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Transcript of Patterns of noun class attrition in Kwa - LLACAN - Langage...
Patterns of noun class attrition in Kwa
Maria Konoshenko, Daria ShavarinaRussian State University for the Humanities, Moscow
Why Kwa classes?
Kwa languages are usually viewed as being close to the isolating
prototype (Aboh & Essegbey 2010: 40), cf. also the notions of Bantu-
type with robust inflection vs. Kwa-type with minimal inflection in
Hyman (2004), Good (2012)
class systems in Kwa are understudied in typological as well as historical
perspectives
this study focuses on some synchronic properties of noun class systems
in modern Kwa in the broader context of “canonical” vs. “reduced”
(Katamba 2003: 108) class systems in Niger-Congo 2
Where are classes in Kwa?
Classes are attested in genetically remote groupings:
Ka-Togo and Na-Togo aka Ghana-Togo Mountain languages (GTM)
the Guang languages
Akanic lects, Ega
usually described as “rudimentary”, “vestigial” (Welmers 1973: 184),
“residual” (Aboh 2010: 11), “defunct” (Osam 1994: 117), “undergoing
decay” (Essegbey 2009: 37), but many systems are in fact quite
elaborate 3
Ka-Togo Na-TogoGbe
Kwa
Potou-Tano
Potou Tano
Guang
(Williamson and Blench 2000)
Proto-Kwa as having a full-fledged class system
full-fledged sets of noun class markers have been reconstructed for
proto-GTM language(s) (Heine 1968) and proto-Guang (Manessy
1987; Snider 1988)
noun class prefixes in modern Kwa are cognate to class markers in other
Niger-Congo subfamilies and can be traced back to proto-Niger-
Congo (Blench 2009; Kiessling 2013: 46)
Hence, we may safely assume that a complex noun class system was
present in proto-Kwa as well, but it was lost in most modern groups of
the family. 5
Our assumptions about classes in proto-Kwa
Proto-Kwa as having a “typical” Niger-Congo class system:
(1) Class marking on nouns: most nouns are assigned obligatory class
markers from a limited set, different in singular and plural forms;
(2) Class agreement: nominal modifiers, verbs and anaphoric
pronominals obligatory agree with nouns in class (and number)
Cf. (Kiesling 2013:44) for similar generalizations about typical noun class
systems in Niger-Congo
6
Languages in the sample
A sample of 15 languages limited by the availability of descriptions
but still rather representative:
GTM: Logba, Lelemi, Akebu, Avatime, Nyangbo, Igo, Tuwuli, Ikposo
Guang: Chumburung, Foodo, Gonja, Nkonya, Nawuri, Efutu
Akan (Fante and Twi lects)
Note: a database of class marking in Kwa is being prepared via Google Drive and
can be shared with anyone who would like to get access to our data.7
The data
CLass systems in Kwa quantified by the number of unique class
markers on nouns:
8
Number of class markers System type
≥ 8 markers Elaborate
< 8 markers with singular-plural pairing preserved for most nouns
Moderate
traceable markers, but singular-plural pairing lost for most nouns
Vestigial
Languages Grouping Main source Class marking on nouns
Logba GTM: NaT Dorvlo 2009 Moderate
Lelemi GTM: NaT Allan 1973 Elaborate
Akebu GTM: KaT>KeA Makeeva, Shluinsky 2015 Elaborate
Avatime GTM: KaT>AvN Schuh 1995 Elaborate
Nyangbo GTM: KaT>AvN Essegbey 2009 Elaborate
Igo GTM: KaT>KpAB Gblem 1995 Elaborate
Tuwuli GTM: KaT>KpAB Harley 2005 Elaborate
Ikposo GTM: KaT>KpAB Soubrier 2013 Vestigial
Chumburung Guang>Northern Hansford 1990 Moderate
Foodo Guang>Northern Plunckett 2009 Elaborate
Gonja Guang>Northern Painter 1970 Moderate
Nkonya Guang>Northern Reineke 1971 Elaborate
Nawuri Guang>Northern Sherwood 1982 Moderate
Efutu Guang>Southern Obeng 2008 Vestigial
Akan Central Tano Osam 1993ab, Osam 1994 Moderate9
Class marking on nouns (1)
The correspondence of several singular markers to one plural marker (a)
as a result of (apparent) generalization:
attested in many languages, but could already be present in the
proto-system...
so only “gross” convergence conditioned by external factors is
treated as innovative simplification
E.g. animacy-based affix overgeneralization in plural formation in Lelemi
(Allan 1973) 10
Animacy-based plural formation in Lelemi (Allan 1973)
11
Singular Plural
Animate humans o- ba-
animals a- ba-
tribes, birds, bats le- ba-
animals living in the bush ka- ba-
animate objects ko- ba-
onomatopoeic or borrowed animates ∅- ba-
Inanimate artefacts and domesticated crops, body parts o- le-
kitchen utensils, body parts, natural events le- a-
Class marking on nouns (2)
(b) non-segmental class marking, e.g. in Akebu (Makeeva, Shluinsky
2015)
(c) fossilization of class marking, e.g. in Ikposo (Soubrier 2013)
(d) loss of class marking, e.g. in Akan (Osam 1993), Nyangbo (Essegbey
2009)
12
Non-segmental class marking in Akebu
13
In Akebu, some singular classes are marked with tone rather than
segmental prefix (Makeeva & Shluinsky 2015):
Singular Plural Semantics
Segmental marking kɨ-ʈoo-kǝ wə-ʈoo-kpǝ ‘feather’
Tonal marking lee-ʈǝ e-lee-yǝ ‘calabash’
Fossilization of class marking in Ikposo
Most nouns have V-CV structure with initial vowels as remnants of
ancient class markers; only some human nouns change initial vowel in
plural (Soubrier 2013: 75-83)
14
Singular Plural Semantics
Humans ɔ-sɩ
ɔ-lʊ
a-sɩ
a-lʊ
‘woman’‘person’
Non-humans utʃu
ʊɣɔ
utʃu nɩ
ʊɣɔ nɩ
‘fly’‘hand’
Animacy-based restructuring in Kwa and Niger-Congo
Human nouns in Kwa have more conservative class marking as opposed
to non-human, e.g. they retain prefixal plural formation in Ikposo, they
never lose prefixes in singular in Akan etc.
Animacy-based restructuring of class systems is a well-known process in
Niger-Congo (Maho 1999, Good 2012)
Cf. similar generalization by Faraclas (1986: 51): “class/gender distinctions
distinctions are lost for [-human] nouns before [+human] nouns” for
Cross-River15
Class agreement
A complex parameter comprising:
features
targets
markers
conditions
cf. Corbett (2006: 4-5)
16
Agreement features
Types of agreement systems attested:
“conservative” class (and number) agreement - multiple semantic cores,
multiple agreement markers:
Logba, Lelemi, Akebu, Tuwuli, Chumburung, Foodo
animacy (and number) agreement - a single semantic parameter, few
agreement markers:
Igo, Gonja, Nkonya, Nawuri, Akan
vocalic and tonal agreement - semantically not motivated:
Avatime, Nyangbo
no agreement: Ikposo, Efutu 17
Animacy-based agreement: Nkonya
Numerals from 2 to 9 (Reineke 1972: 45-46)
18
Humans aba- a-tse aba-sa ‘3 women’
n-yebi aba-sa ‘3 children’
Animate non-humans
a- m-boe a-sa ‘3 animals’
a-kpokpo a-sa ‘3 buffalos’
Inanimate ∅- e-kolo ∅-sa ‘3 boats’
a-wulu ∅-sa ‘3 towns’
Animacy-based agreement: Igo (Gblem 1995: 153-157)
Numerals: human vs. non-human distinction
Indefinite markers: animate vs. inanimate
19
Singular Plural
Human i- iŋo-
Non-human i- ini-
Singular Plural
Animate u- bu-
Inanimate ki- ke-
Vocalic agreement: Nyangbo (Essegbey 2009)
Most targets have tV- prefix copying its vowel from noun prefix:
20
Feature Noun prefix: CVi Prefixes on indefinite pronouns and numerals: tVi
Singular A- tA-
Plural bA- tA-
Singular O- tO-
Plural I- tI-
Singular kA- tA-
Plural bU- tU-
Agreement targets
Most common targets:
pronouns (subject, object, possessive, independent/emphatic)
numerals, demonstratives, indefinite markers (‘some’), but not
adjectives!
21
22
Numerals Adjectives
Logba YES NO
Lelemi YES NO
Akebu YES NO
Avatime YES NO
Nyangbo YES NO
Igo YES NO
Tuwuli YES YES*
Chumburung YES YES*
Foodo YES YES
Gonja YES NO
Nkonya YES NO
Nawuri NO NO
Akan YES YES*
Agreement on adjectives in Kwa
the only language with (apparently) unrestricted class agreement on
adjectives is Foodo (Plunckett 2009: 124-125)
in the other three languages with adjective agreement (Akan, Tuwuli,
Chumburung) only a few adjectives agree, and in number rather than
class (Osam 1993: 97-98; Harley 2005: 111; Hansford 1990: 266)
23
Adjective agreement in Akan
In Akan, some adjectives get class marker, but only in plural. Strangely,
the class form of the adjective does not depend on the class form of
noun and is unpredictable (Osam 1993: 97):
(1) a-tar tuntum ‘black dress’
Cl2-dress black
(2) n-tar e-tuntum ‘black dresses’
Cl5-dress PL-black
24
When was adjective agreement lost? (1)
Two possible scenarios:
(1) adjective agreement was present in the proto-system, but is the first
to disappear in modern languages
provides a better explanation for lexical restrictions and
idiosyncrasies in Akan, Tuwuli and Chumburung
25
When was adjective agreement lost? (2)
Two possible scenarios:
(2) adjective agreement had already been lost in Proto-Kwa, and modern
cases are recent innovations
better explains why languages from different subgroups pattern
similarly
why otherwise rather conservative GTM almost lack adjective
agreement
26
Adjective and numeral agreement in Niger-Congo
Numeral agreement is very robust in Kwa as opposed to adjectival agreement
which seems to have been lost either in the proto-Kwa or in most its
daughter languages;
This pattern is opposite to what is attested in neighboring Niger-Congo
families, e.g. in Kru and Cross River languages, which are more likely to
preserve adjective rather than numeral agreement (Demuth et al. 1986;
Faraclas 1986)
Cf. Hierarchy of persistence in agreement patterns for Cross River: Strongest: subject-verb
Strong: adjective-nounWeak: other targets, especially numerals (Faraclas 1986: 51) 27
Conclusions
patterns of simplification in noun class systems in Kwa, e.g.
animacy-based restructuring, largely correspond to diachronic
phenomena attested in other Niger-Congo subfamilies
however, numerals and adjectives pattern differently in Kwa as
opposed to (some) other Niger-Congo subfamilies: numerals
preserve class agreement much better than adjectives
the idea that there was no adjective agreement in proto-Kwa is
not impossible 28
References (1)
Aboh, Enoch O. 2010. The Morphosyntax of the Noun Phrase. In: E. Aboh & J. Essegbey (eds). Topics in Kwa Syntax. Studies in Natural Language and Linguistic
Theory 78. 11-37.
Allan, E. J. 1974. A Grammar of Buem. Ph.D . dissertation, University of London.
Blench, R. 2009. Do the Ghana-Togo mountain languages constitute a genetic group? The Journal of West African Languages 36.1/2: 19-36.
Demuth, K. A.; Faraclas, N. G.; Marchese, L. 1986. Niger-Congo noun classes and agreement systems in language acquisition and historical change. In: Noun
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Essegbey, James. 2009. Noun classes in Tutrugbu. Journal of West African Languages. 37-56.
Faraclas, Nicholas G. 1986. Cross River as a model for the evolution of Benue-Congo nominal class/concord systems. In Studies in African Linguistics 17 (1): 39-54.
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Hyman, L. 2004. How to become a “Kwa” verb. Journal of West African Languages 30:69–88.
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References (2)
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Manessy, Gabriel. 1987. La Classification nominale en Proto-Guang. Afrikanistische Arbeitspapiere 9:5-49.
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Schuh, R. 1995. Avatime noun class and concord. Studies in African Linguistics Vol. 24, No. 2: 123-149.
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