Perdoar e Punir em tempos de Transição: O Recurso de Graça ... · different from the suggestions...

Rev.DireitoPráx.,RiodeJaneiro,V.10,N.4,2019p.2341-2366

ArthurBarrêttodeAlmeidaCostaDOI:10.1590/2179-8966/2019/37812|ISSN:2179-8966

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Perdoar e Punir em tempos de Transição: O Recurso deGraçanoConselhodeEstadodoBrasil(1828-1834)PardoningandPunishinginTimesofTransition:ThePardonAppeal(RecursodeGraça)ontheBrazilianCouncilofState(1828-1834)ArthurBarrêttodeAlmeidaCosta1

1 Universidade Federal de Minas Gerias, Belo Horizonte, Minas Gerais, Brasil. E-mail:[email protected]:https://orcid.org/0000-0002-6906-0998.Artigoaceitoem14/10/2018eaceitoem24/03/2019.

ThisworkislicensedunderaCreativeCommonsAttribution4.0InternationalLicense



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Resumo

Oobjetivodessetrabalhoédiscutirosprincipaisaspectosrelacionadosaomodocomoo

recurso de graça era tratado no segundo Conselho de Estado brasileiro. Foram

analisadoscercade160casospresentesnasatasdoconselho.Vimosqueamaioriadas

decisões do imperador seguem a opinião do conselho; os casos se relacionam

principalmente a criminalidademilitar e escrava; o uso do instituto diverge do que a

doutrinaprescrevia,mascontribuiuparacontrolarfocosdeinstabilidadeemumperíodo

turbulento.

Palavras-chave:ConselhodeEstado;Graça;Legalidade.

Abstract

Theaimofthispaperistodiscussthemainaspectsrelatedtothewaywhichpardonwas

treated in the Brazilian second State Council. I analyzed some 160 cases from the

council’srecords. Isowthatmostoftheemperor’sdecisionsfollowtheopinionofthe

Council; thecasesrelatedmostlytomilitaryandslavecriminality; theuseofpardon is

differentfromthesuggestionsfromlegal literature,butcontributedtocontrol focuses

ofinstabilityinaturbulentperiod.

Keywords:StateCouncil;Pardon;Legality.



2343

1–Introduction

Certaintyandlegalityaresomeofthefundamentalbasesofcontemporarycriminallaw.

Eventhoughthosecommandwordsresonatesincealongtimeago,thereisstillalotof

room for doubt in the realm of punishment. And this is especially true for times of

transition, when changes and reforms make the application of penalties even more

doubtful.Oneofthoseerasisthemainfocusofthispaper.

1830istheyearofpromulgationofthefirstBraziliancriminalcode1.Atargetfor

many expectations, it is the landmark in overcoming thewidely feared bookV of the

1603PhilippineOrdinations,which,with itsdraconiandispositions2,partially regulated

Braziliancriminallawuptothen.TheurgencyofthisreformisinscribedintheBrazilian

Constitution of 1824 itself. In its article 179, responsible for the establishment of the

rightsofBraziliancitizens,itcommands,initsparagraph18:“Thereshallbeorganizedas

soonaspossibleaCivilCode3,andaCriminalone,foundedonthesolidbasesofJustice

andEquity”4. It is,therefore,amomentfortheaffirmationofaproperlyBrazilianlegal

order,which,despitewithsmallsteps,wasdistancingitselffromthePortugueseone.

ThisresearchaimstoclarifyhowsomeelementsoftheBrazilianlegalcultureof

those times reacted to this change. To fulfill this task, I chose as focal institution the

Council of State, one of the most important elements of the Brazilian administrative

structureduringimperialtimes5.Asatoolinunderstandinghowtheinstitutionreacted

tothechangesincriminallawthroughthecombinationofoldandnewelements,Iwill

dealwithpardon.Thisinstituteallowsapublicauthority(intheimperialBrazilcase,the

Emperor)toreduce,changeorevenforgiveapenaltyimposedonacertaindefendant.It

isaninstrumentfortheflexibilizationoflawthat,asitwillbelaterdiscussed,isdeeply

imbedded in the logicsof theAncienRégimebutmanagedtosurvivethroughmodern

times.

1ForamoredetailedaccountoftheprocessingandthemeaningsoftheCriminalCodeof1830whenitwaspublished,onecanseetheworkofVívianCosta(2013).2ThisharshnessdoesnotconcernthedailypracticeofAncienRégimecriminal law,but itswording.Foradetailed account of the distances between theory and practice of early modern punishment, and of itshistoricalmeaning,seeAntonioManuelHespanha(1993).3 Formatters regarding the civil codification, see, among olthers: Ricardo Fonseca (2006), KeilaGrinberg(2008)andSamuelBarbosa(2008).4Portugueseoriginal:“Organizar–se-haquantoantesumCodigoCivil,eCriminal,fundadonassolidasbasesdaJustiça,eEquidade”5FormoreinformationregardingtheCouncilofState,seetheworkofJoséReinaldodeLimaLopes(2010).



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Brazilian lawinthe19thcenturywasnotcraftedonly inthecourtrooms. Itwas

alsobuilt inadministrativeinstitutions,andtheEmperorandtheCouncilofStatewere

fundamental on its creation. Criminal law was no exception. Therefore, the main

sources for this paper were the records of the second Council of State. Whenever

necessary, the interpretations proposed were helped by the use of legal writings of

thosetimes.Thishelpstoenlargetheperspectivesonwherelawcanbefound,andthe

multipleinstitutionalvoicesfromwhichitemerges.

Furthermore, it is also useful to understand the multiple ways in which law

reactstochange.Thispapertalksabouttransitionandtheuncertaintiesitbrings.When

this sort of things happens, past and present became intermingles in sometimes

surprisingways.StefanoSolimano(2010)showedushowthisworkedintheapplication

oftheAustriancriminalcodeof1787bytheperspectiveofjudges.Now,wecansee,ina

different context, how the transition between Ancien Régime and the codifications

couldproducemixedsituationsfromthepointofviewofadministrativeinstitutions.

2–Pardon:fromAncienRégimetomodernity

Whatroomislefttomercyincriminallaw?Theanswerstothisquestionvarywidelyin

time and space, according to the different meanings that punishment can assume.

DuringthepassageoftheAncienRégimeEuropetothegreatcodifications,aswellinthe

colonies affected by it, pardon changes its place in the legal dynamics, following

alterationsontheverysenseofStatepunishment.

The visions on criminal law before the 18th century are deeplymarked by the

ideaofpoliticalpowernurturedthen. Iamtalkingaboutthenotionof judisdictionalist

conceptionofpower(concepçãojurisdicionalistadepoder6),bywhichthemonarchacts

more thananythingelseasa judge.Buthisactsareordainedaccording to theological

ideas:thekingisarepresentativeofGodonEarth,and,assuch,hemusthavetheLord

ashisexampleandguide.Thatiswhytherearetwomainvirtuesofgovernors:love7and

fear. Incriminal law, theyareconverted inpardonandpunishment.Agoodkingmust

6Formoredetailsregardinghowthemonarch’spowerworkedatthetime,seetheworkofAntônioManuelHespanha(2015:297andff.).7Ontherelevanceofthisnotionforthelawingeneralduringtheearlymodernity,seethetextofAntônioManuelHespanha(2010a).



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knowhowtobalancebothpoles.Whenasubjectcommittedsomefault,heshould,asa

severe father, imposeuponhim the rightpunishment,presentedas compensation for

the offence against the crown. But, at the same time, as a good lord, he was also

capableofofferingapromptforgiveness,onemanytimesunmerited.Thelogicpresiding

thisdynamic,notjustifiedbymerit,istheideaofgrace.

Thisnotion,alsoknownaseconomyofgift(economiadasmercês),isbasedon

theideaofanexchangesofgiftsnotequivalentamongthem,differentfromthelogicsof

themarket. In this lastone, twopeopleexchangebenefitsof theexactsamevalue. In

grace, different people give each other non-equivalent benefits, and the relationships

notalwayslinksthesameindividuals.Thedifferencebetweenthegiftsgeneratesadebt

of gratitude, which boosts a new gift giving, starting a cycle of successive donations.

Moreover, it is important to remember that this is a deeply hierarchical world. The

distancebetweenthestatusesofthekingandthesubjectsenlargesevenmorethesize

of thedebt.Hespanha (2010b)hasalreadycompared thisdescription to the theoryof

economyofgiftdevelopedbyMarcelMaus(2003[1950]).

Clemency is thus one of two faces of a single coin, deeply coupled with

punishment.Itisadministeredbythemonarchthroughitsjurisdictionalpower,whichis,

atthesametime,scaryandmerciful.Whatbringsthoseextremestogetheristhenotion

of grace, into which converge the simultaneous objectives of preservation of royal

powerandsalvationofthesoulsofthesubjects.Thosemanyconnectionscanbeseenin

theentry“grace”ofthedictionaryofRaphaelBluteau(1721:108):

Grace. Favor. Gift. Benefit (…) The grace of princes [is] validity. Personalfavour(…).Atemple,whichdooristheirfavorited.ThatiswhythePersianscallthemeyesandearsoftheprince(…).Thegraceofthekingisnotagiftfromfortune,itisthewillofGod,whichintheeyesofthesovereign,whenthey see the subject, stimulates a certain inclination of affection towardshim(…).Fromtherefollowsthattheoneswhowinthegraceoftheprinceshall not assign this favor to the fortune, but toGod, and shall not profitfromthisfavortotheirownestimation,buttodogoodtoeveryone8.

Throughoutthe18thcentury,withtheadvancementofEnlightenment,allthose

structuresstartedtobeheavilyquestioned.Thespectacularpunishmentsstartedbeing

8 Portuguese original: “Graça. Favor. Mercê. Benefício (...). A graça dos príncipes [é] Benevolência.Valimento.(...)UmTemplo,cujaporta,sãoseusvalidos.PorissoosPesianoslheschamãoOlhos,&orelhasdoPríncipe.(...)AGraçadoreinãoédonativodaFortuna,hevontadedeDeos,quenosolhosdoSoberano,quandovêaovassallo,excitaumacertainclinaçaõ,&promensaõ,deaffectoparaele(...).Dondesesegue,queosquelograõaGraçadoPríncipe,naõhaõdeatribuirestefavoràfortuna,masaDeos,&naõsehaõdevalerdoditofavorparaaprópriaestimação,masparafazerbematodos”.



2346

regarded as heinous9 and the constant pardoning, as a source of uncertainty. The

directionofthoseprojectswassimilartoutilitarianism:citizensshouldbecertainofthe

Stateanswertotheircrimes,sotheycouldcalculateiftheywouldcommitthemornot.

Thisassurancewouldpromotethehumanizationofpenalties:unavoidablepunishment,

though softer, would have a higher deterrent effect than the horrible dispositions of

BookVoftheOrdinations.ThiswayofthinkingisverywellexpressedbyBeccaria(s.d.

[1764]:80):

As punishments become more mild, clemency and pardon are lessnecessary.Happythenationinwhichtheywillbeconsideredasdangerous!Clemency, which has often been deemed a sufficient substitute for everyothervirtueinsovereigns,shouldbeexcludedinaperfectlegislation,wherepunishments are mild, and the proceedings in criminal cases regular andexpeditious.

Betweenthelate18thandtheearly19thcentury,criminallawwastransformed10.

Inmany places, death penaltywas abolished11; judicial arbitrium12was questioned by

theanti-case law ideology (CAVANNA,2005,p.41); and judicial libertywas restricted.

Despiteallofthat,withveryrareexceptions,pardoncontinuetobedisplayed inmost

legalorders–andespeciallyontheBrazilianone13.

Establishedonthearticle101,§8thoftheconstitutionof182414,pardonwasof

crucial relevance and was supported by many jurists in that period. To Antônio

Herculano de Souza Bandeira Filho (1876, pp. 24-25), imperial clemency existed “to

correcttheerrorsandinjusticesthatcourtscancommit,toassignthecircumstancesand

equity, towhich the courts, subject to the rules of strict law, cannot follow”15. Other

importantrolewouldbetherecognitionoftheatonementandregenerationofconvicts

beforethefullservingofthesentence(CASTRO,1887).Similarargumentswereusedby

ZacariasdeGóiseVasconcelos(1862)andBrásFlorentinoHenriquesdeSouza(1864).

9Aboutthisprocess,seetheclassicfromMichelFoucault(2014).10ThemainissuesofthosereformswerediscussedbyGiovanniTarello(2008)asapartofthe“penalissue”inthetransitionbetweenthecenturies.11Fortheissueofdeathpenalty,seeforallthetextfromPietroCosta(2007).12Ontheconceptofarbitriumontheiuscommune,seethebookfromMassimoMeccarelli(1998).13 About the adaptation of pardon to the Brazilian legal system in the 19th century, I would quote thedissertationodArthurBarrêttodeAlmeidaCosta(2017).14Portugueseoriginal:“Art.101.OImperadorexerceoPoderModerador(...)VIII.Perdoando,emoderandoaspenasimpostaseosRéoscondemnadosporSentença”(BRASIL,1824).15 Portuguese original: “para corrigir os erros e injustiças, que pódem commetter os Tribunaes, paraattenderácircumstanciaseáequidade,aqueosTribunaes,sujeitosásregrasdodireitostricto,nãopodemattender”.



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The institution, therefore, continued to be important in the administration of

generalproblemsoftheBrazilianlegalorder(COSTA,2017)andwasparticularlyuseful

inthemanagementofslaveuprisings(RIBEIRO,2005;PIROLA,2015).

3–ThesecondCouncilofState

Aftertheanalysisofgraceanditslegalconsequences–especiallypardon-,itisnowthe

momenttobetterunderstandoneofthemaininstitutionsinwhichitwasdebated:the

CouncilofState.

The Council of State existed in three different moments of Brazilian history.

Between1822and1824, itwasknownas theCouncilofCrownProsecutors.With the

Constitution of 1824, itwas recreated in a different shape. It continued as such until

1834, when it was extinctic by the Additional Act (BRASIL, 1834). In 1841, it was

recreatedbylaw(BRASIL,1841),andmaintainedthesameconfigurationuntiltheendof

theempire.

The second councilwas createdby the constitution in thearticles137 to144.

Thereshouldbe10councilorswithunlimitedtermsandtheconditionsfornomination

were de same for the Senate. The counselors would be summoned to discuss “all

important issues, and general measures of the public administration”, and in “all

situations in which the emperor exercises attributions of the moderating power”16

(article142).Therefore,theinstitutionhadtheroleofhelpingtheemperortokeepthe

equilibrium between the different branches. It was also frequently consulted about

politicalissues.

ThisversionoftheCouncilwasatargetformanycritiquesissuedbytheViscount

of Uruguay (1862). He resented what was, from his point of view, the highly pollical

characteroftheinstitution.Anotherproblemwastheabsenceoftheministersofstate

inthediscussions,sincetheywerenotautomaticallymembers.Howtodiscussacertain

issuewithoutthemostlyknowledgeableemployeeonthesubject,theoneresponsible

for executing the deliberations? Other problemwas that the Council would be heard

onlyforhighlydifficultissues.Apparently,agoodmeasuretoavoidtheoverloadofthe

16 Portuguese original: “em todos os negócios graves, e medidas gerais da pública administração”; “emtodasasocasiõesemqueo ImperadorseproponhaaexercerqualquerdasatribuiçõesprópriasdoPoderModerador”.



2348

institution, Uruguay saw this rule with different eyes. Without being able to solve

simpler doubts, the administrationwould not be helped by its highest organwhen it

neededtosolvequestionsthat,despitenotbeinglegallychallenging,wererecurrentin

practice,anddeterminedthedifferencebetweenthegoodandbad functioningof the

State. The life termsof councilorswerenotpraisedeither: this rule compromised the

possibility of renovation of the organ, imposing upon the future governments the

burdenofthechoicesofpastones.Thiswouldhaveevenbeenoneofthereasonsofthe

extinctionoftheCouncilin1834:

For instance, the State councilors from the time of Peter I could notwellservaftertheApril7th17. IamconvincedthatthepersonsoftheCouncilofStatehelpeditsextinction.Acorporationmadeofcreaturesfromonereigncannotservethereactionthatbrought it toanend,andgivecouncils thatinspire trust, andmoral force to the acts of the newpower. The Regencyheard the Council of State, but by formality, and when the Constitutionexpresslydemandedit.Thetruecouncilorswerenon-official,and,tousethecurrent expression, they were the men of government (URUGUAY, 1862:238)18.

Silvestre Pinheiro Ferreira (1835: 183-184), in his joint commentary to the

Brazilian Constitution and the Portuguese Constitutional Charter, only criticizes the

unlimitedtermofthecounselors.

TheCouncilofStateendedupbeingextinguishedbytheAdditionalActof1834.

Inaprocessofdecentralization,theprovincesgainedalotofpower,andtheProvincial

Councils were created, even with legislative prerrogatives. In this movement, the

politicalcounciloftheemperorwassuppressedaswell,finishingthetimeframeofthis

research.

4–TheconvictedandtheircrimesonthepardonpleastotheCouncilofState

Legalmercy,asaprerogativeofthemoderatingpower,wasanalyzedbytheCouncilof

State,anauxiliaryorganofthemonarch.Theperiodstudiedhereismarkedbycrisisand

17ThedayoftheabdicationofPeterI,thefirstBrazilianemperor.18 Portuguese original: “Por exemplo os Conselheiros de Estado do tempodo Sr. D. Pedro Iº não podiãoservir com proveito, por bastante tempo, depois do 7 de Abril. Estou persuadido de que o pessoal doConselho de Estado concorreu para a sua suppressão. Uma corporação composta de creaturas de umReinadonãopôdeservirareaçãoquelhepôztermo,edarconselhosqueinspiremconfiança,edeemforçamoralaosactosdonovopoder.ARegenciaouviaoConselhodeEstado,masporformalidade,equandoaconstituiçãooexigiaexpressamente.OsverdadeirosConselheiroserãoextra-officiaes,e,parameservirdaexpressãodamoda,erãooshomensdasituação”.(URUGUAI,1862:238).



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instability: the recently-created empire was always involved in external wars and

internal rebellions. The UruguayWar, the riot of the smoke year (revolta do ano da

fumaça), the carrancas rebellion19: many movements agitated the life of the new

country.Violenceandthethreatoffragmentationwerealwayslurking.Duetopolitical

disagreements inBraziland thedisputeover thePortuguese throne, the firstBrazilian

emperor resigned in 1831 and went back to Europe. The time frame treated here,

therefore, watches a growing instability and saw two different actors on the throne:

PeterIandtheregency.

First, Iwill showgeneral characteristicsof thecasesandpenalties imposedon

theconvictedthatmadetheirwaytotheCouncilofState.Afterthat, Iwilldiscussthe

results of the Council’s deliberations. Finally, I will analyze the reasons to decide

presentedbythecounselors.

Graphic1PardoncasesannuallyanalyzedbytheCouncilofStatebetween1828and

1834

Table1Typesofcrimescommitedbythedefandantsonthecasesanalyzedbythe

CouncilofState

Crime Quantity Percentage

Death/Murder 42 24,1%

Insubordination/ 20 11,5%

19 On this rebellion and its political repercussions, see the works ofMarcos Ferreira de Andrade (1999,2017).

0

5

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

1828 1829 1830 1831 1832 1833 1834



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Disobedience/etc

Wounds/Aggression 12 6,8%

Theft 9 5,1%

Findingofweapons 8 4,6%

Robbery 8 4,6%

Sedition 7 4%

Abuseoffreepress 6 3,4%

Counterfeitcurrency 5 2,9%

Others20 33 18,9%

Unknown 24 13,8%

Graphicpnedeservestobelookedatwithparticularattention.Theperiodfrom

whichthedatawereextractedbegins in1828and183421:exactly inthemiddleofthis

theCriminalCodeof1830ispromulgated.ThismeansthatmostfactstheCouncildealt

with and represented in this graphic happened still while the Book V of Philippine

Ordinationswasinforce.Byamatteroffact,thefirstexplicitquotefromthecodeonly

appearsonaconsultationinMarch16thof1832.Therefore,theverydescriptionofthe

criminal facts follows the “draft technique” of theAncien Régime. That is to say, one

cannotseethemoderndescriptionofthecriminaloffense,directandclear,butinstead

adetailed,and,sometimes,evencurious,accountoftheparticularcircumstancesofthe

felony,goingdowntodetails thatwewouldnowadaysfindfrivolousandunnecessary.

Counselors call a certaincrimenotby thenameof “aggression”,butby“tohitwitha

stick the ouvidor of the county of Espírito Santo” 22; not simply “extortion”, but “to

extortmoney from jailedpersons” 23; insteadof “prevarication”, the “evildone to the

20 Under “others” I grouped the following crimes: threat (2 cases); article 99 of the Criminal Code (1);assuada(1);bankruptcy(1);bigamy(1);slap(2);calumny(1);seditiousletters(1);politicalcrimes(2);letanincarceratedpersonflightaway(2);stealweaponsfromaguard(1);defection(3);extortion(1);forgery(2);injury (2); wrong done to a commission (1); prevarication (1); wrong imprisonment (2); gang/leader ofthieves(2);brawl(1);treason(1).Amongthe12crimesofharm/aggression,2wereagainstsuperiors;and,amongthe42murders,1wasactuallyanattemptand5werecommittedbyslavesagainsttheirmastersorrelatives.21EventhoughIcolsultedittoo,theperiodbetween1824and1828hadnocasesofpardon.Idonotknowit this change is due to some alteration on the recording, or if it is related to some actual institutionalchangeontheanalysisofthecases.Thelackofstatutoryevidenceinfavorofthesecondhypothesismakesthefirstonemorecredible.22Portugueseoriginal: “haverdadocomumpaunoouvidordaComarcadoEspíritoSanto”.Consultationfrom01/04/1831.23Portugueseoriginal:“extorquirdinheirodospresos”.Consultationfrom08/02/1833.



2351

commission to send recruits” 24. This is why therewas a relevant degree of variation

amongthenominiiurisofcrimes,whatforcedustogatherthemintosomegroups.For

instance,underthegeneralnameof“wrongsagainstsuperiors”,Iplacedactionscalled

bynamessodifferentas“insubordination”,“disobedience”,“escape”,“riot”,“toshoot

superiors”and“resistanceagainstsuperiors”25.

ThissituationshedslightonanimportantaspectofthelegalthoughtofAncien

Régimeregardinghowactionswerelegallydetermined:

Note that the expression “legal syllogism”, whichwould come to have somuchsuccessunderlegalism,hashere[onAncienRégime]otherstructure.The major premise is not the statutory law (or a legal concept), but thefactualsituation,whichisconsistentwiththeideathatthesolutiondoesnotfollow a legal rule, and rather the immanent law to a concrete situation.(HESPANHA,2015:583)26.

Talkingnotonlyaboutcriminallaw,butalltheparticularwayinwhichthepre-

modernlegalthoughtwasstructured,Hespanhashowsthatreasoningdoesnotdepart

fromanabstractnormimposedbytheState(which,inthefieldofcriminal law,would

correspondtothedescriptionofacrime[tipopenal]),butcomesfromafactualsituation

seenbythelegalcommunityasrelevant.Fromitcomesthefactthattheneed,already

present before the modernity, that criminal behavior was explicitly described in a

statute,hadadifferentmeaningthantheoneassumedunderlegalisminthe1800’s:

Inthisone,thedemandthatthecrimebeexplicitlystatedinlawrepresentsa guarantee for the citizen, because the statutory law is understood as acivilizedwaytoestablish law.Ontheotherhand,ontheprevious law, thedemand that the criminal behavior be explicitly described in the statutorylaw was an indication of the great seriousness of the disrespect of thecriminalforthelawofthecommunity27(HESPANHA,2015:608).

What one can see on the descriptions of criminal behavior on the second

CouncilofState is theprecisemomentoftransitiontotheprincipleof legality.Onthe

24 Portuguese original: “mal desempenhado à comissão de remessa de recrutas”. Consultation from15/11/1833.25 Portuguese original: “insubordinação”; “desobediência”; “fuga”; “motim”; “atirar em superiores”; e“resistênciaasuperiores”.26 Portuguese original: “Note-se que a expressão “silogismo judiciário”, que viria a ter tanto sucesso nolegalismo, tem, aqui [no Antigo Regime], outra estrutura. A premissamaior não é a lei (ou um conceitojurídico),masasituaçãode facto,oqueéconsistentecoma ideiadequeasoluçãonãodecorredeumaregrajurídica,masantesdodireitoimanenteaumasituaçãoconcreta”.27Portugueseoriginal:“Neste,aexigênciadequeocrimeestejaprevistoexpressamentenaleirepresentaumagarantiaparao cidadão,pois seentendea lei comoa formacidadãde seestabelecerodireito. Emcontrapartida,nodireitoanterior, aexigênciadequeo comportamentodelitivoestivesseexpressamenteprevisto na lei servia para indicar a suma gravidade do desrespeito do criminoso pelo direito dacomunidade”.



2352

periodanalyzed, therefinedmoderntechnique, inwhich thecrime isalwayscalledby

thenamegivenbythecode28,inadeepexpressionoflegality,wasstillnotareality.This

isduetothepresenceofthePhilippineOrdinationsasthesourceofthedefinitionsof

criminalizedbehavior.

Thecrimesbeingsaw,letusmovetothepunishment.

Table2Penaltiestowhichtheconvictedweresubjectwhenpardonwasanalyzedby

theCouncilofState.

Penalty Quantity Percentage

Forcedlabor 41 21,8%

Imprisonment 37 19,6%

Death 31 16,4%

Galleys 25 13,3%

Fine 14 7,4%

Exile to a certain place

(degredo)

14 7,4%

Lossofpatent 5 2,7%

Whipping 5 2,7%

Perpetualinabilitytoholda

public

3 1,6%

Reparationofdamage 2 1,1%

Lossofmilitarywage 1 0,5%

Lossofpublicoffice 1 0,5%

Exile from a certain place

(desterro)

1 0,5%

Ordinarypenalty29 1 0,5%

Notinformed 7 3,7%

28 It isnotpossible tosay that jurists in the firstdecadeof the Independence inBrazilwereum-technicalsimplybecausetheydonotfollowtheterminologyfromtheOrdinations.Thefactthatwenowadaysthinkthatthecodeand its lexicalchoicesareresponsibletosetthecriteriumoftechnicalityactuallyshowsthelegalismunderourlegalthought.Despitesomeexceptions:evennowadays,therearemanyaccusationsofuntechnicalityagainst the laws.But themost recurrentcriterium is theoptionof thecodeandwhenthisoneisconstantandcoherent,doctrinalconsiderationsareusuallyreducedtofootnotes.29Thoseweretheoneestablishedbylaw,andnotbythejudge’sarbitrium.



2353

Ontabletwo,itispossibletoseethegreatvariety(15)ofpenaltiestowhichthe

defendants were subject, and the relative marginality of incarceration. This form of

punishment,which is themain one nowadays, appears in only 20%of the cases. It is

evidencethatcarcerocentrism(carcerocentrismo),thatwouldprevailbytheendofthe

19thcentury30,wasstillfarawayofthesceneonthethirdandforthdecadeofthe19th

century.Moreover,asonecanseeontablethree,thepenaltyofprisonisthelighterone

amongthefourtypesthatcanbemeasured inyears.Therefore,prisonseemstohave

beenasomewhatsofterpenalty,bothquantitativelyandqualitatively.Nevertheless, it

appeared in a relevant amount of cases in the Council, even if not in themajority of

them,andisimportanttounderstandthepunitivedynamicofthosetimes.

Table3Mediumdurationofthepenaltiestowhichtheconvictedweresubjected

whentheircasesarrivedtotheCouncilofState.

Penalty Medium

duration(years)

Perpetual

penalties

Sample Penalty not

informed

Prison 3,41 2 37 2

Forcedlabor 5,26 1 41 7

Exiletoacertainplace(degredo) 6 1 14 1

Galleys 7,3 6 25 0

Now, we will deal with the defendant’s profession and their legal condition.

Those two categories are not equivalent but were used together on the records to

qualifysomehowthedefendant.Moreover,theyareagood indicationofwhatkindof

problemtheimperialadministrationfacedwiththehelpofpardon.

Table4Defendantsbylegalcondition(slaves,freedetc.)andbyprofession.

Profession/Legalcondition Quantity

Military 65

Slave 21

Foreigner 10

30Regardingthistheme,seetheworkofRicardoSontag(2016).



2354

Peacejudge 2

Freedman 5

Darkskinned 3

Priest 2

Creole 1

Unknown 79

There is an important minority of cases of slaves and freedmen, who had a

harsher treatment. However, this will be discussed later. The spotlight belonged to

military defendants, which represented more than a third of the cases where the

professionoftheconvictedisknown.Thiscanbecreditedtotheneedofstabilizationof

therecentlyindependentempire,inwhichconflictstokeepindependenceandtosecure

borders lurked at the limits of the nation. Also, the relevant number of foreigners –

especiallyPortuguese–stimulateddistrustaboutthefidelityofsomeoftheinhabitants

ofthenew-bornEmpire.It is importanttoaddthatmostofthemilitarythatappeared

on theCouncilof Statewereof low ranks. Someof themhadhigherposts,butnever

fromtheverytop31.

Table5ResultsoftheconsultationsoftheCouncilofStatewhenthedefendantwas

freeorslave.

Result Freedefendant32 Slavedefendant33

Commutation

Pardon 22% 6%

Commutation

strictosenso

16% 6%

Nocommutation 24% 56%

Majority for

commutation

15% 13%

31 Itwaspossibleto find33soldiers,1 furriel,2cabos,4recruits,1major,3sergeants,1contramestre,4lieutenants,4mariners,1capitan,6alferesand,finally,7militarywithunspecifiedranks.32 Numeric values: Commutation - 60 times, being: pardon – 34; commutation stricto sensu – 26. Non-commutation:36.Discrepancy-47,being:majorityforcommutation–22;majorityfornon-commutation–15;draw–8;notinformed–2.Notinformed:10.33 Numeric values: commutation – 2 times, being: pardon – 1; commutation stricto senso – 1. Non-commutation:9.Discrepancy:5,being:majority forcommutation–2;majority fornon-commutation–2;notinformed–1.



2355

Discrepancy

Majority of

non-

commutation

10% 13%

Draw 5% 6%

Notinformed 1% 0%

Notinformed 7% 0%

Inthistable,itispossibletosee,aboveall,theharsherapproachoftheCouncil

towards slaves. But the data should be looked cautiously, since the ones referring to

slaveswerefoundinmuchminornumbersthantheonesoffreepeople.Mostoftheir

cases happened in the beginning of the frame of this research, when the counselors

appeared to be more severe. This might have distorted our sample. Therefore, the

evidence presented above shall be confirmed or discarded by further investigation of

othersources.

Table6OpinionfromtheEmperorortheRegencyrelativetotheopinionofthe

Council.

AttitudeoftheEmperorortheRegency NumericValue

Followstheopinion 69

Goes against the

opinion34

1

Discrepantopinion

Followsthemajority 1

It is impossible to

determinethemajority

3

Thereisnoopinion TheEmperorcommutes 1

The Emperor does not

commute

11

Noinformation 12

34Theopinionrecommends thecommutation toacertainpenaltyandtheEmperordecides tocommute,buttoahigherpenaltythantheonerecommended.



2356

The emperor does not

decide

6835

Fromthe tableabove, it ispossible to say that theopinionof theCouncilwas

widelyrespected: ineverycase inwhich itdecided,themoderatingpowerfollowedat

leasttheminorityopinion36.However,whentheregencycametopower,thedecisions

stopped to appear on the records: the documents state laconically that the regents

would“discussitlater”.Itispossibletounderstandwhythisstartedtohappen:nowthe

powerwasexercisedbythreepeople,andnotjustone.Itwasmuchhardertoleavethe

discussions with a fix opinion of three people thanwhen the emperor had to simply

statehissingleopinion.OtherhypothesisisthattheCouncilonlywasheardasamatter

ofmandatoryformality,asstatedbytheViscountofUruguayanddescribedonsection

threeofthispaper.Bothhypothesesarecredible,andispossiblethatreality,complexas

it always is, would reveal that both factors were present. The deepening of the

argumentwoulddemandamoreextensiveresearchaboutthepoliticaldynamicsofthe

regencytimes,withthediscussionofthecompleterecordsoftheCouncil.However,this

isnottheobjectivehere.

5–Decipheringthesphinx37:reasonstodecideonthepardonappeals

Now that the relations between the emperor’s decisions and the opinions of the

councilorshavebeendetermined,itispossibletoscrutinizethecontentsoftherulings.

35OnecasebyPeterI,andtherestbytheregency.36Itisimportanttostressthat“tofollowtheminorityopinion”doesnotmeantocontradicttheCouncilofState. In themeetings,boththecouncilorsandtheEmperor (later, theRegency) tookaseat.Allopinionsissuedduringthemeetingswereregisteredintherecordsandwerethereforeavailabletothemoderatingpower.TherewasnomandatoryopinionfromtheCouncil,butissuedmajorityandminorityopinions.TheEmperoralways followedoneor theother,neverabandoningat leastoneof thepaths suggestedby theCouncil.37ReferencetotheworkofSilvanaMotaBarbosa(2001),importanttounderstandthemoderatingpowerinBrazil.



2357

Table7“Reasonstodecide”mentionedbythecouncilorsofStatewhilediscussing

pardoncases(1828-1834)38.

Justification Frequency Percentage

Newanalysisofthecase 46 37,7%

PassionofChrist 24 19,7%

Correction of legislative

flaws

14 11,4%

Personal circumstances of

thedefendant

11 9%

Genericmotivation 10 8,2%

The time in prison had

purgedtheguilt

1 0,8%

Others 16 13,1%

TablesevenpresentstheargumentsusedbythecouncilorsofState,regardless

ofbeingusedbythemajorityortheminority,tojustifytheconcessionornotofpardon

totheconvicted.Itisnotpossibletoknowexactlywhichoneswerethecrucialreasons

for the decision, since the councilors argued, but did not use to write down a single

opinion with the official justifications. Thus, the expression “reasons to decide” is

employed here in an approximative meaning. Also, in some cases, the records show

some data about the defendant, and in what grounds his request was based, but

nothingatall abouthow thecouncilorsviewed thearguments.This iswhywecannot

knowforsureiftheywerereallyemployedinthediscussions;Ievaluatedcontextuallyif

theycouldorcouldnotbelabeledasa“reasontodecide”.Thedraftingtechniqueofthe

records also lead to a sparse registration of the decisions and their reasoning, as the

secretariesdidnotwritedowntheexactwordsofthecouncilors.Therefore,therecords

containmuchmoreinformationaboutthefinaldecisionsthantheirbases.Thesources,

thus, despite being very rich, are somewhat sparse, and demands and additional

interpretativeeffort.Myobjective,however,was tobetterunderstand theconceptual

pillarsofpardonandhowtheywereusedbetweenthethirdandfourthdecadesofthe

38Icouldnotfindanyinformationonthe“reasonstodecide”of68cases.Thenumberofthefrequenciesishigherthanthetotalnumberofcasesbecausemanydefendantshadtheircommutationsevaluatedbymorethanoneargument.



2358

nineteenthcentury,duringthetransitiontotheageofcodifications.Tofulfillthistask,it

isnotthatimportanttorebuildtheprecisethinkingofthecouncilors,buttocapturethe

ideas thatwere being employed by them as a group. Therefore, theminor variations

that might have occurred do not hurt the general conclusions that these data can

provide.Evenwithsomeimperfections,thedocumentalseriesisvalid.

The limitations being clarified,we can nowunderstand the concepts I drafted

from the sources, and the justifications that appear in the records of the Council of

State.Thevarious“reasons todecide”canbedivided in sevendifferentcategories,as

shown in table seven: “new analysis of the case”, “correction of legislative flaws”;

“personal circumstancesof thedefendant”, “the time inprisonhadpurged theguilt”,

“genericmotivation”,“passionofChrist”and“others”.

New analysis of the case. Those are the situations in which the councilors

scrutinizethefactsonceagain.Investigatingthecorrectionoftheprocedurefollowedby

the judges,evaluatingagain theevidence, rethinkingwhichcrimewascommitted, the

councilorsofStateactedinthosemomentsmuchmoreasjudgesthanasauxiliariesof

the moderating power. In those situations, the Council of State worked almost as

anothercourtwhichwouldbelatervalidatedbytheemperor.Theyusedasarguments

forpardoningorkeepingthesentencemanyfactsassociatedwiththecircumstancesof

thecrime:thedefendantwasaminor(8cases),advancedage(1),thedefendantwasa

recruit(1),absenceofpremeditation(1),weaponofthecrime(1),absenceofintention

(1), lack of evidence (2), the defendantwas the leader of the criminal action (2), the

action was not a crime (4), nullities of the procedure (2), and, very broadly,

unnominatedaggravatingcircumstances(6)andattenuatingcircumstances(1)39.Finally,

inmany cases therewas an unspecified quotation of the “gravity of the crime” (16).

“Newanalysisofthecase”correspondsto37,7%oftheargumentsemployed.

In24cases,or19,7%ofthem,pardonwasgranted“inattentiontothepassion,

anddeathofOurLordJesusChrist,whichiscelebratedtoday”40.Thiscanbeseenasa

mementoofAncienRégimepractices, inwhichpardonhadtheroleofcelebrating the

39 The consideration of aggravating and attenuating circumstances is not a Brazilian specificity. ThomasKootkas(2007)analyseshowpardonworkedinFinlandthroughoutthe19thcentury,whenthatnationwasaRussiangrand-duchy.According toKootkas,pardon thereplayeda roleof softening theharshnessof thepre-modern system of criminal law. Therefore, aggravating and attenuating circumstances were widelytakenintoinaccountbytheemperorinthedecisiontocommute,sincetheywerenotpresentinthepenallaws.Moreover, thesocialpositionof thedefendant, the fact thathesupporteda large familyandhadagoodreputationwerealsoimportant.40Onecansee,forexample,theconsultationof16/04/1829.



2359

figure of themonarch, andwas given in feast days to reinforce the spectacle and to

boostthejoyofthepublic.

Correction of legislative flaws. This notion contains the cases inwhich pardon

seemstobeusedtofillalegalloophole,orwhenclearequitygroundswerepresent.In

theselastcases,therewasanobvioussensationthatthepleashouldbeatleastheard,

but, at the same time, there was no clear rule that authorized the request of the

convicted. I also included thecases inwhich theconvenienceofprisonadministration

demanded the diminishing of the sentence, or another change on the rules of its

serving,but, at the same time, lawdidnotempower the judgewith theneeded legal

toolstomakethosechanges.Inthiscase,andinaccordancetothewidespreadaversion

tothegrowingofjudge’spowerpresentinthosetimes,theintentionwastogivetothe

sovereign all the discretionary power that could not be eliminated. This larger liberty

wasbalancedbytheoverviewoftheCouncilofState.Amongtheparticularjustifications

allocatedinthiscategory,onecanfind:acaseinwhichthehighercourtdiminishedthe

punishment;orrequeststhatpenaltiesservedbeforeinacaseofflightbeconsidered,in

what would be called today criminal detraction (detração) (3 cases); a defendant

convictedtoforcedlaborthatlaterbecameunsuitedtoworkduetothelossofanarm

(1);incompatibilityofthepenaltywiththefemalesex41(2).Reasonsthatweunderstood

41Thebrutalityodcriminalrepressionwasconsidered,insomeaspects,unnecessaryfacedtotheparticularcharacteristics then thought tobepart of the feminine sex. The footnote170aof thecódigo criminal doImpériodoBrasil–comentadoeanotadocomosprincípiosdodireito...,whichdiscussthearticle43(“deathpenaltyshallnotbeimposedonthepregnantwoman,andsheshallnotevenbejudged,ifshedeservesit,notfor40daysafterthebirth”)oftheCriminalCodeisexemplary:“apena,esseremédiodocrime,nafrasedeBonneville,deveserproporcionadaàgravidadedaafecçãoecurabilidadedoculpado,sendoinútileporconseguintefunesto,arbitrário,ilegítimo,oqueexcedeestamedida,eparecequeemmatériasdecrimesaconsideraçãodosexofeminino,comoadaidade,deveriaserumacircunstânciaessencialmenteatenuante.Ebastaconsiderarque, sendoamulher reduzidaaumestadonecessáriodemenoridadee incapacidade,comocollocal-a,essesertãofraco,essemenor,sobreomesmoníveldohomem,seusenhoreseumestre,sendoqueasuadebilidaderelativadecorpo,detemperamentoede inteligênciadeveriaseremvistadaseveridade das leis penaes uma causa geral de atenuação, parecendo repugnante, em condições tãodesiguaesediferentes,aplicar-se-lheosmesmosrigorespenaesqueoshomens(...).Elevemosamulheretenhamosemconsideraçãoa suamenorperversidade, semoegoísmocomquenos temposantigos seafaziaserva(ancila),escrava(serva),umacousa(respatrisfamilia),podendoserrepudiada,cedida,vendida,tendoomaridoodireitodeamatar(iusvitaeetnecis).Attenda-seàsuafraquezana imposiçãodapena,maseleva-se,porqueDeosacollocoupertodohomemparaseroagenteíntimodasuafelicidade,dasuamoralidade,dasuasalvação.(...)Menosprecocesnocrime,maisaccessíveisàemenda,maisdadasàvirtudeconjugaledoméstica,maislaboriosas,maisprobas,maiseconômicas,maispiedosaseresignadas,tudoissonoslevaàconclusãodequeapenademorteparaamulheréumabarbaridadesemrazãodeser,eorigorpara com elas, na medida daquele para com os homens, é uma prova de que a pena nem semprecorresponde ao delito. Infelizmente, nesse sentido, o espírito utilitário tem se substituído à antigagenerosidadedaidademédia.(...)apessoadosexofrágilraramenterecalcitranocrime,amenosquenãosejadominadaporumacausaestranha,comoaloucura.Aconselhacompalavrasdocesaumamulherquecommetteu qualquer crime, e a vereis banhada em lágrimas e com o seu coração repassado em dorexclamar:pequeiefuiumainsensata!”(PESSOA,1885:115-114).



2360

thatwererelatedtotheconvenienceofprisonadministrationwere:theplaceinwhich

the defendant requested to serve the sentence was closer to his family (1); pardon

wouldhelptofreespacesonacrowdedprison(1)42;absenceofaprisonsuitedtothe

female sex (2); factual impossibility to serve the sentence. I also found two cases in

whichthedefendantswereconvictedtoapenaltyandwaitedfora longtimefortheir

execution.The impositionof thepenaltywouldhardly come,and the sufferingarising

from the expectation of the execution was not a part of the original sentence, what

made it unfair. One case was of death sentence, and the other one was of prison

combined with a fine, but, since the defendant was poor, he could not pay it and,

therefore, was kept jailed. Under “correction of legislative flaws” I placed 14

justifications-11,5%ofthetotal.

Personal circumstancesof thedefendant. This categoryhouses threedifferent

sub-categories. The first one points the good previous life of the defendant, what

indicatesthatthecrimewasasimplyandforgivabledeflectionofhisnormalbehavior.

The councilors quote: value of the defendant/previous services (2 cases); 5 cases in

whichsomeauthorityspokeinfavorofthedefendantintherecords(recommendation

from the court itself [2] or from a military superior [3]). The second sub-category

comprises situations in which specificities of the life of the defendant makes the

punishmentparticularlyandunfairlyharsh.Thecouncilors talkedabout thepovertyof

thedefendant[2],andonecaseofamilitaryconvictedtothelossofhissalary,whenit

was his only source of income. The third sub-category has a single case, inwhich the

indignityofadefendantwasquotedasanobstacletohiscommutation.It is important

to remember that this category is about the person of the defendant, and not to

aggravatingorattenuatingcircumstancesofthecrime.Thiscategoryhas11cases,or9%

ofthemall.

Generic motivation. This category, with 10 cases, shows vague justifications

which say almost nothing about what the councilors had thought – but, maybe,

somethingaboutthe lazinessofwhoeverwrotetherecords.Theyare:“therewereno

reasonstocommutation”(9cases)and“therewerereasonstocommutation”(1).

42Thisargumentcouldbedangerous–indeed,iftheprisonswereatfullcapacity,onlypardonrequestcouldbesuccessful.Conveniently,itwasusedonlyonce,inthecaseofaforeigndefendantwhohadbeencausingsometroubleinBrazil.Apunctualuse,tofreethecountryfromaquitespecificproblem.



2361

The time in prison purged the guilt. The one that, from the point of view of

almostallthepubliclawscholarsinlate19thcenturyBrazil,wasthemainreasonforthe

veryexistenceofpardon,appearedinjustonecase,or0,8%.

Others.Thiscategoryhousesthecaseslooselyconnectedtotheotherones,and

that couldnotprovidemuch insight in capturinggeneral trends.Theyare: thepardon

from the victimor anextof kin (3 cases)43; a co-defendantwho committed the same

crimehadalreadybeenpardoned(3);inthecase,thecommutationwouldalmostmean

the freeing of the defendant, since the penalty would become too light (2);

commutationwouldriskthemilitarydisciplineand,therefore, thesafetyof thetroops

(1). Also, I could find some denials of pardon based on the lack of bureaucratic

paperwork.Inthosecases,itispossibletomentionthelackofsomedocument(2cases)

orof thewholeoriginal lawsuit (1); therewerealso4 cases inwhich the requestwas

deniedbecause theordinary appealswere still pending. This last reasonderived from

the extraordinary nature of pardon: it was used to correct unfairness when the

legislativeand judiciarycouldnotactanymore.Therefore,any interventionbeforethe

final ruling of the judiciary would mean an unlawful intervention of the moderating

poweragainstanotherbranchoftheState,riskingtheequilibriumtheEmperorhimself

wasresponsibletokeep.“Others”gathers16reasons,or13,1%ofthewhole.

6–Managinginstabilityintimesofchange:finalremarks

Pardonisalegaltoolonthehalfwaybetweencriminalandconstitutionallaw.InBrazil,

duringthefirsthalfofthe19thcentury,itwasimportantforbothdimensionsinhelping

the legal order to face different crisis. From the criminal point of view, royal mercy

helped to bring more justice and to soften the severe provisions of the Philippine

OrdinationswhiletheCriminalCodeof1830wasstillnotinforce.Itwasalsoimportant

tocorrectprocedural flawsandtheexcessiveharshnessof judgesevenafter theCode43MonicaStronati(2009:571-574)showshowinItalythevictim’sforgivenesswasimportantofthefilingofthepardonrequests.Itwasseenasasignoftheatonementofguilt,andwellvaluedontheopinionsissuedduringtheprocessing.Itsrelevancewassohighthatmanyministrylettersrecommendedthatitshouldbetakeninaccount.Itissomethingfromthelonguedureé,asshownbyMarcoBellabarba(1999):from16thto17thcentury,bothinTuscanyofMedicisandthePiemonteofSavoys,pardonwasmoreeasilygrantedwhenitwaspredatedbytheforgivenessofthevictimorofitsfamily.InBrazil,itsrelevancewassmaller.Thiswasprobablyduetotheexistenceoftheofficialinstitutionofthevictim’spardon,whichextinguishedlawsuitsinthecasesoftheprivatecrimesinwhichtherewasnoaccusationfromthejustice.InItaly,theinstitutionwasnolongerpartofthecode,anditsconcernsmustbetransversallyconsidered.



2362

cametolight.Fromtheconstitutionalpointofview,pardonwasusedtorewardservices

made to the nation and to properly manage the discipline of the army. This was

extremelyrelevantintimesinwhichinstabilityreignedandriotspoppedconstantly.

The Council of State gave important support to the Emperor and later to the

Regency in those tasks. As an organ gathering important politicians and jurists, its

opinion was very prestigious at the time, and even further. The role of the Council,

however, was not uniform. It was very present while Peter I ruled, but it became

progressively void after the Regency came to power, until it is final extinction by the

Additional Act of 1834, on the context of the decentralization reforms. Be it on the

evaluation of the services rendered by the convicted, of the lawful administration of

justiceorofthefairnessoflaws,thecouncilorseffectivelycontributedtoshapehowlaw

andjusticewereunderstoodinthedawnofindependentBrazil.

ThisalsohelpstobetterunderstandwhattheCouncilwasandhowitworked.It

was not only a political institution, or a legal one: it brought both things together. It

shaped legal devices and constitutional institutions in order to control deviance,

disciplineslavesandthemilitaryandtobringstabilitytoashakenland.Criminal lawis

an important part of this task. But punishment is just one side of this branch of law:

pardon is also a part of discipline. By effectively changing how laws are applied and

rewarding trustworthy subjects, it can strengthen the ties between citizens and the

emperor.Butthis is tooaproofof the linksbetweenpardon, theCouncilofStateand

thepoliticsofaspecificregime.Afterthefirstemperorabdicatedin1831,theinstitution

gradually lost its meaning, as their members were compromised by another context.

Thismayexplainitsfinaldemise.

Finally, I would like to stress out the implications of this research on our

understandingoftheconstructionoflegality.Thisphenomenonwasnotanabruptand

absolutechangefromtraditiontoinnovation:itwasratheraslowprocessinwhichold

stilesofthough,conceptsanddevicesweretransformedadaccommodatedintoanew

structure.TheCouncil coulddealverywellwithcases thathappenedbeforeandafter

thecreationofthecode.Thenewtypesofcrimescoexistedwitholdpractices,suchas

the pardon commemorating the passion of Christ. Actually, pardon itself is an old

instrument,thatwasbeingusedinanold-fashionedway,asaresourcetoshowoffthe

never-endingmercyandgloryof thecrown.Weshouldwaita fewyears towatch the



2363

transformationof it into amoremodern instrument. The institutional continuity from

theoldandnewtimesmightexplaintheslowchanges.

At the end of the day, seemingly incompatible practices could be brought

togethertostabilizethecountryandfacethechallengesoftransition.

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SobreoautorArthurBarrêttodeAlmeidaCostaMaster’s Student in Law and J.D. at the Federal University ofMinas Gerais, undersupervisionofprof.RicardoSontag andwitha scholarship fromCAPES.MemberofStudium Iuris –ResearchGroupon theHistory of LegalCulture (CNPq/UFMG). ThisresearchwasfinancedbyFAPEMIG.E-mail:[email protected]éoúnicoresponsávelpelaredaçãodoartigo.

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