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    Wesleyan niversity

    A Note on Sainthood in the Hagiographical PrologueAuthor(s): Michael GoodichSource: History and Theory, Vol. 20, No. 2 (May, 1981), pp. 168-174Published by: Wileyfor Wesleyan University

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    A NOTE ON SAINTHOOD IN THE HAGIOGRAPHICALPROLOGUE

    MICHAEL GOODICHChanging rends n medievalhagiographyaremost clearly expressed n the prologueor preface to the saint's life, which affordsthe author an opportunityto explainthe circumstancessurrounding he work's composition,outline the main themesor chapters,cite his chief sources, or state his philosophicalstance. An attemptwas made to place the saint within the broadercontext of sacred history,withina continuingtraditionof divine revelationsstretchingback to the Prophets.Partic-ularly in the thirteenthcentury,such apologeticremarkswere often the resultofthe conflict of religious orders, each of which sought to legitimize the noveltiesit had introducedntothe monastic ife, or betweenChristian ects whichthreatenedto tear asunderthe seamlessrobe of Christ.Robert of Sulmona'sbiographer, orexample, describes his subject as a divine instrumentof the Church Militant,whose mission is a logical continuationof the Old Testament and the Gospel.Robert'svirtuouslife and signs of sainthood restorethe sick to health, providerest for the weary, food for the hungry,drinkfor the thirsty, cleanlinessfor theleprous, life for the dead, freedom for those obsessed by demons, and, throughhis prayers, ightenthe load of the dead. 1Manyan author,overtakenwith modesty,begins in classicalstyle by bemoaninghis lack of skill and eloquence,his inabilityto do his subjectjustice, and admitshis relianceupon suchpatristicpredecessorsas Gregorythe Great,Jerome,Cassio-dorus, and the Liber vitaspatrum.2Others, in the style of their humanistdescen-dants who called upon the muse for inspiration, nvoke the aid of the Holy Spiritand proposeto composea rudeand simple work, albeit short and truthful, freeof subtle rhetoricor flourish.3In his inimitableway, the CistercianhagiographerCaesariusof Heisterbach, ike his predecessorSulpiciusSeverus,both belittleshisown writingskillsandtakesa swipeat the rhetoricalacrobaticsof the philosophers.He suggeststhat if some day the diocese of Cologne should possess more learnedmen, they may compose a more eloquent life of Engelbertof Cologne; for as amonk, and not as a philosopher,Caesarius'spowers are insufficient o the task.The philosophersand dialecticians,on the other hand, often write more to display

    1. AS, 19 July (4: 495). The chief source for the lives of the saints is Socii Bol-landiani, Acta sanctorum . . . , new ed., 66 vols. to date (Paris, 1863-1940), here-after referredto as AS, followed by the saint's day, with volume number and pages inparentheses.2. For the citation of patristic sources, see Ralph Bocking's life of Richard ofChichester,AS, 3 April (1: 383).3. Vita S. Ludovico episcopi Tolosani conscripta a lohanne de Orta, AnalectaBollandiana 9 (1890), 281: in sermone . . . rudi ac simplici, brevi tamen admodumet veraci. John of Montmirail'sbiographer,AS, 29 September (7: 219), speaks of a

    sermonesimplici et pure, non subtilovel polito.

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    SAINTHOOD IN THE HAGIOGRAPHICAL PROLOGUE 169their own skills than to edify. As Horace says (II Epistles 3, 15): Works withnoble beginnings and grand promises often have one or two purple patches sostitched as to glitter far and wide.. . . Caesarius, on the other hand, prefersto write in a clear, honest style, relying more on the testimonies of Scripture thanthose of philosophy. Finally, he asserts that he has been ordered to write this workby the Archbishop Henry of Cologne (1225-1238), Engelbert's successor, whichmay explain his grudging tone; this was apparently less a labor of love than anobligation - a far cry from the admiring tone of Jordan of Saxony, who was him-self initiated into the Dominican order by Dominic.Robert Stodlay, the biographer of Robert of Knaresborough, even used hisprologue to attack the practitioners of every learned discipline, astronomers,mathematicians, rhetoricians, and the like, as vain men, whose work aids littlein salvation, unlike the humble monk Robert of Knaresborough; while MatthewParis, in his life of Archbishop Edmund of Canterbury, contrasts Edmund'stheological training with the sterility of dialectic, a common theme in moral worksof the period.5

    But despite protestations that their skills do not equal the task of composingan elegant work, many biographers are noteworthy for their accuracy and so-phistication; many of them note their reliance on firsthand testimony, often takenfrom an official inquiry ordered by the local bishop or pope himself.6 If the sainthad already been canonized, the preface to the saint's life may even contain selec-tions from the canonization bull, and direct reference to the trial records. Theodoreof Apolda (ca. 1285) scrupulously identifies his sources: the biographies ofDominic by Jordan of Saxony, Constantine of Orvieto, and Humbert of Romans,the Liber vitasfratrum by Gerard of Fracheto, the recollections of the Dominicannun Cecilia of Rome, and the trial record produced under Gregory IX, in additionto other unnamed sources.7 In one unusual case, the sisters of the nunnery ofVeszprem describe themselves as the collective authors of the life and miraclesof Helena of Hungary: We, the sisters of Veszprem, note these things which we

    4. AS, 7 November (3: 644 ff.). Cf. Horace, Satires, Epistles and Ars Poetica, ed.and transl. H. R. Fairclough (London, 1966), II. Epist. 3.15, 16 (p. 451). SulpiciusSeverus had said: iudicia humana vitabam, ne, quod fore arbitror, sermo incultiorlegentibus displiceret omniumque reprehensionis dignissimus indicarem, qui materieldisertismerito scriptoribusreservandam mpudensoccupassem. (Sulpicius Severus, VitaS. Martini, ed. Jacques Fontaine, 3 vols. [Paris, 1967], I: 248). Similar sentiments arevoiced by Hugh of Lincoln's biographer Adam of Eynsham, who wishes that somemore competent writer may soon reshape this biographyin a more literary form, a fatewhich I know to my joy has befallen very many early and badly written lives of saintsand martyrs. Magna vita Sancti Hugonis, ed. Decima L. Douie and Hugh Farmer,2 vols. (London, 1962), 2: 227. See also Caesarius of Heisterbach, Vita Sancte Elyz-abeth Lantgravie, ed. Albert Huyskens, Die Schrif ten des Caesarius von Heisterbach,in Publikationen der Gesellschaft ffir rheinische Geschichtskunde 3 (1937), 346.5. Vitae S. Roberti Knaresburgensis n Analecta Bollandiana 57, ed. Paul Grosjean(1939), 365-366; Matthew Paris, Vita S. Edmundi in St. Edmund of Abingdon, ed.C. H. Lawrence (Oxford, 1960), 230.6. In his prologue to the life of Lutgard of Aywieres (AS, 16 June [4: 187]),Thomas of Cantimpre says: plurimaex iis ore ipsius piae Lutgardis, sicut familiaris-simus ejus accepi: et in iis nullum ita temerarium credo, qui ejus testimonies con-tradicat.7. AS, 4 August (1: 372).

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    170 MICHAEL GOODICHsaw with our own eyes concerning our sister Helena, because we have been con-versant with her for years. 8

    Despite their customary reliance on firsthand sources, some hagiographers strikea defensive tone, conscious of the religious skeptics, like the grammarian andnotary Boncompagno of Florence, who had belittled the raising from the deadand cures attributed to John of Vicenza during the Alleluia of 1233.9 In his sur-prisingly candid preface (ca. 1227) to the post mortem miracles of Engelbert ofCologne, Caesarius notes that the saint's sanctity was sufficiently demonstrated inlife, that he need not have performed any miracles after death.10 Indeed, he says,two martyred bishops of Cologne, SS. Evergislus (sixth century) and Agillolfus(d. 751 or 752), although they had done even less, were still venerated. InEngelbert's case, God wanted to throw fear into the hearts of the martyr's mur-derers, and frighten them with a spate of miracles. It should be noted that duringthis period skeptical voices were being raised in the Roman curia about unsub-stantiated miracles in support of a number of saints. The case of Hildegarde ofBingen had been rejected in 1233 because of insufficient evidence; in 1244, thecommission investigating Edmund Rich of Canterbury heard complaints about theunscientific collection of evidence; and in about 1230, a commission of inquiryhad been established to investigate the visions attributed to Juliana of Cornillon.Hugh of Floreffe thus undertook to provide eyewitness accounts of the life ofJutta of Huy, on the grounds that although one's intentions may be pious, unsub-stantiated falsehoods are an affront to God.12 The compiler of the Libellus quat-tuor ancillarum, the testimony of Elizabeth of Thuringia's four maidservants, goesso far as to state that the papal curia is more interested in the praiseworthinessof her life and the beauty of her conversation than in miracles, since miraclescould be caused by human deceit or devilish delusions. Hearing of an allegedmiraculous cure at the tomb of Hugh of Lincoln, Adam of Eynsham opposedhaving this event bruited about since the woman involved was a stranger, andmight have lied; he argues that it was essential carefully to ascertain the truthabout this and other miracles, which would assuredly be reported, and not haveany proclaimed or published unless they were confirmed. 13The hagiographer John of Cremona makes use of his introduction to the lifeof Fazzio of Cremona to discuss the differences between those universal saintscanonized by the Holy See, and local saints raised to unofficial veneration by theirfollowers: That he [Fazzio of Cremona] can be called a saint, you ought to know.For the church is dual, that is Militant, which consists of us the believers, andTriumphant, which consists of the blessed [that is, the saints]. If one is not canon-ized in the Church Militant, that is to say within the Church, then one may becanonized above in the Church Triumphant. 14 Citing Boethius in the Consolation

    8. AS, 3 November (4: 272).9. Salimbene de Adam, Cronica, Monumenta germaniae historic. Scriptores 32, ed.Oswald Holder-Egger(Hanover, 1913), 76-79.10. AS, 7 November (3: 664).11. Analecta Bollandiana 6 (1888): 197-198; AS, 9 July (2: 721-726); 24 October

    (10: 654-660); Monumenta germaniae Ihistorica. Scriptores 4: 266, 279-280; 15: 29-30.12. AS, 13 January (1: 864). Similar sentiments were voiced by Sulpicius Severus252-254.13. Libellus de dictis quattutor ancillarum, in Scriptorlum rerum germanicarium, ed.J. B. Mencke, 3 vols. (Leipzig, 1728-1730), II, 2007; Magna vita Sancti Hulgonis, ed.Decima L. Douie and Hugh Farmer, 2 vols. (London, 1961-1962), II, 230-231.14. Saintete laique au xiiie siecle: la vie du bienheureux Fagio de Cremone cv.

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    SAINTHOOD IN THE HAGIOGRAPHICAL PROLOGUE 171of Philosophy (III. x. 23-24), John notes that one may become blessed throughparticipation in the Godhead; and because the saints share in this divinity, theyare blessed. The humanist chancellor of Padua, Sicco Polentino, likewise soughtto bolster his case for the veneration of local saints, as opposed to papally-approveduniversal saints, on the grounds that even if neither one [Helen Enselmini norAnthony of Padua] has been approved by the judgment of the high pontiff, never-theless each one performed miracles, and in the opinion of the people (populiopinion) may be placed among the blessed. 15 The case of the former notaryHenry of Bolzano, according to his biographer, was proven by the throng ofpilgrims who visited his shrine, and the massive letter-writing campaign aimed atachieving his canonization.16 This demanded a reliable life and miracles to fulfillthe pilgrims' needs; a similar desire to educate pilgrims is voiced by ThomasHelye's biographer Clement;17 for indeed, although the doctrine of the treasuryof grace had not been fully clarified, many hagiographers were well aware of thepractical role of the saint as an intermediary in the remission of sin.18The prologue also often affords the hagiographer a good opportunity to speculateon the educational value of saints' lives, and to echo the classical view of historyas philosophy-teaching by examples; here, in a Christianized version of the sameadage, found in Gregory's Moralia, hagiography is defined as religion-teachingby example, for the virtuous life of the saint is meant as an example to all Chris-tians. As one anonymous hagiographer of Longpont remarks, in antiquity it hadbeen customary to memorialize the heroic deeds of noble warriors in order tostir courage in the hearts of one's readers; the lives of the saints will in a similarway encourage Christian virtue.19 A succinct definition of the role of hagiographyis provided by James of Vitry: to strengthen the faith of the weak, to instructthe unlettered, to excite the wavering, to provoke the devout to imitation, and toconfute the rebels and infidels. 20 Bishop Peter Baoni of Treviso notes that sacredhistory and saints' lives strengthen the Catholic faith, edify the mind, kindle thesoul to contemplation of higher things, and bring great consolation. Specifically, hesays, his biography of Henry of Bolzano is intended to honor the saints, and toarouse grief among the infidels, envy in the non-believer, and distress among theundisciplined; while the Devil groans, joy is generated among the faithful ofChrist. '21Less frequently, even local patriotism may be a stated aim of hagi-

    1196-1272, in Melanges de l'cole frangaise de Rome. Moyen age. Temps modernes84, ed. Andre Vauchez (1972), 36. The image of the saint as the apotheosis of theChurch Militant is well illustrated in Vitae B. Odiliae viduae Leodiensis libri duopriores, Analecta Bollandiana 13 (1894), 199.15. AS, 4 November (2: 512).16. AS, 10 June (2: 367).17. AS, 19 October (8: 606).18. Cui nimirum ad tam sanctum salubre consilium tota sancta Dei aecclesia divi-num indesinentermerito postulat auxilium, ut et idem laudabile opus Deo digne perficiatac pro devotionis et benivolentiae studio in sanctorum communione in remissionempeccatorum coram Deo feliciter proficiat. Amen. (Wolfher, Vita posterior Godehardiepiscopi, in Monumenta germaniae historica. Scriptores 11: 216).19. Vita lohlanni de Monte Mirabili Ord. Cist. in AS, 29 September (8: 218-219).Cf. Sulpicius Severus, 2: 252.

    20. Vita Mariae Oigniacensis, in AS, 23 June (5: 547).21. Peter Dominic de Baone ep. Tarvisino, Vita Henrici Baucensis, in AS, 10 June(2: 365).

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    172 MICHAEL GOODICHography. In speaking of the Paduan saints Helen Enselmini and Anthony thePilgrim,Sicco Polentinonotes that some historiansare satisfiedto praise Padua'santiquity,others glorify her walls, her commodiouswaters, wealth, and fertility,or public and privatebuildings.To Sicco, however, the city's greatestornamentsare its saints,and he proceedsto providea Cook's tour of relics containedwithinthe city and its contado, includingthe relics of SS. Luke, Justina, Matthew,Pros-docimus,severalancientmartyrs,Crescentius,Leoninus,Felicitas,Daniel, Arnold,Anthony,Helen, and the FranciscansLuke Belludiand Anthony of Padua, as wellas some lessersaints.22John Gori of San Gemignano likewisespeaksof Seraphinaas an exampleto all of ourcountry. 23While most hagiographers ollow a simple structural division by dividing theirwork into two parts dealingwith the subject's ife and miracles, occasionallyadd-ing a separatechapterdevotedto the saint'spost mortemmiraclesand canoniza-tion ceremony,the more learnedbiographersorganizedtheir work in accordancewith broaderphilosophicalconceptions,most frequentlyaroundmoraltopics, eachconcerned with one of the saint's chief virtues and examples of its manifoldmanifestations.Williamof Tocco's life of ThomasAquinas24notes that there havebeen three dispensationsin history, during which God has communicatedhisdivine will to mankind.During the first period, the Apostles served as a light tothe world and laid the foundationsof the Church.During the second period, thefathers of the Church came to reveal the hidden meaning of Scriptureand toconstruct,as it were, enginesof war againstthe hereticswho infested the Church.During the third and most recent period, the Word of God was borne by theDominican order,whose task has been to bring the messageto different parts ofthe world, to dispenseunderstandingof Scripture n their writings,and to destroythe evil of heresy.And Thomas is here regardedas the outstandingspokesmanofthe churchwithinthe Dominicanorder.Dominic'sbiographerTheodoreof Apoldalikewiseregardsthe orderas a heraldof the comingjudgmentpredictedin Scrip-ture and in the works of Gregorythe Great, with Dominic as the fullest expres-sion of the Holy Spirit.25A similar approachis taken by Bonaventure n his lifeof Francis,26who is describedas the angel foretold in Revelations7:2: And Isaw anotherangelascending romthe East,havingthe seal of the livingGod....Elsewhere,both Bartholomewof Pisa and Bonaventure tressthe ideal of imitatioChristi,or the conformityof Francisto Christ in his denial of impiety and rejec-tion of fleshly desires.A similar note is struck by the biographerof Richard ofChichester,RalphBocking.27

    Such a progressive interpretation of the saint's mission as a logical progressof God's revelation echoes the theory of ecclesiastical progress found in Anselmof Havelberg's twelfth-century Dialogi de unitate fidei (ca. 1135), wherein the

    22. AS, 4 November (2: 512).23. AS, 12 March (2: 235). The life of Odilia of Liege is indistinguishablefromthat of her native town: Est igitur praesentis operis principalis intentio dare palamomnibus quantis qualibusveex antiquo tempore Leodiensis civitas praeventasit periculis,quorum patroniciis illaesa permanserit Deo placens et dilecta permansura civitas inaeternum. ( Vitae B. Odiliae viduae Leodiensis, Analecta Bollandiana 13 [1894], 200).24. AS, 7 March (1: 657).25. AS, 4 April (1: 558-560).26. AS, 4 October (2: 742-743).27. AS, 3 April (1: 284).

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    SAINTHOOD IN THE HAGIOGRAPHICAL PROLOGUE 173novelties introduced into the Catholic Church during the Gregorian period,that is, such newerordersas the Vallumbrosians nd Camaldulensians, re justifiedagainstthe more static view of the Churchheld in the East.28In this sense, themultitudeof Catholicsaintscan be seen as a majorwitnessto the Church'sdivineordinationagainstthe claimsof the Greek schismaticsand the heretics.As Carlylewould have it much later: Providencesends down always an Incarnation ofHimself into everygeneration. 29A similar expressionof the saintas a reflectionof the Godheadis voiced by thebiographerof Peter Martyr,30who notes that the saint's holiness is a reflectionof the three partsof the holy Trinity: the power of the Father is demonstrated nPeter'smiracles; he wisdomof the Son in his teachings;and the graceof the HolySpirit in the gifts with which he was endowed, particularly n the fight againstheresy. These gifts of the Holy Spirit are enumeratedby James of Vitry as the

    chapterheadingsof his life of the Beguine Mary of Oignies: fear, piety, knowl-edge, fortitude,prudence,understanding,and wisdom.31The life of LutgardofAywieres by his colleague Thomas of Cantimpreis likewise divided into threeparts,illustratinghe threestageson the path to perfection:the striving, ncompletephase; the progressiveor developingphase; and the highest stage of perfection(that is, inchoantium, proficentium, and perfectorum).32 The official biographersJordanof Saxony and Thomas of Celano recognizea more immediately nstruc-tive, even propagandistic unction in their work, and attemptto integratethe lifeof the founder with a didactic account of the early years of the FranciscanandDominicanorders.In the light of the polemics in which the Franciscanorderwasthen embroiledover the saint'slegacy, Celano'sintroductoryremarksin the Vitaprima (1228) take on special significanceas the line taken by Francis' earlycompanions,on whose testimonyit is based. Jordanof Saxony likewiseexpressesthe fear that if firsthandrecollectionsof Dominic and other earlyFriarsPreachersare not immediatelyrecorded, then future generationsof Dominicans will losesight of their history;he thereforeintendshis firstvolume as both a biographyofthe founderand a historyof the first years of the order.33The same theme recursin the introduction o the DominicanThomasof Cantimpre'sBoizumuniversaledeapibus,Gerardof Fracheto'sVitae fratrum,and Stephanof Bourbon'scollectionof exempla,all of which were motivatedby minister-generalHumbertof Romans'1256 call for edifying material concerning the early history of the FriarsPreachers.34Thus, in the thirteenth century, the hagiographicalprologue provided an op-portunityto reflect upon the theological implicationsof Catholic sainthood andto definethe role of the saint in the divine schemeof salvation.Some emphasized

    28. Anselm of Havelberg,Dialogi, 1: 11 in MPL, 188: 1158 ff.29. Thomas Carlyle,Heroes and Hero Worship (New York, 1906), 6.30. AS, 29 April (3: 694).31. AS, 23 June (5: 557): Spiritustimor, pietas, scientas, fortitudo, consiliis, intel-lectus, sapientia. (Cf. Isaiah 11:2, 3).32. AS, 16 June (4: 189).33. AS, 4 August (1: 541).34. Acta capitulorum generalium ordinis praedicatorum, in Monumenta ordinispraedicatorum historica, 3 (Rome, 1898), 83: Item. Quicumque prior sciverit velaudiverit aliquod miraculum vel factum edificatoriumcontigisse in ordine vel propterordinem, scribat magistro diligenter, ut possint in posterum reservari ad utilitatem

    futurorum.

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