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Functional Theory and Critical Discourse Analysis of the 2011 NN24 Presidential Elections Debate By Akan Nnaemeka .C. Eyo

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Functional Theory and Critical Discourse Analysis of the 2011 NN24 Presidential

Elections Debate

By Akan Nnaemeka .C. Eyo

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Abstract This paper is my current work in which I applied Functional Theory to the NN24

Presidential Debate with the aim of identifying patterns with previous research and

to test some of the hypotheses in a different country and political context. A total of

thirteen videos on the Presidential Debate were collected and content analyzed.

Critical Discourse Analysis was also employed to construe the messages in the

political campaign discourse. Some areas of the Critical Discourse Analysis employed

content analysis. The results on all the hypotheses tested revealed similarities with

a host of researches in which Functional Theory had been applied. Critical Discourse

Analysis revealed the agenda-setting function of the media. And that the media

played a democratic role in the society by projecting the ideas of the public.

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Introduction Political governments and systems in Nigeria have been treated extensively in many

studies. Writers and scholars alike have often delivered a historical analysis of

Nigerian politics (Crowder, 1973; Diamond, 1988; Wright, 1998:1; Dike, 2003).

Content analysis on Nigerian debates is rare, and past research also falls short of

investigating ideology of discourse. Therefore, it is worth conducting a systematic

research. In their respective accounts, BBC (1999) and Wright (1998:77) assert that

in 1979 and 1999, political campaign discourse in Nigeria centred on personality

rather than policy. It is expected that the results of this paper will also inform the

pattern of ideology in Nigerian campaign discourse.

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Contextual Background According to Wright (1998:77) the Presidential system of government in Nigeria was implemented in

1979 and it led to a spike in the number of political parties. Surprisingly, televised debates are alien to the campaign strategies in Nigeria. Televised Debates have become a popular campaign strategy in most democratic nations especially the United State as far back as the 1960 debate between Nixon and Kennedy. (The American Presidency Project, 2011).

IndepthAfrica (2011) claims that the last of such debates featured in the 1993 election between candidates of the Social Democratic Party (SDP) and the National Republican Convention (NRC) preceding the 1993 elections which was eventually annulled. However, this form of campaign has been inconsistent in Nigeria. Prior to the 2011 General Elections several debates were organized around the 2011 Presidential Elections in Nigeria.

This paper focuses on the 2011 NN24 Nigerian Presidential Debate which aired on the Network News 24

(NN24) channel three weeks before the Presidential elections. The debate had one moderator and a time keeper and it lasted for about two hours. This debate was selected because it featured the top challengers for the Office of President. One of the candidates was a former Military President and vying with other challengers in a democratic era. The incumbent Dr. Goodluck Jonathan was absent from this debate. One important point is that functional theory is thought to be suited to countries that operate a two party system (Isotalus, 2011). Nigeria operates a multi-party democracy. It is within these contexts that this project applied Functional analysis of political campaign discourse.

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Literature Review Functional theory propounded by William L. Benoit has become a popular method for

analysing political campaign discourses particularly in the United States. Functional theory has been applied to televised debates, television spots, press releases and several speech acts. (Benoit and Currie, 2001; Benoit and Sheafer, 2006; Benoit et.al, 2008; Herrero and Benoit, 2009; Wilson-Kratzer and Benoit, 2010; Henson and Benoit, 2010; Isotalus, 2011). Functional theory is established on the assumptions that (Benoit, 2004) political campaign messages serve three basic functions all directed at persuading voters and accumulating sufficient votes to win elections, so far as the elections are contested: acclaims, attacks, and defences. These three functions can occur on two topics: policy (issues) and character (image).

In debates acclaims were dominant, followed by attacks, then defences. Policy is addressed

more than character. Incumbent candidates in both countries acclaimed significantly more and attacked less than the challengers. (Herrero and Benoit, 2009; Benoit et. al. 2008; Benoit and Sheafer, 2006. Isotalus (2011) identifies a cultural gap in the theory. Having tested it on a Finnish presidential debate, results differed in many ways to the American presidential debate; defences were mostly used, then attacks, followed by acclaims; a complete reversal of the fourth axiom (candidates establish preferability through acclaiming, attacking, and defending).

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This paper concentrates on ‘texts’, thus it discusses methods particularly suitable for

researching texts. It focuses on Critical Discourse Analysis is suitable (van Dijk, 1995) because

it is problem or issue oriented, focused on relations of power, dominance and inequality.

Critical Discourse Analysis basically deals with how language is constructed and the meanings

generated by the reflection of these constructions. The objective of applying this form of

analysis is to identify patterns, positions, identity embedded in language. van Dijk (1995)

points out that there are several forms of CDA but they all focus on discourse structures and

their reproduction of social dominance. Gillepsie and Toynbee (2006) make the distinction

between both forms of discourse analysis; Fairclough focuses on social and cultural processes,

while van Dijk’s approach is more critical on language in relation to society. The major

proponents of CDA are Norman Fairclough, Roger Fowler, and Teun van Dijk.

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Theories Visited Agenda-setting Public Sphere Democracy Globalization

In contemporary society public opinion is generally mediated by the mass media, which has come to encompass the Habermasian ‘public sphere’. This arena is now characterized by the conflict between market and democratic principles, by competing interests of politicians and the media (Kenterelidou, 2005).

As McQuail (2005) states the mass media are the institution of the public sphere because they provide the space through which public discourse ensues.

Televised debates could be referred to as an apparatus of the public sphere because they are in their nature designed to galvanize dialogue and discourse taking place in a given space with a broader societal implication and effect.

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Methodology Triangulation is important in research to reduce bias so this paper has adopted two

methods to collect and analyze data: Content analysis and Critical Discourse

Analysis (CDA). They are used in tandem to build a quantitative and qualitative

design. The chosen methodological approach for this study has sought to engage

with primary data.

Research questions (The first two are hypotheses of Functional Theory): RQ1: What is the frequency of the three functions? (Acclaims, attacks, and

defences) RQ2: What topic does the debate emphasize? (Policy or character) RQ3: What is the frequency of issues discussed? (Economy, education,

electricity/power, unemployment, security). RQ4: What is the ideology of the political campaign discourse?

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Procedure for Data Collection First, the debate was transcribed using Express Scribe v 5.30 NCH software, and later coded

using QSR Nvivo 9 software. In other words, this is a computer aided research. Using themes

as coding units, a coder classified the function of each theme: acclaims (portray the candidate

favourably), attacks (portray other candidates unfavourably), and defences (are used to

respond to attacks from other candidates). A coder then classified the topic of each theme:

policy (governmental actions) or character (image). Another coder classified which of the

three forms of policy (past deeds, future plans, or general goals) or character (personal

qualities, leadership ability, or ideals) occurred in each theme. Finally, to answer RQ3, a coder

also classified policy themes according to issue addressed: economy, education, electricity

(power), unemployment, security to determine which occurs the most. It is important to

notify that the words ‘electricity’ and ‘power’ can be used interchangeably sometimes in texts

to refer to the same thing so careful attention is paid to this in the content analysis.

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Functions in NN24 Presidential Debates

68%

27%

6%

Themes of Functions Acclaims

AttacksDefence

23%

44%

32%

Candidates uses of Acclaims

BuhariRibaduShekarau

13%

47%

40%

Candidates uses of Attacks

BuhariRibaduShekarau

31%

15%

54%

Candidates uses of Defences

BuhariRibaduShekarau

Acclaims Attacks Defences

Buhari 37 (76%) 8 (16%) 4 (8%) Ribadu 70 (69%) 29 (29%) 2 (2%) Shekarau 51 (62%) 25 (30%) 7 (8%) Total 158 (68%) 62 (27%) 13 (5%)

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Topics of NN24 Presidential DebatesPolicy Character

Buhari 22 (49%) 23 (51%) Ribadu 50 (51%) 49 (49%) Shekarau 41 (54%) 35 (46%) Total 113 (51%) 107 (49%)

51%49%

Topic of Themes in the NN24 Presidential De-

batesPolicyCharacter

19%

44%

36%

Candidates utterances of Policy on Topics Theme

BuhariRibaduShekarau

21%

46%

33%

Candidates utterances of Char-acter on Topic Themes

BuhariRibaduShekarau

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Forms of Policy and Character in the NN24 Presidential Debate

Past deeds Future plans General goals

Acclaims Attacks Acclaims Attacks Acclaims Attacks

Buhari 1 (100%) 0 2 (100%) 0 19 (100%) 0

Ribadu 2 (67%) 1 (33%) 19 (95%) 1 (5%) 16 (59%) 11 (41%)

Shekarau 10 (77%) 3 (23%) 4 (100%) 0 15 (62%) 9 (38%)

Personal qualities Leadership Ideals

Acclaims Attacks Acclaims Attacks Acclaims Attacks

Buhari 2 (25%) 6 (75%) 5 (71%) 2 (29%) 8 (100%) 0

Ribadu 10 (45%) 12 (55%) 5 (56%) 4 (44%) 18 (100%) 0

Shekarau 7 (39%) 11 (61%) 7 (78%) 2 (22%) 8 (100%) 0

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21%

46%

33%

Functions in the NN24 Presiden-tial Debate

AcclaimsAttacksDefence

8% 16%

32%

12%

11%

22%

Candidate's uses of Forms of Policy and Character to acclaim in the NN24 Pres-

idential Debate

Past Deeds Future PlansGeneral Goals Personal Qual-

itiesLeadership Abil-ity

Ideals6% 2

%32%47%

13%

Candidate's uses of Forms of Policy and Character to attack in the NN24 Presi-

dential Debate

Past Deeds Future PlansGeneral Goals Personal Qual-

itiesLeadership Abil-ity

Ideals

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Issues in the NN24 Presidential Debate

25%

21%15%15%

14%

11%

Themes of Issues

CorruptionSecurityEconomyElectricityHealthEducation

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Excerpts Ribadu: I’m a young person, I’m a young man, I belong to the age of leaders who are doing

well in the world today and that is where it matters. [Acclaim, Character, Personal Qualities]

Ribadu: I have been in government and I have the experience in the last twenty five years, others have been in retirement in the last twenty five years. [Attack, Character, Leadership Ability, Buhari (Target)]

Shekarau: Between 2003 to date I have employed over six thousand fresh secondary school teachers which is twice the number. [Acclaim, Policy, Past Deeds]

Buhari: There are ministry’s, there are parastatals, there are security institutions so the part of the constitution that the military administration under me suspended were of course the election and the partisan politics...” [Defence, Policy (Past Deeds)]

Shekarau: “There are two major problems. Number one is the issue of several leakages along the line, fraud going on. Am happy my brother Nuhu Ribadu has said there are lot of multiplication of agencies and with all due respect I want to say that the agency he headed was one of the agency that we need not to have... [Attack, Policy, Past Deeds, Ribadu (Target)]

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Critical Discourse Analysis Laughey (2007:68) discusses the work of Williamson which deals with ads and their meaning. He

concurs that ads have an ideology and that this ideology is imposed through representation. The

first advert of the programme is on security and this advert is not a commercial advert so is put

together by the NN24 Station itself. The female voice in the advert reads: “So much insecurity in this

country, we are prisoners in our own homes, you can’t even walk the streets freely, it doesn’t make

sense, this is our country, this is our motherland, it has to be protected, our lives and properties

need to be protected. If there is a will, there will definitely be a way.” The people are referred to as

‘prisoners’, suggesting that they are in bondage and need to be set free be it socially, politically,

economically. The Guarantee Trust Assurance Plc advert the narrator says “...there was a small

burglary at the office on Thursday” This line reiterates the discourse on insecurity already discussed

in the opening commercial on insecurity. It can be argued that this may be an inference but the

Guarantee Trust Assurance Plc is an affiliate of Guarantee Trust Bank and out of all their adverts they

chose to use this one for this programme. This choice is thematically linked and driven.

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The term ‘development’ appears a total of three times on the banner giving the viewers an idea on the aim of the debate. The UNDP logo was used without spelling out the acronym or else the term would have appeared four times. Not ignoring the French translated version of the Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA). The background carries the colours green and white which symbolize the Nigerian flag. The visuals last and tune lasts for 2 seconds.

Moderator: “... given your antecedents when you were a military leader, why should Nigerians vote for you under a democratic dispensation?”

Moderator: “... a disproportionate amount of leaders we’ve had in Nigeria have been from the North, why shouldn’t a Southerner be the next President of Nigeria?

Moderator: “Okay.... Mallam Nuhu Ribadu, are you satisfied with the quality of education in public schools?”

In his opening remarks, the Chief Executive Officer of NN24 Station Mr. Tony Dara states that “...We’ve organized this to enhance our democracy.” He also states “It’s all about the voters” supports theorists who assume that the media agenda is public agenda. These are a deliberate summary of all the activity to ensue on the night. This ideology stretches to the closing remarks made by the moderator "... I hope this conversation continues in our homes, in our offices, the task of electing Nigeria's President is a very important one. It is critical to our development as a nation. Keep talking, keep debating and please make sure you go out and vote. Thank you very much and good night."

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Results BBC (1999) and Wright (1998:77) stated earlier that political campaign discourse in

Nigeria centred on personality rather than policy. However, the results of Functional

Theory and Critical Discourse Analysis of the NN24 debate established that policy

was accentuated more than character. That the media sets agenda in political

campaign discourse through their choice of issues discussed in the debate, adverts

to be aired on the programme, and questions asked. Also when mass media

operates autonomously it projects the ideology of the public. Agenda is dynamic

and the public who are thought to be at the centre of the battle for dominance of

the other two agenda’s are attracted by favouritism.

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Conclusions The media in itself is a fortress of power because of the mediated role it plays in

society. Striking the balance, hence, becomes the challenge of contemporary media in

its pursuit for objectivity. One major flaw of functional theory as observed by this

research is that it does not provide for a space where candidate’s reason alike or

agree, and this is part of discourse. Another observation is that defences are not

offered forms through which they can be coded or categorized and this also accounts

to why this function frequents very low compared to other functions. Lastly, if there’s

any apparatus in society that can make or mar the growth of democracy it is the

media. Public agenda is the ground on which the media and political agenda attempt

to dominate. Globalisation has further expanded these challenges owing to the

presence of homogenous and heterogeneous media.

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List of References AllPolitics (1996) Presidential Debate History [online] available from

<http://www-cgi.cnn.com/ALLPOLITICS/1996/debates/history/> [9 August 2011] BBC (1999) Nigeria’s date with democracy [online] available from <http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/africa/282404.stm> [14

July 2011] Benoit, W.L (2004) Functional theory of political campaign discourse [online] available from <

http://web.missouri.edu/~benoitw/discoursefunctions.html> [17 July 2011] Benoit, W. L and Currie, H. (2001) Inaccuracies in Media Coverage of the 1996 and 2000 Presidential Debates. J&MC

Quarterly, Vol. 83, No. 2, Summer 2006, 281 – 297 Benoit, W. L and Sheafer, T. (2006) Functional Theory and political discourse: Televised Debated in Israel and United States.

Argumentation and Advocacy, 38: 28-39 Benoit et al (2002) The Primary Decision: Functional Analysis of Debates in Presidential Primaries. USA: Greenwood Press. Broesma Crowder, Michael (1973) The Story of Nigeria. 3rd edn. Plymouth: Latimer Trend and Co. Ltd. Curran (2002) Diamond, Larry (1988) Class, Ethnicity and Democracy in Nigeria. London: The Macmillan Press Ltd. Foucault, Michel (1982) “The Subject and the Power”. Critical Inquiry, Vol 8, No. 4, pp 777 -795 Gill, Kathy (2011) Why (and How) Do Presidential Candidates Debate? A History of Presidential Debates [online] available

from <http://uspolitics.about.com/od/elections/a/prez_debates.htm> [9 August 2011] Gillespsie, Marie and Toynbee, Jason (2006) Analysing Media Texts. Maidenhead: Open University Press. Gunter (2010) Gurevitch, Michael and Blumler, J.G (1990) ’Political Communication Systems and Democratic Values’, Democracy and the

Mass Media. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

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Thank You