Project 38 rev02 When Eight Bells Toll

David Jukes-Hughes 9th June 2012 Project 38: When Eight Bells Toll: Appraisal. (RIBA Work Stage A) Revision 02: 11

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When Eight Bells Toll Appraisal (RIBA Work Stage A) A paper written and published by David G. Jukes-Hughes MA (Kingston University, UK.) Manchester, United Kingdom 9th June 2012


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About the Author David Jukes-Hughes has been in the practice of architectural design since 1984. He specializes in architectural theory and its consequences.


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The Author’s Dedication For all the people of China, and especially the people of the city of Victoria, Hong Kong, who have not all forgotten the cost of maintaining a harmonious society in China.


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When Eight Bells Toll Appraisal (RIBA Work Stage A)

“No man is an Iland, intire of itselfe; every man is a peece of the Continent, a part of the maine; if a Clod bee washed away by the Sea, Europe is the lesse, as well as if a Promontorie were, as well as if a Manor of thy friends or of thine owne were; any mans death diminishes me, because I am involved in Mankinde; And therefore never send to know for whom the bell tolls; It tolls for thee.” John Donne, 1624. “I always tell my students to learn English. It’s your ticket to the World.” Gong Li, 2006 (?). (See Note 1) “The outbreak of the rebellion is worth thinking about. It prompts us to calmly think about the past and consider the future. Perhaps this bad thing will enable us to go ahead with reform and the open-door policy at a more steady, better, even a faster pace. Also it will enable us to more speedily correct our mistakes and better develop our strong points. I cannot elaborate on this today. I just want to raise the subject here.” Deng Xiaoping, 9th June 1989 (See Note 2)

“When I look at the mirror, sometimes I feel like the Empress.” Gong Li, 2006. (See Note 3) Page i


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Preface In this paper I should like to amend my original design proposal, first published in March 2007, for a Houses of Parliament at Tiananmen Square, Peking (Beijing, Beiping), in The People’s Republic of China, in the light of recent developments at the site. (See Note 4) The project uses a different theoretical approach based upon the narrative of a mise-en-scène, which re-enacts some recent events of the history of China (Zhongguo) using the visual representation of built form, viewed, as it were, from the other side of the mirror, or looking-glass, in Hong Kong, China, and perhaps, the rest of the World. (See Note 5) Page ii


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Contents Page

Preface ii Introduction 1 1 The Military Museum of the Chinese People’s Revolution 3 2 Muxidi Bridge 5 3 Tiananmen Gate 7 4 Tiananmen Square 10 5 The Great Hall of the People 13 Conclusion 16 Notes iv The Glossary viii Bibliography: Books ix Page iii


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Introduction In March 2007, major renovation work was begun on The National Museum of China at Tiananmen Square, Peking. By December 2010, this work was completed, and in March, 2011, the building was re-opened to the public. It seems unlikely, therefore, that my design proposals, outlined in March, 2007, for a Houses of Parliament, on that site have any chance of implementation within the next 50 years, given the large sum of tax-payers money that has been spent on the current project. The budget for the project amounted to a total of 2,500 million RMB. This is equivalent to about 397 million US Dollars. (1 USD = 6.3 RMB.) This money could have been spent on a new Houses of Parliament. (See Note 6) However, not-with-standing the above development, the newly renovated building could still be converted to a new Houses of Parliament, should “The Politburo of the Standing Committee of the Central / National Committee of the Communist Party of China” decide to pursue such a goal in the coming decades. (See Note 7) In the meantime, it would seem clear that in order to progress a project for a Houses of Parliament at the core of Peking, a temporary solution to ‘the Peking question’ will need to be found. The purpose of this paper, therefore, is to suggest a design proposal that meets the requirements of a temporary solution. In addition, the project, it seems to me, offers a significant opportunity to expand the design brief to include new elements, which, together, will form a new approach to the theoretical boundaries of the project, by firmly inserting the overall design within the context of recent Chinese history using the cinematic technique of a mise-en-scène. To meet this new ambition, this project proposes a living narrative represented by five built elements, which are located in both time and space, in a manner that allows a person to experience this living narrative by moving between each element in real time and in real space. As a person physically moves through the city fabric, so the mise-en-scène will reveal a story, and through this experience, will enable the person to literally re-enact the great events of recent Chinese history that took place along the route itself. A good example of this type of design technique is, of course, the fourteen Stations of the Cross. These can be found as both metaphors within a Church or Cathedral, with each station represented by an icon, or as a literal interpretation, as found in the city of Jerusalem along the Via Dolorosa (“The Way of Grief”). Another good example of this second type of movement, or direction, is the path taken by the putschists in the Munich Beer Hall Putsch of the 8th and 9th of November 1923. Re-enactments of the original march were held every year on the 9th November. The last of these re-enactments occurred in 1944. (See Wikipedia) Page 1


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In this project, my design proposal will be similar to the latter type of ‘cinematic’ direction. (ie: It follows the pathway in which real events took place.) I have identified five initial points of reference, or “Stations”, along a given route, a route which I will call, “The Socialist Road”. (See Note 8) The number of stations could be expanded as new information about the recent events of Chinese history come to light. The project itself will also form a part of the overall Chinese historical narrative, which it also represents. This is because it will include new built elements, which, by their very existence, will become historical events in themselves, as it were. In short, the project itself will create a kind of new “Chinese history”. The five stations that I am now proposing for the project, and in the following physical order, are as follows:

1. The Military Museum of the Chinese People’s Revolution 2. Muxidi Bridge 3. Tiananmen Gate 4. Tiananmen Square 5. The Great Hall of the People

All of the above stations exist as built structures. However, they only seem to exist in a mentally fragmented state within the Human consciousness. There is no obvious conscious connection between them. The goal of this project is to link them together, in time and space, and between the past and the present. To some extent this has already been achieved, by both the real historical events that took place along the physical route between the first and the last stations, and by the very the act of identifying, and naming, the connection in the introduction to this paper. (Thus, the paper itself may be said to be a part of Chinese History.) This act of identifying the basic route, and giving it a name, are, by definition, actions of ‘the past’, in much the same way as the previous historical acts along the route are also actions of the past, but we must also “consider the future” shape of the route, or promenade. There are a number of questions to identify in this regard, and they concern the core aims of the project. These are follows:

(a) Firstly, how should this project acknowledge the real past events along the route identified?

(b) Secondly, what physical elements or structures should be added, or taken away, from the route identified?

(c) Thirdly, how should these new elements, or structures, be designed, giving due regard to their current physical, historical and ideological context, in order to enhance the connectivity that already exists between the five stations?

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In this paper I will propose a certain outline scope of work, which could be implemented given the right support, both economic and political, from the State and city authorities. I shall now describe the proposal for each station by chapter, and in doing so, I shall hope to provide some answers to the questions raised, and to achieve a certain form of enhanced connectivity for the route or promenade, which, I believe, is so essential to the creation of a successful mise-en-scène within the context of an existing urban streetscape. 1. The Military Museum of the Chinese People’s Revolution The narrative begins at “The Military Museum of the Chinese People’s Revolution”. It is located on Fuxing Road, approximately six kilometres due west from Tiananmen Gate, at Tiananmen Square. It is the “First Station” so to speak. The museum, and the area around it, was a major mustering point for troops of the 38th Group Army of the People’s Liberation Army, elements of the People’s Armed Police and the police on the 3rd June 1989. It was from here that these government forces set out in a great thrust to the east in order recover the centre of the city of Peking from the rebels and counter-revolutionaries of “The Great Rebellion of 1989” or the so-called, “Beijing Spring”. The decision of the Central People’s Government to use “The Military Museum of the Chinese People’s Revolution” as a point of muster is poignant, for the government believed that the rebels wished to overthrow the achievements of the Chinese People’s Revolution of 1949, and to install a bourgeois liberal democratic system of government, which, it also believed, would fall under the direct control of the government of the United States of America as a puppet government, similar in style to the Japanese puppet government of Wang Jingwei (1940-1945). The museum then is also a symbolic representation of the Chinese People’s Revolution of 1949, and the start of the Chinese People’s journey on “The Socialist Road”. Thus it is, that in this project, the name of the route of this mise-en-scène is both a kind of metaphorical representation of the Chinese People’s Revolution of 1949, and an example of a literal representation of the continued defense, or “struggle”, against counter-revolution, foreign intervention, splittists, and criminals etc. who would create “turmoil”, and destroy the peaceful order of the State, a state of order which depends upon the sole guidance of the Communist Party of China. (ie: The Party is an absolute sovereign authority, in the same way that “The Crown” is the sovereign authority, which hangs over the governments of Canada, Australia and the United Kingdom. In short, “The Party”, as I understand it, is literally “The Law of The Land”, or “The Rule of Law”.) Page 3


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In practice, this means that the Central Military Commission of the Communist Party of China (CMCCPC), and ultimately the Chairperson of the Commission, is effectively the final adjudicating authority of the legal system. (The State Central Military Commission of the People’s Republic of China (SCMCPRC) simply follows through the decisions, or “verdicts”, made by the CMCCPC into practice, or execution, via the various ministries or departments of the State government.) (See Note 9) In this project, the question is raised, ‘what can be added, or taken away, from this “First Station”, “The Military Museum of the Chinese People’s Revolution”?’ In short, should it be left just as it is? The museum building is one of ten buildings built for the year 1959 to commemorate the tenth anniversary of the Chinese People’s Revolution of 1949. Its architectural style is typical of the State architecture of the period, which is a copy of the style of architecture used in Soviet Russia, as directed by Joseph Stalin. It is a type Classicism, which borrows some elements from ancient Rome and Greece. Like any military museum it holds various permanent exhibits of military equipment. Most of this is from Soviet Russia. In short, there is little to show from China. This is a pity, as this demonstrates that very little has been achieved militarily since the revolution, and this is clearly not the reality. One can only assume that this portrayal of military weakness is simply a deception in the great tradition of Sun Tzu thought. However, one cannot help being somewhat disappointed with a visit to this particular museum, when one compares it to others around the World. Clearly improvements could be made. Indeed, so ossified has the museum apparently become, it may be that only new management can solve this apparent problem of stagnation. In this regard I propose that the museum be managed in the future as a subsidiary organization of the Imperial War Museum at Bedlam, London, England. This would allow the name of the museum to be changed to “The Imperial War Museum East: The Military Museum of the Chinese People’s Revolution”. The advantages of this opportunity are as follows:

(a) Firstly, the museum can take full advantage of the pre-eminent prestige that comes with being a branch museum of “The Imperial War Museum” (IWM) at Bedlam.

(b) Secondly, the museum can take advantage of the World-wide experience of the IWM staff, and its long history in the business of military museums.

(c) Thirdly, the museum can take the opportunity of exchanging both staff, and exhibits.

(d) Fourthly, special temporary exhibits on different military topics can be more easily arranged in cooperation with the IWM, taking into account the advantages of the above items.

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Currently, the museum is undergoing a renovation, which was begun in February 2012. (See Wikipedia) This offers an excellent opportunity to introduce the above suggestions to the management of the museum, and to make any appropriate changes to the building itself. For example in order to allow for item (d) a new special exhibition hall may need to be devised, either using existing accommodation within the main building, or by adding it to the exterior within the museum grounds. With this special exhibition space one of the first temporary exhibitions could be on the heroic work of the government in the suppression of “The Great Rebellion of 1989” or so-called “Beijing Spring”. (See Note 10) Another special event could include an exhibition of the heroic work of the People’s Liberation Army garrisons of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (SAR) of the People’s Republic of China and the Macao Special Administrative Region (SAR) of the People’s Republic of China. (See Note 11) Another exhibition could include the results of this paper, namely the proposed future development of “The Socialist Road”. I call this design proposal for the “First Station” of “The Socialist Road” project, “Der Sonder Halle”. 2. Muxidi Bridge Muxidi Bridge is the “Second Station” on “The Socialist Road” project. It lies one kilometre due east of the Military Museum. To get to it one must walk, or take a public bus, down Fuxing Road. (See Note 12) Before the bridge, the name of the road changes to Fuxingmen Outer Street and this street crosses over the Yongding River diversion canal at Muxidi Bridge. (The canal runs from north to south at this point.) The bridge at Muxidi is, I understand, a new arrangement, to that which was present during “The Great Rebellion of 1989”. However, it was at this point that units of the 38th Army Group, in their thrust towards the centre of Peking on the evening of the 3rd of June 1989, met the most resistance from the rebels. And it was here, on that night, that the People’s Liberation Army, the People’s Armed Police and the police sustained their highest number of casualties over the course of the entire period of the rebellion. Many people died or were wounded. Many rebels, criminals, peaceful protesters, innocent civilians and bystanders also died. The total number of casualties is still unknown due to the confusion of the event. (The total number of casualties for the entire period of the rebellion is also unknown for the same reason.) Page 5


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In this project, the question is raised, ‘what can be added, or taken away, from this “Second Station”, “Muxidi Bridge”? Or again, should it be left just as it is?’ The current bridge at Muxidi in reality consists of three bridge structures. These are a bridge at street level, and over this, two flyover roads for the main east-west traffic. The bridge at street level allows for a road to cross the canal on either side of the two flyovers. It would seem, therefore, that if one is to add a memorial, for example, to the site, the best location, would be on the south side of the bridge at street level, by the pavement railing over-looking the canal. This location would be in sun-light for most of the day (the north side would be in the shadow of the flyover). It would also be relatively free of any noise disturbance from the faster moving traffic overhead. (However, this would need to be confirmed by a site visit by the author.) The suggested site also allows for the closure of the adjoining street by the police should there be a need for any commemorative events held, or authorized, by the government. Any east-west traffic could be diverted over the flyover. I have suggested that a memorial could be appropriate for this particular Station. Or is it? The final decision as to whether or not “The Martyrs” should be remembered by a memorial will of course rest with the Central Military Commission of the Communist Party of China, as the project costs will need to born by the budget of the State Central Military Commission of the People’s Republic of China. However, in the event, that such a memorial is authorized one must ask the following questions, ‘what form should it take?’ and ‘who exactly should be remembered, and who should be forgotten?’ Ordinarily, memorials of this type usually contain a list of the fallen to be commemorated. A recent example of this type is the 9/11 memorial at “Ground Zero” in the city of New York in the United States of America (2011). Another good example is the Vietnam Veterans Memorial Wall in Washington D.C. designed by the Architect, Maya Lin (1982). In short, including a large of number of names in a memorial of this type does not seem to be a problem from the practical point of view. The decision of which “Martyrs” died at the bridge and which “Martyrs” died elsewhere during the rebellion remains clouded. Therefore, it would seem appropriate that all the “Martyrs” should be commemorated in a single memorial, which could be located at the bridge, given its decisive place in the chronology of events along the route of “The Socialist Road” project and “The Great Rebellion of 1989”. Page 6


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The precise number of “Martyrs” is also clouded. However, the numbers seem to be more manageable compared to the number of names included in the Vietnam Veterans Memorial Wall, for example. According to the government as many as 241 people died in Peking and elsewhere during the entire period of the rebellion, and this figure includes the “Martyrs” of the People’s Liberation Army, the People’s Armed Police, and the police, as well as innocent civilians and bystanders. (See Wikipedia)

The name of each of the “Martyrs” is also clouded. However, some research into this has been carried out by Professor Ding Zilin. And she has collected a list of 186 names so far. (See Note 13) This means that a total of 55 “Martyrs” still remain unaccounted for. The memorial then will need to be capable of including additional names, when these can be discovered at a future date. I call this design proposal for the “Second Station” of “The Socialist Road” project, “Und ihr habt doch gesiegt”, or to put it more simply, “Die Brücke”. 3. Tiananmen Gate The “Third Station” of “The Socialist Road” project is Tiananmen Gate. It lies approximately five kilometres due east of Muxidi Bridge. To get to the third station pilgrims should continue to walk along Fuxingmen Outer Street. This street continues due east as Fuxingmen Inner Street, and finally as West Chang’an Avenue, where it terminates at Tiananmen Gate. (Those pilgrims who do not wish to walk this distance can also travel along the same route using alternative means such as a bicycle, a rickshaw, a public bus, a taxi cab, or a private car. Pilgrims can also travel along the same route under ground by taking the public subway / commuter railway on the Number one line of the Beijing Subway from Muxidi station to Tiananmen Square West station, which is four train stops after Muxidi station.) Following the decisive victory of the 38th Group Army at Muxidi Bridge during “The Great Rebellion of 1989”, spearhead units continued their heroic thrust towards the core of the city along the great east-west axis of Fuxingmen Outer Street - Fuxingmen Inner Street - West Chang’an Avenue, meeting considerable opposition from the rebels at various points. However, by the early morning of the 4th of June 1989, these units had reached their designated objective, Tiananmen Gate. Unfortunately, there were some casualties along the way, and some people died. These casualties included government forces, as well as innocent civilians, bystanders, onlookers and government emergency services personnel, such as the heroic licensed rickshaw ambulance drivers. However, the exact number of casualties remains unknown today due to the confused situation, and the poor street lighting. Page 7


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In this project, the question is raised, ‘what can be added, or taken away, from this “Third Station”, “Tiananmen Gate”? Or again, should it be left just as it is?’ Tiananmen Gate is a fine example of Qing Dynasty military architecture. It is located on the north side of Tiananmen Square. It is the main (south) entrance to the Forbidden City, the main palace of the Qing emperors. (See Note 14) The structure of the gateway consists of a basic stone wall approximately 160 metres long and 20 metres high. The wall is painted in a pale purple colour. On top of this wall is a large pavilion. This is approximately 80 metres long and 25 metres from its base to the ridge of the roof. The pavilion consists of a colonnade with ten red coloured columns, which are approximately 7 metres high. Above this a double pitched roof is finished in yellow glazed ceramic tiles. The gateway through the wall consists of five entrances, each with a semi-circular arch. The central entrance is slightly larger than the two on either side of it. This central entrance is approximately 7 metres wide and 8 metres high. Above this entrance is a large coloured portrait of the first paramount leader of the People’s Republic of China, Chairperson Mao Zedong (December 26, 1893 – September 9, 1976). The size of the portrait is approximately 7 metres wide and 10 metres high. It is set within a thin light coloured beige frame. During “The Great Rebellion of 1989” this portrait of Chairperson Mao was severely damaged by some misguided people. However, I believe that the painting is replaced every year with a new painting. So any damage caused to the painting by any misguided people in the future should be of no real consequence to the Central People’s Government, or the Communist Party of China. However, this policy of annual replacement may be of concern to the tax-payer. For clearly the policy of annual replacement is an unnecessary cost. Anti-graffiti paint can and should be found for future portraits. Clearly, this lack of intelligence is symptomatic of an example of extreme ossified thinking on the subject of Art in the People’s Republic of China. Another good example of this state of inertia is the repeated use of the same portrait at this location above the main entrance to the Forbidden City. Other portraits could be hung instead. After all there are a great many to choose from. For instance, the portrait of Chairperson Mao by the foreign artist, Andy Warhol (August 6, 1928 – February 22, 1987), is an excellent and valuable example. (The original work would of course need to be enlarged to the standard size of portrait required for the site, which, as noted, is approximately 7 metres wide by 10 metres high. This could be achieved using digital photography.) Page 8


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Even portraits of different people could be hung at the gate. Certainly there have been, and there now, many people in China whose achievements are just as great as those of Chairperson Mao, if not greater. Deng Xiaoping, perhaps, is a good example. Another good choice for a portrait at the gate could be one of Kublai Khan (September 23, 1215 – February 18, 1294). The portrait below is, I think, infinitely more pleasing aesthetically than the current one of Chairperson Mao. And it should be remembered that Kublai Khan’s achievements surpass those of any single person in all of Chinese history, apart from Laozi (c. 6th Century BC). Chairperson Mao’s achievements are simply insignificant by comparison. (See Figure 1) (See Note 15)

Figure 1: Kublai Khan (September 23, 1215 – February 18, 1294) Yuan Dynasty. (from Wikipedia)

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It is also worth remembering, that Kublai Khan was largely responsible for determining the current design of the city of Peking, at least within the central area. (See Note 16) The main (south) entrance to his city was placed in the same approximate location of Tiananmen Gate. Kublai Khan named his new city, Dadu. And in the Turkic languages it was called Khanbaliq. The new city was built between 1272 and 1293. (This was the city that Marco Polo (c.1254 – January 9, 1324) visited between 1275 and 1292.) Another proposal could be the installation of a flat high definition digital computer screen (7 metres wide by 10 metres high). This would allow for different portraits to be shown at different times throughout the year. (The installation would need to be protected by a bullet proof screen. I would think.) I call this design proposal for a new portrait at the “Third Station” on “The Socialist Road” project, “Der Führerprinzip”. (Such public portraiture is, I understand, generally based on this sort of principle, but I could be wrong.) 4. Tiananmen Square Tiananmen Square is the “Fourth Station” on “The Socialist Road” project. It lies to the south of Tiananmen Gate. The square is approximately 500 metres from east to west, and 1000 metres from north to south. To get to it, pilgrims will need to walk across Chang’an Avenue by the pedestrian crossings. In the early hours of dawn on the 4th of June 1989 the heroic soldiers of the 38th Group Army had seized the northern part of Tiananmen Square, and stood poised to take the square itself. Their first task consisted of a controlled demolition of some temporary artwork that some misguided people had erected without planning permission from the Beijing Municipal Planning Office. Their second task was to remove some temporary tent structures which had also been erected by some other misguided people, and without planning permission from the Beijing Municipal Planning Office. Thirdly, other illegal structures, such as banners and notice boards were also heroically removed from the site. There is no doubt that the completion of these three tasks will go down in Chinese History, as one the great achievements of the heroic People’s Liberation Army. Finally, the PLA were able to eject some bystanders and onlookers who were loitering in the area, contrary to the city bylaws and military law. Thus, by the early morning (the hour of the Lark) the entire square had been made secure. And this allowed the PLA to use the square as a parking lot for its various armoured vehicles and helicopters, as directed by the CMCCPC, and in strict accordance with military law. Page 10


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In this project, the question is raised, ‘what can be added, or taken away, from this “Fourth Station”, “Tiananmen Square”? Or again, should it be left just as it is?’ Tiananmen Square is both the core of the city of Peking and the symbolic heart of the People’s Republic of China. Any design proposals for the site would do well to keep this knowledge uppermost in mind. The square has four main elements. These are as follows:

(a) The National Flag, which is hoisted on a large flagstaff located at the northern end of the square.

(b) A large open area covering the northern half of the square. (c) The Monument to the People’s Heroes, which is a large obelisk at the very

centre of the square. (d) The Mausoleum of Chairperson Mao, which lies within the southern half of

the square. The square is enclosed at the southern end by another 15th Century Qing gateway, similar to Tiananmen Gate. This gate is called Zhongyang Gate. However, it only has one ground floor portal through the wall. The wall is grey in colour. The pavilion is two storeys high. And its roof tiles are in grey ceramic. During “The Great Rebellion of 1989” none of these elements in the square were damaged at all, and nor were other buildings around the square. This is surprising, particularly when one considers that large numbers of misguided people did in fact gather together in the square on various occasions between the 20th of May and the 3rd of June, which was contrary to military law, I believe. Previously, between the 15th of April and the 19th of May some other misguided people had also gathered in the square on various occasions. This may have been contrary to the Beijing Municipal bylaws regarding noise control, public health and sanitation. However, no official comment has ever been made by the Beijing Municipal Planning Office on any of these issues to my knowledge. In addition, no damage was inflicted on public property within the square by these misguided people either. However, some damage to public property was committed by the 38th Group Army. This was because the PLA used heavy armoured vehicles on public roads which were not designed by city civil engineers to take the necessary live and dead loads required. As a result a considerable expense was incurred by the Beijing Municipality and therefore the local tax-payers. For which no apology has ever been made by the PLA to my knowledge. Clearly, the tax-payer ought to expect better planning and coordination from its civil servants, particularly in a crisis. Page 11


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It is hoped, therefore, that the military authorities and civil authorities will be better coordinated in the future, for such problems as gatherings by misguided people in the square are sure to occur again at some time or other. This is inevitable. It is recommended, therefore, that the PLA, PAP, the police and the Beijing Municipal Planning Office begin a series of annual exercises at Tiananmen Square aimed at coordinating their duties, so as to avoid damaging the People’s property. (eg: Armoured vehicles, if required, could be airlifted by helicopter instead of being driven to the square. Traffic jams on the roads, in any case, would make it impossible to get the square. Other options could include the storage of armoured vehicles at the square itself. And this solution might require the construction of a garage, which could be located under the ground.) Of course, the cheapest solution to the problem of large public gatherings of misguided people at the square is to have a more transparent system of government, and this could be achieved by the construction of a Houses of Parliament at the square itself. Regrettably, this latter proposal will require the removal of the Monument to the People’s Heroes and the Mausoleum of Chairperson Mao, in order to provide sufficient space for the new structure. The best solution to the design problem is to design a purpose made light-weight seismic-proof temporary structure, using tensile fire-proof fabric. This is because all the structures of Nature, whether man-made or not, are in fact temporary structures. In our World all ‘permanent structures’ are an illusion of the mind, except, perhaps, pure “Energy”, using that term as Albert Einstein would definite it. (See Note 17) In keeping with the theme of the pre-eminence of Kublai Khan at “Station Three”, the temporary structure(s) could be in the form of nomadic type tents (in a modern design). And this proposal would link the city dwellers of Peking with their true heritage at the ontological level, and remind them of who they really are, and where they have really come from at a conscious level of intelligence. In a sense the tented city of the misguided people at Tiananmen Square was a kind of unconscious re-enactment of that ontological link with the very foundering fathers of their city, who were, of course, nomadic by nature and by habit. (See Note 18) In the year 2022 AD, the people will, together, no doubt, celebrate the 750th anniversary year of the founding of their great city, in its present position, by Kublai Khan in the year 1272 AD. It will be a splendid event. I call this design proposal for a temporary Houses of Parliament at the “Fourth Station” on “The Socialist Road” project, “Der Zeppelinfeld”. (See Note 19 and Fig.1) Page 12


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Figure 1: Station 4: A sketch of a Houses of Parliament in white PTFE fabric with LED lighting at Tiananmen Square, ‘two Silk Worms’ / ‘Glow Worms’. And Station 5: A Cantonese opera house within a new forest park located on the current site of the Great Hall of the People. (See Chap.6)

6. The Great Hall of the People The Great Hall of the People is the “Fifth Station” on “The Socialist Road” project. It is the last station. It lies to the immediate north-west of Tiananmen Square. To get to the site, pilgrims will need to walk across the road which borders the western side of Tiananmen Square by a pedestrian crossing. The Great Hall of the People accommodates the current Houses of Parliament of the People’s Republic of China. It is here that the Standing Committees of both the Lower House, which is called the National People’s Congress (NPC), and the Upper House, which is called the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC), meet once a week throughout the year. As I understand it. During the spring of each year, the full membership of each House also meets here for a two week conference. (See Note 20)

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During “The Great Rebellion of 1989” it was at The Great Hall of the People that the heroic forces of the 38th Group Army set up their headquarters on the 4th of June 1989 to oversee the remaining tasks of the Group Army, so I believe. These tasks included the following heroic actions:

(a) Rubbish collection. (b) Street cleaning. (c) Traffic management. (d) Pedestrian management. (e) Assisting shoppers to cross the road. (f) Interviewing bystanders. (g) Checking identity cards. (h) Taking photographs. (i) General Surveillance. (j) Air traffic control (Helicopters). (k) Foreign and local press liaison. (l) Managing sound and lighting equipment. (m)Sentry duty.

There is no doubt that the successful implementation of these heroic tasks by the 38th Group Army has raised the esteem of the unit to one of the most honoured units in the whole of the People’s Liberation Army, with the exception of the Hong Kong and Macao (PLA) garrisons, and the PLA Second Artillery Force. In this project, the question is raised, ‘what can be added, or taken away, from this “Fifth Station”, “The Great Hall of the People”? Or again, should it be left just as it is?’ The Great Hall of the People is another one of the ten buildings built for the year 1959 to commemorate the tenth anniversary of the Chinese People’s Revolution of 1949. Like The Military Museum of the Chinese People’s Revolution, its architectural style is typical of the State architecture of the period, which is a copy of the style of architecture used in Soviet Russia, as directed by Joseph Stalin. Its main accommodation, I believe, is a great auditorium which seats 10,000 people, which has a considerable free span ceiling. This auditorium is its greatest asset. It is also its greatest liability. For the structure, to my knowledge, has not been renovated to meet current international seismic engineering standards. Whilst this may not be a political problem yet, it is certainly an economic one. Few organizations will rent the auditorium without sound international insurance guarantees, and these are very unlikely to be given under current conditions. Thus, for most of the year, I believe, this building remains largely empty, draining the government’s wealth in pointless building maintenance costs, whilst raising virtually no revenue at all. Page 14


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Obviously, this state of affairs cannot continue much longer, without severely damaging the reputation and dignity of the Communist Party of China. For which head of state would want to be seen in such a dangerous building, without incurring the ridicule of the people whom they represent? The building structure may also be compromised by other aspects of out-dated building design, initial speed of construction, possible faulty construction and facilities management, general old age, concrete cancer, and possible hidden damage resulting from the Great Tangshan Earthquake of 1976. In short, like The National Museum of China and The Military Museum of the Chinese People’s Revolution, this building will also need a major renovation if it is going to survive the next few decades. (See Note 21) In fact, like the National Museum, it may be more cost effective, and safer, to demolish most of the existing structure, and begin all-over again with an almost entirely new building. The cost of this will certainly be over 2,500 million RMB, which is a budget that is similar in size to that of the published budget of the recent renovation and reconstruction of the National Museum. The question I wish to raise here is, ‘is this solution of renovation and reconstruction the correct course of action?’ In short, ‘is it in the national interest to invest such a large sum of tax-payers money on what is clearly a second ranked design of no aesthetic value what-so-ever?’ In other words, ‘is it going to be the intention of the government to repeat the same mistake that it made in regard to the restoration of the National Museum, which is another second ranked design?’ The short answer to these three questions is probably ‘Yes’, ‘Yes’, and ‘Yes’. Therefore, one must conclude that yet again government has become narrow-minded and ossified in its dealings with the Arts. This is a great pity. For design opportunities on this site are both substantial and unique, as indeed they were for the site of The National Museum of China. In my proposal for Tiananmen Square I suggested that a Houses of Parliament could be built on the square itself. Thus, renovating and reconstructing The Great Hall of the People would be unnecessary. The building could simply be demolished completely. This would save a considerable sum of money for use in other more worthy projects, either on the site of The Great Hall of the People, or elsewhere. Page 15


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In this project for “The Socialist Road” a suitable termination is required that meets the need for both the end of the road for socialism in China as a whole, as a metaphor, as well as a literal representation of the role played by the People’s Liberation Army, the People’s Armed Police, the police and the civil authorities in “The Great Rebellion of 1989”. However, the project should also “consider the future” of The Socialist Road. And in this regard, it should seek to create harmony, where there is discord. With these ideas in mind, I propose that, with the complete demolition of The Great Hall of the People, a forest of Oak trees should be planted on the site. I call this option, “The Birnam Wood Option”. This should qualify the city of Peking as a “National Forest City” by the year 2047 AD. It would also pay homage to the great military tradition of deception by Chinese forces in the spirit of Sun Tzu. At the centre of the forest a Cantonese opera house could be built. And this could be in the style of the traditional Cantonese round house, called Zhai, or Tulo, in Cantonese. The building would complement the new National Centre for the Performing Arts, which was completed in 2007, on the adjacent site to the west. The design of the new opera house could be an exact copy of Shakespeare’s Globe Theatre (completed in 1997) on the South Bank of the River Thames in London, England, but exclude the unsightly adjoining modern accommodation. Additional modern accommodation could be placed under ground, perhaps. The theatre provides space for 1,557 people. The new opera house could be managed by The Central Academy of Drama (CAD) under the direction of the standing committee of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC). (See Note 22) I call this design proposal for a new opera house at the “Fifth Station” on “The Socialist Road” project, “Der Krolloper”, as the new opera house should enable the performance of any act. Conclusion In the introduction to this paper I identified the need to relocate my proposal for a new Houses of Parliament in Peking, China. This became necessary after the renovation and reconstruction of The National Museum of China (March 2007-March 2011), as it was the site of this museum that I had proposed to locate the new parliament, as described in my March 2007 paper. (See Note 4) Page 16


th December 2015

This need gave rise to a new opportunity to think about the overall site plan of my original proposal from a different theoretical approach which aimed to set the design within the wider context of Chinese History, both ancient and modern, and with a particular emphasis on the great events of more recent Chinese History. In this regard, I applied a cinematic technique, the mise-en-scène, to an existing historical narrative. The narrative develops over space and time by tracing and connecting key events and places in the story of “The Great Rebellion of 1989”, the so called “Beijing Spring”. It identities five key “Stations” along a given route, from “The Military Museum of the Chinese People’s Revolution” to Tiananmen Square, six kilometres to the east of the museum. This route was the principle route taken by government forces against the rebels. By walking, or traveling, between each station, the observer views the narrative of the story as it unfolds visually as a mise-en-scène, which uses the city fabric as a kind of stage set to enhance the observer’s imagination and understanding of the real events that took place along the route. At each station, I have proposed some kind of design response that seeks to acknowledge and clarify the existing historical narrative, as well as adding some new element to the city that is of itself some use or benefit, where this is possible. These elements were as follows:

(a) Station one: The Military Museum of the Chinese People’s Revolution: A new name which requires new street signage and a new special exhibition hall for temporary exhibitions is proposed.

(b) Station two: Muxidi Bridge: A memorial to the “Martyrs” is proposed. (c) Station three: Tiananmen Gate: A flat high definition digital computer

screen (7 metres wide by 10 metres high) is proposed in place of the Chairperson Mao portrait.

(d) Station four: Tiananmen Square: A temporary Houses of Parliament building is proposed, using seismic proof light weight tensile fabric roof structure(s).

(e) Station five: The Great Hall of the People: A forest park and opera house / theatre are proposed.

At the same time, the re-enactment of the literal struggle of government forces against the rebels in “The Great Rebellion of 1989” illustrates as a kind of metaphor, or representation, of the overall struggle of the people of China itself, with the former struggle acting as a microcosm set within the macrocosm of this larger struggle. In China today, the leadership of this overall struggle is centred upon the Communist Party of China, and more specifically, the Central Military Commission of the party, which acts as the “vanguard” or spearhead of the people’s “general will”, and as the final adjudicating authority of the legal system. Page 17


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(In short, it really acts as the embodiment of the nation’s sovereignty, rather like a constitutional monarch. As a head of state, a constitutional monarch also signs off on all legislation agreed by parliament, and, as such, still retains the right to veto that legislation.) It is these two aspects of the CMCCPC that come together in the unity of “The Socialist Road”, as I understand it. And the main “struggle” along this ‘road’ is the “struggle” to establish a workable system for gathering knowledge about the people’s needs, on the one hand, and on the other, the goal of establishing a legal system that works to resolve the real conflicts of interest that are bound to occur within (any) society of people as a whole. In this context, it is my belief that these two goals can only be achieved by a vigorous and on-going public debate in the chambers of a Houses of Parliament composed of intelligent, rational, free thinking and plain speaking people. And for this goal to be achieved a new type chamber arrangement will need to be devised. For clearly the current chamber arrangement at “The Great Hall of the People” does not work well enough. For if it did work well enough “The Great Rebellion of 1989” would not, I believe, have occurred in the first place. I cannot elaborate on this today. I just want to raise the subject here. The End. Amen. Page 18


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Notes Note 1: Interview with Gong Li, actress, 2006 (?). Quote is unattributed. Note 2: Deng Xiaoping. “Speech Made While Receiving Cadres of the Martial Law Units in the Capital at and Above the Army Level”, 9

th June 1989, translated by the New China News Agency,

in “Deng’s June 9 Speech: ‘We Face a Rebellious Clique’ and ‘Dregs of Society’ “, The New York Times, 30

th June 1989, at www.nytimes.com

Note 3: Interview with Gong Li, actress, on “The Making of Featurettes: Behind the Scenes, Part 2, Blood Ties”, for the film, “Curse of the Golden Flower”, directed by Zhang Yimou, Sony Pictures Classics, 2006, at: www.sonyclassics.com/curseofthegoldenflower/ Note 4: See the following papers by David Jukes-Hughes: “Tiananmen Square: Paper 1: Appraisal. (RIBA Work Stage A).” March 2007, revised August 2007. “Tiananmen Square: Paper 2: Strategic Briefing. (RIBA Work Stage B).” March 2007, revised May 2007. “Tiananmen Square: Paper 3: Outline Proposals. (RIBA Work Stage C); Part 1: Architectural Design and Design Theory.” March 2007, revised August 2007. “Tiananmen Square: Paper 3: Outline Proposals. (RIBA Work Stage C); Part 2: Programme, Construction Methodology, and Cost Estimate.” March 2007, revised May 2007.

Note 5: The project proposal is therefore devised in strict accordance with Deng Xiaoping thought on “The One Country, Two Systems” system of thought and “The One China Principle” using “Feudalism with Chinese Characteristics”, as theoretically practiced in Hong Kong, China, as a model theory. Technically, “Feudalism with Chinese Characteristics” operates in opposition to “Socialism with Chinese Characteristics”, which is theoretically practiced in mainland China, under the directive of “The Politburo of the Standing Committee of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China”, and whose direct system of governance does not apply to Hong Kong, China, or even, Macao, China, as I understand it, given the built-in constraints of Deng Xiaoping thought. That said, in practice, these two distinct systems of thought, “Feudalism with Chinese Characteristics” and “Socialism with Chinese Characteristics”, are clearly on a theoretical path of ‘convergence’, which is manifested by the continuing political and cultural dialogue that exists between “The Politburo of the Standing Committee of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China” and the independent feudal government of Hong Kong, China, which seems to operate through the channel of the government of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region of the People’s Republic of China. Thus, films, such as “Curse of the Golden Flower”, directed by the CPPCC deputy, Zhang Yimou, in 2006, show that the CPC is now seeking to converge, culturally, with feudalism, on the one hand. Whist, on the other hand, the feudal government of Hong Kong, China, continues to allow the PLA (Hong Kong) garrison to practice “Socialism with Chinese Characteristics” in the “Hong Kong Area”, by their very existence in the area, in complete contradiction to Deng Xiaoping thought. In addition, feudalism itself, in Hong Kong, China, is being progressively eliminated, or so it appears, by Capitalists and Anti-feudal elements in a sustained campaign, which seems to be orchestrated by the government of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region of the People’s Republic of China, beginning from the time of the administration of its former Chief Executive, Sir Donald Tsang Yam-kuen GBM KBE. See the paper, “Feudalism with Chinese Characteristics (RIBA Work Stage A)”, dated 4

th May, 2012, by David Jukes-Hughes, for a more detailed

analysis.

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Note 6: Budget costs for the renovation of the museum are from the National Museum of China website at http://en.chnmuseum.cn/ Note 7: The design for the renovation of the museum was carried out by a JV design team, which consisted of the local architects the China Academy of Building Research, and the Hamburg architects, von Gerkan, Marg und Partner (GMP). GMP Architekten is the architect for the recent renovation of ‘Stony Stratford’, Charlottenburg, Berlin, in the Federal Republic of Germany, which is their most successful project to date. Note 8: Ideologically, the term “The Socialist Road”, represents the current ideological path upon which the Communist Party of China (CPC) has embarked upon. Under a “One Party Dictatorship”, it is also the current path of the country of mainland China. Deng Xiaoping, for example, uses this term in his “Speech Made While Receiving Cadres of the Martial Law Units in the Capital at and Above the Army Level” on the 9

th June 1989. (See Note 2.)

Note 9: In response to the rebellion of 1989, martial law was declared on the 20

th of May 1989. As

I understand it, this was authorized by the Central Military Commission of the Communist Party of China, in its role as the final adjudicating authority overseeing the rule of law and with it, the People’s Courts. The declaration allowed the SCMCPRC to use the PLA to suppress the rebellion, and to use deadly force to restore order in the city of Peking, if required. Note 10: In addition to the 38

th Group Army, the suppression of the rebellion was, I understand,

aided by units of the 27th Group Army of the PLA. These units took a different route to the fifth,

and final, Station, on the night of the 3rd

/ 4th June 1989 to that described in this paper. The main

advance to the centre of the city, however, was still made by the units of the 38th Group Army

along Fuxing Road, Fuxingmen Outer Street, Fuxingmen Inner Street and West Chang’an Avenue. Note 11: An exhibition on the PLA SAR garrisons could include its work in the area of socialist propaganda, political work and economic work. Propaganda work would include tree planting, military parades, garrison public open-days, parachuting displays, military aeroplane flypasts and any cricket matches etc. Political work might include advising SAR delegates on how to vote in elections for public offices, advising local government officials on CPC policy in the regions, advising local newspapers on what to print, and organizing red flag waving street demonstrations on various topics. Economic work might include the buying of stock options in local joint stockholding companies, setting up investment banking enterprises, buying the stocks of British Hongs, such as the Jardine Matheson company, the Swire Group, HSBC, and other neo-colonial enterprises, with a view to controlling their political and economic activities in line with CPC policy, and leasing property from the House of Hanover (or Windsor), through the government of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region of the People’s Republic of China. Note 12: People can also take a train on the No. 1 Line of the Beijing Subway from the Military Museum station to Muxidi station, though the journey is only one train stop. Note 13: Professor Ding’s accountancy also includes suicide victims subsequent to the period of rebellion. (See Wikipedia.) It is not known, by the author, if subsequent suicide victims have been included in the official government figures. This number, in fact could be significant. For example, the British Army now acknowledges that approximately 250 veterans of the South Atlantic War in 1982 have died by suicide in the last 30 years. This is nearly the same as the number who died during the conflict itself. In short, the impact of the post-traumatic stress resulting from the rebellion should not be underestimated.

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Note 14: It was on the wall of Tiananmen Gate, I understand, that Chairperson Mao inaugurated the first federal government of the Second Republic of China, the “People’s Republic of China”, on the 1

st of October 1949.

Note 15: Laozi may be a composite of a number of philosophers, rather than just one individual person. Historians are not sure. Note 16: The outer walls of Kublai Khan’s city appear to be as follows: The southern boundary was along Chang’ an Avenue, the northern boundary is Beitucheng Road (just to the north of the 3

rd Ring Road), the western boundary is Fuchengmen Street (2

nd Ring Road), and the eastern

boundary is Chaoyangmen Street (2nd

Ring Road). The palace of Kublai Khan was located on the current site of the Qing emperor’s palace, the Forbidden City. (See Wikipedia “Dadu”.) Note 17: Religious people might, of course, say that this “Energy” is in fact “God”. Thus, one could say that “God”, from the perspective of a scientific outlook on development, is simply Energy = Mass times the speed of light squared. No doubt the various religious leaders of the day will need to discuss this idea at length in the future at their various councils and synods etc…before deciding on whether or not the idea is heretical, or simply unscientific, from a religious / ideological point of view. Note 18: Other examples of this type of unconscious human behaviour include holiday camping trips, outdoor rock concerts like the Glastonbury Festival and the former Stonehenge Festival in the United Kingdom, tented military camps, shanty towns, refugee camps and the recent “Occupy Wall Street” campaign and its imitators. Note 19: It should be remembered that during the time of the city of Kublai Khan, the area which covers Tiananmen Square would have been outside the city walls. Thus, Tiananmen Square would have literally been an open field, upon which visitors, tourists and traders, to the city would have made their tented encampments. So again, in this sense, the tented encampment of the misguided people, which existed at various times between the 15

th of April and the 4

th of June 1989, was a kind of literal, as well as

unconscious, re-enactment of an ancient and natural historical reality or tendency. Thus, it is inevitable that such unconscious re-enactments are sure to occur again in the future in this particular location, unless, of course, they become conscious re-enactments. (In which case, they will be conscious re-enactments of an ancient and instinctive historical reality instead.) ie: Awareness of this behavioural instinct, does not eliminate it. It will still continue to exist, as long as the square itself exists.

This (on-going) reality has a fundamental (ie: an ontological) impact on government policy, especially with respect to the management of Tiananmen Square. In short, it is simply illogical to try to prevent such tented encampments from occurring in this location, given the basic instincts involved. They are just too deeply rooted in the anthropological history of the site, a history that has operated in this area since the very foundation of the city in 1272 AD. The only solution to this problem is to make it impossible to erect a tent in this area by some means, or other. (If that is, indeed, the goal of the current government of the day.) Such means could include man-management techniques and / or the installation of landscape and streetscape features.

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In this paper I have suggested that the area be used as the location of a temporary Houses of Parliament. With such an installation, the area could perhaps be managed more effectively than it is now. Note 20: For more detailed information on the functions of the PRC parliament please refer to my paper, “Tiananmen Square: Paper 2: Strategic Briefing. (RIBA Work Stage B).” March 2007, revised May 2007. Note 21: The city of Peking is about 150 km due west of the 40 km long Tangshan Fault, the epicenter of the Great Tangshan Earthquake of 28

th July 1976, in which over 250,000 people

died. Note 22: Oak trees (Quercus robur) take approximately 30 years to sexually mature. They can live for over 1,500 years, at which point the wood becomes tulgey. (However, should the forest be designated as a “sustainable forest”, the trees could be given the chop after 30 years, and new ones could then be planted.) The depth of soil required for the trees should be the same as the height of the trees when fully mature. (ie: about 40 metres deep.) Therefore, any utilities under ground, such as storm water drains, sewers, cable conduits and subway tunnels will need to be diverted around the site. The trees should be planted 40 metres apart, at the intersections of a 40 metre planning grid laid across the site. The site is approximately 600 m from north to south, and 500 m from east to west. This means that 209 trees should be planted. The Globe theatre would be at the centre of the wood in a clearing, 80 metres by 80 metres. The trees should grow to a magnificent height of 40 metres, depending on the local soil conditions, the microclimate and the policy of the Communist Party of China. The 209 trees would commemorate each of the “Martyrs”, with 32 “Martyrs” unaccounted for, that heroically died on behalf of The Party and the people of China in “The Great Rebellion of 1989”. Grass should be planted throughout the site, and the site should be surrounded by a ha-ha to keep the sheep within the site area. An additional ha-ha should surround the Globe theatre, to keep the sheep out of the theatre. This ha-ha should be a circle 50 metres in diameter, with the Globe theatre at the core, to allow for a fire engine service road around the theatre. Every summer the lambs can be given the chop, and the money raised from the sale of lamb chops can go towards the financing of the theatre troop, which could be called “The Lord Admiral’s Men”. (The Lord High Admiral could be the patron.) The use of sheep to ‘mow’ the meadow will also help to reduce the gardening costs for the project. (Initially, the Oak trees will need to be physically protected from the sheep by circular wire fencing.) In the event of war, the trees could be given the chop, and the timber used to build battleships for the People’s Liberation Army Navy. (This is what I call “The Forest of Dean Option”.) The name of the forest, or wood, could be called “The Forest of the Chinese People’s Revolution”, or simply, “Birnam Wood”.

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The Glossary CAD Central Academy of Drama CMCCPC Central Military Commission of the Communist Party of China CPGPRC Central People’s Government of the People’s Republic of China CPC The Communist Party of China CPPCC Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference HKIA Hong Kong Institute of Architects IWM Imperial War Museum NPC National People’s Congress PAP People’s Armed Police PLA People’s Liberation Army RIBA Royal Institute of British Architects SAR Special Administrative Region SCMCPRC State Central Military Commission of the People’s Republic of

China Page viii


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Bibliography: Books Carroll, Lewis.

“Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland”. (First published 1865) And “Through the Looking-Glass, and What Alice Found There”. (First published 1872), Penguin Books, London, 1998. Edited with an Introduction and Notes by Hugh Haughton. This edition also includes “Alice’s Adventures under Ground”. (First published in 1895.)

Evans, Richard. “Deng Xiaoping and the making of modern China”. Viking, England, 1993.

Fathers, Michael and Andrew Higgins. Edited by Robert Cottrell.

“Tiananmen. The Rape of Peking”. The Independent in association with Doubleday, London, 1989.

Zhang Liang. Edited by Nathan, Andrew J. and Perry Link. (Afterword by Orville Schell.)

“The Tiananmen Papers”. Abacus, London, 2002. First published 2001. (Reprint 2007.)

Zhao Ziyang (Transl. and Edited by Bao Pu, Renee Chiang and Adi Ignatius.)

“Prisoner of the State, The Secret Journal of Chinese Premier Zhao Ziyang.” Simon and Schuster, London, 2009.

Papers and periodicals Deng Xiaoping. “Speech Made While Receiving Cadres of the Martial

Law Units in the Capital at and Above the Army Level”, 9th June 1989, translated by the New China News Agency, in “Deng’s June 9 Speech: ‘We Face a Rebellious Clique’ and ‘Dregs of Society’,” The New York Times, 30th June 1989, at www.nytimes.com

Jukes-Hughes, David “Feudalism with Chinese Characteristics: Appraisal (RIBA Work Stage A)”. Dated 4th May, 2012.

Jukes-Hughes, David “Tiananmen Square: Paper 1: Appraisal. (RIBA Work Stage A).” March 2007, revised August 2007.

Jukes-Hughes, David “Tiananmen Square: Paper 2: Strategic Briefing. (RIBA Work Stage B).” March 2007, revised May 2007.

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Jukes-Hughes, David “Tiananmen Square: Paper 3: Outline Proposals. (RIBA Work Stage C); Part 1: Architectural Design and Design Theory.” March 2007, revised August 2007.

Jukes-Hughes, David “Tiananmen Square: Paper 3: Outline Proposals. (RIBA Work Stage C); Part 2: Programme, Construction Methodology, and Cost Estimate.” March 2007, revised May 2007.

Copyright © David G. Jukes-Hughes 9th June 2012 Revision 02: 11th December 2015 Written and published by David G. Jukes-Hughes Page x

Project 38 rev02 When Eight Bells Toll

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