Part IVChapter 19

Clearly defined norms and sanctions governing male-female behavior

Normative gender system relayed/installed in members via socialization network of everyday social interaction and social institutions

Part 4: Ch. 19

Hence mechanisms exist that encourage compliance with normative gender order

Includes stigmatization and devaluation of those whose behavior is deviant

Part 4: Ch. 19

In response attempts made to discredit such women by labeling them lesbian

Such accusation is a powerful controlling mechanism, given homophobic context within American society

Lesbianism is a strong threat, since it challenges heterosexual family structure, and female dependence on men for economic, emotional, and sexual needs

Part 4: Ch. 19

Homophobic controls include frequent application of lesbian label to women who move into traditional male-dominated fields, such as politics, business or military

Such “lesbian baiting” suggests that women’s advancement into such areas is inappropriate

Such messages are potent since lodged in a society that condemns, devalues, oppresses and victimizes persons labeled as homosexuals

Part 4: Ch. 19

Sport represents another area where women have made significant strides As a result they have become potential targets of

such negative labels and innuendo Sport a critical area for lesbian baiting due to

traditional linkage of males and athleticism: Women who play sports violate docile female gender

role norms Imputing masculine qualities to women in

sports leads to questioning their sexualityEventual targets of homophobic accusations

Part 4: Ch. 19

Stereotyping of women athletes as lesbians and the homophobia fostering this label

Athletic directors at seven large Division I universities asked for list of all varsity female athletes so they could be contacted for telephone interviews: n = 22

Interviews were tape-recorded, 50 to 90 minutes; questions open-ended

Results: two major themes emerged

Part 4: Ch. 19

Part 4: Ch. 19

Respondents reluctant to mention topic, or discussion preceded by long and awkward pauses that suggest feelings of uneasiness

Some spoke about it indirectly without using the term (“it” not lesbianism)

Suggests degree to which women athletes have been socialized into silence

Part 4: Ch. 19

Another hint of silence surrounding issue was reflected in those who said sexual orientation was a very personal issue

It was therefore a private and extraneous part of a person’s life

Unfortunately this view doesn’t eliminate stigma and stress of being labeled

Nor does it confront or challenge status quo:Depoliticizes lesbianism & ignores broader

social issues Part 4: Ch. 19

Tendency for athletes to hide their athletic identitiesNearly all indicted that despite pride in being an athlete

there were situations where they preferred others not know

Perceived stigma connected with athletics women sought to avoid (masculine women, jock image, etc.)

Some accentuated certain behaviors to reduce likelihood of being labeled lesbian (having a boyfriend, sexual promiscuity)

Disguising one’s athletic identity example of “role inversion” in which persons emphasize opposite traits to label or group in question Part 4: Ch. 19

On individual level: Women’s teams unable to collectively

discuss, confront, or challenge labeling of women athletes as lesbian

One factor complicating team effort to confront the lesbian stereotype was divisive nature of label itself: Might put team into factions of cliques

Heterosexual and lesbian athletes often had limited contact with each other

Part 4: Ch. 19

Likewise coaches and athletic directors reluctant or unwilling to openly confront the lesbian stereotype

This impacted how women athletes themselves handled the stereotype

Women’s sports male-controlled and may fear openly addressing lesbian issue would impede progress of women’s sports

A collective strategy of silence about and denial of lesbianism thus emerges Part 4: Ch. 19

Part 4: Ch. 19

Athletes identified various factors that led others to label female athletes as lesbians:Physical appearanceDress (masculine clothing)PersonalitySpecific sport (softball vs. volleyball)

Athletes seem to accept societal definitions of lesbianism even this group is often target and an oppressed group

Part 4: Ch. 19

Sports most commonly seen by athletes as lesbian: softball, field hockey, basketball

Reasons: more body contact or degree of aggression required

Participants in team sports more likely to be labeled lesbian, with exception of volleyball

Part 4: Ch. 19

During interviews, majority of athletes made negative comments about lesbians reflecting internalization of negative label

Rarely directed condemnation at homophobic, patriarchal society

No mention made of attempts to enlist support of campus gay/lesbian groups to counter negative lesbian stereotypes

Part 4: Ch. 19

Lesbian stereotype and label has negative consequences for women athletes

It diminishes the sporting accomplishments of athletes

Controls or limits number of females entering sports

Discourages women from opportunities for self-actualization enjoyed by men

Discourages female bonding among team members for fear of being labeled

Forces lesbian athletes to feel negative consequences and self-denial

Part 4: Ch. 19

How did lesbian female athletes deal with their homosexual identities?

How did others (teammates, coaches) react to lesbian female athletes?

Part 4: Ch. 19

Part IV

Chapter 20

Study focuses on consequences of incarceration on employment for black and white men

Part 4: Ch. 20

Part 4: Ch. 20

Over 2 million persons currently incarcerated in U.S., highest rate in world

Numbers reflect trend of longer sentences & more incarceration for greater range of offenses

Little planning or provision for individuals’ eventual return to communityAbout half a million released annually12 million ex-felons total or about 8% of

working-age populationRecidivism high, with nearly 2/3 charged

with new crimes & 40% return to prison within 3 years of release

I. Trends in Incarceration

Part 4: Ch. 20

At least one contributing factor is that incarceration is associated with limited future employment and earnings Incarceration rate for black men in 2000 was

10% versus 1% for whitesYoung black males: 28% likelihood of

incarceration during lifetime – a probability that increases to over 50% for young black high school dropouts

Translates into large & increasing population of black ex-offenders returning to communities

Black ex-offenders goal of reaching economic self-sufficiency are compounded by stigma of race along with criminal record

I. Trends in Incarceration

Part 4: Ch. 20

Goal of current study is to assess whether effect of a criminal record differs for black and white job applicants

Little or no previous research has explored racial differences in effects of incarceration on such things as employment

I. Trends in Incarceration

Part 4: Ch. 20

Part 4: Ch. 20

Four 23-year-old male college students (two black & two white) testers and matched on physical appearance and style of self-presentation

Within each team of same race, one tester was randomly assigned a ‘criminal record’ for the first week and this was rotated weekly during period of job searches

Part 4: Ch. 20

Each team randomly assigned 15 job openings per week; White pair and black pair assigned

separate sets of jobs with same-race testers applying to same jobs

A total of 350 employers were audited: 150 by white team, 200 by black team

More audits by black team because they received fewer callbacks and more cases sought to enable more precise estimates of effects under investigation

Tester profiles: criminal record consisted of felony drug conviction (possession with intent to distribute cocaine) and 18 months of prison time served

Part 4: Ch. 20

Part 4: Ch. 20

Criminal record has a large and significant effect: 34% without records received callbacks,

while only 17% of whites with records received callbacks

Finding represents a 50% difference in outcomes

Part 4: Ch. 20

Part 4: Ch. 20

The effect of race is huge: only 14% of blacks without records received callbacks while a mere 5% with records received calls

Blacks without records in other words received less callbacks (14%) than whites with records (17%) and compared to 34% of whites without records

Part 4: Ch. 20

Part 4: Ch. 20

Ratio of callbacks for non-offenders relative to ex-offenders for whites is 2:1

Ratio of callbacks for non-offenders relative to ex-offenders for blacks is 3:1

The effect of a criminal record is 40% larger for blacks than for whites

Part 4: Ch. 20

Part 4: Ch. 20

There can be doubt of the powerful, negative effects of a criminal record on employment outcomes: Chances for employment decreased by

50% to 33% With millions of ex-offenders, the policy

consequences are profound

Part 4: Ch. 20

Persistent effect of race on employment also clear from this study: While incarceration is a strong barrier to

employment, race is even a bigger oneThe combination of race and a record

severely limits employment opportunities for blacks thereby leaving many without viable legal alternatives of livelihood

Part 4: Ch. 20

Why is the recidivism rate so high among criminal offenders and what can be done to decrease it?

What effects do race have on the employability of whites and blacks and what does it say about racism in American society?

Part 4: Ch. 20