Playing to win: an explorative study of marketing strategies of small ethnic retail entrepreneurs in...

Journal of Retailing and Consumer Services 12 (2005) 1–13

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doi:10.1016/j.jre

Playing to win: an explorative study of marketing strategies of smallethnic retail entrepreneurs in the UK

Ahmad Jamal*

Cardiff Business School, Aberconway Building, Column Drive, Cardiff CF10 3EU, UK

Abstract

The paper is based on an explorative study of small ethnic retail entrepreneurs and their target consumers in the UK. The paper

argues that the ethnic entrepreneurs engage in a number of marketing practices that reveal their competency, innovation and

networking abilities to successfully compete in a competitive context. In doing so, the paper highlights the ambivalent nature of

marketing practices followed by ethnic entrepreneurs revealing their role as bicultural mediators seeking to facilitate negotiations of

multiple identities by their multi-ethnic consumers. The paper discusses implications for marketers of mainstream brands who are

interested in targeting ethnic minority consumers.

r 2004 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

Keywords: Ethnic entrepreneurship; SME marketing; Ethnic entrepreneurs; Marketing to ethnic minorities; Marketing strategy

1. Introduction

The 20th century has witnessed an ever-increasinginterdependence and integration throughout the world,giving rise to a florescence of social changes at local,regional, and international levels (Costa and Bamossy,1995; Penaloza and Gilly, 1999). This, according tosome scholars, has led to a market place that ischaracterised by market integration as well as persistentethnic differentiation due to ethnic, racial, religious andnational interests (Penaloza and Gilly, 1999; Rossiterand Chan, 1998). For instance, there is much discussionin the UK today about the costs and benefits ofimmigration and about public attitudes towards immi-gration. Cultural diversity sometimes generates conflictas different unwritten rules of social conduct can resultin friction due to communication problems or ineffi-ciencies caused by the lack of fit among differingcultures (Gentry et al., 1995). Examples of somestronger ethnic conflict include the Bradford riots of1990s and the Burnley, Bradford and Oldham riots ofsummer 2001 in the UK, the Los Angeles riots of theearly 1990s in the USA (Hunt, 1996; Min, 1996), and theimmigrant versus resident clashes that took place in late1990s in Western Europe (Drozdiak, 1997). However, as

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front matter r 2004 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

tconser.2004.01.001

Penaloza and Gilly (1999) argued, ethnicity provides apowerful basis for the identity and community of itsmembers. Furthermore, cultural diversity offers benefitsto society in terms of stimulating the imagination, thearts and cultural growth. Increasing diversity in the UKis already affecting and shaping many institutions (e.g.,the educational institutions have to cope with a multi-cultural student body and staff) and culinary habits(e.g., assimilation of a variety of ethnic foods intoBritish cuisine). Cultural diversity affects businesses aswell by opening new domestic markets for a wide varietyof goods and services, by creating new challenges inmanaging a diverse workforce and effectively seekingdiverse consumers and by providing domestic firms aspecial edge in competing in the global marketplace(Doka, 1996; Wilkinson and Cheng, 1999). Increasinglymarketing academics such as Barber (1996) are inter-ested in the ways cultural and market forces unite anddivide people. According to Penaloza and Gilly, 1999,‘the market separates people by distinguishing them onthe basis of their socio-demographic characteristics andother consumption patterns. It unifies them by assem-bling people with similar characteristics, ideas, andbehaviours; providing products, services, media, andsocial spaces that reinforce cultural identities; andpromoting the consumption of cultural market artefacts’(p. 84). Similarly, while discussing the role of differentsubcultures in a country’s economic development,

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1 Other prominent groups include Irish, Poles, Central European

Jews, Cypriots, Turks, Kosovons, and Albanians.

A. Jamal / Journal of Retailing and Consumer Services 12 (2005) 1–132

Gentry et al. (1995) argued that cooperation acrosssubcultures of consumers and between cultures andbusinesses was crucial for the economic development.They cited the examples of developing nation states suchas Malaysia and Singapore with significant culturaldiversity that actively promote ‘unity’ to the Malay,Chinese and Tamil subcultures. And as Doka (1996)argued, the ability of companies to transcend culturaldifferences in a culturally diverse market place is criticalto maintain not only profits but also social unity.Therefore, the challenge for marketers in such a contextis to promote harmony and consistency by improvingco-operation between marketers and consumers ofdifferent ethnic backgrounds (Gentry et al., 1995).

The purpose of this research is to explore themarketing strategies of small retail enterprises ownedand operated by members of the ethnic minoritycommunity (hereby termed as ethnic entrepreneurs)who have grown in significant numbers during the last20 years in the UK (see for instance, Iyer and Shapiro,1999; Marlow, 1992; Ram, 1994). This is done with aview to contribute towards theory development byfurthering substantive understandings of interculturalmarket dynamics, knowledge generation and futureresearch among ethnic minority consumers. All theindications are that the main beneficiary of this knowl-edge is likely to be the marketers of mainstream brandsin the sense that it is they who may find findings of thisresearch interesting and a starting point to develop andimplement ethnic marketing programmes aimed atethnic minority consumers who are growing in sizeand have an increased purchasing power accompaniedby heightened political and cultural awareness andethnic pride (Cui, 1997; Penaloza and Gilly, 1999).The author’s many years of experience of dealing withethnic markets suggests that as the market for ethnicproducts grows and proves stable and profitable it isgoing to attract corporate competitors. In the USA,many of the major retailers, grocers, banks and otherservice providers have already adopted their marketingmix strategies to target ethnic minority consumersleading to an increase in competition for the ethnicentrepreneurs (Edwards, 1994; Gore, 1998; Holliday,1993; Mummert, 1995). Mainstream marketers inEurope (although hesitant so far) are unlikely to remainignorant of the impact of rising cultural diversity in themarketplace on their marketing programmes (Clegg,1996; Burton, 2000; Nwankwo and Lindridge, 1998).Rather they are likely to adapt their marketing strategiesto increasingly diverse consumers. In response, ethnicentrepreneurs are likely to expand to serve the needs ofmainstream clientele as their products become recog-nised and assimilated into the larger population.

This research applies an emerging theory buildingapproach (Geertz, 1973; Glaser and Strauss, 1967;Spiggle, 1994) as a way of identifying and exploring

the marketing mix strategies and their contributionstowards the positioning of marketers and consumers intraversing multiple cultural spheres (Penaloza and Gilly,1999). The research presents empirical data from aqualitative research employing observations, in-depthinterviews and focus group sessions to support thetheoretical framework. The research makes four im-portant contributions to the literature of ethnic en-trepreneurship and marketing to ethnic minorities: (1)The research provides empirical evidence to demon-strate the ways in which small ethnic entrepreneursapply principles and concepts of marketing to developcustomer patronage and maintain competitive advan-tage in an increasingly competitive market; (2) theresearch, while highlighting various dimensions of theirmarketing practices, provides empirical evidence whichsuggests that ethnic entrepreneurs act as biculturalmediators seeking to facilitate the construction andmaintenance of identities by their consumers. In doingso the paper highlights the ambivalent nature of theirmarketing practices; (3) the research outlines clearimplications for marketers of mainstream brands inter-ested in targeting ethnic minority consumers; (4) sincemost of the existing literature is North American inorigin and application, the research also contributes bypresenting empirical evidence collected in a Europeancontext. The remainder of this paper is organised in foursections. The first section discusses the conceptualbackground, which is followed by a section describingthe research method. The third section presents some ofthe findings while the final section contains a discussionof the findings together with conclusions and implica-tions for marketers.

2. Conceptual background

2.1. Growth and characteristic features of ethnic

enterprises

Since the late 1970s, demand for ethnic products hasbeen steadily growing. This is because there has been anincrease in the ethnic minority population in the UK,where major ethnic minority groups include SouthAsians (Indians, Pakistanis and Bangladeshis), Chineseand Black-Caribbean1. Irrespective of the country oforigin, the ethnic minority community (as a whole) hasbeen the fastest growing segment of the total populationin the UK (Clegg, 1996, Suzman, 1996). This hasprovided good entrepreneurial opportunities as well ascompetitive advantages to those who know and sharespecific needs of ethnic minority consumers to move intoniche areas that require low economies of scales, have

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low or unstable market demand and are ignored by massmarketing retail organisations (Aldrich and Waldinger,1990; Barrett et al., 1996; Iyer and Shapiro, 1999; Ram,1994). In addition to this, the well-known ethnic enclavetheory postulates that residential segregation of ethnicminorities in certain urban areas provides a competitiveadvantage to ethnic minority enterprises as they are ableto serve the unique needs of their co-ethnic clients whilefacing little competition from firms of the prevailingculture (see, for example, Iyer and Shapiro, 1999; Ram,1994; Waldinger et al., 1990). A review of the literaturesuggests that the ethnic enterprises are generally ownedand managed by members of a single family (normallyan extended one) leading to higher levels of self-employment within the ethnic minority community (Iyerand Shapiro, 1999; Khan, 1988; Kotkin, 1992; Robin-son, 1988; Waldinger et al., 1990). For the sake of thisstudy, the entrepreneurs/owners/managers of the ethnicminority enterprises are all labelled as ethnic entrepre-neurs. Previous literature also suggests that the ethnicentrepreneurs make use of extensive networks ofidentity, family, community and class resources thatfacilitate their acquisition of business information, entryand operations. They generally have preferential accessto limited, low cost funding from family sources, and usecommunity networks to find cheap labour. They alsomaintain both business and kinship relations with othersin the culture of origin and destination and contribute toFDI transmissions, international trade, and economicdevelopment (Iyer and Shapiro, 1999). The ethnicentrepreneurs are generally described by the literatureas ‘sojourners’ who are willing to work harder, savemoney, spend less by living frugally and enter business,especially in distribution channels. This sojournerbehaviour backed by deferred gratification is the criticalsuccess factor for surviving and flourishing in the mostcompetitive and labour intensive sectors of the economysuch as food retailing and clothing manufacturing(Barrett et al., 1996; Iyer and Shapiro, 1999).

2.2. Ethnic enterprises and marketing

Despite describing the characteristic features of ethnicminority enterprises and their entrepreneurs, the overallmarketing literature has paid very little attention to themarketing strategies adopted by the ethnic minorityenterprises. Since the ethnic minority enterprises arenormally small businesses and as such fall within thecategory of the small- and medium-sized enterprise(SME)2 sector of the economy, scholarly work that hasexplored the marketing/entrepreneurship interface ap-pears to be applicable to the current discussion ofmarketing practices of ethnic entrepreneurs (Carsonet al., 1995; Carson and Gilmore, 2000; Hills and La

2 Companies with 500 or fewer employees.

Forge, 1992; Stokes, 2000). For instance, according toCarson and Gilmore (2000) the nature of SME market-ing is such that it is influenced by the inherentcharacteristics of the SME entrepreneur and the SMEenterprise itself. In other words, the way an SMEentrepreneur takes decisions coupled with the limita-tions of the SME enterprise determines the nature ofSME marketing. While exploring the SME marketing/entrepreneurship interface, Carson and Gilmore (2000)went on to identify four important dimensions of SMEmarketing. The first one included the use of competency,which was the use of inherent and learned skills by theSME entrepreneur to do marketing. At the heart of thiscompetency was the notion of experiential learning thatinvolved experience and knowledge of doing business,an ability to communicate to and with all parties and atimely judgement to make effective decisions. Thesecond dimension included networking, which was aprocess of developing one-to-one interactions with a fewor variety of individuals. Networking, however, was saidto be a haphazard, disjointed and opportunistic processthat was part of everyday business activity and that wascarried out consciously or unconsciously, proactively orpassively to develop relationships and communicationswith consumers. The third one included innovation thatdemanded that the SME entrepreneurs were able tointroduce innovations in the whole spectrum of market-ing activities. All of the three dimensions, according toCarson and Gilmore (2000) contributed towards thefourth dimension—i.e. the context that required adapta-tion of marketing tools and techniques to suit the uniquecontext and characteristics of each SME (see also,Carson et al., 1995; Hills and La Forge, 1992; Stokes,2000).

However, in the context of ethnic entrepreneurs, Iyerand Shapiro (1999) conceptualised networks of smallethnic minority enterprises as distinct marketing systemswithin the economy while studying the ethnic entrepre-neurs (Chinese, Korean, South Asian and Jewish) in alarge Eastern US city. If any marketing system was to becharacterised by fundamental features of actors, pro-cesses, structures, and functions, then Iyer and Shapiro(1999) argued, that the ethnic minority enterprisesdiffered sharply on these features from their mainstreamcounterparts. For instance, Iyer and Shapiro (1999)found that the strategy of the ethnic entrepreneurs(actors) was to take an active interest in identityrelations in business and social life as the ethnic identitypervaded much of the social and business fabric of theethnic minority community. In terms of processes, Iyerand Shapiro (1999) found that the ethnic entrepreneursrelied on surrogate modes of venture capital generationand ethnic supply sources to achieve strong horizontalco-operation among businesses that reflected ethniccohesion, community solidarity and informal network-ing. They competed on the basis of lowering prices,

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3 A consumer is expected to build self-identity on the basis of

combining heterogeneous elements in a ‘do-it-yourself’ manner.

Bouchet (1995) called this, from the French, bricolage.

A. Jamal / Journal of Retailing and Consumer Services 12 (2005) 1–134

building long time relationships with consumers and bykeeping the turnover high. In terms of the structure, Iyerand Shapiro (1999) found that the ethnic entrepreneursbased their decisions relating to business entry andbusiness location on the basis of their prior experience ofthe community. They employed co-ethnic employees topromote prosperity and collective values within thecommunity. They often horizontally expanded into newgeographic locations to achieve higher status and highermargins. Iyer and Shapiro (1999) also found that theethnic entrepreneurs made important functional con-tributions to the overall economy by providing low-priced and better-valued products and services. Theycontributed to fuelling entrepreneurial ambition andactivity within the economy by extending a helping handto fellow ethnic members in terms of offering trainingand knowledge resources. While the conceptual frame-work proposed by Iyer and Shapiro (1999) appears to bea good starting point, there remains a need to explorethe exact nature and types of dimensions of marketingas practised and adopted by ethnic entrepreneurs in amulti-ethnic context such as that of the UK.

2.3. The ongoing interactions between ethnic

entrepreneurs and their consumers

In a recent work, Dyer and Ross (2000) specificallylooked into the ongoing relationship between blackentrepreneurs and their co-ethnic consumers in a largeCanadian city. Their findings highlighted the coinciden-tal roles played by their respondents: one that ofbusiness owner whose main concern was profitabilityand survival and the other that of fellow ethnic whosemain concern was ethnic allegiance and cohesion.Sometimes the roles coincided and affective ties werecombined with business practices leading to sharing ofexpectations and development of loyal relationships tothe benefit of both the entrepreneur and the customer.However, there were times when conflict between thetwo roles emerged as expectations were not shared andthe entrepreneurs held their business stance while theconsumers appealed to ethnic bonds. Ethnicity in such acontext acted as a symbol whereby, on the one hand, theethnic enterprise was viewed as a source of pride for theethnic entrepreneur, the co-ethnic consumers and theentire co-ethnic community. However, on the otherhand, the ethnic enterprise also acted as a symbol ofentrapment (e.g., feelings of being stuck within theethnic community) and a rejection from the prevailingculture. This, on the one hand, made people feel proudabout the ethnic enterprise but, on the other hand, alsomade them distance themselves from the ethnic en-terprise (Dyer and Ross, 2000). Others have noted asimilar pattern of ambivalent relationship between theethnic entrepreneurs and their co-ethnic consumers(Davis and Tagiuri, 1994; Jamal and Chapman, 2000).

However, the ethnic diversity in the contemporarymarketplace dictates that most of the individual markettransactions take place between entrepreneurs andconsumers who come from different ethnic backgroundsand who are positioned into multiple and traversingcultural spheres (Penaloza and Gilly, 1999). In such acontext, the clientele of most of the ethnic minorityenterprises is likely to be multi-ethnic and as such ethnicentrepreneurs are likely to incorporate the needs of avariety of customer groups while developing andimplementing their specific marketing programmes andpractices. Furthermore, the context of the contemporarymarketplace dictates that the ethnic entrepreneurs arelikely to be confronted with issues that are related to theway consumers continuously identify and re-identifythemselves and the way marketers identify the market(Barber, 1996; Bouchet, 1995). For instance, Bouchet(1995) recently argued that ethnicity in contemporarymarket context could be viewed as a bricolage3 wherebya consumer builds his or her self-identity on the basis ofheterogeneous elements taken from a diversity ofcultural representations and practices (see also, Jamal,2003; Oswald, 1999). In such a context, ethnic entrepre-neurs are likely to act as bicultural brokers andintermediaries whose function is to facilitate self-identification and re-identifications through the provi-sion of a heterogeneous product range originating froma diversity of cultural backgrounds (see, for instance,Elliot, 1999; Featherstone, 1991; Oswald, 1999; Otneset al., 1997). For instance, in a major multidisciplinarystudy of multi-ethnic entrepreneurs (Latinos, non-Latinos, Asians, Middle Easterners) in the USA,Penaloza and Gilly (1999) found that the entrepreneursacted as bicultural mediators who accommodated theirconsumers and worked to change consumption patternsof their consumers to bring them in line with their ownethnic as well as mainstream US consumer cultures. Thepaper seeks to contribute towards the existing literatureby presenting empirical evidence about the marketingpractices of ethnic entrepreneurs and their impact on thelives of their target consumers in the UK. This is doneby raising questions such as within the small retailbusiness sector; first, ‘‘what are the dimensions ofmarketing followed by the ethnic minority retailenterprises?’’; second, ‘‘what is the specific nature ofmarketing mix activities related to products, price,promotion and customer services within the ethnicminority retail enterprises?’’, third, ‘‘who are their targetconsumers and how well do they serve the needs of theirtarget consumers?’’, and finally, ‘‘what are the implica-tions for marketing and retailing managers?’’. Answersto these questions should be of help for theory


development in the area of multicultural marketing andfor carrying out further research among ethnic minorityconsumers. Furthermore, answers to these questionsshould also provide useful insights to the marketers andretailers operating not only in the UK but also in anymulticultural marketplace. This is because increase incultural diversity is a global phenomenon whereby it iscritical for the local as well as the multinational firms tounderstand diverse consumers who may exhibit uniquepatterns in many lifestyle and consumption relatedbehaviours. Therefore, certain parallels could be drawnbetween the UK and any society or marketplace thatmight have experienced an increase in cultural diversitydue to immigration, international labour and capitalmigration, tourism and trade. What follows is a briefdescription of the methodology adopted by the currentstudy to answer these research questions.

3. Method

To explore the research questions, an empirical studyof ethnic minority retail enterprises and their consumerswas conducted in two major metropolitan cities of theUK (Cardiff and London). Three different ethnicgroups (Chinese, Pakistanis and Bangladeshis) werechosen due to their history of entrepreneurial success inthe UK. The sectors sampled (grocery stores, cornershops, supermarkets and restaurants) had a history ofethnic minority participation. The sample size consistedof a total of 19 ethnic entrepreneurs/managers out ofwhich 18 were founder owners of their businesseswhereas 1 was a manager. There were 17 male andtwo female ethnic entrepreneurs/managers. The break-down in terms of ethnicity for ethnic entrepreneurs/managers was 10 Chinese, 5 Pakistanis, and fourBangladeshis. All of the ethnic entrepreneurs/managerswere bilingual and their business experience ranged from2 to 33 years. In order to explore the impact that themarketing practices of ethnic entrepreneurs had onconsumers, the sample also consisted of 35 ethnicminority consumers. Out of this, 20 of them originatedfrom China (12 males and eight females with agesbetween 19 and 55) and 15 from Bangladesh (13 malesand two females with ages between 26 and 55). Out ofthe 20 participating consumers originating from China,eight were born and raised in the UK; the average lengthof stay for the rest was from 2 to 20 years. In the case ofparticipating consumers originating from Bangladesh,four were born and raised in the UK whereas theaverage length of stay for the rest was from 3 to 35years. Since the author had already explored the impactof marketing practices of ethnic entrepreneurs onPakistani consumers in a prior study (Jamal, 2003),Pakistani consumers were not included in this study.However, the perspectives gained from prior study

(Jamal, 2003) informed the interpretation and analysisof data for the current study. Given the exploratorynature of the study, time constraints and languagebarriers (see, for instance, Sills and Desai, 1996), thestudy involved the use of two postgraduate students(one each from China and Bangladesh) who assisted indata collection among the participants of this study.

The research adopted a qualitative and an interpretiveapproach of investigation (Anderson, 1986; Belk, 1986;Hirschman and Holbrook, 1986; McCracken, 1988;Geertz, 1973; Wallendorf and Belk, 1989). As such thestudy employed participant observation, face-to-facedepth interviews (on average lasting for 50 min),informal observations and focus group discussions.During the face-to-face interviews and group discussionsa short questionnaire with specific open-ended questionswas used. A range of questions and probes was used toguide discussion of relevant topics. In the case of ethnicentrepreneurs/managers, the questions were related tospecific marketing dimensions and practices, motiva-tions to enter the business, general interactions withethnic and mainstream communities and perceptionstowards mainstream business environment. Detailednotes were taken during and immediately after theinterviews. Photographs were also taken during visits tothe stores and were used during the interpretation of thedata.

The data was analysed on a continuous basis wherebyeach stage of theory building was guided by differentstages of data collection (see Glaser and Strauss, 1967;Spiggle, 1994). Since the philosophical, ontological andepistemological assumptions surrounding a qualitativeresearch study are different from those of a quantitativeresearch inquiry, many argue that different criterion isapplicable to evaluate research conducted under eachresearch paradigm (Lincoln and Guba, 1985; Spiggle,1994; Wallendorf and Belk, 1989). Hence, in order toenhance the credibility of this research, a techniqueknown as triangulation across researchers was employedwhereby the researchers discussed and analysed theunderlying logic of participants’ responses with oneanother (see Wallendorf and Belk, 1989for a specificdiscussion). Furthermore, in order to improve thetrustworthiness of this research, triangulation acrosssources and methods were employed. That is, the studyadopted multiple modes of primary data gathering,which enabled the researcher to combine perspectivesfrom different sources to improve the reliability andvalidity of data. Perspectives from the two sites werecombined, which led to the emergence of a number ofimportant themes that were common to the participat-ing entrepreneurs even though they had differentnationalities. Some of these themes are reported in thefollowing section. In doing so, the objective remains toprovide an understanding and knowledge of phenom-ena, from the point of view of those who are under study

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(Anderson, 1986; Belk, 1986; Hirschman and Holbrook,1986; Holbrook and O’Shaughnessy, 1988; Hudson andOzanne, 1988; McCracken, 1988; Ozanne and Hudson,1989; Spiggle, 1994; Wallendorf and Belk, 1989). Whileattempting to achieve this objective, this paper seeks toprovide some idiographic descriptive knowledge, whichGeertz (1973) refers to as ‘‘thick description’’ from thepoint of view of the participants of this study.

4. Marketing practices to win consumers’ loyalty and

instil a sense of identity

Since the basic principles and concepts of marketingare as relevant to ethnic minority retail enterprises as toany other domain, it was expected beforehand that theywould share some of the standard marketing principlesadopted by any mainstream marketer. The datacollected for this study confirmed this pattern—all ofthe participating entrepreneurs had a range of productsand services that they offered at some price range andpromoted them through a medium to reach their targetmarket place. And just like any other SME (mainstreamor ethnic), they pragmatically adopted these marketingconcepts (i.e., 4 Ps) to suit the situations that they facedand the way they did their businesses. As per priorexpectations, the clientele of participating enterpriseswas also multi-ethnic whereby different ethic consumergroups (e.g., Chinese, Pakistanis, Bangladeshis, Indone-sians, Indians and mainstream White English) shoppedat their outlets. For instance, one of the participatingChinese entrepreneurs in London not only sold Chinese

Table 1

A summary of marketing practices of small ethnic entrepreneurs

Product strategy

Carry full range of ethnic products and some mainstream products

Sell branded products originating from country of origin

Sell branded products specially developed for ethnic minorities in the

UK

Sell special pack sizes only suitable for consumption by ethnic

minorities

Sell product range not available through mainstream outlets

Sell a range of famous and non famous brands

Pricing strategy

Follow differentiated pricing strategy

Sell famous brands at a premium and non-famous brands at low

prices

Use pricing as a promotional tool (cut prices on vegetables and fruit)

Keep the overall prices down

Offer special discounts to valued consumers

products but also sold brands originating from diversecountries such as Japan (e.g., snacks and rice), Korea(e.g., instant noodles), India (e.g., spices and herbs),Indonesia (e.g., sauces and frozen prawns) and Pakistan(e.g., spices and mangos) to cater for the needs of hismulti-ethnic clientele. It was also noted that a largemajority of participating entrepreneurs’ consumers wereusually co-ethnic consumers—although their percentagevaried from one enterprise to the other depending uponthe size and nature of the outlet.

For instance, Ho (male, aged early 60s) who ran aChinese cash and carry business in London highlightedthe multi-ethnic nature of his business by commenting,‘‘Usually there are many different people from differentnationalities who come to our supermarket. but aroundeighty percent of our consumers are Chinese.’’ Thefindings are in line with those reported by previousresearch (Penaloza and Gilly, 1999; Jamal, 2003).However, the data reveals that the participatingentrepreneurs competently identified the needs of theirco-ethnic consumers and proactively applied marketingconcepts including the development of relevant product,pricing and promotional strategies and creation andmaintenance of relationships with consumers to satisfytheir needs. Table 1 summarises these strategies reveal-ing the competency, innovation and networking dimen-sions of marketing practices followed by theparticipating entrepreneurs.

For instance, it can be seen from Table 1 that animportant part of participating entrepreneurs’ productstrategy was to facilitate consumption of their respectiveethnic consumer culture and reinforce a sense of ethnic

Promotional strategy

Promote via encouraging strong word of mouth

Use in-store displays and signs (e.g., buy two get third free)

Instil long-term loyalty through relationships building and offering

discounts

Make heavy use of ethnic media (such as magazines, radio,

newspapers, radio and TV)

Provide information to mainstream clients about usages of ethnic

products

Use of the Internet (website) and newsletter

Use of outdoor media (leaflets, door-to-door drops

Loyalty schemes (reward cards to collect points and earn gifts)

Networking and customer service strategy

Develop relationships with all consumers

Keep links with local cultural and religious institutions such as

community centres and mosques to demonstrate a deep

understanding of cultural values

Participate in cultural events, feasts and festivals

Use of both ethnic and mainstream sales staff to assist and help

Continuously keep an eye on customer needs

Provide home delivery where applicable


identity by making sure that every conceivable com-modity that was available to their co-ethnic clients intheir country of origin was available to them in the UK.Thus, all of the participating enterprises carried acomprehensive range of products related to respectiveethnic consumer culture including spices and herbs,pasta items such as rice, noodles and flour, bakeryproducts such as biscuits and sweets, butcher’s itemssuch as meat, poultry and fish and fruits and vegetables.In particular, the emphasis was on selling famous andwell-known brands that were available to ethnicconsumers in their respective countries of origin. Forinstance, some examples of such brands from Pakistanincluded: Rooh Afza (drinks), Laziza (deserts), Ahmed

and National (pickles and herbs), and Meteromillan

(scented sticks); from China and Hong Kong: Chingkee

(cookie rolls), Calbee (potato chips), Garden (biscuits),Viyasoy (tea) and Tsingtao (beer); and from Bangladesh:Rahu and Shidol (frozen and dried fish), Baba (driedtobacco) and Teer Marka (mustard oil). The availabilityof these brands in the UK was a unique experience formany ethnic consumers as the brands brought with thema sense of cultural identity and made consumers feel at‘home’ while they shopped at ethnic outlets. Forinstance, like many other consumer participants, Lam(single female Chinese, early twenties) expressed herdelight and joy by commenting that, ‘‘I was happy that Icould find Chinese traditional food in the [Chinese] storesuch as char shui, wonton and some Chinese vegetableswhich I used to eat before I moved to Britain.’’ Theparticipating entrepreneurs did not need to invest oncreating brand awareness or brand recalls for theseculturally familiar brands; rather they were able tocapitalise on existing levels of brand awareness andcultural experiences associated with the consumption ofthese brands. Furthermore, the brands particularlysuited the needs of ethnic consumers such as Lam whofelt strongly about her culture of origin (see Deshpandeet al., 1986; Donthu and Cherian, 1992; Webster, 1991for a discussion). Prior research indicates that suchconsumers are very likely to be brand loyal, are likely tobuy brands advertised to their own ethnic group and usetheir own ethnic media heavily than the mainstreammedia. However, since the brands were outsourced fromoutside the UK, the participating entrepreneurs ap-peared to have little control on their sizes, shapes andingredients.

On the other hand, participating entrepreneurs alsosold a range of ‘new’ brands that were specificallydeveloped to suit the needs of ethnic minority consumersin the UK and as such were not available for sale in theirrespective countries of origin. Some examples of thesebrands included East End, Netco, TRS and KTC (mostlyspices, herbs, lentils and cooking oil), Tilda and Pearl

(basmati rice), Elephant and Victoria (flour), Pataks

(sauces and pastes), Imperial (snacks) and Lee Kum Kee

(rice and canned food). These new brands were uniqueas they represented innovation on the part of ethnicentrepreneurs and their suppliers (e.g., cash and carrywholesalers and other companies in the UK) in theirstruggle to remain competitive in the marketplace. Theparticipating entrepreneurs appeared to have greatercontrol over these brands in terms of their shapes, sizesand ingredients as the brands were sourced from withinthe UK. The dual branding strategy of selling wellknown as well as new brands appeared to be a winningstrategy because it provided a wider choice to consumersand effectively targeted not only the ethnically consciousconsumer but also the one who might be interested inseeking good variety and value for money.

Prior research indicates that ethnic consumers oftenexhibit unique patterns in many lifestyle activities andconsumptions related behaviour to the extent that theydiffer from the mainstream market in many behaviouralaspects such as product use, information acquisition,shopping orientation, response to promotion, purchasedecision and brand loyalty (Deshpande et al., 1986;Donthu and Cherian, 1992, 1994; Green, 1995; Webster,1991). In our case, the consumption patterns of ethnicminority consumers (as revealed through the ethnicconsumer data) dictated the use of large packs (e.g.32 KGs) and emphasised certain product attributes suchas freshness in food. In response, the participatingentrepreneurs sold a range of pack sizes that matchedthe consumption requirements of ethnic consumers andby making sure that they sold fresh merchandise (e.g.,live lobster and fish were sold for consumption athome!). For instance, almost all of the ethnic consumerrespondents treated freshness as the single mostimportant element that influenced the taste and qualityof their meals cooked at home. Freshness in vegetables,meat, and fish were especially important as they wereused in a wide variety of dishes. This product featurewas so important to most of them that it acted as adiscriminator or the key motivator to shop at ethnicenterprises rather than the mainstream ones. Forinstance, Lee (married female Chinese, mid fifties)commented, ‘‘These retailers [Chinese] have made toorder service on cakes. Although they are quiteexpensive somehow, but they give me a taste ofChina...because you can never buy a cake [like that]elsewhere which is freshly made and have the tastesimilar to the one in China...also...another thing I like isthat they write Chinese words on the cake according tomy need...I think it could gives me a close feelingsy likeI am having the cake in China.’’ Similarly, Wong (singlefemale Chinese, mid-20s) expressed her preference tobuy at Chinese retail outlets by commenting that ‘‘Icannot buy fresh fish and seafood in mainstreamsupermarkets. I can only find them in this...[Chinese]store...and when I buy them they are still alive!’’ Thequote, while highlighting the symbolic and cultural


significance of food selection in different societies andcultures (Douglas, 1966, 1975; Mennell, 1985; Murcott,1988), illustrates the difficulties faced by retailers seekingto serve the needs of multi ethnic clientele. For Wong,buying live seafood is a perfectly acceptable traditiongrounded in her own cultural values and norms. Forher, as L!evi-Strauss (1968) puts it, live seafood must benot only good to eat, but also good to think (see also,Fischler, 1980; Douglas, 1984). However, this may notbe acceptable to many who may wish to consume fishand seafood but yet they would like to do so withoutany reference to the once living animal (Mennell, 1985).Therefore, other retailers may wish to sell seafood andmeat in a way that the resemblance to animal parts, orto the once living animal, is deliberately obscured.

However, for many of their ethnic consumers, theparticipating entrepreneurs further reinforced feelings of‘being at home’ on a continuous basis through theprovision of recent editions of magazines, newspapers,tapes and compact discs originating from China,Pakistan and Bangladesh. Similarly, ethnic consumersexpected retailers to be able to advise them about brandsthat were best suited for their needs. For instance,Hannan (married male Bangladeshi, early 40s) expressedhis preference to buy at Bangladeshi retail outlets bycommenting that ‘‘They are nice and polite with us andthey are trustworthy and knowledgeable about productsthat I need to buy.’’ Prior research indicates that sinceethnic enterprises are smaller in sizes, they cannotcompete with major competitors on the basis of priceonly. Rather they have to pay closer attention thanothers to the attitudes and buying patterns of theirprimary clientele. One such attitudinal issue as reflectedby the quote from Hannan is the issue of beingtrustworthy and being polite to the consumers. Byextension, the issue of trust showed itself in the loyaltyof Hannan to his co-ethnic enterprise. However, bypropagating trust, participating entrepreneurs were alsoable to strengthen bonds of solidarity within the widerco-ethnic community that acted as a source of suchintangible assets as values, knowledge, and networksupon which entrepreneurs could draw for future growthand development (see Greene, 1997); Fukuyama (1995)also noted that trust within communities aids thedevelopment of secure business relationships andpositive economic outcomes. Therefore, feelings of trusttowards the ethnic enterprises appeared to benefit theparticipating entrepreneurs by contributing positively totheir relationships with their customers. Thus, byproviding a range of products as per the culturalaspirations and requirements of ethnic consumers,participating entrepreneurs were able to hold allegianceof ethnic minority consumers leading to repeat businesson a continuous basis. While this happened, participat-ing entrepreneurs also carried mainstream consumerbrands (such as Aerial, Kellogg’s, Nestle, etc.,) that were

also available through mainstream retail outlets. Thiswas done to make sure that consumers were able to shopfor all their needs in one place and to facilitateconsumption of mainstream consumer culture amongethnic minority consumers.

Customer patronage and loyalty among ethnic con-sumers were further reinforced by following a differ-entiating pricing strategy whereby mainstreamconsumer brands were charged at normal retail pricesbut fresh merchandise (e.g., fish, meat and vegetables)was charged at low and discounted prices. Similarly,items of heavy consumption by ethnic consumers suchas rice, wheat, sugar and lentils were heavily discounted.Once again the strategy was based on an understandingof the ethnic minority consumers some of whomappeared to be price and value conscious. The datarelated to ethnic consumers confirmed price conscious-ness particularly among those who belonged to the firstgeneration and to those who had been in the UK for lessthan 10 years. These type of ethnic consumers activelysearched different retail stores (both ethnic and main-stream) for bargains and engaged in in-depth attributeevaluations and long deliberations prior to purchase.Thus, price was also an important factor for theseconsumes that played a key role in choosing where toshop. For example, Miss Ng (single Chinese, mid-20s,had been in the UK for 6 years) revealed her feelings bycommenting that, ‘‘I always compare prices of productsbetween different stores with both Chinese retailers ormainstream marketers in order to get the cheapestpricey I especially look for products which are on sale,so that I can buy large quantities of products with lowprices.’’ However, those who were born and raised in theUK showed less price sensitivity and were more inclinedto shop at mainstream retail outlets. For example, Mr.Samad (married Bangladeshi, mid twenties, born andraised in the UK) commented, ‘‘ I do have a soft cornerfor shops owned by my country men but I feel easy andrelaxed going to Tesco or Asda as all of my Englishfriends go there for shopping.’’ Furthermore, word ofmouth communication was found to be very strongwithin the respective ethnic minority communities; newsof any desirable item on sale in retail stores spread quitequickly among them. Realising this, participatingentrepreneurs kept prices of ethnic products lower,allowed extra cash discounts to valued consumers(normally opinion formers and leaders) and offered freehome deliveries and assistance in loading the merchan-dise in consumers’ cars to encourage strong word ofmouth within the ethnic minority consumer commu-nities. For instance, Mehbub (single male Bangladeshi,late twenties) commented that his customers did most ofthe advertising for him as long as he was able to keepthem satisfied. ‘‘I just really need to be good with themwhile they shop here in my store and keep on advisingthem about new offers or price reductions,’’ he


commented while highlighting the value of generatingword of mouth via customer satisfaction and by keepingthem informed about new offers. In addition to this, theparticipating entrepreneurs utilised in-store displays andsigns (like buy one and get one free) and door-to-doordistribution of leaflets to inform and educate their ethnicclientele. Those who were large in size and whoseturnover was high developed their own consumermagazines and advertised in local ethnic media such asradio (e.g., Sunrise, Spectrum), TV (e.g., Mo Sin, Fong

Wong, TVB, Prime TV, The Pakistani Channel) andnewspapers (e.g., Jang, Sing Dao) to promote them-selves. One of the participating entrepreneurs, Chung(male Chinese, aged mid-60s, 32 years in business)commented, ‘‘I like advertising my products and mystore on the Chinese radio...because it has a largereach...actually I use it for advertising the discountedproducts everyday...and it works...my sales are nowincreased.’’ Some of the participating entrepreneursoffered loyalty programs (e.g., reward cards to collectpoints; 1 point for each d25 spent in the store) anddeveloped Internet websites as a way of promoting andinforming their consumers. For instance, Tam (singlemale Chinese, mid-30s) commented, ‘‘You know some[Chinese] retailers have their own website now. I havevisited them...and I think they provide a lot ofinformation about what they offer and...some of themeven have online buying now, which is very convenientfor me as I have no time for shopping with my busyjob.’’ The quote reflects the desire on the part ofparticipating entrepreneurs to keep pace with thechanges in the society and to keep their consumershappy.

The networking dimension of marketing practicesfollowed by the ethnic entrepreneurs was revealedthrough a range of their activities that showed theircommitment to their respective ethnic communities andtheir embededness in the marketplace in which theyoperated. In most cases, they knew their clients very welland were able to have a chat about their personal liveseach time the clients visited their outlets. This wassupported by the creation of an informal atmospherewithin the stores whereby employees were encouraged tohave frequent chats with consumers and to assist andinform them about promotional offers. For instance,Kibria (married male Bangladeshi, late 50s) commented,‘‘I feel comfortable when I shop at these stores because Inot only do my shopping there but I also have gossipy.and exchange my views and ideas with them on dailymatters.’’ Similarly, Chan (male Chinese entrepreneur,early 30s) commented, ‘‘Some of my consumers comeregularly and we [my staff and myself] know what theywant and when they come, so my staff is ready to helpthem in their packing also my consumers have frequentchats with my staff so the staff learns more aboutcustomer’s needs and their opinions about my store. I

want them [my staff] to build up trust with consumers sothat we can persuade consumers to buy more from us.’’The data related to ethnic consumers revealed thatethnic consumers had positive attitudes towards ethnicminority sales assistants working within retail outlets.Most of the participating ethnic consumers felt comfor-table dealing with ethnic minority sales assistants due tolanguage and cultural similarities. In response, theethnic entrepreneurs employed co-ethnic employees topromote collective values within the community (seealso, Ackerman and Tellis, 2001; Iyer and Shapiro,1999). This might be due to the fact that more than 80%of participating entrepreneurs’ clients were ethnicminority consumers.

The notion of developing on-going relationships withconsumers was emphasised by many including Matin(male Bangladeshi entrepreneur, aged early forties) whocommented, ‘‘It is very important that I have a good anda long-term relationship with my consumers as it givesme a good base and a steady income it is quite difficultto get this kind of sales level if I don’t have anyconsumers coming and purchasing only from me all thetime.’’ In addition to this, some of the participatingentrepreneurs organised events within their stores onspecial cultural occasions (e.g., Chinese New Year andMid-Autumn festivals) during which free food anddrinks were offered with lucky draws to win certainprizes. Also, many of the Pakistani and Bangladeshientrepreneurs actively participated in cultural andreligious festivals, feasts and events (celebrations ofEid and other religious/cultural events) organised inlocal community centres and mosques. During thefestival periods, participating entrepreneurs sold pro-ducts related to the festivals in order to reinforce thecultural values. Some examples of such products includemoon cakes, joss paper and joss sticks during the Mid-Autumn and Ching Ming festivals and Eid cards duringthe month of Ramadan and Eid festivals. However,while aiming to hold allegiance of their co-ethnicminority consumers and reinforce a sense of ethnicidentity among them, participating entrepreneurs alsosought patronage from other ethnic consumers (mainlymainstream White English) who were willing toexperience the ‘exotic’ by consuming various aspects ofentrepreneurs’ consumer culture. For instance, Khan(male Pakistani entrepreneur, late twenties) commented,‘‘Although most of my clients are Asians like Banglade-shis and Pakistanis but I do tend to get Englishconsumers as well they often come to my shop...andsometimes my brother or my father or myself we explainto them like how to use our Asian products likevegetables and how to cook curries at home they aregood they like it and they are very keen to know.’’Many of the sales staff at ethnic enterprises alsoexplained the use of ethnic food objects to themainstream consumers visiting the outlets. Thus,


participating entrepreneurs facilitated the transfer of‘cultural meanings’ (McCracken, 1986) about unfami-liar, exotic food objects to the mainstream consumers byguiding and informing them about the use of culturallyunfamiliar products (see also author’s prior publishedwork). Mainstream consumers used ethnic enterprises asan important resource to solicit advice, opinions andacquire information about ethnic minority cultures.Those who had acquired the desired information andwere ‘‘in the know’’ about ethnic consumption patternsand practices acted as ‘‘market mavens’’ consulted byothers attempting to navigate the marketplace(Feick and Price, 1987). These findings are in line witha number of market reports that also indicate asignificant rise in the consumption of foreign foods bymainstream consumers in the UK (Mintel Report, 2002;Key Note Report, 2001). According to these reports, anumber of factors have contributed towards thistrend including a growth in the ethnic minoritypopulation and the presence of large number of ethnicrestaurants and takeaway (Mintel Report, 2002; KeyNote Report, 2001).

4 Ps in Action Competency

Ambivalence

Innovation Networking

Fig. 1. A model of marketing by small ethnic entrepreneurs.

5. Discussion, conclusions and implications

The findings reported here suggest that at a macro-level, the ethnic entrepreneurs were able to facilitate theinstitutionalisation of their respective ethnic minorityconsumers’ culture in the UK, just as they ‘facilitatedthe institutionalisation of Mexican culture in the UnitedStates’ (Penaloza, 1994, p. 50; see also Jamal, 2003;Penaloza and Gilly, 1999). Through the efforts of ethnicentrepreneurs, all major brands that were available totheir co-ethnic consumers in their country of origin weremade available to them in UK at competitive prices andat convenient locations (see also, Cui, 1997). This wassupported by an on-going provision of informationabout new trends and products originating from theirown culture of origin. Reinforcement of consumption ofculture of origin was further achieved by activeparticipation in respective cultural mechanisms such asfestivals and community events and provision ofculturally salient products during the festivals. Unlikeany other SME enterprise, the participating entrepre-neurs were quite conscious and proactive (rather thanunconscious and passive) in their efforts to developrelationships and communications with their ethnicconsumers (Carson and Gilmore, 2000; Carson et al.,1995; Hills and La Forge, 1992; Stokes, 2000). This is inline with previous research that argued that ethnicentrepreneurs took an active interest in identity relationsand in building long-term relationships with consumers(Aldrich and Waldinger, 1990; Dyer and Ross, 2000;Iyer and Shapiro, 1999; Ram, 1994; Seltsikas andLybereas, 1996).

The findings reported here also suggest that the ethnicentrepreneurs were innovative and competent, as theyunderstood completely what their consumers wantedand developed new brands and pack sizes that compliedwith the consumption requirements of ethnic minorityconsumers. Also, they generally kept the prices of theirproducts lower as they knew that most of their co-ethnicconsumers were price and value conscious and activelyshopped around both ethnic and mainstream retailoutlets. However, what really made the participatingethnic entrepreneurs unique and different was theambivalent nature of their marketing practices (ambiva-lence dimension). In the context of SME marketing,Dyer and Ross (2000) studied the ambivalent nature ofongoing relationships between ethnic minority busi-nesses and their co-ethnic clients. Similarly, Davis andTagiuri (1994) studied ambivalent relationships in thefamily business, where the dual roles of family memberand businessperson produced benefits and drawbacks.In the context of current study, the ambivalencedimension is defined as the development and implemen-tation of mixed or multiple marketing strategies arisingfrom conflict among values, norms, traditions, andconsumption practices of different cultural groups thatshopped at ethnic enterprises. It is argued that the threedimensions, namely, competency, innovation and net-working, contributed towards this ambivalence dimen-sion whereby marketing tools and techniques wereadapted to meet the specific requirements of clienteleof different ethnic backgrounds (Fig. 1).

For instance, a major focus of the marketing practicesfollowed by participating entrepreneurs was the reinfor-cement of culture of origin, and the perpetuation anddefence of ethnicity among their co-ethnic clientsthrough a range of marketing activities. In doing so,their concern for profitability and survival was success-fully merged with concern for ethnic allegiance andcohesion (Dyer and Ross, 2000). However, at the sametime, the participating entrepreneurs also consciouslyrealised that their co-ethnic consumers were consumers

of both ethnic as well as mainstream consumer cultures;based on this realisation they facilitated consumption ofboth cultures among their co-ethnic consumers byproviding them with both ethnic as well as mainstreambrands at competitive prices. By doing so, theycontributed towards diversity in the marketplace and


facilitated building and negotiation of self-identities bytheir co-ethnic consumers on the basis of contrastingelements taken from two diverse cultural representations(see, for instance, Bouchet, 1995; Oswald, 1999). Whilethis happened, the same entrepreneurs also sought tofacilitate the consumption of their own ethnic minorityconsumer culture among the mainstream consumers.This was achieved by offering ethnic products atcompetitive prices and by educating and informingmainstream consumers (e.g., provision of advice on howto use ethnic products through in-store communica-tions). This is significant in the sense that although theymainly targeted their co-ethnic consumers, their market-ing practices passively facilitated consumption of con-trasting cultures and negotiations of multiple identitiesby the mainstream consumers (Brewer, 1999; Jamal,2003; Oswald, 1999). This is in contrast to ethnic enclavetheory that postulates that ethnic minority enterprisesonly serve the unique needs of their co-ethnic clients byproviding only ethnically relevant products and services(Waldinger et al., 1990).

The findings reported in this study are context andtime bound because the study has employed qualitativemethods to explore the marketing practices of ethnicentrepreneurs and the roles they play in the lives of theirmulti-ethnic clientele. It is possible that the extent towhich ethnic consumers adopt and evolve over time candiffer according to factors like age, social class,education, income, rural/urban residence, gender, workstatus, length of stay, sense of ethnic identity, exposureto the host and ethnic media and immigration policiesadopted by the state. However, the current paperdeliberately focused on discussing the consumptionexperiences of first generation of ethnic consumers andof those who feel strongly about their ethnic identity andorigins. This is done because such consumers constitutea larger proportion of clientele of ethnic entrepreneurs.There are in all likelihood many ethnic consumers whoseviews might differ markedly from those discussed in thispaper. However, author’s comprehensive understandingof the ethnic minority communities in the UK suggeststhat many of the issues discussed in this paper areapplicable to many of the ethnic consumers whoregularly shop at ethnic enterprises.

The findings reported here suggest that participatingretailers were quite successful in their efforts to targettheir co-ethnic clients and gain their allegiance andpatronage. However, on the basis of this, one canimagine a number of implications, particularly formainstream marketers interested in targeting the ethnicminority consumers who represent the fastest growingsegment of the total population in the UK (Clegg, 1996,Srinivasan, 1992; Suzman, 1996). For instance, themainstream marketers need to make sure that all thosewho are involved in the targeting efforts do understandthe cultural needs and aspirations of ethnic minority

consumers. In the case of mainstream grocery retailers,this might involve researching the specific food practicesat home and providing a range of culturally specificbrands and pack sizes to meet specific consumptionrequirements. It might also involve developing andimplementing internal education programmes to trainemployees to develop and reinforce relationships,enhance communications, cultural awareness and cul-tural sensitivities. Findings reported here suggest thatthe ethnic minority consumers appear to be interested inbuying all of their essential food ingredients (e.g., spices,herbs, lentils, fresh vegetables and meat and poultry) inappropriate pack sizes with reasonable prices. In thecase of other organisations such as banks, departmentaland clothing stores, this might involve researching thespecific buying patterns and preferences of ethnicminority consumers. Similarly, the chances of makinginroads into ethnic minority market segments are higherfor marketers that employ multi-ethnic staff capable ofcommunicating with ethnic minority consumers in theirrespective languages. This is particularly useful formainstream marketers operating in certain urban areasof the UK where ethnic minorities represent a sub-stantial proportion of the local population (Burton,2000). It is also essential that mainstream marketersoffer products and services in languages other thanEnglish. For instance, mainstream banks can offermajor ethnic minority language options (e.g., Chinese,Urdu, Hindi, Bengali and Arabic) through their ATMmachines and employ multi-lingual staff in their callcentres capable of identifying and addressing subtlecultural nuances.

Furthermore, marketers should use multi-lingualpoint of sale displays and packaging materials toreinforce liberal ethos and multiethnic images of themarketplace. The advertising and other promotionalmaterials should be developed in ethnic minoritylanguages and use cultural symbols, objects and peoplethat are relevant to ethnic minority consumer culture(see also, Clegg, 1996; Cui, 1997). By doing so, market-ers will be addressing the cultural nuances in theiradvertising and promotional materials in an appropriatemanner and will make their message more believableand relevant to the ethnic consumers. Since the ethnicminority consumers rely strongly on word of mouthcommunications, marketers could also target theirpromotion and communicational efforts towards opi-nion leaders and opinion formers within the ethnicminority communities (e.g., through community centres,religious institutions, and local political organisations).This can best be reinforced through advertising in theethnic minority media (such as newspapers, magazines,radio and T.V.) that is hugely popular among the ethnicminorities (see, for instance, Cornwell, 1994; Tarla andSingh, 1989; Waldinger et al., 1990). This could furtherbe reinforced by running sales promotion programs


specifically targeted at ethnic minority consumers. Themainstream markers can also increase the effectivenessof their targeting efforts by sponsoring the ethnicminority cultural and religious events (e.g., majorfestivals) and regional conferences organised by ethnicminority professional and cultural groups. They can alsomarket their products and services through local bulletinboards, particularly in mosques, churches, temples andother religious and cultural centres (see also, Holliday,1993; Alyson, 1993). By doing so, the mainstreammarketers will be able to build relationships anddemonstrate their commitment to reinforce the culturalaspirations and values of ethnic consumers.

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Ahmad Jamal received his Ph.D. in marketing in 1997 from the

Management Centre, University of Bradford and is a Lecturer in

Marketing at the Cardiff Business School, Cardiff, UK. His research

interests include the interplay of marketing, ethnicity and consump-

tion, consumer satisfaction and consumers’ evaluation of brands and

technology. He has published in Journal of Retailing and Consumer

Services, Journal of Marketing Management, Advances in Consumer

Research, Journal of Consumer Behaviour, Journal of Marketing

Intelligence and Planning, International Journal of Bank Marketing,

British Food Journal, and European Journal of Marketing (forth-

coming).

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