Philippine Indigenous Communities

Philippine Indigenous Communities

Chaira Faye L. Ferran Manuel R. Hidalgo

Leonida C. Bueno, Edd

Mayra Christina M. Ambrocio, Dem Francisco C. Doble

Table of Contents

Module 5: Indigenous Communities of the Aeta and Negrito Groups

109

Introduction 109

Learning Outcomes 109 Lesson 1. Agta 110

Lesson 2. The Ata 114 Lesson 3. The Ati 116

Lesson 4. The Atta 120 Lesson 5. Bukidnon of Negros 121 Lesson 6. Dumagat 123

Lesson 7. Mamanwa of Mindanao 127 Lesson 8. The Tumandok 129

Lesson 9. Sulod 131

Module 6: Indigenous Communities of Mindanao

140

Introduction 140

Learning Outcomes 140 Lesson 1. T’boli of South Cotabato 141

Lesson 2. The Badjaos 143 Lesson 3. The Lumads of Mindanao 147

Module 7: Islamic Indigenous Groups

153

Introduction 153 Learning Objectives 154

Lesson 1. The Maranaos/Maranaw 155 Lesson 2. The Maguindanao / Magindanaw / Maguindanaon 159

Lesson 3. The Yakan 164 Lesson 4. The Tausug 169

3

List of Figures

Figure Description Page

5.1 An Agta man fishing in the strong rapids of the Blos River 110

5.2 Young Agta woman in the Philippines. 110

5.3

A young girl from the Ata tribe plays the “Saluroy” while an

elder plays the “Kuglong” inside the Kadayawan Village at the Magsaysay Park in Davao City

114

5.4 Ati children preparing for their first holy communion on

Boracay Island. 116

5.5 A bukidnon family. 122

5.6 The Dumagat Tribe 124

5.7

Mamanwa performers. Women hold and wave "banay" or a

piece of cloth as a symbol of goodwill, prosperity, and blessings.

129

5.8

Rolando Caballero helps guide his wife, Pricilla Caballero,

who is the last known Binukot of the Panay Bukidnon Tribe (also known as the Tumandok) in central Panay.

132

6.1 The young T’boli group 143 6.2 Badjao children practicing rowing 145

6.3 The life of a Badjao family 147 6.4 The Lumads -Keeping their tradition alive 149

7.1 The Maranaos in their traditional colorful clothing while

traversing the Lanao lake. 157

7.2 The Maguindanao women. 161

7.3 A typical Yakan family wearing traditional handwoven clothes for festivities.

166

7.4 The Tausugs of Sulu, Philippines. 177

109

MODULE 5 INDIGENOUS COMMUNITIES:

AETA AND NEGRITO GROUPS

Introduction

The Negritos is characterized by several diverse groups who live in isolated areas of the

Southeast asian region. Their current population is comprised of the Andamese people from the

Andaman Islands, The Semang people of Peninsular Malaysia, the Maniq people of Southern

Thailand, the Ati, Aeta, and 30 other officially recognized ethnic groups in the Philippines

(Chaubey et.al, 2013).

The Negritos were once considered as a single related population based on the physical

appearance. Some studies suggest that they may include several groups that are closely related

to the Pygmies of Africa (Basu et.al, 2016).

Learning Outcomes

At the end of this module, students should be able to:

1. Demonstrate an understanding about the indigenous communities of Aeta and Negrito

groups;

2. Trace the history and origins of various tribes that are included in the Aeta and Negrito

groups; and

3. Determine the various aspects of the Negritos by analyzing their specific contributions to

the Philippine society.

110

Lesson 1. Agta

The Agta are nomadic hunter-gatherers who are widely scattered in dense forests of

eastern Luzon in the Philippines (Agta, 2020). They appear phenotypically different from other

Filipinos because of their Negroid features: tout, dark skin, and kinky hair. Negrito men have an

average height of 153 centimeters (60 inches) while women measure at an average of 144

centimeters (56 inches). At an average, they also weigh 45 kilograms (99 pounds) and 38

kilograms (84 pounds) for men and women, respectively (Agta Orientation, 2020).

1.1 Role and Family

Kinship is an utmost importance to the Agta community. They follow the bilateral descent.

They do not have lineages, clans, or cognatic descent groups, but personal kindred are important

to them (Agta, Kinship, Marriage, and Family, 2020).

Agta marriages are monogamous. They practice strict kin exogamy, but manifest a

preference for group endogamy. Marriages between distantly related consanguine are extremely

rare, as are unions between affine (Agta, Kinship, Marriage, and Family, 2020).

Figure 5.2. Young Agta woman in the Philippines

Source:

(Miller, n.d.)

Figure 5.1. An Agta man fishing in the strong rapids of the Blos River

Source: (Maentz, 2011)

111

There is a very weak division of labor between the sexes. Women participate with their

husbands in hunting on about half of the hunting trips. Both sexes contribute equal amounts of

time to work in their own gardens. They collect forest products for trade, and both work as casual

laborers for farmers. Only women weave baskets and mats and wash clothes while men spear

fish in deep water on coral reefs and climb high trees to collect wild honey (Griffin,1985).

1.2 Geographical Locations

The Agta groups are located all along the eastern side of Luzon Island between 14° and

19° N and 121° and 123° E in the provinces of Cagayan, Isabela, Aurora, Quirino, Quezon,

Camarines Norte, and Camarines Sur. In the previous century this whole area was at least 90

percent covered by dipterocarp tropical lowland forest (Headland, 2019).

1.3 Way of Life

Agta may live in simple lean-tos, sleeping directly on the ground, or in small huts on stilts

with a bamboo or palm wood floor about one meter above the ground, and with a thatch roof.

Usually there are no side walls. Because of the Agta's fear of falling trees during storms, forest

camps are usually situated in small open areas away from trees, such as on dry riverbeds or in

small gardens. Camps are small, consisting of from three to seven kin-related nuclear

households, with a mean average of six. A family will rarely reside in a camp of non-related kin.

Agta move their camps often. In one study they were found to move, on average, every 18 days,

and in another study every 29 days (Headland,1988).

Agta holds to a strong belief in a spirit world containing many classes of supernatural

beings. Depending on the class of spirit, these beings are said to reside in trees, underground,

on rocky headlands, or in caves. There are two general classes of these beings: hayup (creature)

and belet or anito (ghost). The latter are always malignant. Ghosts are wandering disembodied

souls of deceased humans. The ghosts of recently deceased adult relatives are especially feared,

as they are prone to return to the abode of their family during the night, causing sickness and

death. There are several types of hayup. These nonhumans are bipedal and may appear in

112

human form. Agta view these as having some influence over processes of nature, health, and the

economic success or failure of humans. Most hayup are malignant, others are neutral, and a few

can be called upon for help in curing disease (Headland, 1988).

These religious practitioners do only white magic. A shaman (bunogen) is defined by the

Agta as an individual who has a familiar spirit "friend" (bunog) who aids him or her in diagnosing

and treating disease. The primary role of shamans is curing. They do not practice sorcery

(Headland,1988).

1.4 Contribution to Filipino Society

Agta women weave baskets and sleeping mats, and men make many types of fine arrow.

Permanent body decorations consist of designed scarring on the back (and sometimes the chest)

and teeth filing. Their traditional music consists of singing solos, using a three-tone scale, and the

use of three types of simple musical instruments: a simple stringed instrument, a bamboo Jew's

harp, and hunting bows, which they sometimes strum. They have no custom of dancing

(Griffin,1985).

1.5 Traditional Livelihood and Economic Activities

According to Headland (1986), the most salient economic activity of the Agtas was

hunting. Men spent a major part of their time hunting large game (wild pigs, deer, monkeys) with

bow and arrow or borrowed homemade shotguns. Their economy for many hundreds of years

has revolved around an institutionalized exchange relationship with non-Agta farmers. Until

recently, the main feature of this exchange was the trade of wild meat for starch foods from

farmers. As the game declined during the 1960s, the Agta gave more and more of their economic

time to working as unskilled laborers for the growing farming population. In 1984, Agta men gave

only 6 percent of their daily activity time to hunting. Agta are no strangers to agriculture.

113

1.6 External Influences

Gradually the Negritos switched from their isolated and independent hunting and gathering

lifestyle as they increasingly developed symbiotic relationships with Austronesian farmers. For

most Agta groups, this switch occurred by around 1000 b.c. From this time on, Agta traded and

interacted heavily with farming populations. The more recent twentieth-century history of the Agta

is another story. After thousands of years of living a relatively stable and adaptive life in the rain

forest, they are today undergoing severe deculturation; their forest is being cut back, immigrants

are depleting their game and fish resources, they are being herded onto small reservations by the

government, and change is being imposed on them by various development agencies

(Griffin,1985).

114

Lesson 2. The Ata

The Ata tribe refers to the dark-skinned tribe found in Marilog, Paquibato, Panabo and

Carmen in Davao. The Ata Manobo Tribe are located high up in the hills of Davao del Norte in

the southern part of the Philippine archipelago (Ata-Manobo Tribe, 2020).

Figure 5.3. A young girl from the Ata tribe plays the “Saluroy” while an elder plays the “Kuglong” inside the Kadayawan Village at the Magsaysay Park in Davao City

Source: (Dejeto, 2018)

2.1 Role and Family

Marriages are arranged with the bride price as the main concern. Conflicts are settled

through peace offerings. The Atas relied mainly on farming for daily subsistence, supplemented

with hogs, chickens and other livestock products. Social structure is based on kin relationship,

and in the past leadership was given to the oldest married family member. Now they have set

some qualifications. The datu is given more respect and has more authority (Joshua Project, n.d.).


The Ata-Manobo are divided into the Langilan and Tala-ingod tribes. They are found in

the region west and northwest of Mt. Apo, the headwater of the Davao, Lasang and Libuganon

rivers. There is now a town called Tala-ingod in Davao del Norte.

115

2.3 Way of Life

Animism permeates the Ata way of life. However, acculturation has caused some changes

especially among the younger generation. Like the Matisalugs, they believe that "Manama" is the

supreme god but there are others who do Manama's bidding. These gods must be appeased

(Joshua Project, n.d.).


The areas where the tribes live are generally underdeveloped with poor infrastructure.

Dispossessed of their tribal lands, they have little control over their lands. They practice slash and

burn agriculture and live off the forest. They are driven off the land by loggers and corporate

plantations (Joshua Project, n.d.).

116

Lesson 3. The Ati

The Ati, who inhabit the mountain areas of Panay and Negros, are also called Negrito,

Ituman, and Negros. They continue to exhibit generally-perceived Negrito traits: short and lean

body build; kinky hair, which may be very bushy in the case of women; unblemished and oily dark

chocolate-brown to almost black skin; diminutive but broad noses; and round dark eyes. Negritos

of pure blood still exist in northern Negros, although their number is extremely small and

continually reduced by intermarriage with lowlanders. The Ati speak Hiligaynon (particularly a

variant known as Kiniray-a) and some are fluent in Cebuano (Morales, n.d.).

3.1 Role and Family

The Ati family, a closely-knit organization, consists of father, mother, and children, natural

or adopted. In most cases each family has its own home. The father, though the undisputed head

of the family, consults his wife on all important decisions concerning the family’s welfare. Old age,

wisdom, and strength are recognized as qualities that should be respected. The elders of the

settlements are thus always approached for important matters concerning the Ati’s welfare

(Morales, n.d.).

Figure 5.4. Ati children preparing for their first holy communion on Boracay Island.


117

The Ati have the custom of giving pet names to their children. Usually the name would be

that of the place or tree located near where the child was born. If, for example, the child was born

near the root of a tree, he/she may be called kadalid (dalid meaning root). But the practice is said

to have disappeared since the Ati now give their children Christian names (Morales, n.d.).


They live in Panay Island, which is located in the Visayas (Islands of Cebu, Bohol, Siquijor,

Leyte, Samar, Panay, Masbate, Negros and Guimaras), the central portion of the Philippine

archipelago.

3.3 Way of Life

According to Morales (n.d.), the Ati have to a large extent been influenced by the marriage

customs of the Christian Filipinos as indicated by the Spanish terms which they currently use. But

inspite of this extensive borrowing, some elements and survivals of their former marriage customs

can still be gleaned. The act of courting is called pangaluyag. From the age of fourteen, boys and

girls think of founding a family. A man courts in other settlements since those who reside within

one community are usually related by blood. As soon as a couple decide to marry, the man sends

his parents or relations to the family of the woman. The intention of seeking permission for

marriage is relayed by a portador (go-between), usually an old man, a relative who enjoys the

respect of both sides.

If the prospective groom has no relatives, usually one of the elders of the settlement

arranges the wedding feast as well as matters concerning the bride-price, if there is any. (Among

the Ati of Negros, the bride-price is known as bugay and the wedding feast is called convite; the

pre-marriage discussion is dulong or pamalaye among the Ati of Iloilo). There are cases where

the woman’s parents opt to defer the wedding until the man has provided a new house for himself

and his future wife. After things concerning the wedding have been agreed upon, the man stays

in the house of the prospective parents-in-law to serve them for a period varying from one month

to about one year. When the service (pangagadamong the Ati of Negros) is over, the go-between

118

again approaches the woman’s parents to discuss final wedding preparations. Upon the

completion of all requirements, the marriage is performed by a person calledhuwes (judge, from

Spanish juez), an Ati appointed to this post by the headman (Morales, n.d.).

For a wedding feast, pigs, goats, and some chickens – usually contributions from the

groom’s parents and relations – are butchered. The neighboring Ati groups and some Christian

Filipinos get invited to the celebration, where dancing follows the feasting. An exchange of rice

balls formerly formed part of the marriage ceremony. After the ceremony, the huwes gives counsel

to the new couple regarding their duties and behavior as marriage partners. In Calatrava and San

Carlos towns in Negros Occidental, a marriage custom known as flight-and-pursuit was previously

practised. This entailed the actual pursuit of the woman by the prospective groom in the forest or

around a hill/mound or a field. Once caught, she may be considered his wife (Morales, n.d.).

A small fire would be built and the couple’s hands clasped over it by the designated

officiator. Then a dance would follow. With the Ati becoming increasingly acculturated, these

practices have undergone significant changes, if not totally abandoned. In some groups, couples

simply live together without the benefit of a wedding ceremony. In others, the prospective groom

would perform the pangagad but no longer required to give a bugay. Some Ati now get married

in the Catholic church. In cases where the groom backs out of his obligation to marry after the

bride-price has been settled and the wedding preparations arranged, he must pay an amount to

protect the girl’s honor (kadunganan) which has been tainted by a broken promise. Union between

close relatives, e.g., first degree cousins, is prohibited (Morales, n.d.).


The Ati are the central attraction in the Ati-atihan festival, a festival named in their honor.

It is said that the festival is held to commemorate the first appearance of the Roman Catholic

Church and the Spaniards in the province of Aklan. According to oral tradition, the Ati helped the

Spaniards conquer the native Bisaya and, as a reward, the tribe was given a statue of the Santo

Niño.

119


The Ati gather rattan for sale and for their own use. During difficult times, they process a

poisonous root, called banayong, found in the second-growth forests. The root is thoroughly

rinsed with water and dried, then cooked either in water or in coconut milk with salt added. The

Ati still continue to gather wild honey from the giant black honey bee called pityokan. Besides

honey, beeswax, called kabolay, is also collected, melted, and stored. Sale of medicinal roots and

plants constitutes another means of livelihood for the Ati. The herb doctors (herbolarios) travel as

far as Negros, Cebu, Bohol, and even Mindanao to market their products. Hunting (Morales, n.d.).

In previous years, hunting (pangayam or panganup) played a significant role in the Ati

economy especially during the rainy season (November to early part of January). The practice

has, however, declined throught the years. Game-hunted include birds, wild pigs, deer, monkeys,

iguanas, monitor lizards, wild cat, and wild chickens. Assisted by dogs, the Ati use bow and

arrows. Sometimes they go hunting without the dogs and armed only with a small light spear

called sumbiring (about 3 feet long having a 1 cm. shaft with a barbed point) especially effective

for monkeys. The Ati also use different traps and snares.

The division of the hunting harvest reflects the value attached to sharing. The person who

kills the animal gets a double share with the rest of the members of the hunting party dividing the

catch equally among themselves. Onlookers at the quartering of the game also receive a small

portion called saga; a pregnant woman is given a double saga. The dog and its owner share in

the harvest, even if the latter fails to join the hunting trip (NCCA, n.d.).

Fishing now seems to be more important than hunting. The women engage in pamunit

(pick up) to catch a kind of goby (Chronophorus melancephalus) using a bamboo stick one meter

long and one cm. thick with several earthworms tied to the end. When dipped into the water and

the nibbling of fish at the bait is felt, the stick is swiftly raised and the catch placed in a container.

Pangantipara, on the other hand, is practised by boys. Wearing fisherman’s goggles, they shoot

fish with a spear of wire (bidyo) propelled by two strands of rubber bands. To catch olang (giant

shrimp), the Ati fashion a harpoon (bidyo) that has a barbed point and a piece of string tied around

the spear, thereby preventing the catch from swimming away (NCCA, n.d.).

120

The usual method of catching eel and other larger fish in the streams is with the hook and

line, called karakbonit. The Ati bait the lines in the afternoon and remove them the next morning.

Other times they go fishing with their bare hands: simply groping under the stones along the river

banks to catch small fish, shrimps, and crabs. The Ati have also learned to use destructive

methods of extraction such as poison and the use of blasting powder, further depleting resources.

Other Sources of Income. Additional income is generated from other sources such as: handicraft

production (mats, receptacles, bracelets, wallets); bow and arrow making; making of the yoke;

animal-raising; employment as household help; begging on Fridays; and serving as midwives

(mananabang) or medicine-men/women (NCCA, n.d.).

Lesson 4. The Atta

The Southern Atta of Philippines, numbering 600, are no longer unreached. They are part

of the Filipino, Tribal people cluster within the Malay Peoples affinity bloc. This people group is

only found in the Philippines. Their primary language is Faire Atta. The primary religion practiced

by the Southern Atta is ethnic religion. Ethnic religion is deeply rooted in a people's ethnic identity

and conversion essentially equates to cultural assimilation (Joshua project, n.d.).


Cagayan Province, especially the municipality of Faire-Rizal, is where the Southern Attas

live. They live along the Cagayan River.

4.2 Way of Life

The Southern Atta people have their own ethnic religion. Ethnic religions are a broad

category of religious beliefs and practices linked with the adherents' ethnicity. Conversion typically

equates to cultural assimilation to the ethnic group, so their communities are often hostile towards

anyone who turns from their traditional ways (Joshua project, n.d.).

121


The Southern Atta people live in a fertile land where they practice agriculture. They grow

corn, rice and tobacco. Their lifestyle is simple by Filipino standards.

Lesson 5. Bukidnon of Negros

The group was first mentioned in 1894 in a report pointing out the existence of some 8,000

infieles in the interior; and then again later in an account of the massacre of an upland community

in the implementation of the policy of reduccion. The Bukidnon since then have undergone

acculturation while maintaining an upland adaptation (NCCA, n.d.).

5.1 Geographical Location

The Bukidnon (Magahat, Karolano, Mangahat, Buquitnon) of Negros Oriental are different

from the group of a similar name found in Mindanao which is of Manobo affinity. There are two

Figure 5.5. A bukidnon family

Source: (Gange, 2017)

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apparent subgroupings of the Negros Bukidnon: the (1) Magahat who live along the tributaries of

upper Tayaban, in the municipalities of Tanjay, Santa Catalina, Bayawan (Tolong), and Siaton;

and the (2) Karol-ano in the municipality of Kabankalan. The group is dispersed in the different

barangays of the municipality, principally in Kamansi, Oringao, Kabagayan, Manapla,

Lumbangan, Mabuhay, and Tayasan (NCCA, n.d.)..


The Bukidnon are shifting cultivators of the uplands in the interior of the island. Their

subsistence is mixed with food gathering. There is little substantial ethnography on this group.

The culture is generalized Visayan adapted to dry agricultural regimes up to elevations of 3,000

feet, planted to a wide range of cultigens with emphasis on rice. There is a similarity in culture

with the Sulod of Panay. The language is related to both Sugbuhanon and Hiligaynon (NCCA,

n.d.).

123

Lesson 6. Dumagat

Dumagat origin is the same with Aeta's in Northern Luzon. Their ancestral origin is traced

from Negrito's which is one of the earliest inhabitants in the Philippines. They are found in the

hillsides and mountains of Quezon, Bulacan, Rizal and Laguna provinces. The term "Dumagat"

is thought to be derived from the word "rumakat", "lumakat" or "lumakad" which signifies the

migration of early Negritos in Philippines by walking in land and not by the sea.

Figure 5.6. The Dumagat Tribe

Source: (Lazaro & Balbin, 2018)

6.1 Role and Family

Traditionally, children are born in the house of the parents. The husband assists the

midwife, usually an old woman, while the wife gives birth in a squatting position. The husband’s

presence is required during the labor; otherwise, as believed, the wife will have a difficult delivery.

Customary baptism is called pagbubuhos. This event is officiated by an old, respected man. He

pours water on the head of the baby who is then given a small amount of salt. The parents

themselves choose the godparents or ninong/ninang for their child (Morales, n.d.).

124

The groom’s family provides a house for the couple. Oftentimes, kin help build the one-

room hut. They practice a neolocal pattern of residence, but the new house is still within the area

of either of the two sets of parents or where the kaingin site is located. At times, the family builds

a kaingin hut if the permanent house is very far from the site. Usually, during the height of farming

activities, adults stay in the kaingin hut while the older children are left at the permanent house to

look after the younger siblings. A typical Remontado house is a one-room elevated hut with a

detachable ladder to keep out animals. The construction materials consist of tree trunks, caña

boho (for sides or walls), rattan, and cogon grass (for roofing) (Morales, n.d.).


The Dumagats are one of the major groups of indigenous peoples living in the Southern

Tagalog region south of Manila. The Dumagats, now numbering only about 30,000, inhabit the

fertile Sierra Madre Ranges on Quezon province's northern tip. A large throng of this ethnic tribe

can be found in the town of General Nakar, while a few of them can be spotted in three

municipalities of Polillo island.

They inhabit the uplands of Rizal and Quezon Provinces along the Sierra Madre

highlands. They live mainly on the eastern part of Rizal Province, specifically Sta. Ines of Antipolo

Municipality (now part of Tanay); Tinukan, Mamuyao, San Andres, Cuyambay, Layban, Daraitan,

and Sampaloc of Tanay; and Macabod, Anginan, Cabooan, Mabolo, Malasia and Puray of

Montalban. The areas of Infanta-Real-General Nakar of Quezon Province are also their dwelling

places. Although the Remontado are semi-nomadic, there is no reported case of heavy out-

migration. They roam in a specific geographic range they consider home base (Morales, n.d.).

6.3 Way of Life

Dumagats before are nomadic people, they stay for a while in a place, build their

temporary house and get their food from natural resources around them through hunting and

gathering crops in the wild. After the sources are depleted, they move in another place to gather

125

again food in the wild. They don't know how to cultivate soil for multi-cropping and no sustainable

living. They wear G-string for men and skirts wrap around the body for women. Dumagats before

are animists and their belief is differ from person to person. They have their own language used

among themselves. They did not have wedding ceremony but a simple conversation only between

two parties during a union (Morales, n.d.).

The indigenous group practices monogamy and often, endogamy. Intermarriage with non-

Remontado is not popular since the group members, said to be shy and passive by nature, are

not comfortable living with the banyaga or settlers. Their term for marriage is pagbabalae, that is,

performed by parental arrangement. Child bethrotal occurs when the children are still young. As

soon as the children reach puberty, the girl’s parents ask for the bilang or bride price (in 1937, the

boy’s family would pay the amount ranging from 10 to 100 pesos). In addition, clothes for the

bride as well as food and working animals for her parents are provided. During the wedding

ceremony, the bride dresses in the house of one of her nearest kin. The bridegroom than fetches

her and they walk together to the woman’s residence (Morales, n.d.).

As they parade, the relatives of the bride kneel to them, asking for rice and wine. When

the couple reach the house, an old man officiates at the wedding ceremony by counseling them.

He would loudly advice the couple to act maturely and leave behind their childish ways. Moreover,

he would express pity for the couple since they now have to leave their respective parents to live

independently. He tells them to offer their parents food and buyo (betel) in the future. After the

counseling, the parents of both parties declare them husband and wife. Currently, those who are

poor do not practice these rites anymore. Parental consent to live together is sufficient. There are

cases of separation due to adultery, although this very seldom happens. There are documented

instances of individuals remarrying after separation. The offending party returns the bilang and all

the expenses incurred during the wedding ceremony. Death is a possible consequence if this is

not achieved (Morales, n.d.).


The Dumagat-Remontado have a rich reservoir of knowledge on the environment and

ecology. Their taxonomy of the flora and fauna is evident in their crops, technology on hunting

126

wild games and even in the identification of medicinal plants. They are familiar with at least 10

varieties of gabi, six (6) of cassava, 16 of sweet potato, 11 of bananas, and 39 of rice, eight (8) of

which are glutinous. Their mastery and expertise on the issue of ecological management is also

evident in their kaingin system of multi-cropping and fallow period (Morales, n.d.).


Primarily, the Dumagats depend on farming, kaingin (orchard farming or slash-and-burn

agriculture), paid labor, vending logs and other forest commodities as livelihood. Secondarily, they

rely on fishing, hunting animals, gathering crops and other natural bounties for survival. Loan

dependence (usury) has reduced many of them to dismal poverty (Morales, n.d.).

The Remontado used to be hunters and gatherers before they switched to shifting

cultivation or kaingin. This economic activity has prompted them to gain mastery of seasonal

weather and yearly cycle. They also possess their own economic calendar showing the main

subsistence activities of the group. The whole family is involved in the process with the father

performing the heavier task of preparing the field; e.g., clearing and burning of the ground. Both

the mother and the children help in sowing, weeding and harvesting. If the field is too big for the

immediate family to manage, assistance from the kin is sought. Compensation is usually in kind

or in work exchange where the helper in turn seeks assistance for work in his own field. A typical

kaingin field is one half (1/2) to one-and-a-half (1 ½) hectares yielding a harvest of around one to

six (1-6) cavans per hectare. Rice is planted in May in time for the rainy season. In addition, the

following are also cultivated: corn, gabi, cassava and sweet potato. They plant vegetables,

papayas and bananas as intercrops. Pepper, beans and even tobacco are raised in scattered

patches while fruit bearing trees are planted around the plot (Morales, n.d.).


Today, many of them wears the same as the lowlands. Some of them were already literate

after some efforts of governments, missionaries and volunteers in the past. They stay now in one

place and start to cultivate land for multi-cropping. They are producing native products like rattan

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in exchange for the goods of lowlanders. Some of them are working with lowlander's farm. There

is also improvement in their religion, they adopted some belief of Christians for believing in only

one God (Morales, n.d.).

Lesson 7. Mamanwa of Mindanao

In Mindanao, the Aeta known as the Mamanwa lives in the northeastern provinces of

Surigao and Agusan. The term Mamanwa means “First Forest Dwellers”, derived from “man”

(first) and “banwa” (forest). However, they are popularly called “Kongking” because of their kinky

hair. The term could be derived from the word “conquista”, the conquered ones. The Mamanwas

still use their own dialect when they communicate among themselves although most of them can

now speak the dialects of the lowlanders (Kitcharao.wordpress, n.d.).

Figure 5.7. Mamanwa performers. Women hold and wave "banay" or a piece of cloth as a symbol of goodwill, prosperity, and blessings.

Source:(The Pinoy Explorer, 2012)

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The Mamanwa can be found in Agusan del Norte, Surigao del Norte, Surigao del Sur,

Panaoan Island, and in the mountains of Southern Leyte. Their other name is Mamanwa Negritos

and are believed to be descendants of the original settlers of the Philippines.

7.2 Way of Life

The Mamanwa eat wild fruit, nuts, honey and python meat. They make baskets and

hammocks. They have a nomadic lifestyle which could be an obstacle to the gospel. They believe

in spirits with Magbabaya as the main god.

Some old Mamanwas of today tell of their ancestors' early habitats along river mouths,

seashores, islets and islands. They cannot, however, pinpoint particular areas as their permanent

settlements for they did not have any. They transfer from place to place and travel as far as their

minds could imagine and their feet could carry them. The transfers usually happen in case of

deaths for it was the old customs to pack up and leave the place when death occurs even if their

plants are ready for harvest (Resture, 2011).


The Mamanwas are a respectable people who have a distinctive way of worship. They

show respect on things and places which are beyond their comprehensions. The sun, moon,

stars, big rocks, mountains, rivers, seas and lakes have special places in the hearts and minds of

the Mamanwas. Anything that gives goodness and food to them is to be respected. The lights

from the heavenly bodies, the fishes from the waters, the big rocks that sometimes become their

temporary homes in their nomadic lives are to be honoured by them. The mountains that give

them food like wild berries, fruits, birds, animals and reptiles are likewise given respect. For them,

things and places that are sources of foods seem to be gods (Resture, 2011).

129


The Mamanwas rely on the subsistence economy which is a hand-to- mouth existence.

They are many food-gatherers who move from one place to another depending upon the supply

of food found in the place. They gather rattan poles, orchids, tubers, nuts and honey. As food

gatherers, they use a variety of traps and hunting methods. Hunting intensifies during reiny

season from November to April. In the forest, Mamanwas set up the bayatik (spear traps) and the

gahong (pit traps) for animals like deer, wild pigs, monitor lizards, iguanas, monkeys and large

birds (Kitcharao.wordpress, (n.d.).


Mamanwas did not adopt the lowlanders' way of living. They have retained for centuries

their indigenous culture which to an outsider is often very difficult to understand. They speak their

own dialect and do not go to school to learn either Filipino or English (Resture, 2011).

Lesson 8. The Tumandok


The Tumandok remain the largest indigenous people’s group in Panay. They have a

population of 94,000 in the municipalities of Calinog, Jamindan, Lambunao, and Tapaz growing

out of the communities that their ancestors have built along the snaking Pan-ay River and the

mountainous borders of Capiz and Iloilo (Mongaya, 2011).

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Figure 5.8. Rolando Caballero helps guide his wife, Pricilla Caballero, who is the last known Binukot of the Panay Bukidnon Tribe (also known as the Tumandok) in central Panay


8.2 Way of Life

On the basis of this subsistence economy rooted in a land that isolated the Tumandok

from the rest of society for the most part of history arose a distinct way of life and rich culture. The

oral tradition of the Tumandok people gives an account of their legends, community affairs, and

agreements. They continue to sing or chant their epics or sugidanon in an archaic dialect called

dagil or ligbok. They also carry on the holding of the panimo ceremony before eating newly-

harvested rice to appease the spirits. Pangasi or rice wine is prepared for the panimo.The

traditional practice of training binukots who are secluded from the community upon turning three

years old and taught to chant sugidanon to command a good dowry has already disappeared

(Mongaya, 2011).

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The Binanog, depicting the movement of the hawk and danced to the beat of gongs and

a zarzuela-type interchange called ambahan which is sung in dagil are continued to be practiced

during important occasions.


Mostly slash-and-burn farmers with bisaya rice as the main crop, the Tumandok also

engage in hunting, fishing, and foraging for fruits and root crops. They practice different forms of

communal production in the form of hil-o, dagyaw, or sagiben in agriculture, dagsaw in fishing,

and pamatong in hunting (Mongaya, 2011).


The development in the form of dam construction, big commercial mining, and eco-tourism

projects threaten Tumandok communities. They are now fighting for their rights and privileges as

one members of IP communities (Mongaya, 2011).

Lesson 9. Sulod

The Sulod (Buki, Bukidnon, Mondo, Mundo, Putian) are a mountain people numbering

about 14,000 in 1980, who live along the banks of the Panay River on central Panay Island in the

Bisayan Islands in the central Philippines. Sulod is classified in the Hesperonesian Group of the

Austronesian Language Family. Small, autonomous settlements consist of from five to seven four-

walled, one-room houses, raised on bamboo or wooden posts (Landa, 1968).

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9.1 Role and Family

Descent is bilateral. Leadership is in the hands of the oldest man of each settlement.


The Sulod are the most populous of the varied cultural-linguistic groups inhabiting the

mountains of Central Panay; Tapaz, Capiz; Lambuano, Iloilo; and Valderrama, Antique Provinces,

who remain relatively unassimilated. They occupy the rugged finger-like slopes along the banks

of the river in the interior and higher mountains (Landa, 1968).

9.3 Way of Life

On momentous occasions, the women don headdresses decorated with narrow strips of

cloth lined by silver coins and glass-beaded necklaces intertwined with silver coins. Young men,

on the other hand, sport trousers and shirts, and the elders opt for g-strings; their headwear

consists of an ordinary buri hat, made from the buri palm (the most stately and largest of the

Philippine palms) (Landa, 1968).

Leadership is accorded by the eldest man in each settlement, known as parangkuton or

“counselor” (literally translated as “one to be asked”), presides over activities such as hunting,

house building, and moving to a new kaingin site. Additionally, he resolves disputes and

supervises annual social and religious enterprises. When the paragnkuton dies, the next eldest

man in the settlement assumes the leadership. Unique to their cultural practices, is the keeping

of binokot, which is concealing their beautiful women in closed rooms, away from the eyes of any

man; binokot was later incorporated to mean “record keepers” of their people. This, in turn,

became the principal sources of many Visayan epics such as Hinilawod, Humadapnon, and the

story of Labaw Donggon (Landa, 1968).

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Religion is an intimate element of Sulod life; every activity is in accordance to the wishes

of the spirits and deities, and, the individual does everything within his capacity to appease these

divinities, even to the extent of going into debt, in order to 'celebrate' a proper ceremony for the

principal spirit, diwata. There are 16 annual ceremonies and a number of minor observances,

most of which are conducted by the baylan; men or women appointed and whose sole functions

are to communicate with the preeminent spirits during seances and interpret dreams and omens

relative to the well-being of the communities (Landa, 1968).


Subsistence is based on cultivation of rice, maize, and sweet potato, supplemented by

hunting and fishing. As shifting cultivators, the Sulod rarely stay in one place for more than two

years, growing upland rice, maize, sweet potatoes, and other edible tubers. They incorporate

hunting-gathering to supplement their subsistence, catching fish with hook-and-line and fish traps;

they also gather vegetable products such as edible fungi. Their attire is ordinary reminiscent of

the lowland Bisayans (Landa, 1968).

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Assessment Task 1-1

1. What are the significant contributions of the Negritos to Philippine society?

_____________________________________________________________________________

_____________________________________________________________________________

_____________________________________________________________________________

_____________________________________________________________________________

_____________________________________________________________________________

_____________________________________________________________________________

_____________________________________________________________________________

2. Looking at your own physical attributes, how different or similar are you with that of the

Negritos?

_____________________________________________________________________________

_____________________________________________________________________________

_____________________________________________________________________________

_____________________________________________________________________________

_____________________________________________________________________________

_____________________________________________________________________________

_____________________________________________________________________________

3. There are many reported cases of abuse such bullying, land grabbing etc. among the

members of Negrito and Aeta groups, as a student, how can you help them to lessen these

problems?

_____________________________________________________________________________

_____________________________________________________________________________

_____________________________________________________________________________

_____________________________________________________________________________

______________________________________________________________________________

______________________________________________________________________________

135

Summary

The Negritos are a dark-skinned people that are ethnically different from other people in

the Philippines that are mostly Malay in origins. They are believed to be the original inhabitants

of the Philippines. Their origins are obscure. Some anthologist believe they are descendant of

wandering people that "formed an ancient human bridge between Africa and Australia.

The Negritos of the Philippines, along with the Semang Negritos of peninsular Malaysia,

are believed to be survivors of the original hunter gathers that inhabited Southeast Asia and the

Pacific before the arrival of the Chinese and Malays. Some Negritos adopted the Chinese

language. They are regarded as the ancestors of the hunter-gatherers that live on New Guinea

and the Solomon Islands and other Pacific islands.

The Negritos live in the mountains of Luzon and on the Philippine islands of Palawan,

Panay, Negros, Cebu and Mindanao. Also known as the Aeta, Atta, Baluga, Batak, Dumagat,

Mamanwa, Pugut, they are divided into approximately 25 widely scattered ethno linguistic groups

totally about 15,000 people.

136

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MODULE 6

INDIGENOUS COMMUNITIES OF MINDANAO

Introduction

The Philippines is a culturally diverse country with an estimated 14- 17 million Indigenous

Peoples (IPs) belonging to 110 ethno-linguistic groups. Mindanao is having around 61% of these

ethnic communities mainly concentrated in mountainous and forest areas of this region.

Intended Learning Outcomes

At the end of this module, the students should be able to:

1. Identify the major ethnic groups in Mindanao;

2. Recognize the value and contribution of indigenous communities of Mindanao to the

Philippine society; and

3. Describe the different ideas and stories behind the existence of indigenous

peoples of Mindanao Island.

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Lesson 1. T’boli of South Cotabato


The Tboli people are one of the indigenous peoples of South Cotabato in Southern

Mindanao. The body of ethnographic and linguistic literature on Mindanao, they are variously

known as Tboli, T'boli, Tböli, Tagabili, Tagabilil, Tagabulul and Tau Bilil. They term themselves

Tboli. Their whereabouts and identity are somewhat imprecise in the literature; some publications

present the Tboli and the Tagabili as distinct peoples; some locate the Tbolis to the vicinity of the

Lake Buluan in the Cotabato Basin or in Agusan del Norte. The Tbolis, then, reside on the

mountain slopes on either side of the upper Alah Valley and the coastal area of Maitum, Maasim

and Kiamba. In former times, the Tbolis also inhabited the upper Alah Valley floor. After World

War II, i.e., since the arrival of settlers originating from other parts of the Philippines, they have

been gradually pushed onto the mountain slopes. As of now, they are almost expelled from the

fertile valley floor (Lush, 2018).

1.2 Way of Life

This Tribal group is still living in a traditional way., comparable with how their ancestors

lived centuries ago. The T'boli distinguish themselves from other Tribal Groups by their colorful

Figure 6.1. The young T’boli group Source: (Logronio, 2017)

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clothes, bracelets and earrings, this tribe is famous for their complicated beadwork, wonderful

woven fabrics and beautiful brass ornaments (Jong, 2008).


The Tboli have a musical heritage consisting of various types of agung ensembles –

ensembles composed of large hanging, suspended or held, bossed/knobbed gongs which act as

drone without any accompanying melodic instrument. Other instruments include the hegelung.

Another contribution of T’boli is the T'nalak cloth. The weavers of this cloth have patterns inspired

by dreams and blessed by Fu Dalu, the god of abacá (Mercurio, 2006).

The T'nalak, the T'boli sacred cloth, made from abaca is the best known T'boli craft and is

one of the tribe’s traditional textile, this cloth is exchanged during marriages and used as a cover

during births. The T'boli women are named dreamweavers, another legend tells us that the T'nalak

weaving was taught by a goddess named Fu Dalu in a dream and that women learn this ethnic

and sacred ritual, based on tribal designs and cloth patterns through their dreams. These unique

patterns are made with centuries-old practices and passed down from generation to generation.

This typical T'boli textile is history held in the hands of their makers and the rich cultural heritage

can be seen through their creations, it shows the tribe's collective imagination and cultural

meanings (Jong, 2008).

The T'boli people believe in a highly-complex traditional religion that is unique to the

region. Their religion is regionally-complex and is composed of the life ways and belief systems

inherent to the Tboli psyche. However, in modern times, their religion has been degraded to a

certain extent due to the introduction of Roman Catholicism, Protestanism, and Islam.

Nevertheless, some communities continue to preserve and conserve the religion practices of their

ancestors, which has been established thousands of years ago (Jong, 2008).


Weaving is one among the many traditional economic activities of the T’boli group. It is a

very tedious job and requires much patience, a lot of creativity and a good memory to remenber

the particular designs. Men are not allowed to touch the chosen abaca fiber and materials used

in the weaving process and the weaver should not mate with her husband in the time the cloth is

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woven, for it may break the fiber and destroy the design. At present the T'nalak products have

become the signature product of the province of South Cotabato (Jong, 2008).

Lesson 2. The Badjaos

The Badjaos are a sea-dwelling tribe, often known as the "Sea Nomads", who have been

floating off the shores of Southeast Asia for centuries. As a nomadic tribe living in stilt huts or boat

houses on shallow waters, they make their living from traditional free-diving for fish and pearls.

Over the years, more and more Badjao people have been lured away from the ocean, migrating

to a life on land (Valle,2015).

2.1 Role and family

As mentioned by the Badjao Bridge (n.d.), in a typical sea dwelling community, children

often play and swim in water used for human waste disposal. This creates a wide range of health

issues such as gastrointestinal problems, eye diseases and skin infections such as scabies, to

name a few. Children are injured and sometimes die simply from walking on the elevated stilt

Figure 6.2. Badjao children practicing rowing

Source: (Jacobson, 2015)

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walkways. Children are especially vulnerable to dire economic circumstances. Their only escape

is through education, which sadly many Badjao families cannot afford.

With no options for families on the brink of starvation, children routinely are sent to nearby

cities to beg. Begging often provides a family enough resources to eat for the families because

they rely on this meager income, children essentially become slaves and are forced to beg up to

12 hours a day. Unable to attend school, the cycle of poverty takes a firm foothold in the

community (Badjao Bridge,n.d.).


According to Peralta (2002), the Badjaos are scattered along the coastal areas of Tawi

Tawi, Sulu, Basilan, and some coastal municipalities of Zamboanga del Sur in the ARMM.

Amongst themselves, they're known as Sama Laus (Sea Sama) and are found living on

houseboats where they make their livelihood solely on the sea as expert fishermen, deep sea

divers, and navigators

Sadly, due to the ongoing conflict in the region between revolutionary Muslim groups and

the government, many Badjao have migrated to Sabah in Malaysia and Sulawesi and Kalimantan

in Indonesia. As a result, they now comprise the second-largest ethnic group in Sabah, despite

the fact that many of them are illegal immigrants. There, the Badjao speak nearly (10) languages

of the Sama-Bajau subgroup of the Western Malayo-polynesian language family (Peralta, 2002)

Sea tribes are scattered all over South East Asia. The largest people group are the Badjao

people with an estimated population of 400,000. They are an indigenous ethnic group of The

Philippines which has been there since at least 500AD. Badjao are an endemic fisher-folk who

have been using sustainable fishing methods for over 1500 years. In the past 50 years however,

The Philippines has experienced a surge in population that has severely depleted fish

populations, leaving Badjao without anything to sustain their livelihood. Uneducated and often

ostracized by the majority people group, they are left struggling to survive in modern society

(Peralta, 2002).

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2.3 Economic and Livelihood Activities

The men of the tribe are skilled fishermen specifically the art of pantana fishing (spear

fishing). They traditionally lived on house boats moving through the sea wherever was needed,

to fulfil their fishing requirements. The Badjao are also talented divers – diving for pearls. To this

day, these activities still play a major part in the lives of the Badjao people. They collect the fish

and pearls and sell them at the main markets in Cebu City. These activities are traditionally their

main source of income (O’Callaghan, 2018). They come to shore to barter their harvests for

farmed produce such as fruits and cassava, as well as, replenish their supplies and/or make

repairs to their houseboats.

2.4 Way of Life

Unique to their cultural rituals is the concept of life and their relationship to the sea: For

example, as a childbirth ritual, a newly born infant is thrown into the sea and members of the clan

dive to save the newborn. Other traditions such as marriages are prearranged by the parents for

their sons and daughters; the process similar to other ethnic groups, in that, a dowry is often

presented to the parents of the woman a man wishes to marry. And, only the Badjao leader can

consecrate a marriage. Therefore a leader is chosen based on individual inherent virtues, wisdom,

and “charisma”...an innate ability to attract followers.

Figure 6.3. The life of a Badjao family Source:(Carriet, 2011)

146


According to Valle (2015), in the process of adapting to a land-based life, their unique

skills in free-diving, along with their in-depth knowledge and understanding of the ocean, becomes

much less relevant. The younger generations have forgotten their ability to dive to the bottom of

the reef and walk on the bottom of the ocean. Many Badjao communities on land live in squalid

settlements.

Some Badjao, however, have managed to maintain a sea-faring life and preserve their

traditions in the solitude and liberty of living freely and independently on the sea, away from the

rules and restrictions that bind those who live on land (Valle,2015).

However, due to increasing piracy around the 1960’s the Badjao people were forced off

the water and onto land. They found a new home at Alaska Beach, Mambaling in Cebu City. They

built wooden houses suspended over water in which they could tie their boats to. This style of

house suited the tribe’s people very well as it provided easy access to their boats (Valle,2015).

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Lesson 3. The Lumads of Mindanao

The Lumad are a group of Austronesian indigenous people in the southern Philippines. It

is a Cebuano term meaning "native" or "indigenous". The term is short for Katawhang Lumad

(Literally: "indigenous people”. The 18 major lumad ethnolinguistic groupings are the Bagobo,

Banwaon, Blaan, Bukidnon, Dibabawon, Higaonon, Mamanwa, Mandaya, Mangguwangan,

Manobo, Mansaka, Matigsalug, Subanen, Tagakaolo, Talaandig, Tboli, Teduray, and

Ubo. Lumad are distinct from the Moro (indigenous Islamic) tribes, which include about 14 sub-

groups concentrated in western Mindanao. Lumad are also distinct from the indigenous groups

which are based in Mindanao but rooted in Visayan culture (Buchholdt, n.d.).

Figure 6.4. The Lumads -Keeping their tradition alive

Source: (Manila Times, 2017)


According to Buchholdt (n.d.), they can be found in the following towns and cities:

Cotabato, Tandag, Dipolog, Kidapawan, Marbel, Tagum, Cagayan de Oro, Davao, Malaybalay,

Pagadian, Butuan, Surigao, Ozamis, Ipil, Digos, Mati and Dipolog. Lumad are found throughout

Mindanao, in remote mountainous areas and valleys, in low-lying plains, and in coastal areas.

Over the years, the Lumad have nurtured and protected their traditional ancestral lands, and their

148

individual cultures. Lumad culture is rich and diverse, with a wide range of languages, chants,

rituals, dances, and other traditions.

3.2 Way of Life

Lumads have not succumbed to the modern ways of living. Up to this day, they prefer to

live in the mountainsides of Mindanao, living the traditional life. Their beliefs can be seen through

the ornaments of every woman and the woven dresses they wear. They believe in spirits and

gods.


The Lumad of Mindanao encompass many different indigenous cultures of the Philippines.

These cultures offer a rare window into the everyday life and the precolonial cultures of the

Philippines (Buchholdt, n.d.).


According to Ulindang (n.d.), economically, Lumads practiced swidden agriculture

depending on the land’s productivity. Communal sharing of resources based on the belief of the

sacredness of land and nature as divine endowments define their relationship with their

environment. Their socio-political arrangements were varied. The Mandaya were led by their

bagani or warrior while the Bagobos, Manuvu as well as most of the Lumads by their datu. The

Datu’s subjects were his sacops. The Lumad remained isolated and withdrawn from the hills and

forest that were difficult to penetrate. The Spanish colonial strategy was to begin colonization

along the coast towards the plains for purposes of trade and political consolidation. During the

Revolution of 1896, Lumads joined a band ofdeportados and boluntarios who started a mutiny in

Marawi City against their Spanish superiors. They roamed the Misamis Oriental area, harrassing

and wreaking havoc on Chinese and Spanish-owned business establishments. They were fully

armed and looked “healthy”. They were led by an armed Lumad named Suba who had his own

trumpeteers announce their coming. They were later known to have joined a group of rebels on

the Agusan area who left to join the Katipuneros of Luzon.

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Assessment Task 2-1

1. Describe the different ideas and stories behind the existence of indigenous peoples

of Mindanao Island.

________________________________________________________________________

________________________________________________________________________

________________________________________________________________________

________________________________________________________________________

________________________________________________________________________

________________________________________________________________________

________________________________________________________________________

2. Just recently, there are a lot of young Badjaos roaming around begging for money

and food. Give your personal reaction to this.

________________________________________________________________________

________________________________________________________________________

________________________________________________________________________

________________________________________________________________________

________________________________________________________________________

________________________________________________________________________

3. Assuming that you are an elected official of Mindanao, what specific project will you

launch that can support the needs of IP communities living in that area?

________________________________________________________________________

________________________________________________________________________

________________________________________________________________________

________________________________________________________________________

________________________________________________________________________

________________________________________________________________________

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Summary

Mindanao is having around 61% of these ethnic communities mainly concentrated in

mountainous and forest areas of this region. The Tboli people are one of the indigenous peoples

of South Cotabato in Southern Mindanao. The body of ethnographic and linguistic literature on

Mindanao, they are variously known as Tboli, T'boli, Tböli, Tagabili, Tagabilil, Tagabulul and Tau

Bilil. They term themselves Tboli.

The Badjaos are a sea-dwelling tribe, often known as the "Sea Nomads", who have been

floating off the shores of Southeast Asia for centuries. As a nomadic tribe living in stilt huts or boat

houses on shallow waters, they make their living from traditional free-diving for fish and pearls.

Over the years, more and more Badjao people have been lured away from the ocean, migrating

to a life on land.

The Lumad are a group of Austronesian indigenous people in the southern Philippines. It

is a Cebuano term meaning "native" or "indigenous". The term is short for Katawhang Lumad

(Literally: "indigenous people”).

151

References

Badjao Bridge. (n.d.) Sea Dwellers in the 21st Century. Retrieved September 21, 2020 from

https://www.badjaobridge.org/sea

Carriet. (14 April 2011). Badjao people: Cultural and religious background. The Endless

Journey. Retrieved September 24, 2020 from

http://carrieannt.blogspot.com/2011/04/badjao-peole-cultural-and-religious.html

Casal, G. (1978). The T'boli creation myth and religion. T'boli Art: in its Socio

Cultural Context, pp. 122-123.

National Commissions for Culture and the Arts [NCCA]. (n.d.). Lumad in Mindanao. Retrieved

September 24, 2020 from https://ncca.gov.ph/about-ncca-

3/subcommissions/subcommission-on-cultural-heritagesch/historical-research/lumad-in-

mindanao/

Jacobson, J. (02 June 2015). 5 Architectural Secrets of the Badjao: 21st Century Sea People.

ArchDaily. Retrieved September 30, 2020 from https://www.archdaily.com/638523/5-

architectural-secrets-of-the-badjao-21st-century-sea-people ISSN 0719-8884

Jong, R. (2008). Destinations: Philippines / Mindanao. Things Asian press.

Logronio, J.M. (2017). T’Boli tribe. Mindanao Indigenous Peoples Conference for Peace and

Development (MIPCPD). Retrieved September 29, 2020 from

http://www.mipcpd.org/tribe/tboli-tribe/

Lush, E. (2018). Making of: T'nalak weaving, Philippines. The Textile Atlas. Retrieved

September 20, 2020 from http://thingsasian.com/story/tboli-tribe-south-cotabato

Mercurio, P. D. (2006). Traditional music of the Southern Philippines. PnoyAndTheCity: A center

for Kulintang – A home for Pasikings.

https://www.badjaobridge.org/sea

https://ncca.gov.ph/about-ncca-3/subcommissions/subcommission-on-cultural-heritagesch/historical-research/lumad-in-mindanao/



http://thingsasian.com/taxonomy/term/27

http://thingsasian.com/taxonomy/term/330

https://www.thetextileatlas.com/craft-stories/tnalak-weaving-philippines

http://thingsasian.com/story/tboli-tribe-south-cotabato

http://www.pnoyandthecity.blogspot.com/

152

O’Callaghan, M. (2018) The story of the Badjao Tribe. Retrieved September 22, 2020 from

https://www.serve.ie/the story-of-the-badjao-tribe/

The Manila Times. (2017). Lumad women keep the tradition alive. Retrieved September 27 from

https://www.manilatimes.net/2017/08/12/supplements/lumad-women-keep-tradition-

alive/344021/

Ulindang, F. (n.d.) Lumad in Mindanao. Department of History, Mindanao State University,

Marawi City.

Buchholdt, T. (n.d.). The Lumad Cultures of Mindanao. Salupongan International. Retrieved

September 29, 2020 from https://www.festalpagdiriwang.com/lumad-cultures-of-

mindanao

Valle, G. (2015). The Badjao: Nomads of the sea. Retrieved September 25, 2020 from

https://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/inpictures/2015/12/badjao-nomads-sea-

151207105708904.html

https://www.serve.ie/the%20%20%20story-of-the-badjao-tribe/

https://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/inpictures/2015/12/badjao-nomads-sea-151207105708904.html

https://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/inpictures/2015/12/badjao-nomads-sea-151207105708904.html

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MODULE 7

ISLAMIC INDIGENOUS GROUPS

Introduction

Moro is the collective term used to refer to the Filipino Muslim ethnolinguistic groups

(Kamlian, 2012). As a Muslim ethnic group, they comprised the majority of non-Christian

population in the Philippines. According to the International Religious Freedom Report (2013),

they account for approximately 5% of the Philippine population which is equivalent to about 5

million people in the country. The majority of Muslims live in the islands of Mindanao and few

parts of Palawan (Minority Rights Group International [MRGI], 2020).

The major Moro ethnolinguistic groups are the Maguindanao, Maranao, Tausug, Samal,

Bajau, Yakan, Ilanon, Sangir, Melabugnan, and Jama Mapun (MRGI, 2020). Three of these

groups make up the great majority of the Moros. It includes the Maranaos of the Lanao provinces,

the Tausugs from Jolo, and the Maguindanaos of North Cotabato, Kudarat, and Maguindanao

provinces (MRGI, 2020).

Despite shared linguistic and religious differentiation against the Christian majority, the

Moros have not been traditionally united (International Crisis Group [ICG], 2011). They are often

hostile to each other as they are divided by degrees of Islamic orthodoxy and linguistic differences,

but they shared common hostility to the central authorities – the Spaniards, Americans, and the

Christianized Filipinos from Luzon (MRGI, 2020; ICG, 2011).

After independence from the colonizers, “decades of fighting between the government and

the Moro-Muslim separatist groups have resulted in mass displacements affecting mostly Muslim

communities” (MRGI, 2020; Rodil, 2014, par. 4).

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Learning Outcomes

At the end of this module, students should be able to:

4. Identify the different indigenous communities in the Philippines in terms of political,

social, and cultural aspects of life;

5. Discuss the roles of indigenous peoples and their way of life as their contribution to the

Filipino Society;

3. Examine their situation in the current social, political, and cultural landscape of the

Philippines; and

4. Conduct a comparative analysis of the Indigenous people and communities.

155

Lesson 1. The Maranaos/Maranaw

The Maranaos are the inhabitants of Lanao del Norte and Lanao del Sur (Ethnic Groups

of the Philippines [EGP], 2020). The term “Maranao” literally means “people of the lake,” taken

after their traditional territory Lake Lanao that is surrounded by Bukidnon-Lanao Plateau (Wilken,

as cited in Joshua Project, 2020; EGP, 2020). They are believed to have lived in the Southern

Philippine island of Mindanao since the 13th century, while many has relocated in Manila as time

passed by (Wilken, as cited in Joshua Project, 2020). Maranao is often used to refer to the ethnic

group, although it is also used to denote their language (National Commission for Culture and the

Arts [NCCA], n.d.).

Figure 7.1. The Maranaos in their traditional colorful clothing while traversing the Lanao lake

Source: (Potpot, 20 January 2019)


The Lanao Lake is home to about 863,659 Maranaos (NCCA, n.d.). It is located in North

Central Mindanao at approximately 135 square miles in area and situated at 2,300 feet above sea

level (De Jong, 2010). They are one of the largest Islamic groups in the Philippines whose core

areas include Marawi City, Lumba-a-bayabao, and Bayang (Gaur, 2016). They are a splinter

group which traces their religious origins to Sharif Kabunsuan who introduced religion to

Maguindanao (EGP, 2020).

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1.2 Role and Family

Similar to most Filipino Muslims, the Maranao significantly differ from the Christians who make

up the majority of the country’s population (Gaur, 2016). Their land is owned by the clan and

controlled by the local leaders known as the datus (EGP, 2020; Gaur, 2016).

Several families form a Maranao village where they live in homes without walls (EGP, 2020;

NCCA, n.d.). They are also allowed to become members of different villages simultaneously,

without any fear of recrimination as outcasts due to accepted bilateral relationships (EGP, 2020).

The Maranaos also follow the Islamic customs of marriage and family (Gaur, 2016).

1.3 Way of Life

Maranao communities are also clustered around a mosque and a torogan (EGP, 2020). A

torogan is a vernacular structure which served as a royal house to preeminent economic

household in the area (EGP, 2020; NCCA, n.d.).

The native Maranaos have a fascinating culture which revolves around music, art, and craft.

Almost every family specializes in different form of craft that are part of the traditional Maranao

culture like “woodcarving, tapestry weaving, brass-making, and the fine art of silver and gold

smithing” (De Jong, 2010, par.6). The tribe’s arts and crafts are more distinct and recognizable

than other cultures in the Philippines.


The Maranaos significantly contribute to the market and trade industry in Mindanao. They are

known for the usage of awang or a dugout boat in trading within the Lake Lanao (EGP, 2020).

The tribe’s primary subsistence includes “dry rice cultivation in hilly areas; intensive wet rice

in flood plains; and some corn, sweet potato, coffee, cassava, and peanuts” (Bureau on Cultural

Heritage [BCH], 2019, par 6.). They also incorporate lake fishing to supplement their agricultural

harvests (Wilken, as cited in Joshua Project, 2020).

157

Aside from rice farming, metalworking and woodworking handicrafts have also become a

significant part of the Maranao’s economic activities (Gaur, 2016). Meanwhile, textiles in the

Maranao culture “symbolize the socio-economic rank of the wearer” as represented by the

intricacies in motifs, colors, and designs that are woven into the fabric (EGP, 2020, par. 2).


The Maranaos have a very rich cultural heritage which they enjoy sharing with people outside

their culture. Textiles, metalwork, woodcraft, and architecture are important expressions of

culture. The following are only few of the Maranao’s significant contributions to the Filipino society

(Wilken, as cited in Joshua Project, 2020):

1. Awang – dugout boat used in Lake Lanao, recognized as the most unique and ornate of

dugouts.

2. Kulintang – the instrumental music of the Maranao people. It is performed on a unique set

of eight melodious gongs. The kulintang musical tradition predates the Islam and it is

shared by both Muslim and non-Muslim communities in Mindanao as well as other nations

to the south.

3. Darangen – the epic song of the Maranao which encompasses wealth of knowledge

among the Maranao people. It was proclaimed by UNESCO as one of the Masterpieces

of the Oral and Intangible Heritage of Humanity in 2005.

4. Okir or Okkil – an indigenous, organic flowering, and branching motif used in the

Philippines and other Southeast Asian countries (de Jong, 2019).


The increasing literacy rate in the Philippines has led to a dramatic increase in literacy among

the Maranao communities (Wilken, as cited in Joshua Project, 2020). Numerous Maranaos are

already degree holders, that they find it difficult to obtain employment that are suitable to their

education. Due to shortage of jobs in Lanao provinces, many educated Maranaos resorted to

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traditional occupations like agriculture and craftmanship (EGP, 2020). Others chose to migrate in

Manila to find better opportunities (Wilken, as cited in Joshua Project, 2020).

The Christian and Missionary Alliance was also successful in establishing a church in a

Muslim region in Mindanao (Wilken, as cited in Joshua Project, 2020). It facilitated the literacy

program among the Maranaos as gospels as broadcasted in radios and adopted in films.

The Maranao is one of the last tribes in Mindanao who are adapting to the modern society

without completely losing their ethnic identities (De Jong, 2010). They strive to live in their own

domain in an effort to escape the modernizing influences of the contemporary world.

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Lesson 2. The Maguindanao / Magindanaw / Maguindanaon

The Maguindanao (also spelled as Magindanaw) is an ethnolinguistic group which

primarily settled in south-central Mindanao. They are heavily concentrated along shores and flood

lands of the Pulangi-Mindanao River basin which earned them the name “Maguindanao” that

means “people of the flood plain” (Gorlinski, 2011, par. 1). They are known as the largest Moro

group in the Philippines with an estimated 1.4 million population during the second decade of the

21st century (Gorlinski, 2011).

The sultanate is “divided into two principal groups, each with its own dialect and traditional

location” (EGP, 2020, par. 2). These groups are known as the Tau-sa Ilud (people of the lower

valley) and the Tau-sa Laya (people of the upper valley). Tau-sa Ilud are concentrated in Cotabato

and South Dinaig areas while Tau-sa Laya can be found in the areas of Datu Piang and Buluan

(EGP, 2020).

The sultanate continues to expand which widened the summit of their strength and

influence under Sultan Kudarat. Until the latter part of the 21st century, Maguindanao remained

as one of the most prominent sultanates in the southern Philippines as they retained much of their

political power (Gorlinski, 2011).

Figure 7.2. The Maguindanao women

Source: (Dacumos, 31 May 2012)

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According to legend, the Maguindanao were converted to Islam by Muslim Prince Sarip

Kabungsuan who claimed to be a descendant of the Prophet Mohammed (Maguindanao in

Philippines, 2020). The legend states that he won his converts through a combination of his

wisdom, appeal to his message, and supernatural powers. It is also believed that he was married

to a woman who was miraculously born from a stalk of bamboo (Maguindanao in Philippines,

2020).


The south-central part of Mindanao is historically known as Cotabato. The name is derived

from the Malay’s “stone fort” which refers to the fort that once stood at the mouth of the Pulangi

River and serves as the main access to the interior of the Cotabato valley (Maguindanao, 2020).

The valley is nearly surrounded by mountains while the river (known as the Mindanao River) is a

confluence of several tributaries which flow down the mountains (Maguindanao, 2020; Rodney,

2019). The Maguindanaon are predominantly found in four provinces: Maguindanao, North

Cotabato, South Cotabato, and Sultan Kudarat, thus forming the Cotabato region (EGP, 2020).

2.2 Role and Family

The Maguindanao society is stratified and family-oriented. They can trace their ancestry to

Maguindanao royalty according to the highest rank (Gorlinski, 2011). Their “households often

include extended and/or multiple families” that are headed by a datu (Maguindanao, 2020, par

11).

The kinship system of Maguindanao is traced through both parents. However, it is unusual

because it is “modified by a system of social rank, rules of descent, and distinctive marriage

patterns” (Maguindanao in Philippines, 2020). Although social rank is considered as less

important than blood relationship in Maguindanao, they still give exception to highest ranking

individual. They removed them from manual labor where men usually do the plowing, tilling, and

other heavy farm work while women are in-charge of the domestic work (Maguindanao in

Philippines, 2020; Maguindanao, 2020).

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Social rank in Maguindanao community is determined by one’s maratabat (social status) that

is based on real or imputed descent from Sarip Kabungsuwan (Maguindanao, 2020). Families

classified as high-ranking maintain an elaborate genealogy in order to validate their claims to the

lines of descent (EGP, 2020; Rodney, 2019). The precise social ranks of lower status are often

unclear, but is said to be a factor in selecting an appropriate marriage partner (Maguindanao,

2020).

Maguindanaons have strong preference for marriage among relatives, especially to the

second cousin (Maguindanao in Philippines, 2020). Most of their marriages are monogamous,

but they also practice polygyny (having more than one wife) under the Islamic law (EGP, 2020;

Maguindanao in Philippines, 2020). In local tradition, polygyny is often practiced by wealthy

people of high ranks.

After marriage, the couple are expected to reside in the husband’s community where they

often joined his extended family (Maguindanao, 2020). Although, nowadays, this is rarely

practiced as the couple already have an option to form their own independent household. Divorce

is also allowed under Islamic tradition, especially during the early years of marriage (EGP, 2020;

Maguindanao in Philippines, 2020). Most divorces occur due to “infertility, incompatibility,

infidelity, or failure of the bride’s relatives to pay an agreed bride-wealth” (Maguindanao, 2020,

par. 11).


Traditional settlements in Maguindanao are located in the extensive coast and mostly near

the waterways in the interior of their territory (Maguindanao in Philippines, 2020). This kind of

settlement allowed the ease of trading and communication among the Maguindanaos and non-

Muslim native people like the Manobo and Tiruray (Maguindanao, 2020). The Maguindanaos

dominate the trade where they were able to establish several trading centers in Cotabato City,

Datu Plang, and General Santos City that also serve as seats of political power (Maguindanao in

Philippines, 2020).

Other settlements along or near the waterways were also controlled by the datus where

traditional dwellings have been altered by building of the roads that do not follow the natural

162

course of the waterways (Maguindanao, 2020). Since the American colonial period, large towns

have already sprung up along the roads and highways which became new centers of commerce

while the older water-oriented communities have become isolated and languished (Maguindanao

in Philippines, 2020; EGP, 2020).

In the 20th century, the Maguindanao also dominated trade with people of the interior island

whom they exacted tributes from (Maguindanao, 2020). They sold commodities like “salt, metal

goods, Chinese pottery, cloth, beads, and other manufactured items” that may be exchanged for

rice, gold, and a variety of forest products (Maguindanao, 2020; EGP, 2020). At the time, slaves

may also be sold or exchanged.

Lands were also communally owned during the early years of 20th century. Claimants only

need to demonstrate descent from their ancestors who had cleared and used that land

(Maguindanao, 2020). It was only altered in the 1920s when the American colonial government

conducted cadastral surveys to determine the individual landholdings of the Maguindanaons

(Maguindanao in Philippines, 2020). A lot of datus have taken this opportunity to claim the land

farmed by their followers as their own, and thus acquired large parts of the communal lands (EGP,

2020; Maguindanao, 2020).

Today, there is a “mixture of titled small holdings, land of uncertain title farmed on the basis

of traditional claims, and ‘estate’ lands farmed by datus and their tenants” (Maguindanao, 2020,

par. 15). They are also able to produce nearly all their own food, “grown variety of crops, trap fish,

and obtain wild foods from the marshes” (Maguindanao in Philippines, 2020, par.6). the

Maguinadanaons also cultivate wet rice in the lowlands, and dry rice and corn in the upland areas.

Their diets include “yams, rice, tomatoes, squash, beans, coconuts, goats, chickens, and eggs”

(Maguindanao in Philippines, 2020, par.6).

2.4 Way of Life

The Maguindanaons are the largest group of Muslim Filipinos (Maguindanao in Philippines,

2020). However, rather than an orthodox Islam, the sultanate’s belief system follows the “folk

Islam” where they usually mingle with the animalistic beliefs (belief that inanimate objects have

spirits) (Maguindanaos, 2020).

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The imams (religious leaders) and the panditas (religious teachers) preside over the religious

life of the Maguindanaons (Maguindanao, 2020). They regularly celebrate religious holidays and

festivals while teaching schoolboys to memorize the Qu’ran (EGP, 2020; Maguinadano, 2020).


The Maguindanaons are known for the ceremonies, festivities, art, and music. They have

distinct culture that they still practice until today. Some of these are the following:

1. Kulintang – the most emblematic musical traditions of the Maguindanao. It is a percussion

ensemble that “draws its name from the melodic centerpiece, a single row of seven or

eight small horizontally suspended ‘pot gongs’ (Gorlinski, 2011, par. 6). Kulintang sets

constitute heirloom property, and its ownership remains a traditional status symbol among

the Maguindanaons. Both men and women participate in the ensemble where they often

engage in spirited competition on the gong row (Gorlinski, 2011).

2. Aside from musical instruments, the Maguindanao also perform broad spectrum of vocal

repertoire which ranges from the songs related to the recitation of the Qu’ran or love long

songs and lullabies of the epics and other narrative songs (EGP, 2020; Gorlinski, 2011).

3. The Maguindanaons are also known in the realm of visual arts. They are renowned

metalworkers who produce gongs, weapons, and wavy bladed Kris ceremonial swords

(Gorlinski, 2011). Their woven mats and colorful fabrics (like the malong or the tube skirts)

are also famous among the Muslims and non-Muslims communities (Gorlinski, 2011).

Most of the Maguindanaon art is confined to weaving, basket making, and designing

ornaments (Maguindanao, 2020). They love bright clothing, beaded jewelry, and other

accessories which make their apparel distinctive and colorful (EGP, Maguindanao, 2020).

Numerous Maguindanaon products are handcrafted in their houses from “wood, bamboo, rattan,

thatch, and fiber” that are used for domestic and commercial purposes (Maguindanao in

Philippines, 2020).

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Lesson 3. The Yakan

The Yakan (also spelled as Yacan) ethnic group primarily reside in the hillsides of Basilan

(Stockinger, 1998). They are one of the major Muslim groups who were formerly known as

Tanguina (De Jong, 2010). They make up half of Basilan’s population that are related to other

South Philippines Muslim Groups (Yakan in Philippines, 2020). In the early 21st century, there are

an approximately 100,000 members of the Yakan tribe in the Philippines and 12, 000 in Malaysia

(Gorlinski, 2012).

Yakans are horse-riding hill tribe whose descents are believed to stem from the Orang

Dyaks or the Tagihamas of Eastern Indonesia (Ethnic Groups of the Philippines [EGP], 2020;

Yakan in Philippines, 2020). The tribe is also known to be kind and loving who live in close-knit

communities and embody a non-materialistic culture (Bramhall, 2016). They are recognized for

their remarkable technicolor geometric weaves, colorful handwoven clothes, and distinctive face

decorations (Bramhall, 2016; Stockinger, 1998). They can also speak Austronesian language that

is written in either Malay Arabic or in Latin script related to the northern Borneo (Gorlinski, 2012).

Figure 7.3. A typical Yakan family wearing traditional handwoven clothes for festivities

Source: (Haute Culture Fashion, 2016)

165

During colonial times, the Spaniards branded the inhabitants of Basilan as Yakan as a

mispronunciation of the word ‘yakal’, from yakal trees which thickly covered the island (Yakan in

Philippines, 2020). Yakans are generally tall, have a brown skin, slanting eyes, black hair, and

high-bridged noses which made them distinct from other ethnic Filipino groups (Yakan in

Philippines, 2020).


The Yakans are the original inhabitants of Basilan, but due to several political unrests and

armed conflicts between soldiers and militant groups, some of them settled in Zamboanga City

and other parts of central and southwestern Mindanao (Yakan in Philippines, 2020; Abdulhakim,

2017; Stockinger, 1998). They are concentrated in Tipo-tipo, Lamitan, Sumisip, and Tuburan at

the Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) (EGP, 2020; Bureau of Cultural Heritage

[BCH], 2019). They can also be found in Sacol, Malanipa, and Tumalutab islands in the Southern

tip of Zamboanga Peninsula while smaller groups of Yakan reside in Sabah and East Malaysia

(Bramhall, 2016; Gorlinski, 2012; National Commission for Culture and the Arts [NCCA], n.d.).


Unlike their seafaring neighbors, the Yakans are predominantly inland-dwelling

agriculturists (Yakan in Philippines, 2020; Gorlinski, 2012). They use plows drawn by water

buffalos to cultivate the fields (Yakan in Philippines, 2020; De Jong, 2010). They also rely in rice

as a means of subsistence. Gorlinski (2012) argued that the Yakan tribe supplies rice to Tausugs,

Samal, and other coastal people in the region, too.

Furthermore, the tribe cultivates additional root crops like corn, eggplant, beans, cassava,

and other vegetables (Yakan in Philippines, 2020; Gorlinski, 2012). They grow fruits such as

papayas, bananas, mangoes, and pineapples. They also plant coconut palms for commercial

copra production (Gorlinski, 2012).

The Yakans combine their religion to agriculture. They have a local Imam who offers

prayer before planting and harvesting the fields (EGP, 2020; De Jong, 2010). The Imam plants

166

the first seed at the center of the rice field while offering prayer for abundant harvest (BCH, 2019;

De Jong, 2010). According to De Jong (2010), the Yakans believe that Mondays, Tuesdays, and

Wednesdays are good working days while the remaining days of the week are bad working days.

3.3 Way of Life

Yakan houses are scattered across the countryside rather than clustered into villages like

the other ethnic groups in the area (Gorlinski, 2012). Their houses are mostly inhabited by nuclear

families which is joined by small political units or parishes, local mosque headed by the Imam,

and a council (Gorlinski, 2012). Parish membership in Yakan is totally voluntary and it is in no

way bound by kinship.

The Yakan tribe have their own identifiable culture and religion related to Moro groups

(Stockinger, 1998). The diversity of their culture is best portrayed in their Lami-lamihan Festival

which showcases traditional Yakan customs, traditions, music, traditional dances, and crafts (De

Jong, 2010). The tribe proverbially lays a red carpet and warm hospitality for all spectators who

will come and visit the festival (Bramhall, 2016; De Jong, 2010).

One of the festival’s highlights is the traditional display of the Yakan’s handwoven

garments (De Jong, 2010). According to Stockinger (1998), women wear tightfitting short blouses

while both sexes wear narrow-cut pants which resemble breeches. Stockinger (1998) added that

women also wear wrap-around material while men wrap a sash-like cloth around their waists

where they usually place their weapons (usually a long knife).

The traditional Semmek is also worn by both the bride and groom during a tribal wedding

ceremony (Abdulhakim, 2017; Bramhall, 2016). Their faces are also painted with distinctive

patterns during weddings, although patterns do not have any symbolic meaning (Bramhall, 2016).

Abdulhakim (2017) cited that these patterns are painted for aesthetic purposes only.

In religion, Gorlinski (2012) argued that Yakan are decidedly Muslim whose practices are

uniquely colored with local tradition. For instance, men and women are starkly separated and

veils among women are uncommon (Gorlinski, 2012). The National Commission for Culture and

the Arts (n.d.), also stated that Yakan religion is Islamic with syncretic elements from traditional

and indigenous beliefs (NCCA, n.d.).

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Abdulhakim (2017) added that some Yakans also practice animism and old religious

beliefs. He stated that syncretism is not unusual in the Philippine setting because the Catholics

also perform the same rituals to their anting-anting and Sto. Niño (Abdulhakim, 2017). The center

of the Yakan community is the langgal that is headed by an Imam (Abdulhakim, 2017; Gorlinski,

2012). It is a sacred place where the Imam performs all the religious functions and rice ceremonies

(Abdulhakim, 2017).

Gorlinski (2012) added that aside from an Imam, a shaman and the presence of myriad

spirits are also consulted to cure illnesses. They also celebrate Muslim holidays and a series of

rituals in celebration of the local agricultural cycle (Gorlinski, 2012). The weddings in Yakan are

also celebrated twice: once according to Muslim practice and once according to the Yakan

tradition (Bramhall, 2016; Gorlinski, 2012).

According to Stockinger (1998), the tribe is also known to be peaceful and respectful as

shown in their manner of greeting strangers. In meeting the tribe, the visitors have to join them in

a betel nut chewing ritual known as the Mang-Upa (Stockinger, 1998). Mang-upa in Yakan

tradition symbolizes hospitality which strengthen their social ties with the visitors. It is often

practiced at the beginning of ceremonies, social, and cultural events (Stockinger, 1998).

3.4 Contributions to the Filipino Society

The Yakan women are known as excellent weavers. They are famous for their elegantly

woven traditional costumes made from cotton and pineapple cloth (De Jong, 2010). Yakan’s

weaving tradition has been handed down from generation to generation where they were able to

perfect unique sets of fabrics, designs, purses, and accessories (De Jong, 2010; Abdulhakim,

2017; Stockinger, 1998). Their crafts are intricate and patterns in each finished product are not

exactly identical (De Jong, 2010).

The textiles that the Yakans produce are mostly characterized by vibrant colors of red,

blue, yellow, and green while their designs are inspired by island living, nature (like bamboo and

flowers) and geometric patterns (Bramhall, 2016; Gorlinski, 2012). Abdulhakim (2017) argued that

the intricacy and draping of the Yakan’s woven clothing sets their fabrics and culture apart from

other ethnic tribes. Bramhall (2016) added that the cultural value of the textiles makes the weaving

tradition of the Yakans stand out. She cited that the Yakans have already mastered the way of

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the weave because their ancestors have passed them the artistry and harmony of hands and feet

in weaving these textiles (Bramhall, 2016). Some of their contributions in the textile industry

includes the following:

1. Kandit – a 15-meter long red sash with intricate and beautiful motifs that is done on

the back-strap loom (NCCA, n.d.)

2. Seputangan – the most intricate design worn by women around their waist or as a

head cloth (Stockinger, 1998). It usually contains a palipattang (patterned after the

color of the rainbow) and bunga-sama (or the python) (Stockinger, 1998).

3. Yakan Sawal – striped trousers with zigzag and diamond repeat patterns made from

bamboo fibers (Bramhall, 2016).

4. Badju Yakan – men’s button up shirt that is designed to match the trousers.

5. Yakan Pis – a headscarf with intricate geometric weave word to cover the hair on the

daily basis.

6. Seputangan Teed – an apron with different designs

7. Sakan Pinalantupan – a sash that is made from a mix of pineapple and bamboo fibers.

8. Pagal Bato – bride’s button up jacket that is made from satin or cotton cloth, sometimes

mixed with the lurex threads.

9. Batawi – handmade brass button worn on the women’s jacket.

Aside from textiles, Yakan is also known for the face decoration known as Tanyak (Bramhall,

2016). It is a face painting custom in Yakan tribal culture that is only worn during wedding

ceremonies (Stockinger, 1998; Gorlinski, 2012). It usually comes in circles, spots, and diamond

patterns that are printed on skin using bamboo implements and thick mixture of flour and water

(EGP, 2020; Bramhall, 2016). The patterns are said to have no symbolic meaning but it has been

used for centuries as a form of cosmetic decorations (Abdulhakim, 2017; Gorlinski, 2012).

Music is also a large part of the Yakan tradition. Their music is dominated by percussion

instruments (Gorlinski, 2012). They play two types of xylophones in the rice fields for personal

entertainment and for frightening the pests in the ripening crops (Gorlinski, 2012). Tagunggu gong

ensemble is also popular at weddings and other festivities (Bramhall, 2016). Its lead instrument

is a row of horizontally suspended “pot gongs” known as the kwintang that can provide

accompaniment for solo dances of men and women (Gorlinski, 2012; Stockinger, 1998).

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After the Philippine independence in the mid-20th century, several migrants occupied the

Yakan territories and acquired rights to traditional Yakan lands (Gorlinski, 2012). Consequently,

numerous members of the Yakan tribe left the region due to land-rights issues coupled with

religious differences which fueled the conflict in the region (Gorlinski, 2012; De Jong, 2010).

The Yakans are only one of the many indigenous groups in Mindanao who suffered in

wars. Their families have to fled into safer grounds which require them to abandon their homes in

Basilan and move to their neighboring areas of Zamboanga Peninsula (De Jong, 2010). This

displacement altered their weaving traditions which became their source of income, identity, and

hope (Explore Philippines, 2020).

Traditionally, the Yakans used plants like pineapple and abaca as basic materials for

weaving (Bramhall, 2016; Stockinger, 1998). They also utilized herbal extracts from leaves, roots,

and barks to dye the fabrics in colorful combinations and intricate designs (Stockinger, 1998).

However, contacts with the Christian Filipinos and the American Peace Corps also brought

changes in Yakan’s art and style of weaving (Stockinger, 1998). There were a lot of Yakans who

resorted into convenience of chemical dyes. They started to weave table runners, placemats, wall

décor, purses, and other items that are not present in a traditional Yakan house (Gorlinski, 2012;

Stockinger, 1998). Yakans also catered customers for economic reasons. They have already

introduced new designs like the kenna-kenna (patterned after a fish), dawen-dawen (a leaf or a

vine), pene mata-mata (shape or an eye), and the kabang buddi (diamond-shaped design). In this

time of pandemic, Yakan weavers also shift to online selling as a way to nurture their business

(Lacastesantos, 2020).

The Yakans were also decked out in their customary woven clothing. Due to

westernization of the Philippines, their traditional clothing is worn during weddings, cultural

festivals, and other important occasions only (Abdulhakim, 2017; Stockinger, 1998; Yakan, n.d.).

Lesson 4. The Tausug

Tausug (also spelled as Tau sug or Tausog) are also called Joloana, Sulu, or Suluk

(Rodriguez, 2016). They are one of the largest Moro ethnic groups in the southwestern Philippines

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(Rodriguez, 2016; Kierer, 1984). They have culturally unified groups with minimal regional

differentiation. In Jolo island, the coastal-dwelling Tausugs refer to themselves as “Tau Higad”

(higad means seacoast) while the inland dwellers call themselves “Tau Gimba” (gimba means

hinterland) (Sather, 2020). In Sabah, Tausugs are officially known as the “Suluk” while Tausugs

living on the islands rather than Jolo is known as “Tau Pu” (Pu means island) (Sather, 2020).

Traditionally, the Tausugs are sailors, pearl divers, and traders (De Jong, 2010). Their

ancestral homelands, the Sulu archipelago, have vigorous tidal currents which flow from Sulu and

China seas to the Celebes Seas which earned them the names “Tau” (means man/people) and

“Sug” (means current) translated as the people of the current (Moro Joloano Tausug in

Philippines, 2020; De Jong, 2010).

The tribe primarily lived in the Sulu Archipelago, but there are also a significant number of

Tausug migrants and immigrants in Malaysia and Indonesia, particularly in the northeastern coast

of Borneo island (Rodriguez, 2016). In the early 21st century, there are roughly 900,000 Tausugs

in the Philippines, 200,000 in Malaysia, and nearly 20,000 in Indonesia (Rodriguez, 2016; Sather

2020). In the Philippines, Tausugs are concentrated in Jolo (50,265), Indanan (40,791), Siasi

Figure 7.4. The Tausugs of Sulu, Philippines

Source: (BCH, 2019)

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(30,064), and Patikul (29,326) (NCCA, n.d.). There are also over 413,700 Tausugs who live in the

province of Sulu (NCCA, n.d.).

Tausugs were the first group in the archipelago to be converted to Islam (De Jong, 2010).

They are also renowned as brave people who fiercely resisted the Spanish conquerors for 300

years, to which they are often tagged as Tau Maisug or brave people (De Jong, 2010). They

regard themselves as superior than the other Philippine Muslim communities as they are still

engaged in combative way of life (Moro Joloano Tausug in Philippines, 2020; De Jong, 2010).

They considered running away from fight as shameful, and they live up to the proverb: “Hanggang

may buhay, may pag asa” translated as “Never admit defeat as long as you live” (De Jong, 2010).

The tribe is also considered as a dominant ethnic group in Sulu archipelago because of

their political and religious institutions established in Jolo, Indanan, Siasi, and Patikul in Sulu

(ARMM) (EGP, 2020; Bureau of Cultural Heritage [BCH], 2019).


Tausugs are a homogenous tribe from a blend of Malay and Indonesian races (De Jong,

2010). They are living dispersedly in the Philippines, but its large majority can be found mainly in

the coastal communities (EGP, 2020; De Jong, 2010). According to the National Commission for

Culture and the Arts (n.d.), the Tausugs appear to move from northeastern Mindanao (particularly

in Butuan City) to southwestern Mindanao during the 11th century A.D. They were believed to

arrive in the Sulu Archipelago as a result of trade expansion with the Chinese and Sama-Bajau

traders in the early thirteenth and fourteenth centuries (Moro Joloano Tausug in Philippines, 2020;

Tausug, 2020). This movement is estimated to begin in early Sung (A.D. 960-1279) and Yuan

dynasties (A.D. 1280-1368) (Tausug, 2020; Sather, 2020).

Linguistic evidences of the tribe also suggest that Tausug-speaking community may have

originated from a bilingual population that was established in Jolo by Sama traders, their wives,

and children as early as 10th-11th centuries (Sather, 2020).

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According to De Jong (2010), Tausugs were formerly boisterous pirates who infested the

waters of Sulus seas. They were also famous for being the best pearl divers in the world (De

Jong, 2010; NCCA, n.d.). During the latter end of the thirteenth century, the Tausugs emerged as

the most powerful commercial elite in the islands (Sather, 2020).

From the founding of the Sulu sultanate until the mid-nineteenth century, the Tausugs

conducted an extensive trade with China in pearls, bird’s nests, trepang, camphor, and

sandalwood (Sather, 2020; De Jong, 2010). It is also reported that inter-island trades existed

within the archipelago where Jolo emerged as a major center of trade and piracy (Sather, 2020).

Sather (2020) cited that Jolo served as an entrepot for slaves. He mentioned that slavery

was made possible due to intensification of trade-related production practiced by the Tausugs

and carried out by the Ilanon and Balangingi Samal under the commission of Tausug aristocrats

(Sather, 2020). The practice is latter abolished after the Spanish colonization when the Americans

implemented the ‘Pax Americana’ which eradicated slavery, initiated confiscation of firearms, and

temporary curtailment of piracy and feuding (Sather, 2020).

Nowadays, Tausugs make a living from agriculture, fishing, trading, and raising water

buffalos and other livestock like cattle, chickens, and ducks (Sather, 2020; Moro Joloano Tausug

in Philippines, 2020; De Jong, 2010). They practice plow agriculture and growing of dry rice on

permanently diked, non-irrigated fields using cattle and water buffalos as their draft animals

(Sather, 2020). They also produce major cash crops like coconuts, coffee, and fruit (Moro Joloano

Tausug in Philippines, 2020). They plant rice, corn, cassava, yams, millet, and sorghum as a

means of subsistence (NCCA, n.d.). In addition, Tausugs fish in off-shore waters from motorized

boats using bamboo traps, fishing nets, and hook and line as their full- or part-time occupation

(De Jong, 2020; Sather, 2020).

Trade is also one of the most popular occupation among Tausugs. Primarily, they are

wholesaling copra and abaca to the Chinese, while most locally consumed products are handled

by Tausug or Samal traders (Sather, 2020). Consequently, their language has become the

language trade in the southern archipelago (NCCA, n.d.). Oftentimes, they also smuggle foreign

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products between Sulu and nearby Malaysian ports with capital and commercial connections as

a major source local difference in wealth and power (Sather, 2020).

4.3 Way of Life

With exception to the town of Jolo and few coastal villages, majority of the Tausugs live in

dispersed communities, usually near their fields (Moro Joloano Tausug in Philippines, 2020). A

typical Tausug home is made from timber and bamboo-walled rectangular room that is raised on

stilts at approximately six to eight feet from the ground with thatched roof (Moro Joloano Tausug

in Philippines, 2020; EGP, 2020). It is surrounded by a series of elevated porches which leads to

a separate kitchen. A fence is also commonly built around the house for their own protection

(Moro Joloano Tausug in Philippines, 2020; EGP, 2020).

The household is the smallest settlement in a Tausug community (EGP, 2020). The

second largest unit is the village settlement known as the lungan where related families commonly

reside (Moro Joloano Tausug in Philippines, 2020). The largest unit is the community known as

the kauman where relatives of common name reside with a single headman (Moro Joloano

Tausug in Philippines, 2020; EGP, 2020).

In Tausug tradition, marriage is ideally arranged by parents (Sather, 2020; Rodriguez,

2016). Contacts between sexes are restricted and marriageable women are kept secluded to

protect the value of the family as political and economic assets (Sather, 2020). Bilateral ties are

also given utmost importance in Tausug community (NCCA, n.d.). They favored first and second

cousins as spouses, with exception to the children of brothers (Sather, 2020).

A series of negotiations precedes marriage which conclude at an agreement on the

amount of bride-wealth and other expenses shouldered by the groom’s family (Sather, 2020).

Weddings are officiated by imams and held at the groom’s parents’ house immediately after

payment of the bride-wealth (Sather, 2020; EGP, 2020). As alternatives to arranged marriages,

wives may also be taken through elopement and abduction (Sather, 2020; Moro Joloano Tausug

in Philippines, 2020).

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Newly married couples reside uxorilocally for the first year or until the birth of a child

(Sather, 2020). After which, they are free to join the husband’s family, remain with the wife’s

family, or build their own house that is typically closed to the husband’s natal community (Sather,

2020; Moro Joloano Tausug in Philippines, 2020). Polygyny (having more than one wife) is

practiced in the Tausug tradition (Sather, 2020). Divorce is also permitted, but happens

infrequently to only about 10 percent of all marriages (Sather, 2020; EGP, 2020). Nowadays,

courting among young people to select their own mates has been permitted too (Moro Joloano

Tausug in Philippines, 2020; NCCA, n.d.).

The language of the Tausug is similar to most Muslim groups in the Philippines

(Rodriguez, 2016). It is closely related to the languages in the central Philippines that belong to

Austronesian (Malayo-Polynesian) language family (EGP, 2020; Rodriguez, 2016). Their

language is also closely related to Butuanon and Kamayo of Bisilig in coastal eastern Mindanao

(Sather, 2020; NCCA, n.d.). They have adopted vocabulary from the Tagihama that was

established in Buansa (the capital of the Sultanate), the locality where the Sultan of Sulu lived

(EGP, 2020; BCH, 2019). The Tausug language also exhibits extensive linguistic convergence

with the Sama-Bajau which indicates a long and close association with them (Sather, 2020).

The tribe has two dialects: the parianum that is spoken by the people who are living along

the coasts of Jolo, and gimbahanun that is used by those who are living in the interior part (BCH,

2019; Moro Joloano Tausug in Philippines, 2020). A Malay-Arabic script is also used for religious

writings of the Tausugs (Sather, 2020).

Islam is widely practiced in the Tausug community. It was later reinvigorated in Sulu by

the Sufi missionaries who came from Arabia and Iraq via Malaya and Sumatra (Tausug, 2020;

NCCA, n.d.). The strong-willed Tausug follow the Sunni (comes from the word Sunnah which

means tradition) Islamic beliefs and practices (Sather, 2020; De Jong, 2010). However,

indigenous beliefs still persist in the Tausug tradition. It includes belief in spirits that inhabit in

nature (especially in rocks and trees), belief in evil spirit name saytan, and unseen creatures they

call jinn (De Jong, 2010).

The tribe still sought the folk curers (known as the mangungubat) in time of illness (Sather,

2020). They believe that traditional medical specialists acquired their powers through dreams or

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as instructed by the older curers who heal using herbal remedies and prayers (Sather, 2020; EGP,

2020).

The imam is also an important figure in the Tausug community. They officiate life-crisis

rites, offer religious counsel, and lead the faithful in prayer (Sather, 2020). The major events in

the religious calendar of the Tausugs also include:

1. fasting during Ramadan,

2. Hari Raya Puasa, a day of feasting which immediately follows the Ramadan,

3. Hari Raya Hadji, a feast on the tenth day of the month of Jul-Hadj,

4. Maulideen Nabi, the birthday of the prophet that is celebrate don the twelfth day of Maulud

5. Panulak Balah (which literally means to send away evil) that is celebrated as a day of ritual

bathing on the last Wednesday of Sappal.

The Tausugs also believe that the human soul has four souls which leave the body when

a man dies. These souls are characterized by (1) life-soul related with blood, (2) the spirit-soul

connected with dreams, (3) the soul of breath associated with life, and (4) the transcendental soul

(De Jong, 2010). According to Tausug religion as cited by De Jong (2010), the body of the

deceased will go to hell to receive punishment for the sins that were committed while he was still

living. The tribe also believes that the souls of the dead is sent back to earth on the fifteenth day

of the month of Shaaban where the deceased is honored with prayer (Sather, 2020).

Tausugs practice the four acts performed at death which include (1) bathing the corpse,

(2) enshrouding it, (3) reciting the prayer for the dead, and the (4) burial (Sather, 2020). The burial

is followed by a seven-day vigil and commemorative feasts that are celebrated on the 7th, 20th,

40th, and 100th day of death (Sather, 2020; De Jong, 2010). Another feasts are also held during

the first, second, and third anniversaries depending on the family’s economic status (Sather,

2020).

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4.4 Role and Family

In the Tausug community, relations with the kin are markedly dyadic (Sather, 2020).

Relatives act as a group whenever there are life crises, when the family honor is at stake, or in

times of sickness, health, and special needs (Sather, 2020; Rodriguez, 2016). Solidarity among

siblings is intense, and bonds between brothers and first cousins are important in forging

alliances, political allegiances, and garnering support in times of armed conflict (Sather, 2020;

Moro Joloano Tausug in Philippines, 2020). A variety of ritual friendship relations are also

recognized in the Tausug tradition (Sather, 2020). These include sworn alliances between allies

and ritual friendships between rivals (Sather, 2020; Moro Joloano Tausug in Philippines, 2020).

The bilateral ties (known as the usbawaris) among the Tausugs, usually kindred up to

second cousin, has a greater bias toward the patrilateral side (NCCA, n.d.). For instance,

landholdings are typically dispersed with the man having rights of usufruct or tenancy in farms in

several different locations (Sather, 2020; Rodriguez, 2016). These rights are individually held in

contrast to water holes, pasturelands, and beaches that are traditionally unowned and available

for common use (Sather, 2020; NCCA, n.d.). In the past, titular rights were held by the sultan over

all land within the state and secondarily by local or regional leaders acting as his representatives

(Sather, 2020).

The tribe’s traditional political structure is a sultanate headed by the Sultan as the head of

all ranks (NCCA, n.d.). Their sultanate reached the height of its power in the eighteenth and early

nineteenth centuries when their influence extended from Sulu through the coastal areas of

Mindanao and northern Borneo (Tausug, 2020).

However, due to a weak sense of community among the Tausugs, the authority of the

headman is one of the several factors that must be considered to maintain solidarity in the kauman

(Sather, 2020). Other factors include the amount of intermarriage among its residents and the

attendance of people to common mosque (Sather, 2020; Moro Joloano Tausug in Philippines,

2020). In theory, the datus are the descendants of the original sultan who occupy the ascribed

status (NCCA, n.d.), but succession in the position is determined by an election which greatly

favors the patrilineal side (Sather, 2020).

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Children are often taught Koran with their private tutors where public ceremonies are held

whenever children are ready to recite the scriptures (Moro Joloano Tausug in Philippines, 2020).

A son is circumcised (known as the pagislam) in his early teen years while daughters are

circumcised (known as the pagsunnat) as early as six or seven (Moro Joloano Tausug in

Philippines, 2020; Rodriguez, 2016). Young girls help their mothers with the household chores

while the boys help their fathers in the fields and fishing (Moro Joloano Tausug in Philippines,

2020).

Both sexes share in the farm work where men do much of the heavy work while women

work in smaller gardens. Men do the clearing, plowing, and fencing the fields while women gather

the fruits and maintain small gardens. Planting, weeding, and harvesting are done jointly by both

sexes (Sather, 2020).

Both sexes are also engaged in trade. They do fishing, metalwork, interisland trade, and

smuggling (Sather, 2020). Women also produce pandanus mats and woven headcloths for both

sale and home use (Sather, 2020; EGP, 2020).

4.5 Contributions to the Filipino Society

The Tausugs are fans of folk stories and legends. One of the most famous legend is the

Kaawn of Bud Tumatangis which tells the story about Mount Tumatangis as the highest peak in

the province (De Jong, 2010). According to De Jong (2010), the name Tumatangis comes from

the word tangis which means “to cry” and bud which means “mountain” known to local as the

“weeping mountain.” The mountain is known by such name because sailors cry when they lose

sight of it and weep when seeing its silhouette upon their return (De Jong, 2010). Moreover, the

magnificent tomb of Sharif Abu Bakr (the founder of the Sulu Sultanate) still exists on one of

Mount Tumatangis’ slopes (Sather, 2020; De Jong, 2010).

Many of the Tausug’s beliefs can also be seen in their rituals and dances (Sather, 2020;

EGP, 2020). Many of them reflects nature such as the ebb, flow of the ocean waves, and the

travels at sea (De Jong, 2010). One of the most popular Tausug dances is the Pangalay known

as the fingernail dance that is accompanied by a kulintang ensemble (De Jong, 2010). Pangalay

is a distinctive traditional Tausug wedding dance where dancers use metal or golden nail

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extenders (known as the janggay) to make their fingers stiff and to set them apart from the thumbs

(De Jong, 2010; EGP, 2020). The Pangalay imitates the mythical Sarimanok bird—a reincarnation

of a goddess who loved a mortal man. After the dance, she removes her nails and drop them on

the ground with the hopes that a man will gather them and claim her as his bride (De Jong, 2010).

The Tausugs are also known for their home-grown signature coffee called the Kahawa

Sug (Tutoy, 2020). The coffee culture of the tribe was known to start as early as the mid-1800s

when the robusta coffee beans were brought to Sulu by Herman Leopold Schuck (Tutoy, 2020).

Schuck was a Prussian seafarer who became a blood brother of Sultan Jamalul Alam (the ruler

of the Sulu Sultanate at that time). He decided to stay in the Philippines and built robusta coffee

plantation with 20,000 plants (Tutoy, 2020).

Several ethnic groups in the Southeast Asia consume coffee as part of their customs and

religious ritual (Tutoy, 2020; EGP, 2020). For Tausugs, coffee is traditionally partnered with

bangbang (snacks) or latal (a platter of native dishes), and served with extra cup which allow the

drinker to pour the coffee back and forth from cup to cup for cool down and added flavor (Tutoy,

2020). However, nowadays, traditional practice of pouring coffee is only done at cafes upon

request of the customer or during special occasions.


The Tausugs are experiencing a great deal of change. Their culture is diminishing

because of the influences of the modern Philippine society. Nowadays, many Tausugs have been

displaced from their homes and livelihoods due to escalating wars and armed conflicts between

the rebel groups and the Philippine government (De Jong, 2010). Their religion was also heavily

influenced by the constant warfare between the cross and the crescent where Spanish hardened

their fight against the Moros (Kierer, 1984). The Moros are known as the Islamic conquerors of

the Iberian Peninsula whose religious influences still persist today (Kierer, 1984).

Following the Spain’s colonization of the Philippines in the 16th century, the warfare against

the Spaniards continued for the next 300 years (Tausug, 2020; Kierer, 1984). The Spanish attack

on Jolo town was recorded in 1578 while it was briefly occupied in 17th century. After the Spain’s

defeat during the Spanish-American War, the Americans tried to occupy the town in 1899 but the

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tribe’s strong resistance prevented them from gaining control over the interior of the islands

(Sather, 2020).

Since the Second World War, Muslim ethnic groups in the southern Philippines have been

fighting for regional political autonomy (Kierer, 1984). During the declaration of the martial law in

the Philippines in 1972, various Muslim ethnic groups waged war against the central government

with the desire for political recognition of ethnic regionalism (Sather, 2020; Kierer, 1984). These

struggles resulted to multiple open warfare and considerable displacement among the Tausugs.

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Assessment Task 7-1

MODIFIED TRUE OR FALSE. Choose the letter of the correct answer (10 items, 2 points

each: 20 points).

A. Both statements are true B. Only the first statement is true

C. Only the second statement is true D. Both statements are false.

ANSWER FIRST STATEMENT SECOND STATEMENT

1.

The Moro is a collective term used to refer to

Christian population who resides in the

Southern part of the Philippines.

Moros are traditionally united.

2. The Maranaos are known for their metalwork

and woodcraft.

Okkil is their epic song which encompasses

wealth of knowledge.

3.

The Yakan is known as the largest Moro

group in the Philippines.

There is an estimated 1.4 million population

of Maguindanaons during the second

decade of the 21st century.

4.

Maratabat is known as a social rank that is

based on the real or imputed descent of

Sarip Kabungsuwan.

The Maguindanaos preferred relatives for

marriage.

5. The Yakan is a tribe whose descent can be

traced from indigenous people of Indonesia.

Yakan tattoos do not have any significant

meaning.

6, Yakans are famous for their handwoven

garments.

Their most common clothing is known as the

Semmek.

7. The Yakans are Christians who practice

animism and other old religious beliefs.

They believed to an Imam who heads a local

mosque in their community.

8. Tausugs are renowned pearl divers. They are also dubbed as the brave people.

9. The Tausugs marry their cousins. Polygamy and divorce are permitted in the

Tausug culture.

10. Tausugs believed that the souls of the dead

person stay on earth until reincarnation.

They also performed seven acts of death.

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Assessment Task 7-2

ANALYSIS. Choose two Islamic groups. Compare and contrast them using a sketch or a

drawing. Add details (eg. hair, face, clothing, weapons used etc.) to the stickmen below to

differentiate one tribe to the other (30 points).

182

Assessment Task 7-3

COMPLETE THE TABLE. Choose three (3) Islamic Indigenous Group. Compare and contrast

the chosen groups by using the table below (30 points).

Islamic Indigenous Group

______________ ______________ ______________

Role and Family

Geographical

Location

Way of Life

(eg. Religion,

traditions,

beliefs, etc.)

183

Contributions to

Filipino Society

(What they have

contributed to

the

Philippines?)

Traditional

Livelihood and

Economic

Activities

(Source of

income or

subsistence)

External

Influences

(Factors that

changed/

brought change

to their group)

184

Summary

Moro is the collective term used to refer to the Filipino Muslim ethnolinguistic groups

(Kamlian, 2012). As a Muslim ethnic group, they comprised the majority of non-Christian

population in the Philippines. There are four Islamic indigenous groups characterized by (1) The

Maranaos/Maranaws (2) The Maguindanao, (3) The Yakans, and (4) The Tausug.

The Maranaos are the inhabitants of Lanao del Norte and Lanao del Sur (Ethnic Groups

of the Philippines [EGP], 2020). The term “Maranao” literally means “people of the lake,” The

Maguindanao (also spelled as Magindanaw) is an ethnolinguistic group which primarily settled in

south-central Mindanao. They are heavily concentrated along shores and flood lands of the

Pulangi-Mindanao River basin which earned them the name “Maguindanao” that means “people

of the flood plain” (Gorlinski, 2011, par. 1).

The Yakan (also spelled as Yacan) ethnic group primarily reside in the hillsides of Basilan

(Stockinger, 1998). They make up half of Basilan’s population that are related to other South

Philippines Muslim Groups (Yakan in Philippines, 2020). Tausug are one of the largest Moro

ethnic groups in the southwestern Philippines. In Jolo island, the coastal-dwelling Tausugs refer

to themselves as “Tau Higad” (higad means seacoast) while the inland dwellers call themselves

“Tau Gimba” (gimba means hinterland) (Sather, 2020). In Sabah, Tausugs are officially known as

the “Suluk” while Tausugs living on the islands rather than Jolo is known as “Tau Pu” (Pu means

island) (Sather, 2020).

185

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