PASTORALISM, DEFINITION AND SCOPE AND PASTORAL COMMUNITIES

PASTORALISM - DEFINITION AND SCOPE AND PASTORAL COMMUNITIES

Pastoralism is an economic activity involving the care of herds of

domesticated live-stock. In its traditional form, it is either practiced as the

main mode of subsistence or combined with agriculture. Pastoralism

functions as a cultural system with a characteristic ecology.' Pastoral is the

kind genre of literature that takes as its subject the society of shepherds,

considered as exciting a freedom from the complexity and corruption of more

civilized life.2 Historically, pastoralism is considered an amalgam of mixed

agricultural and herding subsistence patterns, in adaptation to grass lands

and marginal areas not suitable for growing cereal plants. Pastoralism was

probably the consequence of new problems in managing domesticated plant

and animal resource^.^

The raising of domesticated animals IS a major activity of the society.

People mostly depend on domesticated animals or live-stock, for food-stuffs,

such as milk, butter, blood, and meat, raw-materials such as wool and hair for

making cloth, bone and horn for making tools and weapons, and skin for

making leather; traction for pulling loads and ploughing burden fol:

transportation of loads, riding for travel, warfare, and recreation, and ritual

activities.

Pastoralism is the raising of live-stock on natural pasture unimproved

by human intervention. The pasture lands utilized by live-stock breeders are

'natural'. The forests were sometimes cleared to provide pasture for herds

and flocks. There niay be shifting of farmland and pastured land where the

lands were cultivated for a period and left tor pasture for a period.

The state of pastoralism in early medieval period of the history of

Andhra Pradesh in the region of the Pennar Basin from 7" century A.D. to the

14 '~ cen tu ry '~ .~ . is discussed in the following pages.

Pastoralism is an important adaptive strategy in the Perinar Basin. The

raising of domesticated animals formed part of economy of the region.

Pastoralism is a subsistence pattern in which people make their living by

tending herds of large animals maintained vary from region to region, but they

are all domesticated.

A study of pastoralism has rarely excited curiosity in historical

research. Pastoralists who are mobile and do not live in substantial houses

and behind them scanty remains which are untraceable in the archaeological

record. They find little mention in royal inscriptions or land grants.

Archaeolaogical and ethno-linguistic sources throw light on the

beginnings of sheepJgoal pastoralism. Archaeology provides enough evidence

to know the prehistory of early human population. The Palaeolithic and

Mesolithic found spots are noticed along the river valleys, foot-hills, and

forested zones where the evidence for food procuring system is avai~able.~

For example, in Kurnool region, in a late Mesolithic rock shelter site the faunal

remains were found and they are the game animals like Porcupine [Hystix

crassidens], black napped hare [Lepus Nignicollis] nilgai

[Baselaphiytragocamelus], black buck [Antilope cervicapra], CIiinkara [Gazella

gazellabennetta], four horned antilope [Tetracerus Quadricorhis], ox, [Bossp],

buffalo [ Bubalus S.P.], e t ~ . ~ Even today the tribes like Yemkulas, Boyas,

Cencus, Yanadis, etc., practice primitive form of hunting.

The Neolithic-Chalcolithic sites of third millennium B.C. show that the

economy was based on cattle pastoralism supplemented by agriculture and

hunting. A food producing system based on a 'pastoral-cum-agricultural

economy' was introduced into this hunting and food-gathering eco-system but

hunting and food gathering was also continued side by s~de.

The ash mounds give us a remarkable information about cattle-pens

maintained in the Neolithic period. Unlike the accumulation of soft powdery

varjety are heaps of vitrified ash of various sizes occurring in the form of

mounds, their surface often littered with iron slag.' They were found in the

districts of Anantapur, Kurnool and Mahaboobnagar of Andhra Pradesh. The

known sites are Andepalli, Hyulikal, Palavoy, Mudigal, Tengal, Erregga

Visandhu, Bestarapalle, Melapuram in Anantapirram district and Gudikallu,

Kanchagara Belagallu, Lingadahalli and Suguru in Kurnool district, Utur,

Talmari and Manchanapalli in Mahaboobnagar district.

Foote, who noticed ash mounds during his survey of South India,

believed that ash mounds were formed due to burning of cow dung by

Neolithic communities. The formation of some of these so-called 'Cinder

Camps', according to him was comparable to the 'Zeriba process' prevalent in

the east African villages.' It is supported by Zeuner's laboratory analysis of

the ash samples from a number of mounds and concluded that they were of

burnt cow dung. F.R. Allchin [I9601 who examined a number of ash mounds

and had excavated the ash mound at Utnur in FAahaboobnagar district of

Andhra Pradesh, inferred on the basis of his findings that they were the

remnants of ritual burning of cow dung accumulation in the pens by the

Neolithic pastoral communities.

Ash mounds, thus, reveal the cattle herding practices of the Neolithic

settlers. The ash mounds are great masses of burnt cow dung which, upon

excavation, revealed lines of post holes of the ancient stockades. They are

in fact, the pens in which the Neolithic cattle were herded.'

We can refer that the ash mounds also represent the sites of Neolithic

cattle-pens, which reflect closely the conditions in the modern pastoral

groups. It recalls also the descriptions of the villages of the pastoralists which

occur in the pattu-pattu. Allchins, although revealed that the two were quite

independent sources for comparison provoke to think that our reconstruction

of Neolithic cattle migrations and the life of cattle-pens should be nearly

accurate and truthful to its observed facts.g

In the ancient and early medieval period, in most of the pastoral castes

there was a traditional association with Lord Krishna. For example, the Gollas

claim that they were Kshatriyas, by origin and the descendants of King Yayati

who figures in the Mahabhamta Epic. They lived in the vicinity of ancient

Mathura, where, as a result of the amorous exploits of Sri Krishne, the

cowherd claim to be of the yadava clan.'' In the Puranas, it is suggested that

as being of a late period with emergence of the Andhaka, Vrsni, Segments,

one of the important segments of Yadava lineage was that of Satvatha from

whom were descended three major clans. Andhaka-vrsni and the

~evavrdha," with the references in the South Indian tradition to the eighteen

yadava clans who are believed to have migrated from the north to the

Deccan and further South under the leadership of Agastya, in the eighth

century B.C. It has been argued that the eighteen clans of Velir of the

Sangam period were yadavas.'2 The Bhagavata purana mentions that the

Andhakas belonged to yadava clan and they were protectors of ~ v a r a k a . ' ~

Another pastoral tribe Abhiras who had migrated to the south as it is

evidenced by the Nagarjuna konda inscription.'"t~e yadava clans have

established their power at different places of Southern Deccan including

Andhra country, and a number of medieval dynasties of western half of the

peninsula, the Ctialukyas, Rastrakutas.

Ethno-historical Aspects :

There are rich ethno-historical sources and the oral traditions of the

Kuruvas and Gollas. The mythology of Birappa the god of Kuruvas and

Mallanna of the Gollas provide valuable information pertaining to history of

sheep pastoralism in this region. According to the oral tradition, Birappa was

the seventh [youngest] son of a Kapu family Adi eddy'' tbe father, and

334jd. f ; Ademma, the mother. They are the agricultur.ists who moved into Southern

Andhra from elsewhere. Elanagi Reddy is the name of the son who is

endowed with supernatural qualities. Being bor~n of a boon [Varaputra], his six

elder brothers felt jealous of him. To get rid of him, they asked him to procure

his own bullocks, move to a place [somewhere near Srisailam] where they

have hundred acres of land, for cultivation. In the land where Elanagi Reddy,

had been asked to cultivate, there was termite mound [putta] known as

rnunimadakamanu putta, since a dernoness [brahniarakasi] was kept in the

putta which was guarding its territory. Elanagi reddy's brother were sure that

he would cut this tree while clearing the land and that the demon would kill

him. Being ignorant of this foul play, Elanagi Reddy moved into place, and

while clearing the land, went near the rnunimodakar?~anu cettu with his iron

axe. At this juncture, the children of the demoness challenged him and he

killed them with his axe. The demoness went to Siva and complained about

the intruder and the killing of her children. Siva told the demoness that the

intruder was no other than h ~ s varaputra and that from then onwards that land h'

belonged to h~m. lr, f! -.,I y -;4 7

In the heavenly abode of Kailasa, some time ago, Panlati consort Lord

Siva for a sheep. To please his consort, he created one or two sheep. They

multiplied him into large numbers in due course, swarming Kailasa and

dirtying the gardens. Siva brings all the sheep to munimodukamanu cettu [the

'land with this tree as the landmark], creates another world [nagaloka], drives

all the sheep in, and covers the entrance of nagoloka with a stone slab.

Becoming curious, he tilts it up, and to his dismay hears the blcat~ng of sheep.

Siva appeared at this moment, asks Elanagi Reddy, to let the sheep come out

and instructed him to rear the sheep and proceed to Kalyanapatnam with the

flock of sheep. When Elanagi Reddy reacheed the outskirts of

Kalyanapatnam, he is not allowed by the king to enter and as a result he

spent twelve years in the forest with the sheep.

The inhabitants of Kalyanapatnarn are all Lingayats. Every one was

wearing a lingam every artifice is tied with a lingarn and even the animals had

having lingams tied to their horns. Everyday, nandi [hurnbed bull], the mount

[vahana] to Siva comes to Kalyanapatnam from Kailasa and after getting

worshipped, it returned to kailasa. For the inhabitants of Kalyanapatnam,

keeping sheep herd is against their tradition and an athema, and hence they

considered Elanagi Reddy to be odious.

Lord Siva takes pity on Elanagi Reddy as he had been observed him

spend twelve years in the forest tending of sheep Siva decided that Elanagi

Reddy should find a place in Kalyanapatnam where he can lead a comfortable

life. To facilitate the entry of Elanagi Reddy into Kalyanapatnam, Siva

planned a strategy. He made one of the rams of Elanagi Reddy and Nandi on

worship at Kalyanapatnam die simultaneously. The people and the king of

Kalyanapatnam were shocked and grieved for this mishap, and started

chanting prayers to revive the life of the nandi. [Sacred bull]. As soon as the

ram of Elanagi Reddy died, Siva appeared to him and directed him to go to

Kalyanapatnam and sell its wool and meat. Following the instructions, Elanagi

Reddy, along with his seven sons, carries the dead ram to Kalyanapatnam.

The people there, let alone buying the meat and wool, once again refused to

admit them into the city.

Elanagi Reddy, then, carried the dead ram to the outskirts of

Kalyanapatnam and put it on a pyre. The fumes and smoke coming off from

the burning animal started blowing over Kalyanapatnam, when its inhabitants

were still engaged in prayers to appease Siva, so that he would revive the

nandi. Enraged by this deed of Elanagi Reddy, as this had rendered the ritual

of reviving the nandi impure, they threatened him with dire consequences.

Elanagi Reddy, being unperturbed, threw a challenge: if they failed to make

their nandi come alive, they should let him make the ram become alive, and in

which case they should accept the meat and woolen blankets offered by him.

They failed in their attempt, and frustrated, they asked Elanagi Reddy to try

his chance with the ram. Elanagi Reddy, then, takes out of the pyre of what

remained of the ram, cuts the half-burnt carcass into pieces, collects them into

a big pot and starts cooking. Siva now sends Ravana Siddeswara to the

scene, to help Elanagi Reddy, who sprinkles turmeric [pasupu] and vermilion

[kumkuma] into the cooking pot. And Elanagi Reddyand his sons chant

prayers and sing, to the tune of drums and musical instruments [birudulu].

Owing to the sounds of birudulu and with addition of pasupu and kumkuma by

Ravana Siddeswara, the pieces in the cooking pot join together, and the ram

springs to life. It jumped out of the pot and runs amuck in Kalyanapatnam

destroying everything and killing everyone coming in its way. Awed by this

incredible feat, the inhabitants of Kalyanapatnam realize the greatness and

supernatural qualities of Elanagi Reddy. Most of them threw away their

lingams in water, and adopt the way of life of Elanagi Reddy. The others, not

willing to change their traditions, remain as Lingayats.

As Elanagi Reddy won the challenge using birudulu, Lord Siva

conferred on him the title 'Biradeva' [Kannada, Bira : hero, Deva : God].

Biradeva is popularly called as Birappa, and in the Anantapur district, he is

Biralingeswara, an incarnation of Siva. The descendants of Birappa are the

present day Kurubas [in Kannada, Kuru means wool]. The people of South

Western Andhra Pradesh also call themselves Yalanati Kapus. In Andhra, as

elsewhere in Karnataka, they are divided into two groups namely,

Unnikankanam and Pattikankanarnu the wives of Elanagi Reddy,

respective^^.'^

The story of Birappa begins with the kapu couple, Adi Reddy and

Ademma. The prefix 'adi' means the 'earliest' or 'most ancient'. It makes

reference to the foremost ancestral communities from whom the kuruvas have

descended. In the episode, Elanagi Reddy was asked to clear a particular

area of land for cultivation and it suggests the gradual expansion of

agricultural communities into the regions where the lands were uncultivated.

Tradition tells us that Elanagi Reddy came across a flock of sheep in

the forest. In the light of archaeological evidence, it has great significance. In

the excavations of the cave sites in Kurnool region, dental renuins, possibly

of wild sheep are found. In the story, Elanagi Reddy led a nomadic life for

twelve years in the forest along with the flock of his sheep, which was a clear

confirmation of adoption of sheep pastoralism as a distinct economic activity

by the community.

The refusal of entry of Elanagi Reddy and his sheep into

Kalyanapatnam, the aversion shown towards keeping sheep in

Kalyanapatnam by the inhabitants, the religious importance bestowed the

Nandi, all indicates that the cattle played a predominant role in the economy

of Kalyanapatnam, which originally must have been a prototype settlement of

the Neolithic-Chalcolithic type. The inhabitants and the animals of

Kalyanapatnam were tied with lingas. This religious tradition continues to be

practiced by the agricultural lingayat community of Karnataka reveals their

ancestral relationship and thus lends support to the belief that the economy at

Kalyanapatnam was cattle keeping and agriculture. The oral traditions and

archaeological finds suggest that a nomadic or semi-nomadic pastoral

system, based on sheep herding and a sedentary village system sustained by

cattle keeping, and agriculture were in vogue in this region.

Cattle wealth is an important element of the agricultural eco-

system. Cattle rearing and agriculture went hand in hand from times

immemorial. The cattle wealth was a source of supplementary income to the

Indian peasant. In medieval Andhra, different kinds of cattle were found to

have been associated with agricultural and commercial activities. They

comprise 1. Cows and Oxen; 2. Buffaloes; 3. Sheep and Goats and 4.

Donkeys.

Sheep and goats appear to have been the largest population. The

Boya and Golla communities herd these population. We find innumerable

inscriptions all over Andhra which record the gift of sheep given to the temples

for lighting perpetual lamps. The boyas were entrusted with these gifts and

they were entrusted with duty of supplying ghee to the temples of keep the

lamps burn perpetually.

The large number of animals donated to the temples for the purpose of

selling them for money to keep the perpetuated lamps reveal the existence of

large bulk of cattle population. It is possible the land under forest suburb and

grass vegetation was enough. But during medieval times, most of the new

lands were brought under cultivation as a result of deforestation and new

settlements were established by the donation of agrahara lands and villages

to a large number of Brahmins. However, the rural population maintained

good number of cattle population.

The common people, as part of their dally food, made use of the milk

products of the sheep. The refuse of sheep and cow-dung were used as

organic manure. There was the practice of keeping the flocks of sheep for

five or six nights in a field for enriching the soil with their feces.

The buffaloes come next to the sheep in importance. They were used

not. only as milch cattle but also as beasts of burden. They were used in most

of the agricultural operations like ploughing, watering, and for trdnsporting. A

number of inscriptions record the gifts of lnupa Eddlu to the temples." The

word 'Inupa Eddlu' was interpreted differently by scholars. F'allampalli

Somasekhara Sarma took the word for cows.'"he Suryarayandhra

nighantuvu [lexicon] gives the meaning as 'he-goat.'lg Ramachandra mu~ th?~

says that 'Inupa Eddlu' means 'milk yielding animals' which may be cows,

sheep, goats or buffaloes. From the above interpretations, it is understood

that 'lnupa Eddlu' means 'milch cattle' which include cows, she-goats, sheep

or buffaloes. These gifts were given to the members of the boya community.

Pastoral Communities :

Pastoralism is the hereditary occupation of the Kurubas and Gollas

who are the major pastoral communities in the Pennar region of Andhra

Pradesh, tending sheep and cattle, selling milk and milk products and farming.

Pastoral people and animals live in a symbiotic class. The shepherds of this

class take the form of a village composed either entirely of pastoralists or

some specialized pastoralists living with agriculturists. However, village is

found primarily in cultures given over wholly or in an insignificant degree to

pastoralism.

The shepherds live in the areas receiving low rainfall and semi-arid

.zones as well in the forest, known as Kadu Kuruba and Kadu Gollas [Kadu

means forest]. At times they live exclusively in the villages as well as their

fringes. Even today, they live in such exclusive villages, knows as Kuruva

Vallapalli, Kuravadi Kuruvabhumi, Kurubalakota, Gollapalli, Gollavandla palli

[in the ancient period which were called as Gokularn, Gosham and Vraja [in

Sanskrit] in the districts of Anantapur, Chittoor, Kadapa and Nellore.

,Generally, pastoral communities live in villages along with other castes. The

Kurubas and Gollas identified as Hindus, in the traditional quadruple system

of Hindus of Andhra Pradesh, came under the category of sudras. Therefore,

the social status of Gollas is fairly high since they are allowed to mix freely

with kapu, kamma and balija castes and Brahmins take the buttermilk from

their hand^.^'

Shepherds [Kuruba and Golla] are semi-nomadics. When there is

meager rainfall, it is customary for the people to migrate from place to place in

search of pasture lands and water sources for their cattle. Katamaraju and

his groups migrated

with their cattle towards Srisailam in the forest of Nallamala and then to the

Kadapa and Nellore region.*' At that t~me, they accompanied hounds to

protect their animals from the wolves and feroc~ous animals. During the

period of migration, they live in small tents or huts, en-circled with fence. At

night a fence around their animals is erected for protecting them from the

robbers.23 The Kuruvas and Gollas have a symbiotic relationship with the

peasant communities; they pen their sheep herds in the fields [the choppings

are lyed as manure] before the showing season for that they get returns in

cash or kind.

Kurubas :

Kuruvas are one of the major pastoral communities of Southern India.

They are known by different names. In Teiangana as Kuruma, in Rayalasima

as Kuruva, in Karnataka as Kuruba, and in Tamila nadu and Kerala as

Kurumba or Kuruvar, as well as in Maharastra as Kurc~va.These people are

also known as kuruva -golla in the various places of Andhra country.

The name Kuruba corresponds to the Kuruba of the Karnatic and

Kurumba of the Tamil country. These tribes probably belonged to the same

original stock, for they closely resemble in one of their customs and usage.

The names Kuruva and Kuruba seem to be variants of the dropping of the

letter 'b' and second by the dropping of the 'm'. All the names are said to be

derived from the word 'Kun- meaning a "sheepnz4, as well as it i; called Vrisni

in the Sanskrit which means ram (sheep) tribe25. On the other hand, the use

of the word Kuruba, in connection with the place of battle (Kurukshetra) as

well as of the people of refuge, is quite interestingz6 It is probably to be

considered as related to the Tamil word "Kura~" which means 'a small island '.

Its variants in Kannada language are; Kuruva and Kunrba meaning as

l s ~ a l ~ d s ~ ~ .

The Kurubas are a well-organized community. The whole caste is

divided into a number of territorial divisions. Each division of Kurubas residing

in a group of villages has a headman or Gouda, (pedda gouda), who has

control his communitv. While settling disputes, Kolukadu, the headman

officiates as priest at marriage ceremonies, but in part of Hindupur taluk, his

place is taken by Bidarappa ~angam". There will be 'Desai' for every two or

three Taluqas and a guru for every district. The gurus are known as Lingayat

Kuruba. They have the command over their Kuruba community in performing

"Suddi Karma" (Kulamtirchadam). The wife of Gouda is called Pedda

Goudasani after the Gouda is honored with the first tarnb~~lanil [pan] at every

marriage2'

The physical features of Kurumbas are described by Dr.Short1 as follows.

They are smal! in stature and have a squalid and somewhat uncouth

appearance from their peculiar physiognomy, wild matted hair and almost

nude bodies, they have, and three quarter, aloe widened, nostrils exposed,

breadth of nostrils one inch and five lines, ridge slightly depressed, The hair is

long and black, and is grown matted and straggling, somewhat wavy and is

sometimes tied into a knot, with a piece of cord on the crown or back of head ,

while the ends are allowed to be free and floating . They have scarcely any

moustache or whiskers, and a straggling scanty beard, occasionally one is

met with one who has a full moustache, whiskers and beard. They are, as a

body, sickly, looking, pot-bellied, large mouthed, prognathous, with prominent

out- standing teeth and thick lips --- frequently saliva dribbles away from their

mouths.

The women have much the same features as the men, only somewhat

softened in expression, and slight, modified in feature, with a small pug nose,

and surly aspect, Their general expression is anything but prepossessing.

Hair tied at the back, carelessly divided in the center, and the sides scraggy.

Some of them are of small stature and coarse built, others smaller and of

delicate make3'.

Origin of the Caste:

Mr. H.A. Stuats states that the name Kuruba is a derivative of the

Canaries root Kuru, Sheep (of Tamil Kuri) ". The language of the Kurumbas

is a dialect of Canaries and not a Tamil, as stated by Bishop Cald well3',

whose opinion is supported by K. Satyamurty that as Kurubas represent early

trends of pastoralism evolved from hunter- gatherer stage. This region is later

called as Kurubas Samara ~ e e m a ~ ~ . The Chittoor district gazetteer

mentioned that the earliest important, settlers in Dravida appear to have been

the ~ u r u m b a s ~ ~ .

Adireddy, who ruled Kollapuri pattana and his wife Nilamma, had

seven sons. One of them by name Mallanna, with the divine help of the god

Siva; Mallanna had two wives, by name Padmakshi and Ratnangi. The story

reveals that (caste " Kurumalu) Mallanna, and Ratnangi's children were

known as " Kururnas".

In this story the goddess Parvathi had given sheep as boon to

Mallanna everyday he used to leave with the sheep to the forest with a

sense of dedication and stayed for seventy one days in the forest, where he

encountered a demon and killed her and freed a Brahman woman in demons

captivity and fell in love with her. At time of dieing, the demon told Mallanna

that her bones would be useful for the manufacture of Kambalies (woolen

bedsheet) for the posterity (Kurumas) of Mallanna. As per the advice of the

demon, the king Mallanna had taken the flesh and bone of the demon and

travelled along with Ratnangi, while in transit, by seeing them, Bayyanna, a

shepherd got angry upon Ratnangi and threw stones over her, believing that

the woman was not supposed to come for herding of sheep. Then, the

goddess Pawathi came to rescue her and told him that Mallanna was the

incarnation of the God Siva and Ratnangi was the incarnation of Parvathi

(herself) and also that they were made for each other and the personnel

performed the marriage of Mallanna and Ratangi by giving the wool of a :white

sheep and also a woollen wrist-band to both of them to wear Mallanna came

to the kingdom of Kollapuri, along with the Ratnangi and met Padmakshi and

brought both of his wives to the bank of the river Ganga. Owing to internal

differences betweenthem, he constructed two separate palaces to both of

them his wives Padmakshi had two hundred and two and Ratnangi as well.

As the wife Padmakshi and her children used to wear the cotton wrist

bands at the time of marriage, they were known as Pattikankanamuvaru (The

cotton wrist band people) or "Goilas". As Ratnangi (second wife) her children

used to wear woollen wrist band and hence were called as unni

Kankanakuvaru (woolen wrist band people) or Kurmas or Kun~bas. As the

days rolled on Mallanna, by keeping Padmakshi at his right side and

Ratnangi on the left side, became status idols. Their sons and heirs

constructed temple for them and performed poojas daily35.

There are several sub-sects among the Kuruvas in the Anantapur

district. The most important sects are Samanta Kurubalu, Malle Kurubalu,

Eanacari Kurubalu, Koppala Kurubalu, Avula kurubalu, Tolakari Kurubalu,

Danta kurubalu, Kancela Kurubalu, Ane Kurubalu, Bevina Kurubalu, Dubbala

Kurubalu, Miriyala Kurubalu, Bellapu Kurubalu, Tolala Kurubalu, e t ~ . ~ ~

The prefix Samanta indicates a feudatory status, avula points to cattle

husbandaly, miriyala [black pepper] suggests trading in this spice, Kancela

[Kance, a boundary field enclosure] involves the fencing of sheep in the fields,

and bellapu is associated with jaggery, which was manufactured and traded.

All sub-sects of Anantapur region, by tradition, is shepherds, and they

practiced dry farming cattle breeding, and weaving of woolen blankets. The

youngest male member in the family like that of the hangars in Maharashtra is

the transhumant hereunder.

Marriage customs and Ceremonies:

They marry their children both as infants and as adults. But the former

practice is deemed more respectable and is followed by the majority of the

caste. When the parents of the young people have settled a marriage; the

two families exchange visits.

On a fixed day, the contracting couple sit on a blanket at the bride's house

and five women throw rice over five parts of the body as at the menstrua'l

ceremony, Betel leaves and areca-nuts are placed before them, of which, the

first portion is set apart before the god Beerappa, the second for the Gouda,

another for the house god. Outside marriages are prohibited among the

~urubas~' . Their presiding deities, Mallanna and Beerappa and village

goddess, Yellamma and Sunkulamm, are also worshiped before the

marriage3'. Polygamy is permitted. A woman that marries seven times on

account of either divorce or death of her husband is called polyandrrous. It

seems to have been practiced among the ~ u r u b a s ~ ' .

A widowed woman is allowed to marry again. But she is not expected

to marry her late husband's younger or elder brother. A widow, on

remarrying, is required to return the ornaments given to her by her first

husband4'.

Divorce is permitted among the Kurubas, with the sanction of the caste

panchayat on the ground of adultery on the part of the wife. The husband

removes the upper garments from all her head and drives her out of the

house. Adultery, on the part of woman with a man of a lower caste, is

punished with expulsion from her own caste4'.

In the devadasi system practiced among the Kurubas, in which, the

girls are dedicated to the temples, married to the Image of Mallanna or to

a sword. The dedicated girl is taken before the image or is seated by the

side of a sword and wedded to it as if it were the bridegroom .the Basavis, as

these girls are afterwards called, are allowed to remains in their parent's

houses.

The Kurubas are said to worship a box, which they believe contain the

wearing approval of Krishna under the name of Junjappa and reverence

Viralakkamma (Lakshmi) as their family deity and interesting feature in

connection with the worship of their goddess is that coconuts are broken on

the head of special Kuruba, who becomes possessed by the deity43. The

most striking point about the caste is its strong learning towards he Lingapat

faith. Almost everywhere, jangamas, Goravayuh~, Goudas and Dasaraya are

called in as priests of them as well as Goravaya and Gouda are acted as

head of the caste in the Ananthapur, Kurnool and Chittoor district of A.P and

also Karnataka state.

Among the Kuruba families, the eldest or youngest ch~ld is taken the

vow of Goravaiah at the age of fourteen or fifteen. The gurus at Gattu Malliah

Konda near Alur in Kurnool district perform the elaborate ceremony and

Ganacharis are in Katne Kaluva in Ariantapur district. Goravayas wear the

headgear made of the skin of the bear, hold dhamarukham in one hand and a

flute in the other hand and wear a necklace of white gavvalu(shells). The

deer's skin is used as a belt. They sing devotional songs in praise of Lord

Siva. The female members of Kuruba caste worship Mailaralinga Swamy

(Mailaradevudu) of Orugallu. These devotees worship the deity through a

dance form, popularly known as Gorga Paduchula ~ a t ~ a m u ~ ~ .

Kurubas also worship, in addition, various minor deities, like Uligamma

Mallappa, Anthargattamma, Kancharaya and also have their house gods,,

who are worshiped on Tuesday and Friday in the worship of village goddess.

Mantrics jump, dance and untie their long hair and begin to spell out the

names of powerful trees and leaves, and names of people who discovered

them. All this is known as Shivamutuluta, and these rnatrics are known as

Shivasathulus. The people put small quantities of the bonam food (which is

known as Pedi) on a leaf in front of deity. Finally the chicken or sheep they

have brought there will be slaughtered. When they are going to deity

accompanied by musical instruments, which are beaten by Madigas, while

the young people dance and make merry45.

The Kurubas also worship their ancestors. It is likely that many of

these, are names of persons born in the caste, which are given this rank for

service or supposed merit. Thus it is related of Mailara that he was born of

Kuruba parents to rid the earth of a tyrant rakshasa, called Mallasura, who

was harassing gods and men alike4! After k~lling rakshasa, this Kuruba

settled himself in Mailara in the Bellary district and was after death regarded

as having partaken of the essence of god Shiva. An arlnual festival is still

held at the place in honor of their person and affiliating Pujari is of the Kuruba

caste, a sculpture in the mandapam of the temple at Lepakshi in the

Anantapur district in the form of leaning his chin upon his hands, which is said

to represent a Kuruba who once acted as mediator between the builder of the

temple and his work men in a dispute about wages. The image is still bathed

in oil and worshiped by the local ~urubas~.'.

Kurubas performed all Hindu festivals such as Ugadi, Vijayadasimi,

Sankranthi and Sivarathri etc., and also performed Birappa festival of their

family God, till now a day continued in the Anantapur and Kurnool districts.

Disposal of the Dead:

A peculiar funeral custom among the Kurubas is that the eldest

son, of the deceased, places on his left shoulder a pot filled with water with

three small holes made at the bottom through which the water trickles down.

Proceeding from the spot beneath which the head of the dead person rest, he

walks around the buried spot, drops the pot on the mound and goes home

without casting a look back. The dead are buried in a supine posoture, with

the head pointing to the south. The Lingayat Kurubas bury their dead in a

sedentary posture, with the face to the north. After life is extinct, the corpse is

washed, dressed in new cloths and sacrificed on the burial ground. The

cooked flesh is offered at the grave and thrown to the birds. The unmarried

dead are disposed of without any rites or cerernonies If a wealthy man dies

unmarried, a curious ceremony is performed, which entitles him to the full

funeral rites. As soon as the man breathes his last, his body is washed with

water and carried to the temple of Beerappa.

Four vessels are arranged in square and a thread is wound round

them. The body is seated within this, with a bashingam tied to its forehead

and stick of amaya wood in its hand. To this stick IS tied a handkerchief with

five knots. A number of sheep and goats are killed before the God and the

members of the caste present are sacrificed. After the performance of this

ceremony, the dead man is buried as if he had been married when alive.

Mourning is observed for ten days for the married and three days for the

unmarried. On the Pitra Amawasya or the last day of Bhadrapad (September-

October), alms are given to Brahmans and Jangams. In the month of

Shravana his second wife, if alive, appeases the diseased first wife of the

man. The dead wife is represented by an earthen pot, which is known as

Pyarantal or Korati ~llirrnrna~*.

The Kurumbas were semi-nomadics; who were old inhabitants of the

Kurumbabhumi, later called as Tondamndalam province, which is extended

from the sea- coast from Pulicutta Cuddalore and west till the Mysore. They

were numerous. Some of them spread into the dravida-desha (Dravida

country) as far as Tondamandalam. They ruled the country for some time but

soon there arose differences and they began to fight among themselves. At

length, they were finally united under Comada kurumba prabhu and Palalraja.

He divided the Kurumba land into 24 parts and constructed a fort in each

,district. Under the rule of this chief commerce grew and prospered.

A number of forts were built for the purpose of trade. Thus, the

inhabitants learned various trades like weaving, rearing of sheep and

obtaining wool shearing of and so forth. Their property attracted a number of

invaders, but they resisted them all, and put many of invading the chiefs in

fetters .At the same time, they had come under the Jain influence and tried to

spread that faith in the neighboring countries. Ultimately Adondai Cakravarti of

Tanjore conceived the design of subduing. the Kururnbars, and a fierce battle

was fought in front of the Pura fort. They resisted the attack with great bravery

and fierceness, and two third of Adondai's army was destroyed. Filled with

grief, he retreated to a place called Cholampedu and sat there in meditatiorr.

The Lord Siva appeared to him in dream and promised him victory. Assuring

him that the promise would be redeemed with a sign . The sign took place and

Adcndai renewed the attack. The Kurumbas were completely routed with

great slaughter and their king was made a prisoner4'.

We find them assuming dignified positions as in the instance of a

Kumarandal, Kurvmbar-Adittas alias Kaduppaffipperaraiyar who belonged to

Chera-nadu and who served Pallava Aparajita in the fourth decade of the

ninth century50. Karaikal subjugated the Northern King (Vadavar) i.e., the

Pallavaraja of Kanchi. He pushed beyond and brought under his sway the

Poduva chieftains who ruled over the Kadapa and Kurnool districts. The word

'poduvar' means herdsmen chiefs and must refer to the rulers of pastoral

tribes that inhabited the Mullai region north of the milri~dham lands belonging

to the Pallavas. The herdsman brought under Karikals sway like those who

inhabit this district even to day and weave the famous Kambalies (woolen

blankets) of that region. The Sola Karikal protected the families of Kurumbar

who tend (flocks) on the hill-tops5'. A collection of traditional accounts called

Mackenzie manuscripts describes these Kurumbar as the earliest inhabitants

of Tondai mar~dalam~~, Amathi, a mistress of the Bana chieftain Vayiramiquan

alias Vanakovariyar under Aparajita, the title Kurumba-kolali. The lady

belonged probably to the Kurumba tribe53.

The title of a person Pullan Nakkan by name also described as

Andanatu-velan assumed Kurumar-Adittan. He stated to have served the

Pandya king Chadaiya Maran i.eSri Vallabha. The title and expression velan

indicates that the group called Kurumbar has been accepted and absorbed

initially into the professional cum-case hierarchy of the contemporary times.

The Madras Census Report [I8911 put forth first the theory that the

Kurumbas or Kurubas are the modern representatives of the ancient

Kurumbas or Pallavas, who were once powerful throughout Southern India.

But very little trace of their greatness now remains. Some connection between

Kurumbas and Pallavas is generally believed to exist even as the inscription

referred to above speaks of the Kurumbas as the subject people under the

Pallavas. No direct evidence is available, however, regarding the Kurumba's

connection with royal house of the ~ a l l a v a s ~ ~ .

A few inscriptions found in Kambuja (Cambodia) give throw us more

information about the activity of Kurumbas or its members from arcient

Tamilnadu.There is no information forth comlng from the Cambodian side

regarding the movements of this groups. Thus, we are led to surmise that a

few batters of Kurumbas might have migrated to South- East Asia before 5th

century A.D.

An inscription from Fu-nan in the province of Treang in Southern

Cambodia has a verse reading as follows:

Vipranam bhavanam Kurumbanagar pra

Kritva yam Pratimam Savama rachitam

Karyanam vyarau mimageramanasa

Bhoge Satyapati naiva bhoga rahite55.

" Ail abode of Brahmanas in the town of Kururnba having made an image

adormed with gold -with the mind plunged in the ill success of actions, even

then, there was enjoyment, not devoid of happiness."

This inscription is in praise of Kulaprabhavati, the queen of Jayavama,

whose identity is not disclosed. Coeds, the editor of the inscription, has on

reasonable grounds, assigned it to the end of the 5Ih Century A.D. Another

inscription, edited by the same author compares with Amaravathi, the celestial

city of India.

Kurumbanagari tunga gupta Yina V.Gunaiah

lndrajidhaya Vigrasthanjaha Sevamaravatin

The lofty Kurumbanagari protected by.. . virtues . . . . . .us if (she) laughed

at Amaravathi tormented fear from ~ndra j i t~~ .

The occurrence of the name Kurumbar?agari in these two inscriptions

of Cambodia, separated by an interval of more than four centuries, is very

interesting.

Strongly enough, while the earliest reference to Kurumbar is obtained

in the inscription from Kambuja (Cambodia), more information is available

about the activity of the ground or its members from the ancient Tamil nadu.

With no information forth-coming from the Cambodian side regarding the

movements of this group, they are known from the Tamil inscription from

Tamilnadu. This reinforces the opinion that most of the migrants from India to

South-East Asia belonged, probably, to Tamilnadu. But they preferred the

medium of Sanskrit and the Southern alphabet for their inscription overland.

Thus, we are led to surmise that a few batches of Kurumbas might

have migrated to South East Asia before the 5Ih Century A.D.

The sources of archaeology and documents give us inevitable

information of the early medieval period, about the Kurubas who took vows of

gorava who is a mendicant of Siva and propagated Veerasaivism of

Karnataka and Andhra country. The Telugu Saiva poets mentioned Gorava

in lieu of kuruva in their accounts.

Palkuriki Somanatha mentioned, and in the worship of Lord Siva.

Daturametal's flowers were used by goravas (Goragalummetha ,ethiri

'Bujaseya marulethi vachchito yulararataviki) 57. The women among the

Kurubas also took vows of gorava. It is stated that, the Siva's mendicants

from Kanada country came to visit Mallikarjunadeva at Srisailam, while they

call themselves each other's show Goggava, Duggava, and Goggavabanni

were mentioned in the Kanada parusa by somanatha". Other devotees of

Siva are Mailarabatulu, Mallidevarakukkalu (dogs), and Birannalu etc., who all

belonged to the Kuruba caste . Even though Goravas dress themselves

diferently, at various places like Karnataka and Maharastra respectively, all of

them belonged to Saiva cult and the same caste5'. According to

K.P.Bahadhur ", a group of tribes are often given a common name which

stands for many other kinds of the group tribes living in a common territory.

These members of the group tribes retain their own peculiar and individual

customs, but at the same time have uniform cultural traditions too, which give

them a certain semblance of unity6'."

Thumapati Donappa mentioned that Kuruva, Kuruba, Kumpa, Komva,

Gorava, Goragas are synonyms of Kuruba tribe6'. Generally, Goravas act as

a clergyman of Kuruba caste of Andhra pradesh. G.R. Varma stated that the

goravas of Kuruba caste officiated as ministers of religious worship in the

Mailaradeva temple and priests of Khandobha temple of Maharastra are

called goravas who are also Kuruvas. Virtuoirs singers say to represent

TuppaduMallarnrna and Tuppadll Mallarnrna of Folk stories both are same.

She was of Kuruba caste. This is one reason to take vows of gorava by

~uruvas~' .

The Kurubas of this period had also officiated as treasurer at the court

of Kakatiya Prataparudra, as well as dominant rulers. For example the

Kadambas of Banavasi in Kanara and the two brothers of Kuruba tribe, who

were men of strong religious feeling, serving in the treasury of the king of

Warangal, fled from that place on its seizare and destruction on 1323A.D and

took service under the petty Raja of Anegondhi. The brothers rose to be

minister and treasurer respectively at Anegondhi. By 1336 /\.D the great

Vijayanagara Empire was established by the two brothers, Hari Hara-l and

Bukka- 1".

GOLLAS:

Gollas are one of the major communities of this region. Their main

occupation is rearing of cattle, selling milk of and products of milk. Their

secondary occupation is agriculture.

The gollas are now attached themselves to the village of Andhra as a

pastoral caste. They retain stories of their former glory and recall that once

they had a line of Golla kings. They use the term Golla-rajulu in the context.

They enjoy to this day a high social status in the caste hierarchy standing at

the top of the occupational caste group, immediately below the twice-born

castes and equal with the Kapu, Kamma, Reddy and agricultural

communities. Yet they have some time almost lost their original caste. The

etymology of the word "Golla". Some derive it from the Sanskrit word "Gopal"

meaning "a keeper of cows "(go-a cow and pal-a keeper)64.

SOCIAL ORGANISATION:

Gollas have a well-defined caste organization. They have been

controlled under the headship of a Gouda or Pedda Golla and yajaman6=,

who had control over his community people and performed marriages as head

of the caste and solved their problems and internal conflicts of their caste. The

offices of these functionaries are hereditary and get some customary fees on

all-important occasions66. The first tambula at marriage has been given to

leaders of the caste. After death of Gouda, it has been given to his wife who is

called gauni6'.

Among the golla community of this time, the main group were alluvari

varu and stiramandulavaru. They have exogamous sects or surname and

gotras. As examples of the terms, the following may be quoted, viz,

Jettiboyina

Jeda dari

Palle boyina

Bandaru

Konde boyina

Komanala

Avapuvu

Achuta

Gundeboyina

Gummadi

Sandadres

Jada Devi

Kanakaman-dula

Gangavu

Maddira vula

Madhavu

Charupuvu

Chintan

Chengaiva

Bridavanan7

Pulledu

Dhamasani

Rachenatavula

Rayancha

Matteddu etc6'.

Chenncl boyina

Nuclear family is common among the Golla caste for some time, which

later was broken into individual families as we can see, in the Pedda Raju

Katha when Peddi Raju went to Kalyanapatnam, for the children. Their family

was divided into small families, and they shared their patrimony. While, they

are given share to their sister Komarakka, wife of Pallikonda, of their

patrimony, it shows that women of the Gplla caste have right o property of

their ancestor's wealth6'.

Father is the head of the family, and he maintained it. The head of the

family is hereditary in nature. After the death of father, he was succeed by his

eldest son of the family. At the same time, his mother gives him suggestion

and guides him.

MARRIAGE:

The kinship system ties are strengthened by the marriage alliances

arranged by parents between exogamous groups. Generally, elders are

respected by the youngsters. The kinship terminology of the gollas is of

classificatory type and reflects the Dravidian Kinship pattern. This pattern of

alliance takes the shape of preferential marriage of cross cousins, which is

common in most parts of Southern lndia70.

The institution of marriage plays an important role in the life of golla,

which they maintain revive and strengthen kin connections. It is practised

almost universally among them. Adult marriage is common but the infant

marriages are more respectable7'. Regarding the selection of spouses, the

rule of endogamy and exogamy preferential mating and prohibited degrees

simultaneously operate and thereby considerably restrict the freedom of

choice among them. The parents arrange most of the marriages. Monogamy

is a very general form of marriage and polygamy is allowed, but it is not as a

rule. E Thrusting said that the Gollas are allowed polygamy and marry many

wives as well, in the absence of issue by the first marriage or incurable

disease of the first wife. Women widows are also allowed to remarry but not

in a traditional marriage72. i.e., called chirakattudu. First cross-cousin marriage

is found to be common marriage among them. They are performed in a

temporary shed constructed outside the village. The attendant festivities

continue for five days. Dowry is paid in the form of cash, land, gold ornaments

and animals at the time of marriage. Wool is in common use and the woolen

blankets or kambalies are sold in the market. The agriculturist shared some

amount with the shepherds for looking after of their animals.

People of Golla caste depended earlier, to a large extant, on milk and

products of milk and had taken to agriculture products, like, paddy, millets,

korrannamu (pennicum - Italicum), jonnannamu (sorghum -vulgar), annamu

means meals, split pulse or tamarind juice, sugar beverage, chenlkula

chakkilalu, sanagala panderamu, paragavannamulu. During the festivals they

use fruits and meat73.

The women of golla community usually wore coloured saris and

blouses. In such occasions, they also wore silk saris, such as chilukavanne

pattu chira, Karakanchu pattuchira, chinna pattu chlra and Bangaru

Jalajanchu chira which are mentioned in the ballads of KatamarajkThey

applied kunkum (vermilion dot) on their fore-head, and sported longitudinal

hairstyle. It is difficult to distinguish the dress pattern of Gollas. However, the

Golla women wear elaborate ornaments, ,decorating faces and arms, which

characterize the caste itself74.

The men wear coarse cloths round the loins (bearers

pachchadama1a)and they keep a turban on the heads with a girdle cord of

cotton tied over it and they wore leather sandals that would give little sound

(Kirt!cheppulu)

The Gollas, another major pastoral community, have an illustrious and

colourful history that officiated as feudatories of main kingdoms and ruled

small kingdoms. The Katamaraju, who was Yadava king, ruled Kanigiri of

Nellor district. He was a contemporary ruler of Kakatiya Prataparudra and

their chieftain, Nallasiddhi, was a Telugu Choda chief of Nellore, the ancestors

for the pullan tax. The Gundlapalem epigraph states about the reign of

Katamaraju and the Telugu poet Govula Nageswara mentioned about the

genealogy of Yadavas, which is stated as follows:

1. Vishnu 2. Brahma 3.Atri 4.Chandrudu 5. Budhudu 6. Pururavudu 7.Ayuvu

8. Nahushudu 10. Yadu? I . Vrijinavantudu 12.Svahitudi1 13.Bherushekudu

14.Chitraratudu 15.Sasibendudu 16. Pridusravaudu 17. Dharrnudu

18. Usanudu 19. Ruchikudu, 20. Jyamukudu, 21. Vidharbudu, 22. Kunti,

23. Drusti, 24. Nirvriti, 25. Dharsawudu 26. Vyomudu, 27. Jimutudu 28. Vikriti

29. Bhimaratudu 30. Navaratudu 3 I . Dhasharatudo 32. Shakuni, 33.Khunti,

34. Devaratudu, 35. Devakshatrudu 36. Madhuvu 37. Udu 38. Vasuvu

39.Purahotrudu 40.Amsuvu 4 I . Satvarudu 42. Bajamadu, 43.Andakudu,

44. Vidhuratudu, 45.Bhojudu46. Hridikudu 47. Devamidudu 48. Surudu

49. Vasudevudu 50.krishanudu 51.Pradyumudu 52.Aniruddudu 53,Vajrakudu

54. Pratibahudu 55. Ugrasenudu 56. Sritasenudu, 57. Upanandudu

58.Amritabhojudu 59. Vijayabojudu 6O.Kanakarnbhoudu 61. Gajambhojudu '

62.Rayamboiudu, 63. Ratnambhojudu, 64. Viraujayudu, 65. Padmaraju

66. Kurmaraju, 67. Shimhadriraju, 68. Ganguraju, 69. Valaraju, 70. Peddiraju,

71. ~ a t a m a r a j u ~ ~

In the record of Ghattideva falling in the sixth year of the Kullotungall,

we find the title Kullotungasola-Yadavarayan. While in all earlier records, his

predecessors were known by their title Kanuppamdaiyan. Even in later

records, we find this chief as well as his successors described as

Yadavamjan or Yadavarayan. It is this name "Yadavarayan" that is generally

taken to be the family name of the chiefsT6.

At the same time they maintained close relations as feudatories and

matrimonial alliance with Telugu Chodas of Nellore, Chalukyas of Vatapi,

Rastrakutas and Chola-Chalukyas. In an inscription of Srikalahasti dated in

the 7th year of Kullotungalll [A.D.I 1841, a chief called Narasingantirukkadeva

Yadavarasa figures as a donor".

Vira Narasingadeva had a daughter named Solawarryar is known from

the records of this region and Kanchipuram. She figures as a donatrix in an

inscription from Kalahasti dated in the lo th regnel year [1157-88 A.D.] of

Tribuvana Cakravarti Virarajendra i.e. Kull~tunga- An undated inscription

from Kalahasti, it is evident that the grant of 16 Andagopalan- madai for a

perpetual lamp in the temple of Kalahastisvara by the daughter [name not

given] of Vira Narasingadevar alias Yadavarayas, who seems to be described

as the queen of Tirukkalattideva, the son of Maduratakappottappichchola

~anumasiddarasa?~.

Another inscription from Kanchipuram, dated in the 7'h year of

Alluntikka -Maharaja alias Gandagopala, refers to Laksamidevi, the daughter

of Vira Narasingadevan as one of the queens of a Gandagopala,

Tirukkarattideva, son of Manumasiddharasan and is described as a

Gandagopalan in two inscriptions dated in the 19'"1234-35AD) and 2lSt

(1236-37 AD) year of Rajaraja Ill. The queens bearing the name

Lakshmidevi, mentioned in both the inscriptions from Kalahasti and

Kanchipuram, are obviously identical. This also establishes the identity of

Alluntika with Tirukkarattideva, son of Manumasiddarasa. It is, therefore, clear

that Vira Narasimgadeva Yedavaraja had another daughter by name

Lakshmidevi who was given in marriage to the above-mentioned

Tirukkarattideva also called Alluntikka, a Telugu Choda chief."

The people of Yadavas who were engaged as feudatories of the main

kingdoms, ruled small kingdoms of the early medieval period. He and his son

Vira Narasingadeva was officiated as feudatory of Chola king Kulottunga Ill.

We many assume that Vira Narasingadeva was only a crown prince in A.D.

1208-09. On the other hand, and then it would follow that the chief came to

power sometime in A.D. 121 1-1 2.

The pastoral rulers allied with imperials of Rastrakutas and Chalukyas

of Vatapi. Bhillama Ill (A.D.1020-1040) was a Yadava ruler of Devagiri. The

son of Dhadiyasa, who married Rastrakuta princes,who named Lakshmi;

transfered his allegiance to the Chalukyas. They had brought about the fall of

the Rastrakutas. The status of Yadava family was raised.'*

By his marriage with Avalladevi, a daughter of his feudal lord, the

Chalukya emperor, Jayasimha I, and then Bhillarn V, was the first Yadava

ruler to claim imperial status and assume the imperial title the son of Karna.

This he did in about A.D. 1187, just four years before his deatha3. Another

ruler Jaitugi I was a great ruler of the Yadavas who participated in the fight

against the Kakatiyas and took an active part in effecting the release from

prison and the restoration of Ganapati to his Kingdom. And that perhaps was

the reason for his assumption of the titles Telungaraya siran-kamalot patana

and ~elungaraya-stapan-achyaryae4. Malik Kapur defeated Sankaradeva the

last ruler of the Yadava dynasty. General of Alauddin of Delhi Sultanate

seems to have taken as prisoner and put to death. And then Malik Kapur

annexed the Yadava kingdom to the Delhi sultanatea5

Shepherds were among the important taxpayers of the state. The tax

the shepherds had to pay to the rulers, for getting their cattle grage in the

pasture lands of the state, was called pullri tax. If they did not pay the Pullari

tax,86 there were skirmishes between kings and pastoral communities. For

example, the Ballads of Katamaraju depict4d the sanguinary war fought

between Yadavas and Manumasiddhi who was the Telugu Choda rulers of

Nellore, for the Pullari tax. During Chalukyas time, they did not pay Pullari tax

but gave the share of half of their profit from their animals such as ~ d d a v a t t ~ ~

and Golla ~ i d d a ~ a m . ~ ~ Sometimes, there were quarrels between

agriculturists and cattle herdsmen under the circumstances, some of the

shepherds adopted occupation of agriculture.

Boy as

The Boyas were the hunter-gatherer tribe and ha= a regional

designation called Boyavitravade~a~~ which corresponds the modern taluks of

Atmakur, Udaigiri and Kanigiri in Nellore and Prakasam districts of Andhra

Pradesh. The inscriptions of 7th century A.D. reveal that the original habitation

of the tribe lay in Kurnool, Nellore and Guntur region. In the Anantapur district

Gazetteer they are noted as an old fighting caste.g0

The Boya sects trace their descent from mythical Nisada son of

Venoraja who is a wicked king. The Boyas says that they are the legitimate

children of Nisada where as the Kurubas, Yanadis, and Cencus are his

illegitimate chi~dren.~'

Throughout history, the Boyas are referred as ferocious in nature and

predatory habits. Peddana the Telugu poet used the term Boya in the sense

of cruel or merciless.92 In Tarakabhyudayam describes a Boyavidu who are

indulged in high way robbery.

The Boyas are not a homogenous tribe. They are divided into several

groups which are mainly occupational. Uruboyas [village Boyas] and

Mysaboyas [grassland Boyas] are the two main divisions among the Boyas,

each category is sub-divided into a number of exogamous groups like

Yenumulavaru [buffalo men] Mandalavaru [herds men] Pulavaru [flower men]

Minalavaru [fisher men] etc.

Ethnographic and literary works reveals that the Boyas were skilled in

hunting with the bow and narrow. Kalahasti Mahatmyam describes different

types of hunt. The habitat of the Boyas ecologically is characterized by low

hills and several streams support the scrub jungle which is full of game

animals. The prehistoric cave sites and open air sites reveals the hunting and

gathering stage of the people who lived in forested zones, and they were

ecologically conditioned to a nomadic open air mode of living.

In the historic period too they had the same ecological setting. In the

process of acculturation some tribe men heard a sedentary village life more or

less a symbiotic live with other classes. This folk-peasant sphere is indicated

by two prominent divisions called Uru and Mysa denotes village and grass

land men.93 Later they are grouped into Buffalo men, men of the herd and

fishermen. The epigraphs of early medieval period refers to Manda Boya and

Manda which signify herdsmen while the Boya villas, Boyavid~i, Boya chiutala

and Boyakotams refer to the villages.94

The earliest inscriptional evidence about the Boyas and their

occupational groups comes from the Eastern Chalukyan records. 'The Reyur

grant introduces the names as Manda Sarma [night be of Mandalavaru, herds

men] Koil boya [temple men] etc. The Boyas do not engage Brahmins in their

religious activities and they had their own priests.

In the early historic period, the Renadu Colas and other rulers for

effective control and in their occupation issued land grants to the brahmanas

to bring more areas under cultivation. The brahmanas brought these tribes

into the fold of society as sudras for cultivating their lands. The Boyas also

achieved high social rank by trying a land on the knee [hlokali pattam]. It is

clear that the Boyas belong to a tribe and they in time and space, figure at

various stages of acculturation. Ethnographic accounts show that a chieftain

or headman who has an authority over a group of villages, is known as

Simhasana Boya or Dora.

Since the time of Nolambas in the Pennar Basin the hunter-gatherers

like Boyas and kurubas made their way into the socio-economic system and

their services became institutionalized within no time. The attempt to extend

cultivation by def~restation.~~ Since fourteenth century inflated socio-

economic position of the Boyas and Kurubas in this area.

With the Chola intervention in this region during I l l h century A.D. the

Cholas routed out the Ganga hegemony in Pennar - Tungabhadra doab. The

Chalukyas of Kalyani who did not develop any particular political personality

were timely supported by the Cholas of Nidugallu. These Cholas found a

faction in the Nolamba house with the div~sion of Bareguru rumkur] and

Hemavathi [Anantapur] houses, proceeded towards odd am'^ and it led to a

war the battle of Kanekal. The area was taken over by Chalukyas and

dethroned Nolamba king. The Nolambas found no scope to move west

wards. They wanted to test their fortunes by tapping the forest zone

connecting Chittoor, Nellore and Kadapa districts. But Vaidumbas gave a

death blow to the Nolambas in the battle of ~oremadi."

Their fate was sealed. Even though the Cholas of Nidugallu extended

towards the Pennar-Jayamangali zone, they remained sub-ordinates to the

Chalukyas of Kalyani.

During 800-1200 A.D. offers chronic coercion where in the sources of

this eco-tone were claimed, occupied and protected. This phase attests a

core of insecurity for the institutionalization of any categoric unit in this areas.

So till the end of the Nolamba and Nidugallu Chola rule the Kuruba and

Boyas, could not find a place of safety.

With the foundation of Vijayanagara empire, when they occupied the

Anantapur and other regions in Karnataka zones into a s~ngle ecological unit

to estimate, presewe and below the human as well as natural resources.

From this phase onwards the Boyas and Kurubas, who belonged to the

hunter-gatherer-pastoralists gained their status reorganized as the peasants.

The implementation of Amaranaya system and the creation of palegar system

created a venue of absentee land-lordism and it is up to both Boyas and

Kurubas to fill in the vaccum. The Boyas rose to the status of controlling the

temples as 'Senaboyas', and the Kurubas remained peasants to carry out

cattle-keeping and agriculture as a united vocation. The hunter-gatherer-

pastoralists and the peasants lost their individualities and became one. By

A.D. 1565-1600 a fall of the three eco-types, hunter-gatherer-pastoralists,

peasants is noticed.

References :

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9. Ibid., p. 136.

10. Ibid., p. 119.

11 .Rornila Thaper, Ancient Indian Social History, New Delhi, 1978, p.

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12. Ibid., p. 252.

13.Krishna Murthy, B. Telugu Basha Charitra, Hyderabad, 2000, p.2.

14.Murthy, M.L.K.

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31 .Syed Siraj-ul-Hassan, Op. Cit,, p. 362.

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37.Syed Siraj-ul-Hassan, Op. Cit., p. 367.

38.Thursto1-1, E. Op. Cit., p. 150.

39.Sivasankara Narayana, Bh. Op. Cit., p. 117.

40.Thurstor1, E. Op. Cit., p. 148.

41.Gopala Krishna Chetty, N. A Manuel of Kurnool district in the

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42. Syed-Siraj-ul-Hassan, Op. Cit., p. 367.

43.Thurston, E . Op. Cit., p. 150.

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48. Ibid., p. 204.

49.Bahadur, K.P. Op. Cit., pp. 23-24.

50. Ep. Ind., Vol. XXXII, p. 269.

51 .Srinivasa lyangar, T. Op. Cit., p. 17.

52. Krishnan, K.G. Op. cit., p. 167.

53. ibid., Op. Cit.,

54.Thurston, E. Op. Cit., p. 138.

55. Inscriptions du cambodage, Vol. VII, p. 141.

56. Ep. Ind., Vol. XXXI, p. 138.

57. Palukuriki Sornanatha, Basavapuranam, Madras, pp. 369-370.

58. Ibid., Panditaradya Charitra, Madras, p. 2, 377.

59. Ramacharyulu, B. Op. Cit., p. 70.

60.Bahadur, K.P. Op. Cit., p. 32.

61. Ramacharyulu, B. Op. Cit., p. 64.

62. Ibid., p. 96.

63. Robert Sewell, A Forgotten Empire, Madras, 1995, p. 23.

64. I bid., op. Cit., p.368.

65.Anantha Krishna lyer, L.K. Op. Cit., p. 212.

66.Thursto1-1, E. Op. CiL, p. 287.

67.Anantha Krishna lyer, Op. CI'L, 212.

68.Subba Rao, T.V. Op. Cit., p. 79.

69.Anantha Krishna lyer, Op. cit., Vol- Ill, p. 203.

70.Thurstor1, E. Op. Cit., p. 287.

71. Hassan, S.S. Op. Cit., p. 369.

72.Thurston, E. Op. Cit., IV, p. 288.

73.Subba Rao, T.V. Op. Cit., p. 165.

74. Ibid., pp. 101-03.

75. Subba Rao, T.V. Op. Cit., p. XXII.

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77. Sampath, M.D. Chittoor through the Ages, Delhi, 1980, p. 85.

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79. S.I.I., Vol. V11, No. 494.

80.A.R.Ep., 1919, No. 627.

81. Sampath, M.D. Op. Cit., p. 87.

82.yazadani, G. The Eady History of the Deccan, 1960, p. 517.

83.Ibid., Op. Cit., p. 518.

84.lbid., Op. Cit., p. 599.

85.lbid., Op. Cit., p. 555.

86.SubbaRa0,T.V. Op.Cit., p.194.

87.Hanurnantha Rao, B.S.L. Andhrula Ctiaritra-Samskriti, Hyderabad, p.

252.

88.Yazdarni, G. op. Cit., p. 686.

89. N.D.I., Vol. I, p. 32, Rajendra Prasad, B. Boyas in Ancient Andhra

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9O,Thurston, Castes and Tribes of South India, 1975, pp. 187-88.

91. Thurston, Op. Cit., 187-88.

92. Manucharitfa, IV, Verse 87.

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94. N.D.I., Vol. I, p. 155, p. 636-7.

95. Gopal, B.R. [ed.]. Vijayanagara Inscriptions, Val. 111, 1990, pp. 98-99.

96. S.I.I., Vol. IX, No. 268.

97. Ibid.. No. 14.