Part 1. The Free South Africa Movement and Anti-Apartheid Legislative Change in the United States 1

8/10/2019 Part 1. The Free South Africa Movement and Anti-Apartheid Legislative Change in the United States 1

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Stewart Mills2 February 2011

Changing public policy through public advocacy:

A case study of the Free South Africa Movement and

anti-Apartheid legislative change in theUnited States

Essay question: The US Comprehensive Anti-Apartheid Act of 1986 was theculmination of a long public advocacy campaign. Congress was successful in passingthis Act despite President Reagans attempt to veto the bill. Evaluate and discuss theeffectiveness of that campaign in the light of what you have learned during the course,

particularly referring to the template taught in the course.

ContentsPart 1. Introduction ................................................................................................ 2Part 2. Methodology of the evaluation ................................................................... 4Part 3. Public Advocacy: ........................................................................................ 4Changing Public Policy through popular pressure ................................................. 4Part 4. The Free South Africa Movement (FSAM) ............................................... 8Part 5. Achievements of the Free South Africa Movement ................................... 8Tactical successes .................................................................................................. 8Grand strategy success ......................................................................................... 12Conclusion ........................................................................................................... 13References ............................................................................................................ 14

Appendix..16


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Stewart Mills (2-Feb-11)

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Changing public policy through public advocacy 1:

A case study of the Free South Africa Movement andanti-Apartheid legislative change in the

United StatesThe Free South Africa Movement [has] ignitedmass public demonstrations in the U.S. against bothapartheid and the administration's policy in the region[T]he Free South Africa Movement is not justanother "cause." It is a direct and creative political tactic, one rooted in the long tradition ofconscientious dissent. The Free South Africa Movement has been an antidote for the state of politicalcomatose[i]t has recruited new cadres of activists and inspired veterans in all other movements for

social change in the U.S.!

William Lucy, Founder of the Coalition of Black Trade Unionistsand co-chair Free South Africa Movement, 18 December 1985

Part 1. Introduction

On 21 November 1984 (on Thanksgiving Eve), three African Americans: a lobbyist, acommissioner of the US Commission of Civil Rights and the Congress delegate forWashington DC met with the South African Ambassador and demanded the release of13 South African labour union leaders who were arrested along with thousands of

black South Africans during a two day labour strike on 5 and 6 November. 3 Secondly, they sought the release of Nelson Mandela, Walter Sisulu and GovanMbekii, who had been imprisoned since the early 1960s and thirdly they sought forthe dismantling of Apartheid with a timetable for the task. 4 They were asked to leave,

but, they refused and so were arrested. After a night in prison and a visit by themayor of Washington DC the three individuals held a news conference andannounced the formation of the Free South Africa Movement 5(FSAM) whoseimmediate goal was the three demands made to the South African Ambassador. 6

The three who had been part of the civil rights movement in the 60s had until thisincident settled into the traditional roles of lobbying and shaping legislation 7. Thethree indicated that the Free South Africa Movement would coordinate a series ofdirect actions out front of the South Africa embassy everyday at 3pm until the SouthAfrican Government and the US Government took a more proactive policy on endingracial segregation in South Africa. 8 This call to action, had in part resulted fromRandalls fury that the US abstained in the Security Council in response to the

1 Word count body of text 3858 words; Footnotes 1653 words.2 William Lucy, Extensions of Remarks - Wednesday, December 18, 1985, 131 Cong. Rec. 37865(1985), 37866-378673 Courtland Milloy, Blacks Form 'Free S. Africa Movement', The Washington Post (1974-Current

file ProQuest Historical Newspapers The Washington Post (1877 - 1994) pg. C1 ); Nov 24, 1984; TransAfrica Forum, Alhaji Conteh , A Chronology of th Free South Africa Movement, TransAfrica Forum,Washington DC, http://www.transafricaforum.org/files/FSAM%20Chronology.pdf (Accessed 1February 2011).4 Milloy, 1984; Robinson Randall, Defending the Spirit: a Black life in America , New York: Dutton,1998, p. 152.5 The campaign was first reported in the New York Times on 27 November 1984 (6 days after the firstarrest).6

Milloy, 1984; Randall, 1998, p. 152.7 Ibid.8 Ibid.


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November mass arrests and killings in South Africa. Over the following week 16 prominent persons, including politicians and union leaders were arrested as part ofthis campaign, including amongst others, Rosa Parks 9 and Yolanda King (daughter ofMartin Luther King Jr). 10 One-and-a-half years later over 3,046 arrests had beenmade as part of the campaign; including amongst others Peter, Paul and Mary !!

members of the folk trio!"

, Stevie Wondie ad Harry Belafonte 13.

The culmination of the FSAM work was the enactment of the Comprehensive Anti- Apartheid Act of 1986. 14 This was perhaps one of the most controversial pieces oflegislation to be made into Public Law in the United States in recent decades. ThisAmerican law placed significant economic sanctions on South Africa, despite anattempt by, President Ronald Reagan of the United States to veto it. What wasremarkable about this bill was that it was a Republican-dominated Senate thatoverrode a Republican Presidents veto on a foreign policy issue 15. The last foreign

policy veto to be overridden, prior to this was in 1973. 16

This essay will argue that a public advocacy campaign led by anti-Apartheid groups,like the Free South Africa Movement, helped provide the necessary conditions for

bipartisan support of the Comprehensive Anti-Apartheid Act of 1986 (and a triumphof the legislature over the executive). The success of this campaign itself was a resultof strong leadership within black Congress members, civil, religious and trade unionleaders.

Secondly, these economic sanctions on South Africa were a consequence ofdissenting Republicans who had lost confidence in the Presidents ability to articulatea new policy on South Africa given his commitment to the failed policy of

constructive engagement. The Republicans (who had previously faithfully avoided

9 Rosa Parks was arrested 29 years to the day she was arrested in Montgomery. Nicole Lee, 25thAnniversary of Free South Africa Movement, The Washington Informer, 3 December 2009http://www.washingtoninformer.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=2693:by-nicole-c-lee&catid=59:archive&Itemid=121 (Accessed 30 January 2011).10 2 Congressmen Held After Embassy Protest, New York Times (1923-Current file); Dec 1, 1984ProQuest Historical Newspapers The New York Times (1851 - 2007), pg. 1011 They were a part of a group of 14 arrested for knocking on the South African embassy doors on8/1/86.12 Robin Toner, Bishop Tutu Hails Demonstrators Near the South African Embassy, New York Times(1923-Current file); Jan 9, 1986; ProQuest Historical Newspapers The New York Times (1851 - 2007),

pg. A313 Robinson Randall, Defending the Spirit: a Black life in America , New York: Dutton, 1998, p. 154.14 Official title: A bill to prohibit loans to, other investments in, and certain other activities with respectto, South Africa, and for other purposes. Sponsor William Gray. http://thomas.loc.gov/cgi-

bin/bdquery/z?d099:HR04868:@@@T 15 Reagan made 78 vetoes during his term. Of these 9 were overridden. The only foreign policy issuewas overridden was on South Africa. 2444 HR4868 Presidential Vetoes: 1789-1988, Washington,Senate Library, S. Pub. 102-12, February 1992, p. 543http://www.senate.gov/reference/resources/pdf/presvetoes17891988.pdf ; Presidential Vetoes, 1989 2000, S. Pub. 10710, Senate Library, Washington DC, October 2001, p. ix.http://www.senate.gov/reference/resources/pdf/presvetoes.pdf (Accessed 27 January 2011).16 G Treverton & P Varle, The United States and South Africa: The 1985 Sanctions Debate, Case443 Instructor Copy, Institute of the Study of Diplomacy, George Washington University, 1992

http://www.princeton.edu/~bsimpson/Hist%20725%20Summer%202006/US%20and%20S%20Africa%20the%201985%20sanctions%20debate.pdf (Accessed 30 January 2011).


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public disagreement on this issue) decided to side with the Democrats as they believed it was imperative for targeted economic sanctions to be set-in-place, withoutfurther delay, to avert South Africa from falling into full-blown guerrilla war andending with the succession of an unfriendly pro-Soviet Government in a new SouthAfrica. 17 Thirdly, and perhaps most importantly, the precursor for the bipartisan

support was the result of decades of distressing images of the plight of black SouthAfricans, decades of international condemnation, decades of civil societys responsewithin the transnational anti-Apartheid movement and the connection with a USdomestic audience between the US civil rights movement and the need for an end toracial discrimination in South Africa.

Part 2. Methodology of the evaluation

This essay seeks to analyse and explore the effectiveness of a public advocacycampaign ( The Free South Africa Movement ) in the light of what has been learntduring a university course on Strategic Public Advocacy. The campaign will beevaluated according to how its methods fit a general model to of public advocacy.This general model for public advocacy will be constructed by synthesising theapproach of 6 authors: Staples 18, Cohen 19, Hunt 20, Fisher 21 and two generalistmodels. Once the necessary elements of a campaign are established then a literaturereview will be made of actions of the Free South Africa Movement. The principaldatabase used will be Factiva to analyse newspaper records of the FSAM movement,

principally looking at the New York Times and Washington Post in the 1980s andearly 19990s. A review will also be made of any books and journals published on theissue, including the autobiography of Senator Dick Lugar who was involved in theimplementation of the Comprehensive Anti-Apartheid Act 1986 and the work ofRandall Robinson who was the co-chair of the FSAM and president of TransAfrica.Senator Lugar (who is still a senator) and the TransAfrica office were contacted by

phone and email to identify any further areas that would help in the analysis of thecampaign.

Part 3. Public Advocacy:

Changing Public Policy through popular pressure

Public Advocacy as Agenda-Setting

Firstly, in order to understand the effectiveness of the Free South Africa Movementcampaign a definition of public advocacy is required, its methods and a general model

17 Richard Lugar, Letters to the Next President , New York: Simon and Schuster, 1988, p. 22518 J Staples, Strategic Public Advocacy for Civil Society Template, LAWS3315 Class lecture,University of New South Wales, 12 January 2011.19 Cohen D, de la Vega, R and Watson G, Advocacy for Social Justice: A Global Action and reflection

guide , Kumarian Press Inc, 200120

J Hunt, The Jubilee 2000 Campaign in Australia, an unpublished document produced for JubileeAustralia.21 R Fisher & W Ury, Getting to Yes, 2 nd edn, Century Business, London, 1992.


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of advocacy will need to be established. 22 Public advocacy is a set of deliberateactions designed to influence public policies or public attitudes in order to empowerthe marginalised. 23 It is the process of changing government policy through popular

pressure. It is a method used by civil society to set the public agenda 24. It is anexample of political reform. This is distinct from non-violent revolution (Figure 1) as

we are seeing currently in Tunisia and possibly Egypt. Public advocacy is linked toor includes the following related concepts: grassroots activism, public campaigning,nonviolent social change, nonviolent protest and nonviolent action 25. Publicadvocacy is distinct from private advocacy which is a discrete (behind-closed doors)methods of lobbying politicians for social change; although, private advocacy is anecessary part of a public advocacy campaign. Human rights based advocacy hasincluded the work of abolitionists, suffragettes, The Red Cross 26, feminist movement,gay rights. Environmental public advocacy includes work of environmentalorganizations like Greenpeace, WWF International Network, Australian ConservationFoundation and the Wilderness Society.

The theory and methods of public advocacy are shaped by practitioners andacademics within a multi-disciplinary field. These disciplines includes, amongstothers, social movement theory, organizational theory and development studies(Figure 2). Perhaps the most significant (but under-utilised) theorists for the theoryand methods of public advocacy is Gene Sharp in his The Politics of Nonviolent

Political Action 27 . Sharp is most well known amongst peace theorists, but his potential contribution to the work of public advocates is enormous. Sharps work isheavily influenced by Gandhi and Martin Luther King Jr. and he documents 198different means (tactics) to respond to violence.

Figure 1. Public advocacy as governmental reform; as distinct from revolution whichinvolves the overthrow of government.

22 Literally, an advocate is one called in, or liable to be called upon, to defend or speak for OxfordEnglish dictionary, Second edition, 1989; online version November 2010.; accessed 29 January 2011. Earlier version first published in

New English Dictionary , 1884.23 Samuel, John 'Public advocacy and people-centred advocacy: mobilising for social change', 2007

Development in Practice , 17:4, 615 - 62124 Michael Howlett & M Ramesh, Agenda-setting : policy determinates policy ideas and policywindows, Chapter 5, Studying Public Policy 2nd ed, Don Mills, Ont.: Oxford University Press 2003, ,

p. 12125 Kurt Schock, Nonviolent Action and Its Misconceptions: Insights for Social Scientists, PoliticalScience and Politics (2003), 36: 705.26 Michael A. Meyer, Public Advocacy - Why the Red Cross and Red Crescentshould look before it leaps, International Review of the Red Cross, No. 315, 31-12-

1996. http://www.icrc.org/eng/resources/documents/misc/57jncu.htm (Accessed 30 January 2011).27 Gene Sharp, The Politics of Nonviolent Political Action , Porter Sargent Publisher, Boston: MA,1973.

NonviolentrevolutionViolent

revolution

Public policy changefollowing publicadvocacy pressure

REFORM REVOLUTION

Governmentchange followingelections


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Figure 2. Public advocacy involves a multidisciplinary approach to political change

Gene Sharps 198 tactics may be grouped into four main methods of publicadvocacy 28 and include methods of (1) persuasion: leaflets, posters, [internet], media;(2) protest: picketing, marches, public meetings; (3) social noncooperation: boycotts,strikes, civil disobedience; and/or (4) non-violent intervention: sit-in, jail-in (Figure3). Sharps work also provides an invaluable insight into the dynamics of the powerrelationship between the State and the citizen. Sharp demonstrates theoretically and

practically indeed the power that the people do possess. Sharps ability to articulatethe power dynamics involved in social change is invaluable to the success of a publicadvocacy campaign (and as will be seen is a key element of the general publicadvocacy model).

Figure 3. Public Advocacy is a reform process that uses the methods of non-violentaction: including persuasion, protest, noncooperation and non-violent intervention.

28 Sharp did not speak in terms of public advocacy, but in terms of non-violent social change.

Protest Picketing, marches,

public meetings,

Persuasion Leaflets, posters,internet, media

Privateadvocacy Lobb in

NoncooperationBoycotts, strikescivil disobedience

NONVIOLENTACTION

PUBLICADVOCACY

NonviolentRevolution

Reform

NonviolentinterventionSit-in, jail-in

Organizationaltheory

Human rights law

Sociology

Social movementresearch

Public advocacy research

Politicaltheor

Internationalrelations theory

Development studies

Peace theory


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Part 4. The Free South Africa Movement (FSAM)

The Free South Africa Movement was a US coalition that formed against Apartheid in

1984. The catalyst for the movement was the arrest of 13 black trade union leadersand ongoing violence in South Africa; and the political intransigence of PresidentReagan to call South Africa to account. The coalitions pinnacle achievement was thelegislative enforcement of economic sanctions on South Africa. The effect of thesanctions may be questionable but the moral message this sent globally signified theend was near for South Africas Apartheid. The FSAM finished with NelsonMandelas tour of the US in July 1990, although it was not until 1994 that the firstfree and fair elections were held in South Africa. 33

Part 5. Achievements of the Free South Africa Movement

Tactical successes

The Free South Africa Movement was an enormously successful campaign. 34 It wassuccessful because it had wide public support, it was a national campaign and it was

pivotal in the passing of US legislation to place economic sanctions on South Africa.From a campaigning point of view FSAM had a set of clear goals that found currencywithin the public sphere, they had recognised the powers necessary to achieve thosegoals. The methods (and the implementation of those methods) used to ensure those

powers were compelled to goal achievement were creative and popular. Theysuccessfully placed the plight of black South Africans on the public agenda by aseries of high profile arrests, supported by a large number of people mobilised by theunions and churches and civil society groups. They then capitalised on this publicattention by intensifying lobbying within Congress. The experience of TransAfrica inlobbying as well as the support of members of the Congressional Black Caucus

played a key role in this. The ultimate factor in the success of the campaign was inensuring the support of Republican Senators in the call for economic sanctions.

Celebrity involvement in the daily protests out the front of the South Africanembassy, backed by good media coverage helped provide legitimacy for thecampaign, which in turn created broader support. The royalty of the civil rights

movement were part of the campaign: Rosa Parks, Coretta Scott King, Yolanda Kingand Jesse Jackson 35; as were music stars: Harry Belafonte, Stevie Wonder, the folktrio - Peter, Paul and Mary #$ ; movie stars like Paul Newman 37 and Tony Randall; and

33 Alhaji Conteh , A Chronology of th Free South Africa Movement, TransAfrica Forum, WashingtonDC, http://www.transafricaforum.org/files/FSAM%20Chronology.pdf (Accessed 1 February 2011).34 A Klotz, Norms reconstituting interests: global racial equality and the USsanctions against South Africa, International Organization , 49, 3, Summer 1995, 453.35 Alhaji Conteh , A Chronology of th Free South Africa Movement, TransAfrica Forum, WashingtonDC, http://www.transafricaforum.org/files/FSAM%20Chronology.pdf (Accessed 1 February 2011).36 They were a part of a group of 14 arrested for knocking on the South African embassy doors on

8/1/86. Robin Toner, Bishop Tutu Hails Demonstrators Near the South African Embassy, New YorkTimes (1923-Current file); Jan 9, 1986; ProQuest Historical Newspapers The New York Times (1851 -2007), pg. A3


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sport stars like Arthur Ashe. Over twenty members of the House of Representativestook part in the protests (including black and white Congress members). 38 Key leadersin the struggle against Apartheid, like Nobel Peace Prize Laureate Bishop DesmondTutu were linked to the campaign. Desmond Tutus connection to the campaign andlevel of support was demonstrated by the ability of FSAM to collect one million

letters in support of Bishop Tutu following criticism of Tutu by Rev Jerry Falwell, thehead of the Moral Majority. #& The campaign was mirrored '( by protests across 40 UScities.

FSAM from its beginning had a high quality media campaign. FSAM would holdnews conferences, TransAfrica staff were prolific on the telephone and sending mediareleases. Robinson would spend the morning rallying supporters and media coveragefor the 3pm protest and then head to the protests at 3pm to do any interviews andcoordinate the protests 41. FSAM was successful in connecting the US civil rightsissue with the quest for civil rights and an end to Apartheid in South Africa. Take forexample the following news story: At a news conference today Mr Lowerey who hadworked closely with Dr Martin Luther King Jr in the civil rights movement, said weare expressing our moral outrage at the intensified oppression in South Africa. 42

The FSAM campaign was successful because of the ability of the organisers tomaintain daily protests out the front of the South Africa embassy in Washington DCfor over one year. 43 TransAfrica was the key administrative and public face of thecampaign and consisted of 10,000 members.

'' TransAfrica was able to bolster its

numbers at protests by the finance and labour of the Coalition of Black TradeUnionists. Randall Robinson, described the input of William Lucy who was Presidentand founder of CBTU (and who was part of the steering committee of the FSAM) in

the following terms Lucy had delivered cash to our coffers and bodies for picketlines by the thousands." 45 Such alliances were another key feature to FSAMssuccess. The steering committee of FSAM was Randall Robinson, TransAfrica (co-chair), Walter Fauntroy, chair and founding member of the Congressional BlackCaucus (co-chair), Mary Frances Berry, Commissioner of US Commission on CivilRights, Sylvia Hill, Academic and community organizer, William Lucy, President of

37 New Tactics on South Africa, New York Times, ProQuest Historical Newspapers The New YorkTimes (1851 - 2007), May 10, 1986, pg. 8.38 Alhaji Conteh , A Chronology of th Free South Africa Movement, TransAfrica Forum, WashingtonDC, http://www.transafricaforum.org/files/FSAM%20Chronology.pdf (Accessed 1 February 2011).39

Robin Toner, Bishop Tutu Hails Demonstrators Near the South African Embassy, New York Times(1923-Current file); Jan 9, 1986; ProQuest Historical Newspapers The New York Times (1851 - 2007), pg. A340 New Tactics on South Africa, New York Times, ProQuest Historical Newspapers The New YorkTimes (1851 - 2007), May 10, 1986, pg. 8.41 Barbara Gamarekian, Lobbyist With a Target: South Africa, New York Times (1923-Current file);Dec 8, 1984; ProQuest Historical Newspapers The New York Times (1851 - 2007), pg. 942 Congressman and Rights Leader Arrested at South Africa Embassy, New York Times (1923-Current file); Nov 27, 1984; ProQuest Historical Newspapers The New York Times (1851 - 2007) pg.A20.43 New Tactics on South Africa, New York Times, ProQuest Historical Newspapers The New YorkTimes (1851 - 2007), May 10, 1986, pg. 8.44 Barabara Gamarekian, Lobbyist With a Target: South Africa, The New York Times, ProQuest

Historical Newspapers The New York Times (1851 - 2007), Dec 8, 1984, pg. 9.45 Harry Belafonte, Maxine Waters to Host Tribute to Top Black Labor Leader, Bill Lucy, U.S. Newswire . Provided by ProQuest Information and Learning, 1 April 1999.


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the Coalition of Black Trade Unionists and Roger Wilkins, Johns Hopkins UniversityInstitute for Policy Studies Senior Fellow

'$.

The methods of the FSAM started off initially by gaining public attention though protests at the front of the South African Embassy. Once the issue of South Africa became more part of the public consciousness then the campaign entered a new phase by calling on business and institutions to divest from South Africa. Randall Robinsonsaid he was [a]sking Americans to come home and cease underpinning the SouthAfrican Government ') The timing of the launch of the campaign was also critical.To help gain public attention for the launch the announcement for the new campaignwas made with the arrival of Bishop Desmond Tutu to Washington DC. This advancealso coincided on the day of 16 further arrests including Peter, Paul and Mary members of the folk trio when they knocked on the South African embassy door.

The launch of the new campaign for corporate divestment was also symbolically powerful. The launch was attended by several labour leaders. Owen Bieber, presidentof the United Automobile Workers, said union members would be urged to cut theirshell credit cards in half and mail them to the American Federation of Labor andCongress of Industrial Organizations. '* Imagery of mail in thousands of credit cardsworks at a variety of levels. Firstly, it is empowering for the consumer who feels theyhave power to make a decision they may affect international situations, and secondly,it is a warning to companies that invest in Apartheid South Africa that consumers will

place sanctions on businesses seen to be complicit in Apartheid.

The corporate divestment campaign was followed by a heightened 49 campaign in1986 to lobby Congress for a bill requiring total American divestment of South

Africa. On 18 June 1986 a Comprehensive sanctions bill was introduced byCongressman Ronald Dellums (DCA) and passed within the House ofRepresentatives. The bill called for a total trade embargo against South Africa andfor full divestment of U.S. companies from South Africa. +(

What was remarkable was that a version of this bill (H.R.4868) withstood a presidential veto due to a Senate override (with a majority of Republicans support)and ended up becoming lawPublic Law 99-440 on 12 October 1986 and yet the

previous year (1985), there had been an unsuccessful attempt to pass a similar bill(H.R.1460).

It is interesting to note the 1985 bill also faced a presidential veto. Reagan cut a dealwith dissenting Republicans (like Senator Lugar) that he would make an own

46 Alhaji Conteh , A Chronology of th Free South Africa Movement, TransAfrica Forum, WashingtonDC, http://www.transafricaforum.org/files/FSAM%20Chronology.pdf (Accessed 1 February 2011).47 Robin Toner, Bishop Tutu Hails Demonstrators Near the South African Embassy, New York Times(1923-Current file); Jan 9, 1986; ProQuest Historical Newspapers The New York Times (1851 - 2007),

pg. A348 Robin Toner, Shell Oil Boycott Urged; Pretoria Policy at Issue, New York Times (1923-Current

file); Jan 10, 1986; ProQuest Historical Newspapers The New York Times (1851 - 2007) pg. A7.49 heightened because FSAMs strategy had been seeking legislative action from its inception, see:

Robinson Randall, Defending the Spirit: a Black life in America , New York: Dutton, 1998, p. 155.50 Alhaji Conteh , A Chronology of th Free South Africa Movement, TransAfrica Forum, WashingtonDC, http://www.transafricaforum.org/files/FSAM%20Chronology.pdf (Accessed 1 February 2011).


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American corporations operated in South Africa in 1984. Eighty of them, including GM58

,IBM, Coca Cola, Xerox, Eastman Kodak, Honeywell, Exxon, and McGraw-Hill, had pulledout by 1987. 59

On a more sombre note, despite the gains that the FSAM had made with the

legislative action, and the divestments from South Africa, TransAfricas head,Robinson described how the US executive, over subsequent months, watered downthe impact of the sanctions through regulations that made the sanctions as leaky as asieve. 60

Grand strategy success 61

Having looked at tactical successes of the FSAM, now it is time to reflect on thegrand strategy successes (the initial goals or immediate goals that had prompted thecampaign). The immediate goals that FSAM declared in November 1984 was for therelease of the 13 labour union leaders, along with Nelson Mandela and Walter Sisuluwho had been imprisoned since the early 1960s 62 and a more proactive policy 63 by

both the South African Government and the US Government in ending racialsegregation in South Africa. 64

In relation to the goal of political releases: Walter Sisulu was released in October1989 65 and Nelson Mandela was released from prison on 11 February 1990 66. I wasunable to determine the status of the black union leaders who had been arrested in1984 at the onset of the campaign. The beginning of the end of the FSAM occurredin June 1990 with the welcome tour of Nelson Mandela. Roger Wilkins, who had

been part of the FSAM steering committee was the national coordinator forMandelas welcome 67. The main purpose of Mandelas trip was to keep economicsanction on South Africa in hope of creating greater pressure for social change 68 .The trip symbolised an end to FSAM, which as a public campaign ceased to make any

58 For a negative impact of the flight of GM see: General Motors fails to leave RSA quietlyhttp://sahistory.org.za/pages/chronology/thisday/1986-11-06.htm (Accessed 2 February 2011).59 Donald R Culverson, The politics of the anti-apartheid movement in the United States, 1969-1986,111 Political Science Quarterly 1, 22 March 1996, p. 12760 Robinson Randall, Defending the Spirit: a Black life in America , New York: Dutton, 1998, p. 172.61 Grand strategy success is achievement of overall goals of the campaign as opposed to individual

tactical goals.62 Courtland Milloy, Blacks Form 'Free S. Africa Movement', The Washington Post (1974-Current file ProQuest Historical Newspapers The Washington Post (1877 - 1994) pg. C1 ); Nov 24, 198463 Conyers arrested in racial protest, New York Times (1923-Current file); Nov 28, 1984; ProQuestHistorical Newspapers The New York Times (1851 - 2007), pg. A264 Milloy 1984.65 South Africa History Online, Walter Sisulu, Pretoria, South Africahttp://www.sahistory.org.za/pages/people/bios/sisulu,w.htm (Accessed 1 February 2011).66 South Africa History Online, Nelson Mandela: Free at last, Pretoria, South Africahttp://www.sahistory.org.za/pages/people/special%20projects/mandela/bio_6.htm 67 John Kifner, Mandela Gets an Emotional New York City Welcome, New York Times (1923-Current file); Jun 21, 1990; ProQuest Historical Newspapers The New York Times (1851 - 2007) pg.A168

John Kifner, Mandela Gets an Emotional New York City Welcome, New York Times (1923-Current file); Jun 21, 1990; ProQuest Historical Newspapers The New York Times (1851 - 2007) pg.A1.


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public engagements after Mandelas visit, and each original constituent organizationsreturned to independent advocacy issues.

Conclusion

This essay has evaluated the effectiveness of a public advocacy campaign instigated by the Free South Africa Movement in the 1980s in the United States and its effect inencouraging the enactment of the Comprehensive Anti-Apartheid Act of 1986. Tounderstand the success of the campaign a general advocacy model was developedshowing the key elements of a public advocacy campaign. This model bringstogether the work of Staples, Cohen, Sharp and others to continue defining the

process and methods of public advocacy. This is a highly diversified field and willcontinue to change given the broad nature of this discipline.

The success of the FSAM can be related to satisfying the key elements of a publicadvocacy campaign. FSAM had a set of clear goals that had popular appeal, there wasclear leadership which recognised the powers necessary to achieve those goals. Themethods (and the implementation of those methods) used sparked off peoplesimaginations, were creative and popular and ensured those powers were compelled tokeep the movements goals on their agenda and ultimately in goal achievement. Theexperience and relationships developed by of TransAfrica in lobbying as well as thesupport of members of the Congressional Black Caucus played a key role in theenactment of legislation imposing sanctions by the United States on South Africa.The ultimate factor in the success of the campaign was in ensuring the support ofRepublican Senators who weary of Reagans promises and concerned for civil waroverrode the Presidents veto to place economic sanctions of South Africa. Thismove by the United States signalled the end of an era. It still took a further 3 years

before Nelson Mandela was released, but the US actions, despite some exceptions,had made it clear that they would no longer offer South Africa unconditional supportuntil Apartheid was relinquished. FSAM had succeeded to bring about policy changeas a result of a highly sophisticated public advocacy campaign and a receptive popularclimate.


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References

Cohen D, de la Vega, R and Watson G, Advocacy for Social Justice: A Global Actionand reflection guide , Kumarian Press Inc, 2001

Conteh, A, A Chronology of the Free South Africa Movement, TransAfrica Forum,Washington DC, http://www.transafricaforum.org/files/FSAM%20Chronology.pdf (Accessed 1 February 2011)

Culverson, DR, The politics of the anti-apartheid movement in the United States,1969-1986, 111 Political Science Quarterly 1, 22 March 1996, p. 127

Davies, R, OMeara, D & Dlamini, S, The Struggle for South Africa: A reference guide to movements, organizations and institutions (new edition), Vol 1, Centre ofAfrican Studies Edurdo Mondlane University, Zed Books, London, 1988, p. P5.

Fisher, R & Ury, W, Getting to Yes , 2nd edn, Century Business, London, 1992.

Gamarekian, B, Lobbyist With a Target: South Africa, New York Times (1923-Current file); Dec 8, 1984; ProQuest Historical Newspapers The New York Times(1851 - 2007), pg. 9

Howlett, M & Ramesh, M, Agenda-setting : policy determinates policy ideas and policy windows, Chapter 5, Studying Public Policy 2nd ed, Don Mills, Ont.: OxfordUniversity Press 2003

Hunt, J, The Jubilee 2000 Campaign in Australia, an unpublished document produced for Jubilee Australia.

Kifner, J, Mandela Gets an Emotional New York City Welcome, New York Times(1923-Current file); Jun 21, 1990; ProQuest Historical Newspapers The New YorkTimes (1851 - 2007) pg. A1.

Klotz, A, Norms reconstituting interests: global racial equality and the US sanctionsagainst South Africa, International Organization , 49, 3, Summer 1995, 453.

Lee, N, 25th Anniversary of Free South Africa Movement, The WashingtonInformer, 3 December 2009.

Lucy, W, Extensions of Remarks - Wednesday, December 18, 1985, 131 Cong. Rec.37865 (1985), 37866-37867

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Part 1. The Free South Africa Movement and Anti-Apartheid Legislative Change in the United States 1

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Transcript of Part 1. The Free South Africa Movement and Anti-Apartheid Legislative Change in the United States 1