Pilgrimage in Latin America
2
The Idea of Race in Latin America, 1870-1940. RICHARD GRAHAM (editor), with chapters by Thomas E. Skidmore, Aline Helg, and Alan Knight. Austin: University of Texas Press, 1990. 135 pp. $15.95 (cloth), $7.95 (paper). ISBN 0-292-73856-0, ISBN 0-292-73857-9. MARVIN HARRIS University of Florida Each author contributes one chapter. Skidmore writes about Brazil, Helg about Argentina and Cuba, and Knight does Mexico. Skidmore's contribution is largely derived from his previous publications-such as Black Into White (Oxford, 1974)-so I cannot say that it contains any really new insights. I found Helg's chapter informative but evasive. According to Helg, intellectuals in both Cuba and Argentina were committed to building predominantly white societies. "By 1930...Argentina had succeeded and Cuba had failed" (p.57). Instead of venturing to explain why this not previously unknown divergence occurred, the author prefers to defer to "reasons beyond the focus of this study" (p.57). Even though limited to Argentina and Cuba, however, Helg is to be commended for her comparative perspective. I found Knight's chapter on Mexico to be the most interesting of the three. The post-1910 rejection of overt forms of anti- indian racist doctrine by the Mexican elites did not extinguish more covert forms of racist thought, nor put an end to the exploitation of indian populations. I think that a similar conclusion applies to twentieth century Brazilian and other Latin American elites, but that possibility is not discussed. Knight is also more sensitive to the problem of how racist ideas held covertly or overtly by elites influence the actual evolution of broader interracial attitudes and behavior. The most disappointing aspect of this work is that while its format seems to be inspired by the need for a comparative approach, no attempt is made by the editor or any of the authors to explain the differences and similarities that each chapter brings to light. Even listing them would have greatly increased the book's appeal. A symptom of the lack of a comparative thrust is the failure of the contributors to grapple with the basic problem of whether they agree on what is meant by the idea of race. According to Knight, in Mexico, race is no different from ethnicity because, "It is the inescapable ascription that counts" (p.93). This view has been hotly contested by blacks in the United States for whom physical appearance is an added dimension of otherness not experienced by Mexican indians. It would have been interesting to know if the other contributors agreed with this lumping of race and ethnicity in the light of their own cases. Despite these shortcomings, there is a lot of information in this slim volume, plus an excellent bibliography and I would recommend it to anyone who has an interest in Latin American race relations. Pilgrimage in Latin America. N. ROSS CRUMRINE and ALAN MORINIS (editors). New York: Greenwood Press, 1991. 456 pp. $45.00 (cloth). ISBN 0-313- 26110-5. 7"/w?LATIN AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGY REVIEW 4(1) 17 LINDSAY JONES Ohio State University Pilgrimage in Latin America is an exceedingly rich and diverse edited volume, with two general introductory chapters, seven case studies of specific Middle American pilgrimage systems, nine case studies from South America, and a brief concluding essay. The initial introductory chapter by editors Alan Morinis and N. Ross Crumrine presents a general framework for understanding pilgrimage phenomena. From this interdisciplinary and "holistic perspective," pilgrimage is seen as "a complex and interrelated feature of the social and cultural life of the community" (p.3). The editors' hope is that, "this model [of pilgrimage] as a dynamic concrete isolate in constant feedback with the wider physical and human systems of which it is a part provides a unifying principle for approaching the chapters in this volume, each of which focuses on an aspect of the whole" (p.4). Complimenting the structuralist, synchronic approach of the editors, the second, more diachronic introductory chapter by Mary Lee Nolan marshals a very impressive fund of statistical and interpretative data, and is unique in the volume for its emphasis on the "European roots" of Latin American pilgrimage. She is especially adept at charting how changes in European pilgrimage over time were influential in transforming pilgrimage phenomena in the New World. The following 16 case studies of specific Latin American pilgrimages which make up the bulk of the volume address a wide cross section of cultural, geographical and historical contexts. Almost all of the contributors are anthropologists of one stripe or another (but despite repeated nods to interdisciplinary, contributions by historians of religions, for instance, are disappointingly absent). Nevertheless, the various essays are extremely diverse both in substantive content and in their theoretical orientations. Few if any generalizations apply to all the essays. There are, however, a number of prominently recurring themes. Nearly all these studies explore (and usually try to disentangle) the blending of European and indigenous elements in the various pilgrimage systems, but unlike Nolan's introductory essay, most emphasize especially the continuity of pre- Hispanic elements and the resilience of indigenous religious concepts. Some concentrate primarily on the "religious," mythological and symbolic dimensions of pilgrimage (for example, the chapters by James M. Vreeland, Jr., Richard P. Schaedel, Crumrine in chapter 15, and Henrique Urbano). Others are more concerned with the political and socioeconomic dimensions of pilgrimage systems (for example, the chapters by Walter Randolph Adams, Carl Kendall, Helaine Silverman, and Frans J. Schryer), while in their respective chapters on Andean pilgrimages Michael J. Sallnow and Deborah H. Poole are successful in integrating both these sorts of dimensions. Several contributors challenge and extend conventional stereotypes and older models of pilgrimage, particularly the well-known work of Victor and Edith Turner (for instance, Nolan, Kendall, and Angelina Pollak-Eltz). Herman W. Konrad also provides a very intriguing corollary to Victor Turner's emphasis on pilgrimage as a linear and liminal phenomenon by exploring the sense in which Yucatec Maya pilgrims replicate the cyclical process of astral bodies. He notes that one Maya term for pilgrim (u ximbal ek'ob) literally means the
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Transcript of Pilgrimage in Latin America
The Idea of Race in Latin America, 1870-1940.RICHARD GRAHAM (editor), with chapters byThomas E. Skidmore, Aline Helg, and Alan Knight.Austin: University of Texas Press, 1990. 135 pp.$15.95 (cloth), $7.95 (paper). ISBN 0-292-73856-0,ISBN 0-292-73857-9.
MARVIN HARRISUniversity of Florida
Each author contributes one chapter. Skidmore writesabout Brazil, Helg about Argentina and Cuba, and Knightdoes Mexico. Skidmore's contribution is largely derived fromhis previous publications-such as Black Into White (Oxford,1974)-so I cannot say that it contains any really new insights.
I found Helg's chapter informative but evasive. Accordingto Helg, intellectuals in both Cuba and Argentina werecommitted to building predominantly white societies. "By1930...Argentina had succeeded and Cuba had failed" (p.57).Instead of venturing to explain why this not previously unknowndivergence occurred, the author prefers to defer to "reasonsbeyond the focus of this study" (p.57). Even though limited toArgentina and Cuba, however, Helg is to be commended forher comparative perspective.
I found Knight's chapter on Mexico to be the most interestingof the three. The post-1910 rejection of overt forms of anti-indian racist doctrine by the Mexican elites did not extinguishmore covert forms of racist thought, nor put an end to theexploitation of indian populations. I think that a similarconclusion applies to twentieth century Brazilian and otherLatin American elites, but that possibility is not discussed.Knight is also more sensitive to the problem of how racistideas held covertly or overtly by elites influence the actualevolution of broader interracial attitudes and behavior.
The most disappointing aspect of this work is that while itsformat seems to be inspired by the need for a comparativeapproach, no attempt is made by the editor or any of theauthors to explain the differences and similarities that eachchapter brings to light. Even listing them would have greatlyincreased the book's appeal. A symptom of the lack of acomparative thrust is the failure of the contributors to grapplewith the basic problem of whether they agree on what is meantby the idea of race. According to Knight, in Mexico, race is nodifferent from ethnicity because, "It is the inescapable ascriptionthat counts" (p.93). This view has been hotly contested byblacks in the United States for whom physical appearance isan added dimension of otherness not experienced by Mexicanindians. It would have been interesting to know if the othercontributors agreed with this lumping of race and ethnicity inthe light of their own cases.
Despite these shortcomings, there is a lot of information inthis slim volume, plus an excellent bibliography and I wouldrecommend it to anyone who has an interest in Latin Americanrace relations.
Pilgrimage in Latin America. N. ROSS CRUMRINEand ALAN MORINIS (editors). New York: GreenwoodPress, 1991. 456 pp. $45.00 (cloth). ISBN 0-313-26110-5.
7"/w?LATIN AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGY REVIEW 4(1) 17
LINDSAY JONESOhio State University
Pilgrimage in Latin America is an exceedingly rich anddiverse edited volume, with two general introductory chapters,seven case studies of specific Middle American pilgrimagesystems, nine case studies from South America, and a briefconcluding essay.
The initial introductory chapter by editors Alan Morinis andN. Ross Crumrine presents a general framework forunderstanding pilgrimage phenomena. From thisinterdisciplinary and "holistic perspective," pilgrimage is seenas "a complex and interrelated feature of the social andcultural life of the community" (p.3). The editors' hope is that,"this model [of pilgrimage] as a dynamic concrete isolate inconstant feedback with the wider physical and human systemsof which it is a part provides a unifying principle for approachingthe chapters in this volume, each of which focuses on anaspect of the whole" (p.4).
Complimenting the structuralist, synchronic approach ofthe editors, the second, more diachronic introductory chapterby Mary Lee Nolan marshals a very impressive fund ofstatistical and interpretative data, and is unique in the volumefor its emphasis on the "European roots" of Latin Americanpilgrimage. She is especially adept at charting how changesin European pilgrimage over time were influential intransforming pilgrimage phenomena in the New World.
The following 16 case studies of specific Latin Americanpilgrimages which make up the bulk of the volume address awide cross section of cultural, geographical and historicalcontexts. Almost all of the contributors are anthropologists ofone stripe or another (but despite repeated nods tointerdisciplinary, contributions by historians of religions, forinstance, are disappointingly absent). Nevertheless, thevarious essays are extremely diverse both in substantivecontent and in their theoretical orientations.
Few if any generalizations apply to all the essays. Thereare, however, a number of prominently recurring themes.Nearly all these studies explore (and usually try to disentangle)the blending of European and indigenous elements in thevarious pilgrimage systems, but unlike Nolan's introductoryessay, most emphasize especially the continuity of pre-Hispanic elements and the resilience of indigenous religiousconcepts. Some concentrate primarily on the "religious,"mythological and symbolic dimensions of pilgrimage (forexample, the chapters by James M. Vreeland, Jr., Richard P.Schaedel, Crumrine in chapter 15, and Henrique Urbano).Others are more concerned with the political andsocioeconomic dimensions of pilgrimage systems (forexample, the chapters by Walter Randolph Adams, CarlKendall, Helaine Silverman, and Frans J. Schryer), while intheir respective chapters on Andean pilgrimages Michael J.Sallnow and Deborah H. Poole are successful in integratingboth these sorts of dimensions.
Several contributors challenge and extend conventionalstereotypes and older models of pilgrimage, particularly thewell-known work of Victor and Edith Turner (for instance,Nolan, Kendall, and Angelina Pollak-Eltz). Herman W. Konradalso provides a very intriguing corollary to Victor Turner'semphasis on pilgrimage as a linear and liminal phenomenonby exploring the sense in which Yucatec Maya pilgrimsreplicate the cyclical process of astral bodies. He notes thatone Maya term for pilgrim (u ximbal ek'ob) literally means the
18 77H?LATIN AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGY REVIEW 4(1)
"passage and course of stars." Likewise, several contributorsexplore in various ways the complex relationships betweenpilgrimage and conversion or techniques of Catholicproselytism (for example, Henry F. Dobyns and H.R. Harvey).A number of others (such as Crumine in chapter 4) concernthemselves especially with the relations between pilgrimageand nationalism or cultural identity.
Besides the great diversity of interpretative themes-andthere are a great deal more to be sure-the volume likewiseincludes a mass of detailed empirical data on specificpilgrimages which will be of considerable interest to futureinterpreters, and the 40 page bibliography will be exceedinglyuseful for interested researchers. Appropriately, a number ofthe authors end their chapters with questions rather than patconclusions and with programs for future research. In theend, this loosely collected medley of case studies will beimportant not simply for all that it teaches us about LatinAmerican pilgrimage, but even more for all that it reminds usis yet to be done.
Land Rights and Indigenous Peoples: The Role ofthe Inter-American Commission on Human Rights.SHELTON H. DAVIS. Cambridge, MA: CulturalSurvival, Inc., 1988. 118 pp. $19.95 (cloth), $8.00(paper). ISBN 0-939521-42-3, ISBN 0-939521-28-8.
TED L GRAGSONTulane University
This report describes the role played by the Inter-AmericanCommission on Human Rights (IACHR) of the Organization ofAmerican States (OAS) in three Indigenous human rightscases in South America: the Guahibo of Colombia, the Acheof Paraguay, and the Yanomami of northern Brazil. The reportcritically evaluates IACHR procedure and offers a series ofrecommendations to assist the IACHR and other NGO(nongovernment organization) human rights groups to betterrecognize violations and more effectively protect indigenouspeople's rights.
The IACHR became involved in the three cases discussedin this report as a result of violations of individual rights to life,liberty, and personal security (including massacres, torture,forced resettlement, kidnapping of children, and induceddiseases) as outlined in the "American Declaration of theRights and Duties of Man" (1948). The author describes andanalyzes the origin, development, and outcome of each caseto reveal the collusion of government and private citizens atthe domestic level, and the procedural delays of gathering andanalyzing information within the IACHR at the internationallevel. It becomes clear, however, that at the center of all threecases is the control of land and resources. The authorconcludes that the lACHR's most serious failing in its mediationof indigenous human rights violations is the agency's lack ofexpertise in anthropology, history, and ecology. The agencyis not equipped to deal with what are in reality violationsagainst society.
The author notes that the IACHR and NGOs in general seetheir goal as the protection of individual rights as opposed tosocial rights. These organizations view rights of access toland and resources as more appropriately handled by domesticlaw. However, for most indigenous groups throughout lowland
South America, land tenure and access to resources areregulated by informal, social means. The author drawstogether information from numerous sources to show howcritically affected indigenous people are when they aredispossessed of land: it threatens their physical, psychological,and cultural well-being. The violation of social rights becomesin the end a violation of individual rights and therefore must beincluded in the agenda of international human rightsorganizations.
This is a valuable report for any individual or organizationinvolved or considering involvement in indigenous rights. Itclearly reveals that indigenous human rights and indigenousland rights are inseparable issues that must be dealt withconcurrently. The report contains three useful appendiceslisting the "American Declaration of the Rights and Duties ofMan" (1948), the "American Convention on Human Rights"(1969), and the "Human Rights Resolutions ConcerningIndigenous Populations" (1985).
Power and Popular Protest, Latin American SocialMovements. SUSAN ECKSTEIN (editor). Berkeley:University of California Press, 1989. $47.50 (cloth),$16.00 (paper). ISBN 0-520-06217-5, ISBN 0-520-06414-3.
MARIA-ELENA MUJICAUniversity of Iowa
The articles in this book are as diverse as the movementsthey discuss. Despite theirvarious approaches, all contributorsoffer a historical-structural perspective on the movementsthey discuss. This perspective, as well as the rich analysesprovided, contribute to the current relevance of the book inspite of the shifts that have already occurred in many of thesocial movements it examines. Particularly noteworthy sincethe book was published are the defeat of the Sandinistas inNicaragua and the more recent peace process in El Salvador.
How popular protest, social unrest, or social movementsare defined varies according to the perspective taken by eachindividual author. Walton refers, for example, to "socialunrest" in Latin America that he explains primarily in relationto the debt crisis.
As Eckstein asserts in her introduction, defiance (yet anotherway to define processes of popular protest or social unrest)can take many forms. Although popular protest may be open,defiance and social unrest can also be more subtle as in thecase of "foot-dragging." The book shows that social unrest ismore likely to occur when economic hardships coexist with acapacity for mobilization (previous history of successfulmobilizations, a strong organized labor movement or peasantfederations, et cetera). However, the outcomes of protest,whether subtle or blatant, vary and depend on many factorsincluding: ideology, tactics, elite responses, class alliancesand global economic and geopolitical forces. These and otherfactors are considered by Garreton and by Moreira Alves intheir discussion of opposition movements in Chile and inBrazil, and by Zamosc in his discussion of peasant movementsin Colombia.
Wickham-Cowley's comparison of guerilla activity in LatinAmerica since 1958 indicates that support depends on guerillatactics as much as on state responses to these tactics, and
