Patterns of hoards hiding

‘WAR AND PEACE’! PATTERNS OF VIOLENCE THROUGH COIN

HOARDS DISTRIBUTION. - The Middle and Lower Danube from Trajan to Aurelianus -

CRISTIAN GĂZDAC (CLUJ-NAPOCA - ROMANIA)

Keywords: coins hoards, peacetime, wartime, Middle and Lower Danube, mapping hoards Abstract. This study is seeking to point out the general and specific patterns of hoards burial and non-recovery in peacetime and wartime by analysing the discovery of coin hoards from the Middle and Lower Danube in the period from Trajan to Aurelianus – a period that correspond to the Roman administration of the province of Dacia – when the Roman monetary system knew the longest period of a certain stability.

In order to serve best the aim of this study the period of study was subdivided in chronological segments according to major historical events that took place on the area under study.

Combining mapping of hoards by periods with the information from ancient authors and the context of discovery this study, a preliminary work on a larger research project on Roman Europe, will establish the impact of historical violent events on certain areas at certain time.

Introduction ‘…for the newes is true, that the Dutch have broke the chaine and

burned our ships[…]. And, the truth is, I do fear so much that the whole kingdom is undone, that I do this night resolve to study with my father and wife what to do with the little that I have in money by me. […] I presently resolved of my father’s and wife’s going into the country; and, at two hours’ warning, they did go by the coach this day, with about 1300l. in gold in their night-bag. Pray God give them good passage, and good care to hide it when they come home! but my heart is full of fear[…]’

(The diary of Samuel Pepys, 12th-14th of June 1667) (http://www.pepysdiary.com/) to be continued (!)

ISTROS, XVIII, 2012, Brăila, p. 165-198

Cristian Găzdac 166

Four months later… ‘…it being now night, into the garden with my wife, and there

went about our great work to dig up my gold. But, Lord! what a tosse I was for some time in, that they could not justly tell where it was; that I begun heartily to sweat, and be angry, that they should not agree better upon the place, and at last to fear that it was gone but by and by poking with a spit, we found it, and then begun with a spudd to lift up the ground. But, good God! to see how sillily they did it, not half a foot under ground, and in the sight of the world from a hundred places, if any body by accident were near hand, and within sight of a neighbour’s window […] and by a note which I had of the value of the whole in my pocket, do find that there was short above a hundred pieces, which did make me mad […] I out again about midnight, for it was now grown so late, and there by candlelight did make shift to gather forty-five pieces more. […] and there gather all the earth about the place into pails […] we did make the last night’s forty-five up seventy-nine […] so that I am pretty well satisfied that my loss is not great, and do bless God that it is so well…’

(The diary of Samuel Pepys, 10th-11th of October 1667)(http://www.pepysdiary.com/)

The two fragments cited above contain two fundamental aspects

for the present study: a) our perception on historical events: a case of a hoard that is connected to a major event – the Dutch raid on Thames in 1667 during the Second Anglo-Dutch War 1665-1667 – but which, in fact, did not happen in the area where the hoard was buried, and b) the real human behaviour in front of danger as well as when it is about his wealth.

At the same time the above fragments can be considered as guidelines of this study order to establish general and specific patterns of hiding and non-recover hoards and their real connections to major historical events.

The topic of this research is one that has always attracted not only the scholars but also the general public as the coin hoards, also known as money treasures, have represented during history a symbol of wealth and power, as well as a proof of human tragedy, as these hoards/treasures were not recovered by the owners.

‘War and peace’! Patterns of violence through coin hoards distribution 167

As like many other topics of attractive interest this one, too, underwent two opposite conceptions. These theories are best represented by the works of M. Crawford and R. Duncan-Jones.

M. Crawford organizing the coin hoards in the late Republic within the Italian peninsula and islands noticed a concordance between the increase of hoards in the period of violence, although, the small territory and short chronological period did not allow him to rich a definitive conclusion on this aspect (Crawford 1969, p. 76–81).

On the other side, the opinion of Duncan-Jones who considers that time of warfare and unrest may not explain the cause of non-recovery of hoards. According to this scholar the increase in the number of hoards in the AD 160s was a result of the extravagant donativa and congiaria and not the consequences of the Marcomanic wars. On support of his theory, he brings the argument that hoards ending with coins of M. Aurelius were found in areas where no Marcomanic invasions took place (Duncan-Jones 1994, p. 77).

The aim of the study Therefore, the present paper is seeking to map the Roman coin

hoards from the Middle and Lower Danube provinces by certain chronological segments according to the peacetime and wartime moments (meaning wars, invasions, internal disturbances).

The mapping of hoards by chronological levels will be also correlated with ancient literary sources in order to see if the late ones do or do not match with the distribution of coin hoards.

On this line, for this study were selected those hoards that may be considered by their owners as worth conceiving in the time of unrest in order to recover them later. Thus, here were taken onto account those hoards containing a large amount of coins of high value at the time of burial buried in a container of solid material (pottery, metal). In this study are not included those coin deposits of low value pieces and in small number (up to 20 pieces) for which also the archaeological context indicate that they are daily money loss or served for other purposes (e.g. votive offerings) with no intention by the ex-owner to recover these coins (see below). For an exhaustive catalogue and tables of hoards from the area on the Middle and Lower Danube in the period under study see Găzdac 2010.


The area and chronological segment of research were chosen as the author has already gathered the coin hoards in a previous work (Găzdac 2010, CD – Catalogue of hoards). On the same line, the chronological segment was chosen based on the period of Roman administration of Dacia (from Trajan to Aurelianus) but also considering that this study is just a preliminary work of a larger project regarding the concealment of coin hoards in the Roman Empire and the connection with major historical events.

Hoards endings with coins of Trajan–Hadrian (map 1) From Dacia, comes the hoards found at Medveş (Suciu 1990-

1993, p. 189-207) and Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa I (Găzdac, Cociş 2004, p. 42). The Medveş hoard has been considered to have been buried during the uprising of the province at the end of Trajan’s reign (Suciu 1990-1993, p. 203). The hoard Ulpia Traiana I contains 7 bronze pieces (Găzdac 2010, CD, tab. A 1; the catalogue of hoards from Dacia) and was found in an archaeological layer containing other small finds and isolated coins, thus this hoard can be considered an ordinary loss of money. The reign of Hadrian is represented by hoards found at Locusteni (Popilian 1981-1982, p. 121) and Drobeta (Davidescu 1980, p. 137-141). The Locusteni hoard was only partially recovered and contains 11 coins. The small quantity of coins recovered in these hoards makes it difficult to be sure that they really ended with coins of Hadrian or if originally it had coins of later emperors (Popilian 1981-1982, p. 121). The hoard from Drobeta contains 5 aurei of Hadrian (Găzdac 2010, CD, tab. A 1; the catalogue of hoards from Dacia).

In other provinces from the Middle and Lower Danube the reigns of Trajan and Hadrian are represented by a small number of hoards: Pannonia Superior (1), Moesia Superior (2), Moesia Inferior (5).

The hypothetical reason for the concealment and non-recovery of the hoards ending with coins of Trajan was considered to be the unrest at the Lower Danube, caused by the war against the Roxolani and Iazyges at the end of Trajan’s and the beginning of Hadrian’s reigns (SHA, Vita Hadriani, 6,6). Layers of destruction found in the different forts from Pannonia Inferior were linked with the Iazyges wars (Mócsy1974, p. 101; Jónás 1937, p. 278-283), although A. Mócsy expressed some doubts about this theory (Mócsy 1974, p. 101). For the hoard ending with Hadrian’s coins found in Pannonia the reason of their non-recovery has


been interpreted to be the attack of the Quadi on the limes area Aquincum-Brigetio-Arrabona in AD 134 (Barkóczi 1958, p. 73). For some of the hoards of the group found in Moesia Inferior the Dacian wars were considered to be the reason of burial and non-recovery (IRRCHBg, no. 96; Gerov 1977, 116). However some doubts were expressed concerning this explanation (Gerov 1977, 116).

For both of the reigns, the number of hoard finds is very small and their geographical distribution indicates that they were widespread on the area of the Lower Danube (map 1). Some authors imply that the lack of substantial information does not allow inferences about the impact of these events on the area of Pannonia (Mócsy 1974, p. 102-103) and most of region of the Lower Danube.

Hoards ending with coins of Antoninus Pius (map 2) A notable feature of this group is the small quantity of coins,

numbering between 6 and 129 (Găzdac 2010, CD, tab. A 2-5; the catalogues of hoards). Also it must be noted here that 3 out of 7 hoards of this group contain bronze coins only.

In the case of the Oescus II hoard (Moesia Inferior), which contained 6 bronze coins, its small size could be explained simply as a case of an accidental loss (i.e. a so-called ‘purse hoard’). On the basis that only a few hoards were found spread out over a wide geographical region, there can be no certainty that the reason for non-recovery of the hoards was a major historical event.

In the case of hoards Wallern (Dembski 1977, p. 20), Szemely (Kerény 1952, p. 6) (Pannonia Superior) and Osatina (Pannonia Inferior) (Mirnik 1981, p. 56, no. 133) the concealment of hoards was believed to have occurred at the beginning of the Marcomanic wars or to have taken place as the result of a hypothetical raid of Sarmatians in AD 150-151 as in the case of Medgidia hoard (Moesia Inferior) (Vertan 1978, p. 229).

At the same time, the coin hoards ending with Antoninus Pius from the provinces of Pannonia and Moesiae are geographically very isolated from each other (map 2). From this point of view there may be just a local reason for the burial and non-recovery but one should take into account that the latest coin of a hoard represents just a terminus post quem. Thus these hoards could have been concealed later under the reign of Marcus Aurelius when the area of the Middle Danube was facing the Marcomanic raids. A possible argument for this hypothesis could be


derived from the Wallern hoard (Pannonia Superior). The find-spot of this hoard is situated very close to the places where four hoards ending with M. Aurelius coins were found (map 2).

Unlike the other provinces, the number of hoards is much larger in Dacia for the period of Antoninus Pius (Găzdac 2010, CD, tab. A 1; the catalogue of hoards from Dacia).

An important characteristic of the group of coin hoards under discussion is their find-spots. All the hoards were found in Transylvania – Upper Dacia. Moreover, six out of seven are grouped in the area of the central-eastern part of this region (map 2). This may suggest that the coin hoards could have been concealed and not-recovered for a common reason. We know that the second part of the reign of Antoninus Pius was characterised by numerous wars against Britons, Moorish, Germanic, Jewish and Dacian tribes. Also the emperor had to face the rebellions of the provinces of Achaea and Aegyptus (SHA, Vita Pii, 5, 4; Aelius Aristide, XXVI, 7; Polyaenus, VI). According to R. Noll, the Germanic attacks during the reign of Antoninus Pius were marked also by the burial of hoards and reinforcement of the limes in Noricum and Pannonia (Noll 1954, p. 43-47). Similarly in Dacia, the period of Antoninus Pius is characterised by an increase of military activity: new auxiliary troops in DaciaSuperior (CIL XVI, Dipl. 58, p. 1983; CIL XVI, Dipl. 110) and the building in stone of some auxiliary forts (Chiţescu 1971, p. 404). It is known that the governor of Dacia, Statius Priscus, had to fight on the borders of the province (Molnár, Winkler 1965, p. 284), and the successful military operations were over between October and December 159 (CIL III, 1061).

Hoards ending with coins of M. Aurelius (map 2) The reign of M. Aurelius was marked by an increase of hoards’

finds. The reason of concealment and non-recovery for this group of

hoards were linked to the different phases of the Marcomanic wars. A connection between hoard burial and this event could be

suggested by the increase of the number of hoards ending with M. Aurelius as well as the find spots of these hoards. From literary sources it is known that the focal point of the war against the Marcomani was the province of Pannonia (Dembski 1977, p. 20; Göbl 1967, p. 12; Mócsy 1974, p. 187-193). A larger number of hoards were found on the former


territories of Pannonia Superior and Inferior, with later coins from this period than previous groups of hoards. The hoards connected with barbarian attack are mostly concentrated in the area of Carnuntum-Scarabantia where the raids took place (map 2). Another concentration of hoards ending with the latest coins issued at close dates can be noted on the central-south part of Pannonia Inferior (map 2). Starting from AD 170, it is known that the Empire had to fight against Sarmatian tribes (Iazyges) (Mócsy 1974, p. 187; Barkóczi 1980, p. 97) when the famous general M. Claudius Fronto, the governor of both Dacia and Upper Moesia died in battle (CIL VI, 1377). Furthermore, in the second half of AD 173, M. Aurelius moved his headquarters from Carnuntum to Sirmium and faced a strong invasion of the Iazyges through the south Pannonian front in the winter of AD 173-174 (Barkóczi 1980, p. 97). On the basis of the latest coins of these hoards, issued between AD 164 and 168, it is possible that the hoards were buried and non-recovered because of the above events which took place in this part of Pannonia.

For the hoards of this group found in Moesia Inferior the Costoboces raid in AD 170/171 (Youroukova 1979, 284; Gerov 1980b, p. 260-262; Birley 1987, p. 168; Scheidel 1990, p. 498) was considered the reason of concealment and non-recovery. Following the epigraphic evidence from the towns of Callatis (AÉ 1937, no. 246), Tropaeum Traiani – an inscription mentions a “Daizoz Comozos interfectus a Castrabocis” (CIL III, suppl. 2, 14214) and another one a “decuriodeceptus a Castabocos (duum)vir(atu) suo”(AÉ 1964, 252) –Philippopolis (IGBg III (1), no. 878), Serdica (IGBg IV, no. 1902) and the archaeological evidence for Pautalia (Gerov 1980b, p. 260-262) the raid of Costoboces seems to have affected Moesia Inferior and the province of Thracia. It is difficult to be sure whether the hoards from Moesia Inferior were buried and not recovered because of this event, but for some of these hoards further arguments can be made. Such is the case of hoard Durostorum IV which was found in one of the buildings of the cannabae legionis XI Claudia. The archaeological evidence proved that that building together with the whole legionary fort was set on fire during the Costoboces raid (Hristov 1987, p. 26).

Although some information could suggest that Moesia Superior was troubled during the Marcomanic wars – a woman is mentioned on a tombstone as have been ‘interfecta ab hostes’(Spomenik, 75, 1948, 2) – the fact that the legions were used elsewhere indicates that this province


was not deemed to be in “immediate danger” (Mócsy 1974, p. 188). Therefore for the hoards of this group found in Moesia Superior, there are no reasons to link their concealment and non-recovery to the raids.

It has been considered that the province of Dacia also knew a period of unrest in the time of Marcomanic wars (Gudea 1994, p. 67 – with bibliography), and the important towns were under the threat, i.e Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa survived after being placed in a dangerous situation: “…ancipiti periculo virtutib(us) restituta” (CIL III, 1769). The theory that this group of hoards was hidden because of these events may be confirmed by the characteristics of the find-spots or the area where some of the hoards were found. The hoard from Barburais in the area where a strong fire layer spread on a wide surface was attested. It was demonstrated by archaeological research that the most important settlement in this area, AlburnusMaior, was burned in this period (Giurescu, Giurescu 1971, p. 131), and the wax tablets were hidden during this period in the mine galleries (IDR I, 175), very close to the find-spots of the coin hoards mentioned above.

Hoards ending with coins of Commodus (map 2) In contrast with the previous period, the reign of Commodus is

characterised by a small number of coin finds in the provinces of the Middle and Lower Danube (11) (Găzdac 2010 – CD, tab. A 2-5).

The first part of Commodus’ reign was characterised by the conflicts between Commodus and the Germanic tribes (Mócsy 1974, p. 193-194). The similar date of the latest coins in some hoards made some scholars to suggest a common reason for burial: the last phase of the Marcomanic wars, before the peace of Commodus (Preda 1974, p. 90; Popilian, Stan-Mirceşti 1989, p. 42). The cases of Apulum I (latest coin AD 184-185) and Desa (Dacia) (last coin AD 186) may suggest that their burial took place later than the other finds. Geographically, hoards of this group are widely distributed and no destruction is mentioned in this area during this period; and Apulum I is much further inside the central part of Dacia Superior (map 2). As has been suggested in the hoard of Bela Reka (Pannonia Inferior) (Popović, Borić-Brešković 1994, p. 144), there may have been personal or local reasons which led to the concealment of these hoards.


Hoards ending with coins of Septimius Severus-Caracalla (map 3)

The period of the Severans is considered one of relative stability in the area of the Lower Danube (Mócsy 1974, p. 217-222; Gerov 1977, p. 123). In AD 214 both provinces of Moesia and Pannonia were invaded by Carpi (CIL III, 3660, 14416; Barkóczi 1954, p. 323, no. 326; Alföldy 1961, p. 29-30; Gerov 1971, p. 431-435; Mócsy 1974, p. 198; Gerov 1977, p. 125) and the border between the two Pannoniae was shifted further westward (Mócsy 1974, p. 198). This event has been considered the reason for the concealment and the non-recovery for some of the hoards in this group (Gerov 1977, p. 125). The find-spots and the small number of hoards found on the territory of Moesia Inferior rather suggest some local reasons for the concealment and non-recovery (Barnea 1980, p. 98). The same scheme applies to the hoards of this group from Pannonia. With respect to the hoard Brigetio IV, the authors consider that it was not recovered because of hypothetical “Barbarian movements at the end of 2nd century” (Barkóczi, Biró-Sey 1964, p. 9). For other hoards such as Savaria II hypothetical actions by latrones have been considered as a possible reason of the concealment and non-recovery (Czeglédy 1961-1962, p. 102).

At the moment two hoards of this period were found in Dacia, Lujerdiu (Chirilă 1960, p. 405-431; Ionescu 1997, p. 129-165) and Ulpia Traiana II (Găzdac, Cociş 2004, p. 42-43, 82-83).

In the case of the hoard from Ulpia Traiana II presents two particularities: a small quantity of denarii (21), and its find-spot. The hoard was found during the archaeological excavation in the forum of the colonia in the walls of an underground room which was identified as a cellar. In this situation this hoard could be a result of some robbery or a secret place to keep money but no connection with a major historical event.

Hoards ending with coins of Elagabalus-Severus Alexander-Maximinus I Thrax (map 4)

As in many other cases, the reasons of concealment and non-recovery of these hoards have been also linked to major historical events. For the hoards ending with coins of Elagabalus or Severus Alexander, found on the north-west part of Pannonia Superior the cause of hiding has been considered to be the Alamanic invasion in 235/236 (Dembski


1977, p. 21). However, doubts have been raised about the alleged cause for the burials and non-recovery of these hoards. The latest coins of Vindobona IV are those of Elagabalus. Moreover, the hoard was found on the territory of the legionary fortress at Vindobona (Pink 1933, p. 60; FMRÖ IX, 47) and presumably, belonged to a military person. In this find there are no coins of Severus Alexander, i.e. there is no reason to date it later than 10 years before the Alamanic raids.

At the same time the province of Pannonia Inferior had to face the Sarmatian war fought by Maximinus I Thrax in AD 236-238 (Mócsy 1974, p. 202). On the basis of the finds-spots, ripa Sarmatica, some of the hoards found in Pannonia Inferior have been connected to this event or to other hypothetical raids which anticipated this war (Soproni 1964, p. 9-12; Soproni 1965, p. 284-287; FMRU I, p. 109). On the contrary, the hoards ending with issues of Elagabalus and Severus Alexander found in Moesia Inferior have been considered concealed and not recovered because of internal events rather than external threats or they were buried later either in the reign of Maximinus I Thrax (Gerov 1977, p. 126), following the general rebellion in AD 238 (Bersanetti 1940, p. 55-59; Gerov 1977, p. 126; Dietz 1980, p, 314-318), or during the raid of the Sarmatians and Carpi at the beginning of the reign of Gordian III (Gerov 1977, p. 126). A hoard which can be directly connected with the war in the spring of AD 238 was found at Ravna. The exact find spot was a hole beneath a building floor in the military fort, and the archaeological context suggests the link with this event (Kondić 1983, p. 57).

In Dacia, a distinct group of hoards ends with coins of Elagabalus-Severus Alexander: Frânceşti, Pădureţu, Dăneşti, Micia, Napoca, Ad Mediam I (map 4).

There are no known external threats to explain the burial and non-recovery of these hoards. For the hoards from Frânceşti and Pădureţu, the nature of their find-spot, the limes Alutanus, and their proximity to each other, has suggested that an unknown event took place in that period. Another hypothesis is that the hoards ending with Severus Alexander could have been hidden during the reign of Maximinus I Thrax (AD 235-238) when the troops of Dacia had to fight against Dacian and Sarmatian tribes and the emperors got the titles Dacicus Maximus and Sarmaticus Maximus. Such a hypothesis has been forwarded for the hoard from Napoca (Găzdac et al. 2010, p. 15).


Hoards ending with coins of Gordian III-Philip I (map 5) From the first sight on the map one can easily noticed a strong

concentration of hoards’ find spots in the provinces of Dacia and Moesia Inferior (map 5).

The reason for burial of this group of hoards together with those ending with coins of Gordian III has been considered to have been the massive attack on the provinces of Dacia and Moesia Inferior by the Carpic tribes in AD 245/246-247 (Gerov 1977, p. 127-131). At this stage it should be mentioned that all the hoards from Moesia Inferior in which the latest coins were of Philip I end in the period AD 246-249(Găzdac 2010, CD, tab. A 5).

In the case of this group of hoards it is difficult to distinguish between the hoards hidden because of the Carpic attack or because of the events which took place under the reign of Trajan Decius.

The massive attacks of the Carpic tribes in AD 245-247 have been described as one with a big impact on the provinces on the Lower Danube (FontesIuris Romani Antejustiniani, 2, 657; Loriot 1975, p. 793). In AD 247 the emperor took part in the difficult war against the Carpi (Zosimos I, 20, 2-3; Mócsy1974, p. 203; Piso 1974, p. 306). This war seems to have been over by the end of AD 247 – beginning of 248, when the emperor received the title Carpicus Maximus (Kienast 1996, p. 198). Hoards found inside the auxiliary forts from Dacia came from levels covered by the burned layers: Săpata de Jos (Christescu 1938, p. 447; Mitrea 1968a, p. 447), Bumbeşti (Petolescu 1990, p. 46), Pons Aluti (Petre-Govora 1968, p. 207; Mitrea 1968b, p. 209-222). At the same time, the hoard from Pons Aluti was found in the burned layer in one of the towers of the fort, which was later rebuilt (Petre-Govora 1968, p. 207). Also, the hoard from Săpata de Jos has been considered as key evidence to establish the date of abandonment of the limes transalutanus under the reign of Philip I (Mitrea 1968b, p. 214; Preda 1968, p. 192-194). Following the map of hoards, it seems that the Carpic attacks had targeted the central part of Dacia-the territory inside the Carpathian Mountains; the main road Drobeta-Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa and the two limes, Alutanus and transalutanus (Piso 1974, p. 308; Petolescu 1995, p. 120) (map 5).


Hoards ending with coins of Trajan Decius-Trebonianus Gallus-Aemilianus (map 6) For the hoards ending with coins of Trajan Decius, 24 out of 31 were found on the territory of the province Moesia Inferior (map 6). In AD 250/251 the great invasion of Goths in Moesia Inferior (Gerov 1977, p. 133) took place, in which the Carpi were also involved (Lactantius, 4,3; Iordanes, 91). The huge quantity of hoards ending with coins of Trajanus Decius has even made some authors to try to establish putative itineraries of the Goths’ movements (Gerov 1977, p. 134) although J. Kent considers that the hoards cannot be used to show “itineraries” (Kent 1988, p. 206-210). On the basis of the find spots and the number of hoard finds, there is no doubt that this great invasion of the Goths in Moesia Inferior was the reason of concealment and non recovery of most of these hoards (Matingly, Salissbury 1924, p. 210-217; Gerov 1977, p. 133-136; Gerov 1980a, p. 93-95; Guest 1994, p. 141). At this stage of research it can be pointed out that, based on the principle of terminus post quem for the latest coin in a hoard, especially for the emperors with short reigns, some of these hoards could have been buried later, under Trebonianus Gallus or Valerian I - Gallienus. On the other hand, it has been argued that hoards ending with issues of the period AD 247-249 could have possibly been concealed under Trajan Decius (Gerov 1977, p. 132). For the hoards ending with Trebonianus Gallus / Aemilian the geographical distribution is slightly different. The majority of hoards ending with coins of these emperors is shared between the provinces of Moesia Superior (6), Inferior (7), Pannonia Inferior (5) and Dacia (5) (map 6). After the battle of Abrittus the two provinces of Moesia were becoming the most threatened areas of the Empire (Mócsy 1974, p. 205). In the autumn of AD 253 or early in the winter of AD 254 the Goths invaded Moesia again and reached Thessalonica before returning to their territories (Zosimos, I, 28; CAH, XII, p. 147). The find-spots and the large number of the hoards were used in this case to demonstrate that either on their way to Thessalonica or their return from it, the Goths passed through the eastern part of Moesia Superior and western part of Moesia Inferior (Gerov 1977, p. 140). At the same time the provinces of Pannonia were facing raids by the Marcomani and Sarmatians (CAH, XII, p. 147) which were considered as a possible reason for the concealment and non-recovery of the few hoards ending with Trebonianus Gallus (Radnóti 1946, p. 37; Kaba 1983-1984, p. 17).


Hoards ending with coins of Valerian I-Gallienus (map 7) The history of the Lower Danube area in the period AD 253-268 is

characterised by external threats to which internal troubles were added. After some conflicts with Dacian tribes, when Gallienus took the title Dacicus Maximus around AD 257 (CIL II, 2200; VIII, 1430; ILS 552; Kneissl 1969, p. 236; Kienast 1996, p. 216 with doubts about dating in AD 257) the territory of Pannonia became the most troubled province in the region of the Lower Danube with a frequent series of external raids by Suebi and Sarmatians (Eutropius IX, 8,2; SHA, Triginta Tyranni, 10, 1) and which culminated in the war of AD 258-260 against the barbarians (Mócsy 1974, p. 209). Aside from these attacks, Gallienus had to fight the usurpers Ingenuus (SHA, Triginta Tyranni, 10,1; Aurelius Victor, 33,2) and Regalianus (SHA, Triginta Tyranni, 9; Aurelius Victor, 33,2), proclaimed emperors by the Moesian and Pannonian troops (Mócsy 1974, p. 206). The area of distribution and the number of hoards suggest that the most affected province amongst those from the Middle and Lower Danube in this period was the provinces of Pannonia (map 7). The hoards from Pannonia can be separated in two distinguishable groups: 1) those ending with issues of AD 257-260 and 2) those ending with issues of AD 265-268 (Găzdac 2010, CD, tab. A 2-3). As can be seen, these two groups of hoards correspond to the time when the provinces of Pannonia suffered external and internal disturbances.

At the same time the province of Moesia Inferior was also confronted with new invasions by the Goths and their allies in AD 254/255 (Zosimos I, 31; Isidor, IX, 2) and in AD 256 (Zosimos I, 31; SHA, vita Aureliani, 10, 2 - 3, 11, 13, 2) and by the Carpi on their way to Bithynia in AD 258 (Zosimos I, 34-35; SHA, vita Gallieni, 4, 7). These raids continued until the biggest invasion of Goths in AD 268/269 (SHA, vita Gallieni, 5, 6; Aurelius Victor, 33, 3; Gerov 1977, p. 142). Due to the numerous historical events which took place on the territory of this province it is difficult to identify the specific reason for concealment and non-recovery of the hoards. External attacks are a distinct possibility, but it would be problematic trying to isolate which one. Local conflicts may be another valid explanation – as expressed in the case of the Dvor hoard (Kos 1986, p. 131). One such case may be Callatis I hoard (Moesia Inferior). The find-spot of this hoard is a building located in an extra muros district of the town. As the archaeological excavations proved, the


whole district suffered heavily from fire destruction in the 3rd century AD (Preda 1996, p. 32-33).

The small number of hoards ending with Gallienus and Valerian I found in Dacia cannot be linked with to certain the events in this province - e.g. the burial of Olteni hoard due to the Dacians’ raid in AD 257 (Mitrea 1971, p. 130). It is possible that the two towns of Apulum suffered a local event at the end of the Roman administration of Dacia, because 3 of the 4 hoards hidden in the period of Gallienus-Aurelian came from Apulum and its surrounding area (Aiud) (map 7).

Hoards ending with coins of Claudius II-Aurelianus (map 8) The last chronological segment of this study that stops with the

Roman withdrawal from Dacia is one of a very low number of hoards’ finds on the area of the Middle and Lower Danube (map 8).

As it has been affirmed the Alamanic and Iuthungic attack in AD 270 affected only Noricum and northern Italy (Alföldy 1966, p. 5-8; Alföldy 1974, p. 170; Kos 1986, p. 131). Some of the hoards have been connected with the invasion of Carpi in AD 271/273, when Aurelianus received the title, which he may have refused, Carpicus maximus (SHA, vita Aureliani, 30,4-5; Aurelius Victor, 39, 43; Gerov 1977, p. 144). The very small number of hoard finds and their isolated distribution (map 8) do not allow any connection to the above mention event.

Conclusions At the end of this study it can be affirm that in some cases the

chronological patterns reveal connections between hoard burial and non-recovery and historical events (same opinion for Republican hoards at Crawford 1969, p. 78-80). For the region of the Middle and Lower Danube the largest groups of non-recovered hoards correspond with the periods when this area was under a significant threat, either external, i.e. barbarian raids, or internal, i.e. the wars against the usurpers. This hypothesis can be supported by the geographical location of hoards. Thus, during the period of Marcomanic wars and Costoboces raids (AD c. 164-170), the biggest number of hoards come from the territories of Pannoniae, Dacia and Moesia Inferior (map 2). After it has been demonstrated that some of the important sites from Pannonia, Carnuntum and Flavia Solva, were not directly affected by the Marcomanic wars (Stiglitz at al. 1977, p. 660; Kos 1986, p. 89) it is most likely that the


Marcomanic attacks were restricted to raids occurring within the province but did not result in catastrophic devastation of a large area (Dobiás 1964, p. 202-207; Kos 1986, p. 91).

Furthermore, during the period of the Carpic war of Philip I and later, which saw the massive Gothic invasion within the Balkan area, the large majority of the hoards ending in these periods were found in Dacia and Moesia Inferior (map 5). The battles between Gallienus and the usurpers Ingenuus and Regalianus plus the external raids which took place on the territories of Pannonia coincide with another large horizon of hoard finds. These hoards all end with the latest coins from Valerian I and the first years of the sole reign of Gallienus (map 7).

At this stage of research it can be concluded that the largest groups of hoards coincide with the periods of warfare in the area where those hoards were found. A similar opinion has been expressed by P. Guest for the chronological segments of AD 161-180 and AD 238-260 (Guest 1994, p. 148). A similar conclusion has been reached by A. Robertson for the hoards of Roman Britain (Robertson 2000, p. XXIV-XXVI).

On the basis of mapping the find-spots of hoards, a number of unsafe roads, or possible raids’ itineraries, can be identified in these provinces: Carnuntum – Scarabantia – Savaria (Pannonia Superior); Margum – Horreum Margum – Naissus (Moesia Superior); Oescus –Melta – Philippopolis; Montana – Melta – Odessos (Moesia Inferior) (map 9). Furthermore, in the case of the province of Dacia the geographical location of hoards indicate that by the middle of the 3rd century AD the unsafe area was the central part of the province, and after this period the south part of the province, Dacia Malvensis, (maps 1-9). The most unsafe roads were the ones which came from Sucidava to Caput Stenarum on the limes alutanus and the road from Drobeta to Ulpia Traiana Sarmizegetusa through the Vulcan pass (map 9).

It can be easily noted that the most important roads of these provinces were also the most unsafe ones (map 9). Following this theme for roads another possible reason for the buried and non-recovery of so many hoards alongside roads may be the actions of thieves. The epigraphic sources indicate that travellers were killed by thieves, “interfecti a latronibus” (IDR, III/1, p. 71, 118).

At the end, an important aspect must be pointed out here. When

we speak about the peacetime in the period of the Roman Empire is more


like a metaphor. There must have been quite windy in the temple of Janus as the doors were almost always open as there was war somewhere in the Empire or at the borders.

On the area of the Middle and Lower Danube the ancient authors and epigraphic evidence mention violent events even for those chronological segments when the number of hoards is low. On the other hand, the scholars have studied these events thinking more to the political and military implications than the true impact on the public opinion – thus, a good reason to bury a hoard –, as well as how large was the area that was actually affected by these conflicts. And here the hoards’ finds – their number and distribution – can help when they are seen in a comparative approach by large geographic areas and certain chronological segments.

The events at the end of the reign of Trajan beginning of Hadrian’s, known as the Sarmatian wars/uprising/rebellion mention by ancient sources (SHA, Vita Hadriani, 6, 6) and epigraphic evidence (Altertümer von Pergamon, VIII. 3, no. 21) are not represented by large hoards’ finds (map 1). At the first sight there are some aspects that may imply a strong impact on the highest level of the Roman state, and …on the scholars: the death of the recently appointed governor of Dacia, C. Iulius Quadratus Bassus (Piso 1993, p. 24), and the appointment as general commander Q. Marcius Turbo (Ruscu 2003, p. 92-93) together with the presence of Hadrian in Moesia. For certain, it was a very serious conflict for the Roman state but which was military and diplomatically (SHA, Vita Hadriani, 6, 6) finalized at the borders of the provinces from the Middle and Lower Danube (SHA, Vita Hadriani, 6, 6-7) with no strong impact on those that may have felt to conceive their savings in an emergency situation.

On the same line, it can be mentioned the episode of the Carpic invasion in AD 214 in Dacia (Reusch 1931, p. 35; Bodor 1974, p. 48) that was also not confirmed by the discovery of a large number of hoards on a certain area. In this case is has been demonstrated that the inscription used as the argument for this event (CIL III, 14416) was, in fact referring to the Germanic tribe of Cenni and not to the one of Carpi (!) (Gerov 1971, p. 431-436; Ruscu 2003, p. 147-148). Thus, in this case the absence of hoards is due to the absence of the event (sic!).

The period of Claudius II-Aurelianus (AD 268-275) was one that can be used as a case study for the present topic. The big invasion of the


Goths in the Balkan Peninsula in AD 250-251 has produced the largest burial and non-recovery of hoards in the history of the Middle and Lower Danube mainly on the territory of Moesia Inferior (map 6). A strong invasion of ‘Scythian’ tribes (mainly Goths) took place starting with AD 267 in the Balkan Peninsula which went on until 269 when the Goths were decisively defeated at the battle of Naissus (Moesia Superior). Still, the period of the reign of Claudius II, nor the previous one of Gallienus, does not show a massive concentration of hoards in the provinces of Moesia (maps 7-8). The explanation comes from the fact that this invasion took place more on the sea and targeted the coast, the south of Balkan Peninsula and the NW part of Asia Minor (Zosimos, I, 41-42). Furthermore, after the decisive battle of Naissus the Goths sailed around Thessaly and Greece to pillage the country as “they were not strong enough to attack the towns” (Zosimos, I, 43). Therefore although this invasion took almost three years the inland territory of the province of Moesia Inferior was not heavy affected as it has happened in AD 250/251.

The same situation may be applied to the case of the Carpic raid in AD 271/273. Aurelianus victorious in the East just return to Europe where he defeated the Carpi so fast as he even refused the title Carpicus Maximus, pretending that it reminds him of a…‘kind of boot’ (SHA, Vita Aureliani, 30,4-5). On the same line, the victory must have been very decisive after the battle this ‘natio’ was transferred into the Empire (Aurelius Victor, 39, 43).

Therefore, it can be affirmed that the large number of hoards concentrated on a certain area at a certain time is a reflection of a major violent which took place very fast and the Roman defence/army was defeated – temporarily (e.g. Marcomanic wars, Carpic war of AD 246-247) or permanently (e.g. the Goths’ invasion in AD 251) or civil wars took place on that territory (e.g. the wars against usurpers Igenuus and Regalianus).

The periods with a very low number of hoards in the region of the Middle and Lower Danube may not be regarded as true peacetimes but rather as periods when the Roman defensive system was properly working and the external threats were kept at the borders. The hoards’ owners did not feel like hiding their wealth or, at least, if they did, they survived the event and recovered their savings.


In regard to the last aspect one can also add the human behaviour when his wealth is at stake in emergency situation. Zosimos in his ‘New History’ mentions that the citizens of the city of Nicomedia “hearing of their [barbarians] approach had escaped with all the riches they could take with them” (Zosimos, I, 40). Thus, it can be imagine that in the time of turmoil one will decide, if have time, what is most worthy to take with him. The jewellery and gold coins are very precious and easy to be transported while the coins – savings – are heavy and unhandy for transportation. Thus, when running out of time to load up all the money, with danger at the gates, the coins are buried as hoards, usually in containers, and this may also be an explanation why the very large majority of hoards contain only coins – usually of silver.

Cristian Gazdac Institute of Archaelogy Cluj-Napoca (Romania)

E/mail: [email protected]


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Cla

udiu

s II t

o A

urel

ianu

s


Map

9. T

he d

istri

butio

n of

hoa

rds o

n th

e M

iddl

e an

d Lo

wer

Dan

ube

in th

e 2n

d-3r

d ce

ntur

ies A

D

a) P

anno

nia

Supe

rior

: Car

nunt

um –

Sca

rban

tia –

Poe

tovi

o;

b) P

anno

nia

Infe

rior

: Aqu

incu

m –

Inte

rcis

sa;

c) M

oesi

a Su

peri

or: V

imin

aciu

m –

Hor

reum

Mar

gum

– N

aiss

us;

d) M

oesi

a In

feri

or: 1

. Oes

cus –

Mel

ta –

Phi

lippo

lis; 2

. Mon

tana

– M

elta

– M

arci

anop

olis

; e)

Dac

ia: 1

. Suc

idav

a –

Arut

ela;

2. D

robe

ta –

Ulp

ia T

raia

na S

arm

izeg

etus

a th

roug

h th

e V

ulca

n Pa

ss

Patterns of hoards hiding

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