was undertaken in companies and

organisations collaborating with the Interact project, who are committed to developing a greater understanding

of the issue facing migrant workers, and at a broader level, diversity in the workplace.

The survey findings would indicate that migrant workers are ill-informed on the procedures surrounding

the work permit system. Steps should be taken to ensure that this procedure is more transparent from the point

of view of the migrant workers.

It is essential that workers not only have information on their rights but that, especially around issues

of work permit renewals and changes in employment, they have a direct line of communication with the issuing

authority. A system of on-line tracking would allow employers and employees to review the progress of

applications.

The parties to the “Sustaining Progress” Agreement are currently reviewing economic immigration,

including the work permit and related systems.

5.2.7 Developing an Immigration and Integration Policy

Policy development in this area is at an underdeveloped stage. Legislative and social policy in this area has been

ad-hoc, piecemeal and largely focused on controlling the flow of migrant labour to meet the immediate demands

of the economy. A longer term strategic focus is absent.

Though about 6% of the population were non-Irish nationals in 2002, systematic information on their

employment status, working and living conditions and employment experience is limited. At the same time there

is scant publicity or attention on the benefits of migration to Ireland both in economic and social terms.

Awareness of the integration needs of temporary migrant workers, as well as those who wish to

become a permanent part of Irish society, must be understood in order that they be addressed.

A clear immigration and integration policy should be developed by the government.

Such a policy has to be seen as an integral element of labour market policy. Migrant workers will

continue to be needed to meet the employment needs of the Irish economy. An immigration policy should also

be seen as an integral part of broader social policy, as policies that are working to address social exclusion will

affect migrant workers and their families.

To date the policy focus has been largely on labour market needs of the economy. Measures to ensure

integration of migrant workers in Irish society need to be developed.

5.2.8 Policy Issues for the Social Partners

In relation to national agreements between Government and the social partners, a number of initiatives have

been developed to target racism and promote the rights of migrant workers.

Under the national framework committee, established under the Programme for Prosperity and

Fairness (PPF), a set of published guidelines was developed for employment equality policies at enterprise level.

It provided a ten step guide for establishing an effective policy in the enterprise or organisation.

Under Sustaining Progress, the successor to the PPF, preventing racism in the workplace is specified

as a concern. Congress and IBEC committed themselves to working on an agreed code of practice against

racism in the workplace and to build on the success of the anti-racism workplace weeks and on the material

published to support those workplace activities by developing further anti-racism measures. Under the heading

of “Migration and Interculturalism”, literacy and language training for adult minority linguistic groups were also to

be expanded as resources become available.

Apart from such developments and other actions, taken by projects such as kNOw Racism and the

Interact project, which aim to facilitate the integration of migrant workers and challenge discrimination in the

workplace, there is an absence of any targeted programmes at a national level.

The findings of this research may provide some pointers for future action by the social partners in

relation to developing an inclusive and effective multicultural workplace.

70 CHAPTER 5

71

NOTES

NOTES

72

Promoting an Intercultural Workplace: Building on Diversity · 2015-07-28 · intercultural issues....

Documents

Transcript of Promoting an Intercultural Workplace: Building on Diversity · 2015-07-28 · intercultural issues....