Poverty and Intersectionality

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DOI: 10.1177/0276146713520600 2014 34: 122 originally published online 21 January 2014Journal of Macromarketing

Bige Saatcioglu and Canan CorusPoverty and Intersectionality: A Multidimensional Look into the Lives of the Impoverished

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Article

Poverty and Intersectionality:A Multidimensional Look into the Livesof the Impoverished

Bige Saatcioglu1 and Canan Corus2

AbstractSubsistence consumers are disadvantaged and marginalized on many levels, including financial deprivation, poor health, lack ofaccess to resources, and social stigmatization. The disadvantages experienced by subsistence consumers are interconnectedand co-constitutive; being disadvantaged in one domain often intersects with other disadvantages, contributing to an overallvulnerability within the market system. Drawing from the intersectionality paradigm, the authors examine an overlookedlow-income community that shares elements of subsistence contexts. The findings reveal multiple ways in which a trailer parkcommunity residents experience and manage intertwined disadvantages. Several overlapping identity categories (i.e., socio-economic status, health status, and type of housing) vis-a`-vis structural and relational dynamics are fleshed out. Implicationsfor research on subsistence marketplaces and the usefulness of the intersectionality approach for macromarketing researchare discussed.

Keywordsintersectionality, subsistence marketplaces, macromarketing, vulnerability, poverty

Macromarketing is focused on market problems and solutions

to those problems that would improve the wellbeing of various

stakeholders within the marketing system (Ferrell and Ferrell

2008; Layton 2007). Even though macromarketers have

explored constraints facing subsistence consumers, such as

social and political disempowerment (Corus and Ozanne

2012) and lack of access to basic resources (Weidner, Rosa,

and Viswanathan 2010), studies that analyze multiple levels

of marginalization are not commonly published in the Journal

of Macromarketing (for an exception, see Baker, Gentry, and

Rittenburg 2005).

Often referred to as the bottom-of-the-pyramid, subsis-

tence marketplaces are home to social groups that lack finan-

cial and material resources but are rich in emotional, social,

and cognitive abilities (Prahalad and Hammond 2002;

Viswanathan and Rosa 2010). Close-knit social networks, both

among the consumers and between the consumers and market-

ers, operate in subsistence settings; consumers entrepreneurial

initiatives help improve their personal and communal well-

being (Viswanathan et al., 2009; Viswanathan, Rosa, and Ruth

2010). Subsistence research often focuses on less-developed

economies with large poor populations, such as India and Ban-

gladesh (Viswanathan et al. 2009; Viswanathan, Sridharan, and

Ritchie 2010). Despite extended interest in some other contexts

including South Africa (Ruth and Hsiung 2007), attention to

subsistence consumers in developed countries is scant (for

exceptions, see Hill 1991; Hill and Stephens 1997). We

investigate how poverty is experienced in a low-income, rural

mobile home park community in the United States, pointing out

the differences and similarities of this setting vis-a`-vis more

traditional subsistence settings. Deriving from the intersection-

ality paradigm, we explicate how intersecting disadvantages

play out within macro structures such as welfare and health-

care. Our research is inspired by calls to encourage businesses

to contribute to just marketing systems (Hill 2005; Kotler,

Roberto, and Leisner 2006). We call for broadened conceptions

of struggles for fair exchange and suggest that looking closely

at overlapping disadvantages can help design fair marketing

systems.

Next, we review the basic tenets of the intersectionality

paradigm and distinguish it from previous research that high-

lights multiple disadvantages experienced by the poor.

1Faculty of Economics andAdministrative Sciences,OzyeginUniversity, Istanbul,

Turkey2Lubin School of Business, Pace University, New York, NY, USA

Corresponding Author:

Bige Saatcioglu, Ozyegin University, Faculty of Economics and Administrative

Sciences, Nisantepe Mh. Orman Sk. No. 13 34794 Cekmekoy, Istanbul, Turkey.

Email: [email protected]

Journal of Macromarketing2014, Vol. 34(2) 122-132 The Author(s) 2014Reprints and permission:sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.navDOI: 10.1177/0276146713520600jmk.sagepub.com

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Theoretical Framework

Intersectionality: A Paradigm for Exploring IntersectingDisadvantages

With roots in critical feminist thought, intersectionality is a

theoretical paradigm that examines multiple overlapping

marginalizations at the individual and institutional levels

(Crenshaw 1991; McCall 2005). An intersectional approach

facilitates contextualized understanding of the experiences of

the marginalized. Fundamentally, intersectionality argues that

members of marginalized groups are hardly homogenous. For

example, while some African American women are faced with

degrading cultural representations related to their race, others

are victims of gender-related domestic and sexual violence

(Crenshaw 1991). Intersectionality offers various strategies to

explore the similarities and differences across and within social

groups that experience intersecting marginalizations (Crocket

et al. 2011; Ozanne and Fischer 2012).

Originally focused on categories of race, gender, and class,

this research stream has expanded to consider other social cate-

gories such as sexual orientation, occupation, health, and age

(Gopaldas 2013). Increasingly, consumer researchers who

study marginalization call for intersectional work that not only

analyzes overlapping social categories (Crockett et al. 2011;

Gopaldas 2013; Ozanne and Fischer 2012) but also provides

a deeper analysis of structural processes that create and exacer-

bate consumer vulnerability (Baker, Gentry, and Rittenburg

2005).

Poverty and Subsistence Marketplaces through anIntersectional Lens

Approximately 46 million Americans live in poverty, which

represents almost 15% of the population (U.S. Census Bureau2013). Various forms of American poverty (e.g., urban/rural

poor, working poor) exemplify subsistence contexts where

individuals barely have sufficient resources to get by (Hill

2001). Despite nuances across different poverty subpopula-

tions, many poor Americans suffer from similar intertwined

structural disadvantages such as lack of affordable housing,

inadequate healthcare, racial discrimination and segregation

(Mishel, Bernstein, and Schmitt 1999).

Recent research recognizes poverty as marked not only by

economic disadvantage but also by multiple other disadvan-

tages including psychological, social and political deprivations

(Hill 2001; Shultz and Holbrook 2009). Poverty as multiple

disadvantages approach derives from an understanding of

vulnerability as a multidimensional state which consumers try

to manage either through individual means (Baker, Gentry, and

Rittenburg 2005; Hill 2001), as a community (Baker, Hunt,

and Rittenburg 2007), or through marketplace stakeholders

such as organizations considering entry into recovering eco-

nomies (Manfredo and Shultz 2007). Even though this per-

spective recognizes the concurrent role of individual and

structural dynamics in causing vulnerability (Baker 2009), the

intersectionality paradigm is distinct in several ways (see

Table 1 for a detailed comparison of the two paradigms).

A comprehensive approach to multiple intertwined dynamics

affecting consumers lives is in line with Baker, Gentry, and

Rittenburgs (2005), Hills (2001), and Penalozas (1995) work.

In this research stream, vulnerability is viewed as a complex pro-

cess arising from the interaction of individual characteristics/

states and external conditions. Shultz and Holbrook (2009) high-

light the relevance of an approach that recognizes the systemic

nature of vulnerability, yet their model foregrounds individual

factors. In an intersectionality approach, analysis of consumer

vulnerability goes beyond consumers idiographic experiences

and the temporary or state-based nature of vulnerability (Baker,

Gentry, and Rittenburg 2005). As such, a more systemic and

group-based vulnerability is emphasized (Commuri and Ekici

2008). Moreover, intersectionality takes a broader approach and

considers the intertwined economic, social, cultural, and political

contexts in which individual and external conditions interact.

For example, in a health intervention program (REAL MEN)

designed to help young men leaving jail to adapt to community

life, researchers and healthcare professionals explored how

social constructions of masculinity, race, and class intersect

to create unequal life opportunities (Schulz, Freudenberg,

and Daniels 2006). As a result, the interventions designed

effectively addressed the life situations of the participants at

multiple levels. The participants were linked to high school,

GED, literacy, and job readiness programs, as well as local

substance abuse and physical and mental health programs in

their communities.

Methodology

Context of the Study

We explore the intersection of multiple identity categories of

the poor (e.g., employment, health status, housing) in a mobile

home park in the Southeast U.S. Mobile homes emerged as

low-cost opportunities for transient blue-collar workers and

veteran families to realize the American Dream of home own-

ership. However, since the 1960s, this form of housing has

largely been at the center of social stigmatization (Wallis

1991). As a housing form, mobile homes sometimes refer to

vacation homes preferred by the retirees and trailers used by

seasonal workers (Wallis 1991). The trailer park for this study

exemplifies the typical low-income marginalized mobile home

park community inhabited by people who struggle to make

ends meet.

Even though distinct in many ways, our trailer park commu-

nity bears some resemblance to traditional subsistence con-

texts. For example, all of our informants struggle to secure

their most basic needs such as food, healthcare, transportation,

and education (Viswanathan, Rosa, and Ruth 2010), some have

limited literacy skills (Viswanathan and Rosa 2007), and many

of them are physically and psychologically vulnerable.

The trailer park community is a particularly informative

context for exploring the overlapping disadvantages that

Saatcioglu and Corus 123


Table1.ComparisonofPovertyas

Multiple

Dep

rivationsandPovertythrough

IntersectionalityApproaches.

Dim

ension

ofComparison

TraditionalResearchonPovertyas

Multiple

Disadvantages

IntersectionalResearchonPoverty

asMultiple

Disadvantages

Goalofresearch

-Toincludepreviouslyoverlookedormarginalized

groups

-Toincludemultiplicativelyoppressed

groupsthatarefoundattheintersections

ofmultiple

catego

ries

Approachto

consumer

groupsandsocial

catego

ries

-Analysismostlywithingroup

sanalysisofethnicity

ornationality(e.g.,Ruthand

Hsiun

g20

07),socio-econo

micstatus

(e.g.,Hill19

91;HillandStephens

1997

),em

ploym

entandliteracyskills(e.g.,ViswanathanandRosa

2007

).

-Intracategorical(analyzingintersectingcatego

ries

within

asinglesocialgroup).

Consumer

research

that

revealsnuancesacross

thepoorsuch

asthe

homeless(H

ill1991),thewelfare

mothers(H

illandStep

hen

s1997),andthe

ruralpoor(Lee,Ozanne,

andHill1999)provideinsinuationsof

intracategoricalintersectionality.

-Intercategorical(analyzingintersectingcatego

ries

across

socialgroups).Fo

rex

ample,Hondagneu

-Sotelo

(2001)co

mpares

theex

periencesofLatino

domesticworkersto

African

American

domesticworkers.

Relationship

among

catego

ries

-Categories

aremostlyassumed

tobeindep

enden

tandtherelationship

among

catego

ries

isthoughtto

beadditive.

Often

,onecatego

ryisgivenprimacy

while

othersarethoughtto

beofseco

ndaryim

portance.

-Exem

plarstudies:gender

astheprimarycatego

rywhile

healthstatusandsocio-

economiclevelareseco

ndarycatego

ries

(Lee,Ozanne,

andHill1999);eth-

nicityas

themaincatego

rywhile

inco

me,

age,

andlanguageskillsaresec-

ondarycatego

ries

(Pen

aloza

1995).

-Categories

arealwaysassumed

tobeinterdep

enden

tandtherelationship

amongcatego

ries

ismultiplicative.

Categories

mattereq

ually.

-Exem

plarstudy:theinterrelated

nessofcatego

ries

ofrace,gen

der,andsocio-

economicstatusareex

ploredto

understandAfrican

American

women

smarginalization(C

renshaw

1991).

Approachto

vulnerability

-Vulnerability

asastatethat

canbetemporary

ortransien

t(Baker,G

entry,and

Rittenburg

2005).

-Vulnerability

asashared

communalex

perience

(Baker,Hunt,andRittenburg

(2007);

-Vulnerability

asclass-based

(CommuriandEkici2008).

-Multiple

waysofco

pingwithvulnerability

exist.

-Vulnerability

asstatus-based

andinstitutionalized

;certainm

ultiplicatively

oppressed

groupssuch

asAfrican

Americansandtheim

poverished

(Gopaldas

2013)aresystem

icallyvulnerable.

-Multiplewaysofco

pingwithvulnerability

existbutitisnecessary

tochallenge

power

relationshipsandinstitutionalized

dynam

ics.

Levelofanalysis

-Micro

(e.g.,individual,co

mmunal)andmacro

(i.e.,institutionalandstructural)

-Exem

plarstudies:both

micro

andmacro

levelofanalysiswithin

onestudy

(Sirgy,Lee,andYu2011);focusonindividualdynam

ics(H

illandKozup2007);

focusonstructuraldynam

ics(Viswanathan,Rosa,andRuth

2010).

-Micro

(e.g.,individual,communal)integrated

withmacro

(i.e.,institutionaland

structural)

-Schulz,Freu

den

berg,andDaniels(2006)discuss

theREALMEN

interven

tion,

whichdrawsfrom

analyses

ofhow

masculinity,race,andclassco

mbineto

create

uneq

ualopportunitiesforhealthcare.Theprogram

engages

participantsinacriticalex

aminationofhowdominantsocialco

nstructionsof

classandrace

aswellastheirownco

nstructionsofm

asculinityandhealthrisk

beh

aviors

affect

theirsituations.

Exam

inationoffactors

causingvulnerability

-Fo

regroundingindividual/consumer

characteristicsthat

cause

vulnerability

(Baker,Gen

try,andRittenburg

2005;ShultzandHolbrook2009)

-Fo

regroundingco

mmunalandstructuralaspects

ofvulnerability

(Baker,H

unt,

andRittenburg

2007;CommuriandEkici2008;Pen

aloza

1995)

-Integrationofstructural(e.g.,system

aticracism

,lim

ited

educational

opportunities),co

mmunal(e.g.,lack

ofsocialsupport

networks),and

individual(e.g.,family

disruptions,dep

ression)factors

causingvulnerability

(Schulz,Freu

den

berg,andDaniels2006)

Criticism

-Attimes,criticized

fortreatingsocialgroupsas

homogeneo

uswithsimilar

needsandex

pectations

-Attimes,criticized

forco

nsideringtoomanycatego

ries

within

onestudy

Note:Parts

ofthistable

wereadaptedfrom

andinspired

byHanco

ck(2007)andGopaldas

(2013).

124 at UNIV FEDERAL DA PARAIBA on August 17, 2014jmk.sagepub.comDownloaded from

marginalize the American working poor. In addition to

economic deprivation and poor health, most of our trailer park

residents face multiple degrading categorizations. For example,

while most people have sympathy for the poor, conservative

and even some liberal (meaning left-leaning in the U.S.) polit-

ical agendas are guided by negative stereotypes of the poor as

lazy, deviant, and irresponsible individuals. Additionally, low-

income mobile home communities are generally socially and

spatially segregated due to prevalent negative stereotypes

(trailer trash) and zoning regulations to preserve the neigh-

boring land value (MacTavish 2007).

Data Collection

We conducted 40 in-depth interviews with 24 mobile home

park residents (see Table 2). Interviews took place at the

informants homes and lasted between 1 to 1.5 hours. The

informants were offered $20 per interview for their participa-

tion. All interviews were recorded using a digital tape recorder

and transcribed by a professional transcriber. The interview

data were analyzed through a hermeneutical approach, which

allows for analytical categories and themes to emerge, evolve,

and expand (Thompson 1997). This evolving interpretation

proceeded through moving back and forth between the data and

the literature to identify themes, categories, and patterns within

and across informants narratives.

Findings

We present our findings in two sections. The first section is

macro oriented; it highlights the structural inequalities and

their converging effects on our informants. The second section

is an analysis of more micro level processes, focusing on social

interactions and resulting vulnerabilities.

Intersecting Structural Disadvantages

Structural inequalities are linked to institutional, systemic

factors that sustain marginalization of disadvantaged groups.

These inequalities often contribute to the perpetuation of

various disadvantages such as lack of employment, inadequate

healthcare, lack of affordable housing, and political disempo-

werment (Newman and Chen 2007; Shipler 2004).

Our informants cite several intersecting structural dynamics

that contribute to their marginalization. Here, the lived experi-

ences of poverty are invested with ideological meanings and

the resulting deprivations are perceived as the outcome of

structural failings (Newman and Chen 2007). We examine the

overlapping systemic inequalities within the healthcare, finan-

cial, and welfare systems.

Healthcare system. The systemic disparities between the healthcare received by the wealthy versus by the poor in the United

States have been documented in previous studies (Sirgy, Lee,

and Yu 2011). The poor are disadvantaged in the healthcare

system for many reasons, including lack of literacy skills and

social class standing (Newman and Chen 2007).

Poor health and lack of access to adequate healthcare is per-

haps one of the most significant disadvantages experienced by

the informants. Our findings highlight that the healthcare

inequality is even evident within the same social class of work-

ing poor. Furthermore, based on our informants account

below, the patterns of practice in the healthcare system can per-

petuate vulnerabilities, especially in the cases of patients with

deep financial constrains:

People without insurance are treated different . . .Lets say I went

in for cancer. Had to get a lump removed, thats what I went in for.

I have insurance; I pay all my co-pays and stuff, they take care of

me. Lets say my neighbor across the road here, he dont have

insurance. If he went to the doctor for the same lump that I have,

the doctor would say that its fine until it gets bigger . . . So he

wouldnt get the surgery whereas I did. Ive seen people die sitting

there waiting for the treatment because they cant afford it. (Matt)

Health-related disadvantages are perpetuated by other dis-

advantages such as economic deprivation, lack of employment,

and unjust treatment in the workplace. Irene discusses her

experience of a work-related physical injury. At her workplace,

she fell, passed out, and broke her shoulder. However, she was

denied workers compensation because she could not prove

whether her injury was related to her falling and passing out

or passing out first and then falling. Thus, she became disabled

and dependent on her daughter. Irene attributes her economic

and social vulnerability to the dynamics of the healthcare and

legal system and feels her hard work has not been reciprocated:

Ive been working public work since I was 14 and get turned

down for every program out there. Her vulnerability in one

domain becomes contingent upon and at times exacerbates her

vulnerability in another domain. She talks about her vicious cir-

cle of unemployment, resulting financial deprivation, and

dependency: she has injured her arm and lost her job as well

as her insurance. Hence, she cannot seek treatment [and there-

fore get a job], which concurrently leaves her out of the labor

market, health system, as well as the financial system.

Id be working now. I mean Ive had three people that would hire me

if I can get my arm fixed, but I cant get my arm fixed. Until I get the

arm fixed I cant work . . . I have no job, I have no income, I have no

insurance, I have nothing of value to sell. I live with my daughter to

have a place to stay and food to eat, you know, her and her husband

are giving me that until I can get my shoulder fixed. (Irene)

The interconnected nature of structural vulnerabilities also

resonates in Johns struggle with poor health and material

deprivation. He describes how multiple stakeholders within the

healthcare system (i.e., social security services, the insurance

company, his healthcare provider) started a dispute, while his

disability was advancing: They are just arguing now over who

is going to pay me and who is not. So, no one is focusing on my

problem to get it taken care of.



Table2.Inform

antCharacteristics.

Nam

eAge

HousingStatus

Present/PastEmploym

ent

EducationStatus

HealthStatus

Mary

40s

owner;lives

withhusband

unem

ployed;telemarketer,waitress

elem

entary

school,vo

cational

training

disabled,reco

vering

addict

Janice

40s

owner;single

nursingandco

ok;

unem

ployed

middle

school,vo

cationaltraining

reco

veredaddict

Amanda

40s

owner;single

truck

driver;telemarketer,cashier,go

vernmen

tjob

highschool,vo

cationaltraining

reco

veredaddict

Tina

50s

owner;single

unem

ployed;nursing

communityco

llege

disabled

Whitney

30s

renter,lives

withboyfrien

dandkids

unem

ployed(goingto

school);N/A

communityco

llege

healthy

Emily

50s

owner;lives

withpartner

unem

ployed,home-based

business;managed

convenience

store

highschool

disabled

Matt

30s

renter;lives

withwife

andkids

unem

ployed;manufacturing,nursing,private

detective

communityco

llege

disabled

Samantha

30s

renter;lives

withhusbandandkids

retailstore

manager;homem

aker

highschool,jobtraining

healthy

Iren

e50s

renter;lives

withdaughtersfamily

unem

ployed;dishwasher,foodservices

communityco

llege

disabled

Sharon

30s

renter;lives

withhusbandandtw

okids

homem

aker;custodialworker

highschool

healthy

John

40s

owner;lives

alone

disability;foodservices,store

managem

ent

communityco

llege

disabled

Jennifer

40s

renter;lives

withhusbandandfivekids

disability;foodservices,arts

andcrafts

business

middle

school

disabled

Nancy

30s

renter;lives

withpartner

andfourkids

secretary;merchandising,secretary

communityco

llege

healthy

Mike

60s

owner;lives

withpartner

disability;co

nstructionworker

elem

entary

school

disabled

Wanda

50s

owner;lives

withpartner

disability;has

never

worked

someelem

entary

school

disabled

Robert

80s

renter;lives

alone

disability;co

nstructionworker

middle

school

disabled

Melissa

20s

renter;lives

withkids

welfare

andfoodservices;dishwasher

somehighschool

healthy

Lucie

50s

renterto

owner;lives

withsons

housekeep

er,retail;housekeep

ermiddle

school

healthy

Emma

30s

partner

rents;lives

withpartner

waitress;foodservices,housekeep

er,babysitter

somehighschool

reco

veredaddict

Anita

40s

renter;lives

withher

twosons

unem

ployed;housekeep

er,public

services

somehighschool

reco

veringaddict

Deb

orah

40s

renter;lives

withpartner,her

son,andhisfamily

cashier;housekeep

erhighschool

healthy

Josh

40s

renter;lives

withpartner

unem

ployed;housekeep

erhighschool

healthy

Tim

50s

renter;lives

withwife

andson

unem

ployed;go

vernmen

tjob,custodialwork

middle

school,vo

cationaltraining

disabled

Velma

30s

renter;lives

withhusbandandson

foodservices;housekeep

erelem

entary

school,vo

cational

training

reco

veringaddict

126 at UNIV FEDERAL DA PARAIBA on August 17, 2014jmk.sagepub.comDownloaded from

Financial system. The financial system also plays a substantialrole in the marginalization of underprivileged individuals and

already disadvantaged communities. Predatory lending

practices target vulnerable groups such as the elderly, impover-

ished, and minorities (Hill and Kozup 2007). The lack of access

to financial services (e.g., credit and checking accounts) high-

lights the restricted choices available to the poor. Below, an

informant offers an account of how his lack of access to

resources perpetuates his financial deprivation.

Wedont have the luxuryof accountants thatwriteourbills for usorour

lawyers that take care of thingswhen theydont go right. So,wehave to

suffer with whatever the credit companies deliver upon us. (John)

Welfare system. Welfare programs operate based on demon-strable level of need, often with stringent eligibility criteria and

close monitoring of cheats in the system (Hill and Stephens

1997). Beneficiaries of the welfare system are often frustrated

with service providers and delays in receiving resources and

some exit social services prematurely (Shipler 2004). As a case

in point, Sharon explains how her family was denied govern-

ment assistance in the form of food stamps because her hus-

bands income was $1/hour above the qualification cutoff:

They make up their mind and they send you your letter and

you can appeal, but what are you going to appeal? A dollar

an hour? I mean are you going to appeal a dollar?

Hancock (2004) examines the public identities of welfare

beneficiaries from an intersectionality viewpoint and highlights

the categorization of social groups around large entities such as

class and ethnicity as well as unfair moral judgments ascribed

to groups that are the beneficiaries of welfare programs (e.g.,

welfare queens). These multiple identities and associated

stigmas serve as ideological justification for specific policy

agendas (e.g., Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunities

Act of 1996; Hancock 2004). The welfare regulation trend

toward the criminalization of poverty (Gustafson 2009)

entangles welfare dependence with criminality and these con-

verging labels are reflected in the interwoven welfare and crim-

inal justice systems. Our informants voice their perceptions of

the welfare system as degrading and dehumanizing:

They look at you like youre asking for their blood. . . .Like youre

a bum off the street regardless of whether youre a working per-

son . . .You know, you can tell when somebody looks at you with

disgust. (Irene)

In addition, the park residents complain about the difficulty of

navigating the welfare domain due to the perceived irrationality

and complexity of the process that varies from state to state. The

stringent welfare criteria make one informant feel like she is fac-

ing an irrational system that seems extremely difficult to navigate.

Its like, youve got a sheet of paper and you open it up and there

are questions on here. It would cover this table, questions, ques-

tions . . . In Colorado, when you went to try and get food stamps,

you didnt go to welfare. You went to the agriculture department.

They determined your eligibility and they didnt ask all these stu-

pid questions. What you owned outside of there, they didnt care

about . . . you know, you cant eat a car. (Deborah)

Coping with Structural Disadvantages

An intersectional perspective also helps explore multiple ways

of coping with inequalities. One common coping tactic found

in other traditional subsistence settings is to form and rely on

social networks (Weidner, Rosa, and Viswanathan 2010) and

microenterprises (Viswanathan, Rosa, and Ruth 2010). The

strong social ties in subsistence marketplaces in less-developed

countries provide a way of coping with structural disadvantages.

However, our informants resort to more micro-level and unorga-

nized coping tactics. For instance, Anita chooses to work the

system by sending her friends to different food banks in the

town to get around the rule that limits such visits to once a

month. Likewise, Emma engages in false compliance (Scott

1985) to manage her child support payments. After being forced

to give the custody of her children to her mother due to her past

drug addiction, Emma explains how she keeps them [the wel-

fare staff] quiet by acting like a compliant citizen.

I signed away my rights because I couldnt take care of my kids and

I dont feel I should have to pay to take care of kids that I signed

away my rights to. Plus, I give them money all the time and mom,

its not mom that wants the child support, its where she gets the

check from the state on the kids called TANF, so its the state that

issued me to pay child support, its not her, but I think thats not

fair . . . So, I paid like $20 a week [in child support]. But that equals

out to $100 a month when Im supposed to be paying $249. But it

keeps them quiet. (Emma)

Emma also attends community picnics organized by a

volunteer organization at the park to secure food for herself,

boyfriend, and her dog. Other informants who have not yet

engaged in similar acts of defiance think that cheating and

lying might be the only feasible ways to get their needs met.

As she expresses her anger towards the welfare system that

denied her compensation after a job-related injury, Irene

wishes she had lied.

I couldnt lie. I could have went in and lied to them, you know, lied

to the people at workmans comp hearing and said this is what

happened, and I could have gotten disability, but I didnt know

to lie. I was telling the truth. I thought if you told the truth, you

know, good things are supposed to happen. Its better to lie . . . this

country evidently runs on lies. Four dollars a gallon for a gallon of

gas? How is a regular person going to live in this country without

lying about everything? (Irene)

Irenes excerpt above nicely articulates the interconnected

nature of disadvantages (i.e., financial deprivation, poor health,

unjust treatment within the welfare system). At a more ideolo-

gical level, the desire for fairer and more comprehensive public



policies is expressed by Matt who criticizes the government for

rebuilding other countries at the expense of taking care of

American people. Offering macro level solutions, Matt

articulates:

Were not responsible for every life on this earth, but we are

responsible for the lives in this country and feed the children.

Weve got kids in this country that are under nourished, that are

misfed, and you go to apply for assistance, and you make too much

money because you make $6.00 an hour and youve got seven peo-

ple in your family. You dont qualify for anything. It should be a

program in this country to help every person here before we go

somewhere else and help somebody else . . . (Matt)

Our informants rely on what we term as linguistic tricks

(e.g., sarcasm, irony, cynicism). These individual tactics act as

everyday forms of resistance or weapons of the weak (Scott

1985) that help subsistence consumers preserve their dignity

within a system perceived as messed up. For example, Irene

becomes sarcastic when she interacts with the bill collector.

So, the bill collector called today and wanted to know, well, didnt

I have somewhere else I could get money from? You know, will

you loan me the money to pay my bills? Thats what I asked him.

I dont have money, my friends are not rich people . . . I aint bor-

rowing no money. I just say, look, we can handle it one of two

ways. You can either quit harassing me until I get back to work and

get you paid or you can call my other bill collectors and you all can

start calling each other and start paying each other. (Irene)

Although these linguistic tricks do not have the impact of

organized forms of resistance (e.g., protests, strikes), they have

a therapeutic function when the informants feel hopeless. This

is in line with the notion that while subsistence consumers lack

economic and material resources, they rely on a rich repertoire

of emotional coping strategies (Viswanathan and Rosa 2007).

Intersecting Relational Disadvantages

Here, we examine the vulnerabilities of our informants at a

micro level, focusing on the dynamics of social interactions. Our

informants experience social stigmatization within multiple

domains and some cope with it through drinking and substance

abuse. As a case in point, one informant explains how her addic-

tion was fueled by the stigma of being poor, while poignantly,

becoming her primary mechanism for coping with poverty.

Its hard to be poor and its [referring to her drug abuse] just a way

of dealing with it, you know, so you dont have to think about it and

think about what other people think and, you know, how people

perceive you because if youre high you really dont care. (Velma)

Another common social stigma experienced by our infor-

mants is related to their substandard housing. Spatially segre-

gated to the outskirts of towns, trailer homes are generally

perceived as challenge to the American housing standards and

aesthetics norms (Wallis 1991). As Emily states: people look

down upon you because its a trailer. Lots of people they are

ashamed to say that they live in this park because people, you

know, they look down upon you when you do. Our informants

discuss degrading labels used to refer to people who live in trai-

ler parks, as Anita says, They call us trailer trash, didnt you

know? However, most of our informants do not seem to be

bothered with this degrading portrayal of trailer homes; they

cite affordability as the main reason for living in the park. Here,

the intersecting nature of poverty related disadvantages is once

again highlighted by our informants who point to the lack of

affordable housing as a structural problem while they also

experience the social stigma of living in a trailer park: you

cant afford to live in this country if you dont have something

like this [referring to her trailer home] (Irene).

Other intersecting social stigmas include negative social

stereotyping such as disparaging the poors intellectual cap-

abilities, suspecting their morality, and discounting possibili-

ties of upward mobility: Automatically when you talk about

a trailer park, people think about poor people, trashy people,

drugs, crime, this and that, says Tim.

Stigmatization of the trailer park community interacts with

other forms of marginalization. For instance, racial and social

class stigmatizations intersect in shaping teacher-student inter-

actions. Morris (2005) demonstrates the ways in which teachers

connect parents reliance on public assistance and living condi-

tion (i.e., cheaper forms of living such as trailer park or low

income housing projects) to students lack of motivation. Simi-

larly, our informant Samantha explains how her children are

treated differently by teachers and school representatives:

some of the kids who dont come from a wealthy family get

treated a lot different than the kids who do come from money.

Likewise, Sharon describes the discriminatory treatment her

son receives at school.

They had one professors child . . . and he would act up all day long

in the class. Now when James [her son] gets in trouble in school,

the minute he does something they call home. James is not doing

this; hes not doing that, whatever. This little boy [referring to the

professors child], they took him downtown and bought him ice

cream because he would not behave in school. (Sharon)

The social disadvantages experienced within the educational

domain also affect some of our adult informants and perpetuate

other disadvantages. For instance, Wanda, who is now in her

50s, started school at a relatively older age yet quit at third grade

when she was 17 years-old because she was picked on by the

kids at the school . . . and the principal told [her] to go buyme a bunch of books and read and quit school. Here, the neg-

ative social stigmatization exacerbates other deprivations such as

lack of education, low literacy, and lack of a steady employment

that might have been achieved through schooling.

Coping with Relational Disadvantages

Our informants exercise critical thinking and offer an inte-

grated account of how social spheres are indeed interrelated.

128 Journal of Macromarketing 34(2)


The perceived lack of accountability and responsibility in many

social domains is emphasized by Irene who tries to make sense

of the disadvantaged treatment her grandchildren receive at

school:

Instead of correcting that child [referring to the professors child

mentioned above], they took him downtown and bought him ice

cream so he would behave. You dont reward one and correct the

others. If youre going to make a rule, its got to apply to everybody

or nobody . . .Nobody accepts responsibility, nobody is accounta-

ble for what they do or dont do. And then you wonder why there

are trailer parks. (Irene)

A few informants are trying to get out of the park to secure

more desirable housing. Engaging in home-based entrepre-

neurial activities is a way to gain fiscal agency in order to

achieve this goal. For instance, Sharon makes photo albums

and recipe cookbooks to sell to her friends and acquaintances.

Emily makes and sells pocketbooks and helps people with

their paperwork on their taxes and small businesses. However,

these entrepreneurial activities do not turn into the communal

micro-enterprises as in traditional subsistence contexts such

as India (Viswanathan, Sridharan, Ritchie 2010), Latin Amer-

ica, and China (Weidner, Rosa, and Viswanathan 2010).

Structural and cultural reasons might help explain this dissim-

ilarity. In traditional subsistence markets, small business

entrepreneurship often emerges out of necessity to earn the

income for dire needs of sustenance and shelter. Local tradi-

tions put women at a disadvantage securing jobs in factories

or finding other job opportunities. As a result, the majority

of these entrepreneurs are women who are burdened with the

responsibility to maintain their families while possibly getting

minimal to no support from their husbands (Viswanathan

2011; Viswanathan, Gajendiran and Venkatesan 2008). Lack

of coordinated communal participation in the marketing sys-

tem could be a discouraging factor for trailer park residents.

The trailer park community is very heterogeneous in nature.

Even though all of our informants are low-income, they have

different conceptions of poverty and distinct needs. While

their disadvantages are interconnected, the perceived impor-

tance of these disadvantages differ. Some informants priori-

tize their financial and material needs, yet others are more

concerned about the social stigmatization they experience in

the marketplace. Finally, there are clear moral boundaries

among the community members. With the exception of a few

informants, these individuals do not socialize with their

neighbors and look down upon them because they believe

they are morally superior than those noisy, gossipy people,

drug dealers, and junkies. As such, park residents do not

share a communal spirit that might help them form social

networks and turn their home-based businesses into organized

communal endeavors.

As they perceive their chances of getting out of the park is

not very high, most of our informants feel like they are stuck

and manage the social stigma of living in a trailer park through

upward social comparison (Miller and Kaiser 2001).

A lot of people that are living in $200,000 homes are starting to

look at places like this to live because they are losing their home.

I watch the news everyday. I watch it at two thirty in the morning,

I watch it at seven oclock at night, and its the same thing, people

are losing their homes everyday. (Velma)

Other times, upward social comparison is used to cope with

the stigma attached to trailer parks as social zones used for

illegal activities. While acknowledging the community prob-

lems, our informants highlight the similarities between the park

and rich neighborhoods.

. . . it does draw people that are troubled . . . they steal things, but as

you read in the paper everyday youve got movie stars that didnt

pay their taxes so whats the difference? You know, crime is a

crime . . .Theres drug dealers all throughout the town. They are

in every apartment complex . . .They want to identify the trailer

park as trailer park trash, that we keep nothing but drug dealers and

lowlifes in here. Thats not necessarily so. You can go right across

through all of these fancy apartments over here. They are just more

sophisticated, thats all. (John)

Discussion

Consumer researchers have long investigated multiple disad-

vantages that affect poor consumers, including low literacy

(Viswanathan and Rosa 2007), ethnicity (Penaloza 1995), gen-

der and health status (Lee, Ozanne, and Hill 1999), and race

(Crockett and Wallendorf 2004). Even though much evidence

exists on the multiplicative disadvantages facing the poor,

research that particularly focuses on the interplay of identity

categories and communal/structural forces is still scant. Mar-

keting researchers increasingly call for work designed to ana-

lyze multiple categories of difference and to shed light unto

how oppression on one dimension is shaped by oppression on

other dimensions (Crockett et al. 2011; Gopaldas 2013; Ozanne

and Fischer 2012).

Our research contributes to this discussion by adopting an

intersectionality perspective within a low-income neighbor-

hood that shares some similarities with subsistence settings.

We investigate the intersection of various identity categories

such as socio-economic status, education level, health, employ-

ment, and geographical setting in a rural mobile home park in

the U.S. In addition, we explore the intersection of these

categories vis-a`-vis relational and structural mechanisms (e.g.,

welfare system, healthcare, educational field, and workplace).

Implications for Research on Poverty and SubsistenceMarketplaces

On one hand, the trailer park community is similar to tradi-

tional subsistence contexts: both types of settings are marked

by extreme financial deprivation, psycho-social vulnerabilities,

and social stigmatization. Yet, our findings reveal the heteroge-

neous nature of this neighborhood: distinct perceptions of pov-

erty along with moral and social boundaries that exist among



the residents present barriers to a shared communal spirit. As

such, this community is different from the densely networked

social communities (Viswanathan, Rosa, and Ruth 2010)

where subsistence consumers turn their small-scale, home-

based businesses into communal microenterprises and partici-

pate in the marketing system (Layton 2007).

The macro context in which the trailer park is located clearly

diverges from traditional subsistence contexts as 1-to-1 inter-

actional marketplaces (Viswanathan, Sridharan, and Ritchie

2010). Unlike consumers in traditional subsistence market-

places where many consumers are indeed microenterprise

operators (Viswanathan, Rosa, and Ruth 2010), our trailer

park residents do not live in the context of an informal micro-

enterprise economy. Moreover, the financial and healthcare

systems are becoming ever more demanding in terms of

consumer knowledge, skills and involvement in an advanced

economy like the U.S. (Viswanathan 2011). Accordingly, we

show that it becomes particularly challenging for the margina-

lized to navigate these systems that are based on the assumption

that it is the consumers responsibility to take care of their own

medical and financial well-being.

Lastly, we find multiple perceptions of vulnerability even

within a geographically bounded community of a trailer park.

Lakeside community has preexisting characteristics and

conditions (e.g., substandard housing, social stigmatization,

poor health, low income) that affect the type and level of vul-

nerability experienced as a social group. Like Baker, Hunt, and

Rittenburgs (2007) work within a community after a natural

disaster, our study reveals multiple collective forms of vulner-

ability. We propose an expansion of this collective understand-

ing of vulnerability by investigating communal characteristics

vis-a`-vis structural mechanisms.

Future research might benefit from further investigation of

the subjective and local nuances within subsistence markets

(Weidner, Rosa, and Viswanathan 2010). Intersectionality can

offer valuable guidance into the nuances across subgroups

(e.g., different groups within the same social class or ethnicity).

Implications of Intersectionality for Macromarketing andPublic Policy

Macromarketers call for contributions that help guide the cre-

ation of an environment that nurtures fair exchanges for all

(Kotler, Roberto, and Leisner 2006). A fundamental obstacle

in the way of a fair system is the inequitable distribution of

resources and lack of access to fundamental needs such as

healthcare and housing. In order to evaluate justice (or lack

thereof), it is necessary to investigate multiple structural

dimensions and social relational patterns that shape power and

resource distribution.

Exploring multiple experiences of marginalization through

an intersectional lens is particularly helpful from a macromar-

keting perspective as this approach is relevant to quality-of-life

and distributive justice issues (Hill 2005; Layton and Grossbart

2006). We point at the need for just and fair public policies and

intervention programs in order to alleviate the burden of

intersecting structural vulnerabilities. Many social policy

oriented practices overlook the intersecting nature of margina-

lization. For instance, within the United Nations system, dis-

crete mechanisms are developed for addressing gender and

race discrimination separately, such as the Conventions on the

Elimination of all Forms of Racial Discrimination and all

Forms of Discrimination Against Women (UNTC, 2013).

At the policy level, categorical boundaries are often rigid

and consistently enforced in the larger systems (e.g., welfare,

financial), reinforcing an Oppression Olympics (Gopaldas

2013). This results in social groups competing for the title of

the most oppressed and the accompanying support and ben-

efits. Researchers as well as policy makers should recognize

that the traditionally used categorizations of social groups

(e.g., class, income, health) are hardly separate entities operat-

ing independently of one another. Instead of assuming clear-cut

boundaries of oppression and supporting one single group (e.g.,

marginally poor, women), policy makers and advocacy groups

should identify their common target groups and collaborate for

their well-being (e.g., identifying the needs of marginally poor

women).

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to

the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for

the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: ACR/Sheth

Foundation Dissertation Grant Award (winner in the second place in

public purpose category), 2008; AMA Marketing and Society Disser-

tation Award, 2009.

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Author Biographies

Bige Saatcioglu is Assistant Professor of Marketing at Ozyegin Uni-

versity, Istanbul, Turkey. Her research interests include theoretical

and methodological issues in transformative, critical, and interpretive

paradigms and consumer culture theory. She has published in

Advances in International Management, Journal of International

Business Studies, Journal of Consumer Research, and Journal of

Public Policy & Marketing.

Canan Corus is Assistant Professor of Marketing at Lubin School of

Business, Pace University, New York. Her research focuses on

consumer psychology, consumer health, and vulnerable consumer

populations. She has published in academic journals such as Journal

of Business Research, Journal of Marketing Research, Journal of

Applied Social Psychology, Journal of Consumer Affairs, and Journal

of Public Policy & Marketing.



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