Notes

1 Overview

1. For Central American perceptions of Nicaragua, see Consuelo Cruz, `Identity and Persuasion: How Nations Remember their Pasts and Make their Futures', World Politics, vol. 52 (April 2000).

2. The chiefs of state during this period were: TomaÂs MartõÂnez, 1858±67; Fer-nando GuzmaÂn, 1867±71; Vicente Cuadra, 1871±75; Pedro J. Chamorro, 1875±79; JoaquõÂn Zavala, 1879±83; AdaÂn CaÂrdenas, 1883±87; Evaristo Carazo, 1887±89; and Roberto Sacasa, 1889±93.

3. This view of the Thirty Years as an oligarchic republic, which sharply con-trasted with the `progressive' character of Zelaya's Liberal regime, was also prevalent in much of the foreign scholarship of the 1970s. Among the most representative of these works was Ralph Lee Woodward, Jr, Central America: A Nation Divided (Oxford University Press, 1975). Jose Coronel Urtecho is argu-ably the best representative of the traditionalist school. His historical works include the essay `Historia de Nicaragua', Revista de la Academia de GeografõÂa e Historia de Nicaragua, vol. I., no. 2, 1936; Reflexiones sobre la historia de Nicar-agua (de GaõÂnza a Somoza), two volumes (LeoÂn, 1962); Reflexiones sobre la historia de Nicaragua (de GaõÂnza a Somoza) ± Explicaciones y revisiones (LeoÂn, 1967); `Los Reyes y los Indios', Revista Conservadora del Pensamiento Centroa-mericano, no. 98 (Managua, 1968); `IntroduccioÂn a la eÂpoca de la anarquõÂa en Nicaragua', Revista Conservadora del Pensamiento Centroamericano, no. 134 (Ma-nagua, 1971); `La familia Zavala y la polõÂtica del comercio en Centroamerica', Revista Conservadora del Pensamiento Centroamericano, no. 141±2 (Managua, 1972). For Marxist scholarship see: Edelberto Torres-Rivas, InterpretacioÂn del desarrollo social de centroameÂrica (San JoseÂ, 1971); Jaime Wheelock, Imperialismo y dictadura: crisis de una formacioÂn social (Mexico, DF, 1975); Jose LuõÂs VelaÂz-quez, La formacioÂn del estado en Nicaragua (1860±1930), MA dissertation, Essex University, 1976; HeÂctor PeÂrez-Brignoli, Breve historia de CentroameÂrica (Madrid, 1985).

4. G. AlemaÂn-BolanÄos, El paõÂs de los irredentos (Guatemala, 1927). 5. For a well-known elaboration of the Costa Ricans' self-perception, see Carlos

Monge Alfaro, Historia de Costa Rica (San JoseÂ: Hermanos Trejos, 1980). 6. For the most influential histories and accounts of the first half of the nine-

teenth century in Central America and Nicaragua, see Manuel Jose Arce, Memorias (Mexico, DF, 1830); Montu far y Coronado, Memorias para la historia de la revolucioÂn de Centroamerica ( Jalapa, 1832); Alejandro Marure, Bosquejo histoÂrico de las revoluciones de Centroamerica desde 1811 hasta 1834 (Paris, 1836) and EfemeÂrides de los hechos notables acaecidos en la repuÂblica de Centroa-merica desde el anÄo de 1821 hasta el de 1842 (Guatemala, 1844); John Stephens, Incidentes de viaje en Centroamerica, Chiapas y YucataÂn (originally published in English in New York, 1841); Ephraim Squier, The States of Central America (New York, 1858) and Nicaragua: Its People, Scenery, Monuments, Conditions, and

156

Notes 157

Proposed Canal (New York, 1860); Jose LeoÂn Sandoval, Revista polõÂtica de la historia de Nicaragua en defensa del ex Director don Jose LeoÂn Sandoval (Granada, 1847); William Walker, The War in Nicaragua (Mobile, 1860); Pablo Levy, Notas geograÂficas y econoÂmicas sobre Nicaragua (Paris, 1973); JeroÂnimo PeÂrez, Memor-ias (Masaya, 1865±83); TomaÂs AyoÂn, Juicio histoÂrico de Juan Bautista Sacasa (LeoÂn, 1878) and his famous Historia de Nicaragua (Managua, 1889); Jose Dolores GaÂmez, Historia de Nicaragua (Managua, 1889); Hubert Bancroft, His-tory of Central America (San Francisco, 1890); Francisco Ortega Arancibia, Nicaragua en los primeros anÄos de su emancipacioÂn polõÂtica (Paris, 1894); Lorenzo

 far, ResenMontu Äa histoÂrica de Centroamerica (Guatemala, 1877) and El General MorazaÂn (Guatemala, 1896); Rafael Heliodoro Valle, Anecdotario de mi abuelo (Tegucigalpa, 1918); Ricardo FernaÂndez Guardia, La independencia (San JoseÂ, 1941); Francisco J. Monterrey, Historia de El Salvador (San Salvador, 1943); Emilio Alvarez Lejarza, Ensayo biograÂfico del proÂcer Jose LeoÂn Sandoval (Managua, 1947) and Pedro J. Chamorro, Fruto Chamorro (Managua, undated) and his Historia de la FederacioÂn de AmeÂrica Central (Madrid, 1941).

7. In 1854, the Conservatives of Granada replaced the Constitution of 1838 with a new charter, which had been under discussion since 1844. This document vastly strengthened the powers of the executive, with a view to legitimizing the authority of a strong central government. The Liberals of LeoÂn viewed this act as a provocative step towards tyranny. The country collapsed into a civil war that had failed to reach a resolution by mid-1855. The Leonese attempted to break the stalemate by contracting the military services of William Walker, a 33±year-old American iluminado, and his phalanx of 58 men. These arrived in Nicaragua in June 1855. By October of the same year, Walker had seized Granada, and in July of 1856, with the avowed intent of bolstering the slavery system in the United States, had himself elected President of Nicaragua. By that time, he had defeated the army of Costa Rica at the Battle of Rivas. In September of 1856, the Granadans and the Leonese laid aside their differences to join the Central American armies to fight Walker. With the support of the British government, and Commodore Cornelius Vanderbilt, the Central Americans' combined forces expelled Walker on 1 May 1857. Walker's auda-city continued to convulse Central America until 1860, when he was captured by the British Navy and turned over to the Hondurans, who promptly exe-cuted him. Among the best sources for the National War see Manuel JimeÂnez and Faustino Viques, ColeccioÂn de documentos relativos a la guerra contra los filibusteros (San JoseÂ, 1914); ComisioÂn de investigacioÂn histoÂrica de la campanÄa de 1856±1857 (San JoseÂ, 1956); Idelfonso Palma Martinez, La guerra nacional (MeÂxico, 1956).

8. See Jose Coronel Urtecho, Reflexiones sobre la historia de Nicaragua, vol. 1 (LeoÂn, 1962).

9. From the late 1920s to the beginning of the 1960s, Coronel Urtecho's thought was marked by a strain of militant Catholicism and fascination with the idea of `la Hispanidad', which had been aroused by the ideologues of Francisco Franco. He went so far as to identify himself with the thesis of the `ungovern-ability' of the Iberian peoples, due to `the propensity of these towards egoism and anarchy'. Coronel Urtecho regarded the GeneralõÂsimo as the best option for Spain, and approved of Franco's admonition to the Spaniards: `No se os puede dejar solos'. The first Somoza was a Francisco Franco for Coronel Urtecho;

158 Notes

. and he accepted the dynasty with resignation as the lesser of several evils, if one took into account the Nicaraguan national character. Towards the end of his life, Coronel Urtecho enthusiastically supported the Sandinista Revolu-tion, but he never forsook his `utopian' interpretation of the colonial period. Interviews with the author.

10. See, ibid., p. 165. 11. For the benign character of the Costa Rican conquistadores see, for example,

Eugenio Rodriguez Vega, BiografõÂa de Costa Rica (San JoseÂ: Editorial Costa Rica, 1981).

12. In 1535 the King appointed don RodrõÂgo de Contreras as governor of Nicar-agua, replacing his father-in-law, the notorious Pedrarias DaÂvila, who had died in office in 1531. Through the course of his administration, which lasted 14 years, Don RodrõÂgo managed to appropriate most of the Indian reparti-mientos of the province. In 1548, the Audiencia de los ConfõÂnes ordered a new repartimiento of Indians among the Spaniards in Nicaragua. Pursuant to the New Laws of 1542, which prohibited `officers of the Crown from possessing Indians', it ruled that the transfer of don Rodrigo's encomiendas to his wife and children had been illegal. The governor repaired to Spain, to press his case directly at court. While he was thus engaged, matters reached a head. What the Crown had feared from the first day of the Conquest took place in Nicaragua: rebellion. In 1549, the sons of don RodrõÂgo, HernaÂndo and Pedro, stirred by the rebellion of GonzaÂlo Pizarro in Peru , revolted against the officers of the Crown. Under the watchword `Viva la Libertad!', they stabbed to death Bishop Valdivieso, who since his arrival in 1543 had been the most stalwart defender of the Crown's interest and the New Laws. The original plan of the self-proclaimed `PrõÂncipes del Cuzco' called for spreading the revolt from Nicaragua to Peru , and making the rich provinces of the south their kingdom. But the revolt failed. The Contreras brothers perished miserably in PanamaÂ. Crushed by fate, the remains of the family ended up in Peru , and the line of the Pedrarias came to an ignominious close. For an account of the rebellion, see early seventeenth-century work of the Dominican friar Antonio de Remesal, Historia general de las Indias occidentales y particulares de la gober-nacioÂn de Chiapas y Guatemala (Guatemala, reprinted in 1932); Jorge Eduardo Arellano, Nicaragua en los cronistas de Indias, Serie Cronistas, no. 2 (Managua, 1975), p. 72.

13. In 1561 Lic. CavalloÂn set forth from Granada to the Central Valley of Costa Rica, at the head of a force of `ninety Spaniards and Negroes'. In the same year, Fr. Estrada left Granada at the head of 60 Spaniards `plus Negroes and Indians in his service'. In 1573 the president of the Audiencia of Guatemala informed the Crown that a wealthy Granadan had been appointed captain and governor of Costa Rica, on condition that he should populate the land with 40 married men and their wives, and 80 bachelors with a trade. In the following year, yet another project was set in motion to dispatch 200 married men and bachelors into the new province. Earlier in the sixteenth century, the emigration of Nicaraguan Spaniards had had as its chief object the conquest of Peru and Ecuador. Some of the most renowned captains of the conquest came from this group: SebastiaÂn BenalcaÂzar, Ponce de LeoÂn, Her-

ÂnnaÂndo de Soto, Gabriel Rojas and Diego NuÄez de Mercado. See Jose Coronel Urtecho, `Historia de Nicaragua', Revista de la Academia de GeografõÂa e Historia

Notes 159

de Nicaragua, anÄo 1, tomo 1, no. 2 (Managua, 1936), pp. 178±9. Also, M. Ballesteros Gaibrois, Descubrimiento y conquista del Peru , in Vol. 9, Historia de AmeÂrica (Barcelona, 1963), pp. 105±13; Francisco TeraÂn, `Los hijos de Sebas-tiaÂn Benalcazar', BoletõÂn de la Academia Nacional de Historia del Ecuador, no. 117 (Quito, 1971), p. 73.

14. For example, the Chamorro family's presence in Nicaragua dates only from 1731, when the Chamorro brothers disembarked in El Realejo in the service of their uncle, Bishop Dionisio de Villavicencio. The Arguellos, an-other grandee family, date from about the same time as the Chamorros. The same can be said of the Lacayos and the Sacasas, whose founder, don Francisco, arrived as governor of the fort of the Immaculate Conception on the San Juan River. The Zavalas first arrived in Guatemala as late as 1770 and to Nicaragua only at the close of the century. The only two families that can trace their arrival in Nicaragua to the beginning of the seventeenth century are the del Castillo y GuzmaÂn of Granada, and the Vilchez of LeoÂn.

. See Emilio Alvarez Lejarza, Familia Chamorro: GenealogõÂa (Managua, 1951); GermaÂn Romero Vargas, Las estructuÂras sociales de Nicaragua en el Siglo XVII (Managua, 1987); Edgar Juan Aparicio y Aparicio `GenealogõÂa de la familia Vilchez y Cabrera', Revista Conservadora del Pensamiento Centroamericano, no. 93 (Managua, 1968); JeroÂnimo PeÂrez, BiografõÂa de don Crisanto Sacasa (Masaya, 1875).

15. For examples of this type of historical writing, see note 6. 16. The expressions `a little group of gentlemen' (un grupito de senÄores Granadinos)

and `the organized state' (el estado organizado) were used by Coronel Urtecho during the course of interviews with the author of this book, from August 1991 up to his death in March 1995.

17. Ibid. 18. See Jaime Wheelock, Imperialismo y dictadura: crisis de una formacioÂn social,

(Mexico City, 1975), p. 25. 19. See ibid., p. 26. 20. Wheelock acknowledges that in 1866, before the economic takeoff of the

Conservative Republic, Nicaragua already exported respectable quantities of coffee. See ibid., p. 14. Wheelock claims to have taken his figures from the Gaceta Oficial for the first quarter of 1867, in which the value of coffee accounted for 124 000 pesos, out of a grand total of 1.4 million pesos in exports. This is a revealing figure when one considers that in the decade of 1850, exports of coffee were zero. It should be warned, however, that Wheel-ock's figures for 1866 are not entirely reliable, and do not coincide with those of Paul Levy whose massive compendium on Nicaragua, published in Paris in 1873, places the total of Nicaragua's exports for that year at 771 966 pesos. According to contemporary government figures on the three main ports, it was not until 1869 that Nicaragua's exports surpassed one million pesos, of which 185 000 were coffee. P. Levy, Notas geograÂficas y econoÂmicas sobre la RepuÂblica de Nicaragua, reprinted by Revista Conservadora del Pensamiento Centroamericano, no. 59 (Managua, 1965), pp. 166±7; Memoria del ministerio de hacienda para el bienio 1869±1870 (Managua, 1871).

21. See Breve Historia de Centroamerica (Madrid, 1985), pp. 78±9. 22. Edelberto Torres±Rivas, InterpretacioÂn del desarrollo social centroamericano ( San

JoseÂ, 6th edn, 1980), p. 71.

160 Notes

23. The Liberal Reform, according to Torres-Rivas, began with the expropriation of ecclesiastical lands, but above all, of the ejidal and communal lands whose titles were granted by the Spanish Crown to towns and to indigenous peoples throughout the colonial era. With this `trickle up' agrarian reform, the Liberal state pretended to take communally-based lands and integrate them into world markets via the introduction of coffee, contributing to progress and, as luck would have it, the personal profits of the party notables. See ibid., pp. 71±3.

24. See ibid., pp. 67±8. 25. See Paul Levy, Notas geograÂficas y econoÂmicas sobre la RepuÂblica de Nicaragua,

reprinted in Revista Conservadora del Pensamiento Centroamericano, no. 61 (Managua, 1965), p. 148.

26. See Jose LuõÂs VelaÂzquez, La formacioÂn del estado en Nicaragua (1860±1930), Master's dissertation, Essex University, 1977. Published in Managua by Fondo Editorial del Banco Central, 1992, p. 76.

27. Tulio HalperõÂn Donghi, The Contemporary History of Latin America (Durham: Duke University Press, 1993), p. 144.

28. The house organ of the Rivas Liberals, El TermoÂmetro, in referring to the Conservative Party noted that `it has no fixed principles, is composed of heterogenous elements, ranging from the most hidebound ultra-montanists, to the most advanced radical'. El TermoÂmetro (Rivas), 25 June 1882.

29. Others have argued that coffee was first planted in Nicaragua (also in Jino-tepe), during the first quarter of the nineteenth century. See Dionisio Marti-nez Saenz, ̀QuieÂn fue el primer sembrador de cafe en Nicaragua?', en El cafe de Nicaragua (Managua, 1946), pp. 6±9.

30. For the historical origins and geographic spread of the coffee crop, see Noticias de Nicaragua con motivo de los productos destinados a la ExposicioÂn Internacional de Chile de 1875 (Granada, 1876); Memoria que el ministro de fomento presento al soberano congreso de Nicaragua para el bienio 1867±1868 (Managua, 1869); JesuÂs de la Rocha, Departamento de Granada, su distrito y pueblos (Managua, 1874).

31. For the historical origins of the coffee crop in Costa Rica, see Samuel Stone, `Los cafetaleros: un estudio de los caficultores de Costa Rica', Revista Conser-vadora del Pensamiento Centroamericano, no. 126 (Managua, 1971).

32. P. Levy, Notas geograÂficas y econoÂmicas sobre la repuÂblica de Nicaragua, first published in Paris, 1873; taken from Revista Conservadora, no. 61 (Managua, 1965), pp. 113ff.

33. Several reasons have been adduced for Nicaragua's thin population, but chief among them is the slave trade which generated a vicious circle by depopulat-ing the land, first of Indians and then of Spaniards who, discouraged by the lack of servile labor, found emigration to be their only good option. The first conquistadors turned to the slave trade once news that in Nicaragua `there is gold in the riverbeds to gather for fifty years' proved to be an exaggeration. In 1544, a little over two decades after Nicaragua was first explored, Ramiro de QuinÄones, Oidor of the recently established Audiencia de los ConfõÂnes, esti-mated that of the 600 000 Indians who inhabited the Pacific coastlands of Nicaragua at the beginning of the conquest, only 30 000 were left. According to more recent estimates by Murdo McLeod, in the decade prior to the New Laws of 1542, over 200 000 Indians were transported to the rich southern

Notes 161

provinces of Peru . To this number must be added those who in the first stage of the conquest were remanded to the Antilles via the Bay of Honduras. Aside from McLeod's, other estimates range from 50 000 to as many as half a million Indians transported from the beginning of the slave trade in 1524 to 1544, when it petered out. By the mid-sixteenth century, the shortage of Indians was so acute that the Audiencia de los Confines received instructions from the sovereign that `the Indians that have been removed from the province of Nicaragua are to be returned'. At the century's end, the small enclave of Spaniards remaining in Nicaragua desperately importuned the Crown with the fantastic proposal of importing `600 000 Negroes to replace the Indians', or at least to provide enough slaves to allow for the cultivation of indigo.

. The shortage of people was a constant theme of the next two centuries. The census of 1776 revealed that the city of LeoÂn, which served as seat to the province, had the following population: `800 Spaniards from Europe and the homeland', 1000 mulattos, 4000 mestizos, and `thousands of Maribio Indians'. Granada, the lakeside trading settlement, had merely 300 Span-iards, 1000 mulattos, 3000 mestizos, and `thousands of Indians in Jalteva'. The Villa of Rivas, which straddled the isthmus between the Great Lake and the Pacific Ocean, had a total population of 12 000, including 1600 of Span-ish stock. According to the rolls of 1796, the combined population of Nicar-agua and Costa Rica was a mere 136 000 souls. See SofonõÂas Salvatierra, ContribucioÂn a la historia de Centroamerica, vol. 1 (Managua, 1939), pp. 287 and 299; Murdo McLeod, Spanish Central America: A Socioeconomic History, 1520±1720 (Berkeley, 1973), pp. 51±2; Historia general de Centroamerica, vol. II (Madrid, 1993), pp. 77±82; Silvio Zavala, ContribucioÂn a la historia de las insti-tuciones coloniales en Guatemala (Guatemala, 1967), pp. 38±9; Miguel GonzaÂlez Zaravia, Bosquejo polõÂtico estadõÂstico de Nicaragua, originally published in 1823; GermaÂn Romero Vargas, Las estructuras sociales de Nicaragua en el S. XVIII (Managua, 1988), pp. 302±3.

34. The instances of this, which are too numerous to relate, form one of the most characteristic behavior patterns of Nicaraguan grandees. In 1825, when don Manuel de la Cerda resigned as Chief of State, `due to a divergence of opinions with the National Assembly', he retreated to his hacienda Buena-ventura, in the area of Nandaime, just as he had done in 1811, when he ended on the losing side of the intrigues of the day. Coronel Crisanto Sacasa, by the same token, exiled himself to his hacienda Tolistagaua, when he lost control of the Granadan barracks after independence. The chief of the Chamorro clan, don Fruto Chamorro, died at his hacienda Quismapa, on the slopes of Mombacho, where he had sought to repair his spirits after the siege of Jalteva, shortly before the arrival of Walker. During Walker's occupation of Granada, virtually all the leading families opted to quit their city residences and sit out the turmoil in their haciendas; their tertulias were substituted by a vigorous correspondence with which they kept one another informed of the move-ments of `the foreigner'. During the latter half of the nineteenth century, political pronouncements were commonly launched from the haciendas, rather than from the city. For Cerda, see `Primera comunicacion del Jefe Supremo del Estado nicaraguense, dada 2 de mayo 1825 en la ciudad de LeoÂn', Revista de la Academia de GeografõÂa e Historia de Nicaragua, vol. 1, no. 3

162 Notes

(Managua, 1937), pp. 254±7; for Crisanto Sacasa, see Jose Coronel Urtecho, Reflexiones sobre la historia de Nicaragua, vol. 2 (LeoÂn, 1962), pp. 120±4; for a particularly rich example of the correspondence of the time, see the unedited letters of the sisters Luz Perfecta and Elena Arellano Chamorro in the family archives of Fr. Manuel Perez Alonso, SJ (Mexico, DF).

35. By the close of the sixteenth century, the shortage of Indians, and the promulgation of the New Laws of 1542 had impoverished the majority of the encomenderos to such a degree that they could no longer afford to live off the tribute of their repartimientos and maintain a city establishment. The shortage of Indian labor and of the wherewithal to import African slaves obliged the Spaniards to invent the institution of the cattle hacienda. This took advantage of the abundance of land and the ease with which European livestock reproduced on the Nicaraguan grasslands. At the beginning of the seventeenth century, the advantages of the subsistence economy which the cattle hacienda offered ± with milk, cheese, beef, tallow and leather in virtually unlimited supply ± were reinforced by the fact that the Spanish Crown was never able to guarantee regular, secure traffic between Spain and the provinces of the Kingdom of Guatemala. By this time, the Armadas of Barlovento and the South Sea Squadron were barely able to fend off Dutch and English freebooters; with the defense of the Mexican and Peruvian sea lanes as the top priority of these thinly stretched forces, little was left to safeguard the beleaguered subjects of the Isthmus. By the mid-seventeenth century, the cities of Nicaragua's interior were virtually unprotected. Following the capture of Jamaica by the British in 1655, Granada was sacked three times in a period of only five years. The small fort of San Carlos, at the outlet of the Great Lake to the San Juan River, was to no avail. By 1675, despite the recent erection of the castle of the Immaculate Conception on the river itself, the Spaniards of Granada had all but abandoned their city. According to contemporary accounts, only 12 Spaniards and 18 African slaves remained.

. For the origins of the cattle hacienda in the sixteenth century, and the irregularities in American trade in the seventeenth century, see SofonõÂas Salvatierra, ContribucioÂn a la historia de Centroamerica: monografõÂas documen-tales, vols. 1 & 2 (Managua, 1939); also, Miles L. Wortman, Government and Society in Central America 1680±1840 (New York, 1982).

36. Upon Central American independence, those who defined themselves as Conservatives, or `servõÂles', such as the great Aycinena family of Guatemala City, outspokenly urged the cause of annexation to the Mexican Empire of Iturbide. On the other hand, the self-proclaimed Liberals, the `exaltados' or `fiebres', such as the `localistas' of San Salvador, pronounced themselves in favor of the complete independence of the Provincias Unidas del Centro de America. Upon the collapse of the Empire, the Conservatives opted for inde-pendence for each of the several provinces, whereas the Liberals took up the war cry of Central American unity. On constitutional questions, the Conser-vatives favored a strong executive even at the risk of tyranny, while the Liberals defended the supremacy of the legislature even at the risk of anarchy. In the first 20 years of the Central American states' national life, the cham-pion of regional Liberalism was General Francisco MorazaÂn, from one of the first Creole families of Honduras. His nemesis, the champion of

Notes 163

conservatism, was General Rafael Carrera, `a pure Indian' in the words of the English traveller John Stephens. Carrera seized power in Guatemala in 1839, inflamed by a council of clergymen and backed by the Guatemalan aristocracy. Carrera allies included the chiefs of state of Nicaragua, don Jose NunÄez, who was commonly referred to as `a Solentiname Carib', and of Honduras, don Francisco Ferrera, `a common mulatto, the son of who-knows-whom'.

. This Conservative alliance, between `a pure Indian', `a Solentiname Carib' and a `common mulatto', was rich in ironies which the great Liberal historian don Lorenzo Montu far could not resist to point out. `The iron-clawed aristocrats [referring to MorazaÂn, and perhaps to himself], turn out to be the most plebeian of celebrities; and those whom Democracy and Liberty should most favored turn out to be their greatest foes'. The relationship between Carrera and the Creole aristocracy was, indeed, nothing if tortuous. The `President for Life' regularly wooed into his cabinet well-known Liberals, such as the famous historian Alejandro Marure; Felipe Molina, son of the founder of Guatemalan Liberalism; and the sage, Miguel de Lareinaga. Car-rera imposed a Conservative peace on the region once he had defeated and exiled MorazaÂn. He ruled Guatemala from 1839 to his death from natural causes in 1865, at the age of 50.

. See Rafael Eliodoro Valle, Anecdotario de mi abuelo (Tegucigalpa, 1918), p. 10; Lorenzo Montu far, El General Francisco MorazaÂn (Guatemala, 1896), p. 13; Manuel Cobos Batres, Carrera (Guatemala, 1935); Ralph Lee Woodward, Rafael Carrera and the Emergence of the Republic of Guatemala 1821±1871 (Athens, Georgia & London, 1993).

37. See Rodolfo Osvaldo Rivera, `El General FrancõÂsco de Paula Santander', BoletõÂn de historia y antiguedades, vols. 21±2, nos. 237±8 and 249±50 (BogotaÂ, 1934/ 1935).

38. See Lorenzo Montu far, El General Francisco MorazaÂn (Guatemala, 1896), p. 18. 39. See, for instance, the essay of Emilio Alvarez Lejarza, `El Liberalismo en los 30

AnÄos', Revista Conservadora, no. 51 (Managua, 1964), p. 24. 40. It is interesting to observe that the British historian, James Dunkerly, gives

full credit to the Conservatives for the new banks, the railroad and the social laws, and reduced the role of Zelaya to that of merely continuing the works of the regime which preceded him. Power in the Isthmus: A Political History of Modern Central America (London, 1988), p. 41.

41. For details, see Chapter 3. 42. The politics of inclusion practiced by the Conservatives are one of the unifying

themes of this work, and will be addressed in greater depth in the pages that follow. For the moment, it suffices to note that from the end of 1857 to August of 1858, the Conservatives convoked a constitutional convention, and, as a gesture of conciliation and trust, nominated don HermenegõÂldo Zepeda, a grandee of LeoÂn, as president of the convention. Furthermore, the Consti-tution of 1858 respected the geographical interests of both cities. As in previ-ous constitutions, it maintained the historical division of the Supreme Court in distinct benches for each city. See M. Fraga Iribarner, Las constituciones de Nicaragua (Madrid, 1957), pp. 547 and 554.

43. The social and political life of the notable families of the city square ± El Centro ± was structured around the salons of the tertulia, an amorphous yet

164 Notes

vibrant gathering always centered at the home of the family which hosted it. A combination of wealth, connections, personality and social graces were the essential attributes for leadership of a tertulia; given the small scale of Creole society, it is not difficult to understand how small a step it was from leader-ship of a tertulia, to leadership of a political faction competing for mayoralties and city council seats. Indeed, Nicaragua's political machinery and the out-look of its political parties were a natural outgrowth of the tertulia. If there is a single unifying theme to Nicaragua's nineteenth-century historical literature, it is the ever-shifting fortunes of the tertulias which dominated the life of the two main cities. The author is indebted to Jose Coronel Urtecho for his rich insight into the formation of the tertulias in late eighteenth and early nine-teenth century Nicaragua.

44. Every city was divided by a clear line; in some parts it was even palpable, marked by a screen made of the ubiquitous `palenque'. On one side was the `El Centro', meaning the plaza which quartered the Creole elite; on the other were the `barrios', which had originally been free-standing Indian towns and had gradually, with the growth of the mestizo and artisan population, been absorbed as suburbs. As the open lands were built up ± as in the case of Granada with Jalteva, and LeoÂn with Subtiava ± the `Camino Real' which originally linked the city to the towns evolved into the `Calle Real'. Upon independence, the traditional antagonism between Indians and Spaniards was reinvented as the conflict between those who lived in the center, and those who lived in the barrio.

. These powerful social forces could work in surprising directions. The barrio chieftains frequently enjoyed the patronage and protection of leaders of the tertulias, who had no qualms about employing them in their struggles. There were even cases in which the Leonese allied with the barrio chieftains of Jalteva, in Granada, to undermine the authority of their archrivals, the notables of Granada. Another notorious instance of this was the Leonese effort to manipulate the rivalry between the Creoles of the city of Rivas, and the Indians of its suburb, San Jorge. For an account of the stormy relationship between Granada's center and its barrio, Jalteva, see Manuel Pasos Arana, `Granada y sus arrollos', Revista de la academia de geografõÂa e historia de Nicaragua, vol. 6 (Managua, 1944); also ibid., vol. 9 (Managua, 1947). For the Rivas situation see Felipe SaÂenz, Manifiesto (San JoseÂ, 1849).

45. Two distinct tertulias feuded for supremacy in early nineteenth-century Gran-ada. Roberto Sacasa and his son Crisanto headed that of the `Encrucijada'. Their clients included the Vega, Chamorro, Arana and the Zavalas. On the other side were `Los de Arriba', headed by Juan Arguello, which included the de la Cerda, Arellano, the Chamorro Fajardo, Montiel and Lacayo families. The origin of this division is so obscure that no sure explanation can even be found for their whimsical names. Jose Coronel Urtecho speculated that by the early nineteenth century the Sacasas had emerged as the premier family, and their tertulia was the most influential in Granada. Their haciendas ringed the Great Lake; their shops dominated the country's foreign trade. The Sacasas were regarded as the `mimados' of the monarchy. They certainly monopolized the colony's contacts in Guatemala City, and they always managed to have the pick of public offices in their purview. The Arguellos, on the other hand, who had been the wealthiest family of the eighteenth

Notes 165

century, had faded into the background. They remained on their cattle haciendas, rarely crossing paths with the more worldly Sacasas.

. Whatever its origins, the rivalry between these two groups was so intense that in early 1812 it degenerated into what became the most serious insur-rection in the Kingdom of Guatemala. The Crown was already on edge, following an insurrection in San Salvador at the end of 1811, and thus prepared to react harshly to further uprisings, particularly considering that Mexico, the keystone of the empire, seemed to be crumbling. From through-out Central America, troops were mobilized to lay siege on Granada. A short, sharp struggle ended the mutiny, and 150 Granadans, including many of the most prominent subjects, were jailed. Of these, 27 were driven on foot and in shackles to Guatemala, and thence to Havana and CaÂdiz, where they lan-guished until 1817. It is important to note that the Crown perceived the Sacasa faction to be the loyal party in this skirmish, and rewarded them with the stewardship of the city; the Arguello faction, on the other hand, were harshly punished. An ironic byproduct of all this was that Arguello, who had served with zeal as an officer of the Holy Inquisition, emerged with the reputation of being a Liberal. This episode was to have uncontrollable reper-cussions in newly-independent Nicaragua. Indeed, it was a direct precursor to the bloody civil war that took place between 1823 and 1824 in which the Arguello tertulia joined Cleto OrdoÄez, the darling of the barrios, to wage war Ânupon the Sacasas and their clients.

. For details of the insurrection of Granada in 1812 and the rivalries between the Sacasas and the Arguellos, see in the Archivo General de Centroamerica, Actas Capitulares del Cabildo de Justicia y Regimiento de Granada del 22 de Diciembre de 1811, B.2.2, legajo 25, Folio 11, 11v, expediente 711, 1817; Los Nuevos Capitulares a Cargo de la Sala Capitular de Granada (Diciembre de 1811 a Abril de 1812), B.2.2, legajo 25, folios 12, 12 v, expediente 711, 1817; Correspondencia entre el Teniente Coronel Alex Carrascosa, Jefe Militar del Nicar-agua y don Jose de Bustamante, CapitaÂn General de Guatemala, B.2.2, legajo 25, folios 13, 13 v, 14, 14 v, 15, 15 v, 16, 16 v, expediente 711, 1817; Reclamos de Fidelidad de don Jose Anselmo Barrios de Castan Äor Presidente Äeda al Exmo SenGobernador y CapitaÂn General del Reino, don Jose de Bustamante, B.2.2, legajo 25, folios 26, 27, 29, 32, expediente 711, 1817; Certificado de Fidelidad de don Jose de Bustamante dado en Guatemala el 13 de junio de 1812 por recomendaciones del Obispo y don JoaquõÂn Arechavala, B.2.2, legajo 25, folio 27 v, expediente 711, 1817; Alejandro Marure, Bosquejo histoÂrico de las revoluciones de Centroa-merica desde 1811 hasta 1834 (Paris, 1834); Jose Dolores GaÂmez, Reminicencias histoÂricas de las tierras centroamericanas (San Salvador, 1913).

46. Granada and LeoÂn appear as rivals since their foundation in 1524. The colonial record is thick with their machinations against each other, but their rivalry could never reach a resolution for the power of both cities was evenly balanced. Though LeoÂn was the bureaucratic seat of the province, Granada controlled the trade routes to the Atlantic. In 1796, the Crown authorized the Atlantic port of San Juan del Norte (managed by Granada) to traffic directly with Spain without the stifling requirement of transiting through the port of Santo TomaÂs de Castilla, in Guatemala. The commercial impetus this would grant their rival so disturbed the Leonese that they conspired with the merchants of the consulate of Guatemala to thwart the

166 Notes

Granadans, accusing them generally of smuggling and of `collectively cloaking a contraband shipment valued at 250 000 pesos'.

. The disturbances of 1812, mentioned in the endnote above, further com-plicated the picture, for the Leonese were able to portray themselves as the loyal subject of the Crown, while depicting the Granadans as a turbulent and unreliable bunch. LeoÂn was rewarded by being selected, along with Guate-mala City, to be the seat of a provincial assembly, and the seminary of LeoÂn was raised to the status of university, an honor long coveted by the city fathers. The vicious climax to this feud was reached in 1845 when the Granadans allied with a joint Salvadorean±Honduran army to lay siege to LeoÂn. See Jose Coronel Urtecho, `La familia Zavala y la polõÂtica del comercio en centroamerica', Revista Conservadora, no. 141±2 (Managua, 1972), pp. 75±

Âm del centenario de la inauguracioÂn de la histoÂrica ciudad de Leo9; Albu Ân (Managua, 1915), p. 91.

47. Guatemala's exalted position as the seat of the Captaincy General, could not help but foster a point of view in which the other Central Americans were forever relegated to the status of `provincianos'. The southern provinces, by the same token, resented the privileges of Guatemala. Some of these privil-eges were substantial, other merely honorable. For instance, Guatemala's Ayuntamiento enjoyed the title of `Muy Noble y Muy Leal'; the city harbored the first printing press, the first university, the first metropolitan cathedral, the first and only commercial consulate, and was the seat of the Royal Economic Society. In the last three decades of the eighteenth century, at the height of the indigo boom, Guatemalan merchants placed nearly 25 million pounds of Central American indigo through Spanish agents. The Salvadoreans in particular chafed at the control that Guatemala, by custom and by statute, exerted over their trade in indigo. The Guatemalans monop-olized the muletrains which transported it; they fixed its purchase price at the annual fairs, held in Guatemala in January and February; and they financed the crop at interest rates which averaged between 24 and 36 per cent a year.

. A similar predatory pattern occurred with the auctioning of livestock. In 1780, the Captain General of Guatemala, don MatõÂas de GaÂlvez, brother of the powerful minister who headed the Council of Indies, reported on `the tyrannies inflicted by Guatemalan buyers on the provincial ranchers'. According to don MatõÂas, the Guatemalans not only shifted the venue for the fair, year by year drawing it ever closer to their capital, but they held it `in arid and waterless terrain', so that the animals were maddened by thirst. In the same letter, he noted that the buyers even set fire `to the pastures near the roads' on which the cattle were driven, so that `for lack of forage, they could not return home with their cattle', and had to dispose of them at distress prices. Provincial feelings toward the Guatemalans were further complicated when, after the disturbances of 1811 and 1812 throughout the isthmus, Guatemalans were conspicuously dispatched to enforce the will of the Crown. The Guatemalans themselves were not without feelings on this subject; they argued that provincials never lost a chance to conspire against them directly with the Captain General. Their suspicion was well-founded; Jose de Bustamante, who governed in the complicated period between 1811 and 1818, relied on the Honduran aristocrat Jose Cecilio del Valle as his

Notes 167

chief advisor. Del Valle in due course became the reluctant drafter of the Central American Declaration of Independence. Such grudges, solidly grounded in experience, explain why from the very start the odds were against the Central American federation. The southern states insisted that the presidency of the federation, to be seated in Guatemala City, be weak to the point of ineffectiveness. The Guatemalans never shook off the suspicion that the provincials meant to use the federation as an instrument of revenge against them.

. See Robert Sydney Smith, `Origins of the Consulado of Guatemala', His-panic Historical Review, vol. XLI (Durham, 1946) p. 156. Troy Floyd, `The Guatemalan Merchants, the Government, and the Provincianos', Hispanic Historical Review, vol. LVI (Durham, 1961) pp. 105±7; FernaÂndez de LeoÂn, El libro de las efemeÂrides: capõÂtulos de la historia de AmeÂrica Central, vol. 7 (Guate-mala, 1965) pp. 419±22; `Documentos de Jose Cecilio del Valle', Anales de la sociedad de geografõÂa e historia de Guatemala, vol. II, no. 2 (Guatemala, 1925); `Testimonios y certõÂficos de los complices de la insurreccioÂn del 4 de Enero de 1814', BoletõÂn del Archivo General del Gobierno, anÄo I, tomo I, no. 3 (Guatemala, 1936), pp. 294±336.

48. The obsession with titles consumed individuals and corporations alike. Pueblos yearned to be villas; villas yearned to be cities; and cities yearned for a title of distinction. The Crown played on this preoccupation; not only could it be turned to useful purposes, but far from costing the treasury, it could provide a tidy source of revenue. This resource was particularly evident following the disturbances of 1811±12. Don Jose de Aycinena, one of the leading subjects of Guatemala, was dubbed `Pacifier of San Salvador', and made a `counselor of Indies' in Spain. Loyalists in El Salvador were similarly rewarded: the town of Santa Ana was elevated to the rank of villa, the villa of San Vicente became a city, and the city of San Miguel was favored as `most noble and most loyal'. The city of San Salvador, where the insurrection of 1811 began, posed a rather more delicate problem; to appease its leading subject, Fr. MatõÂas Delgado, it was ordered that a file should be opened to study the merits of conferring a bishop's mitre on the city. It goes without saying that Fr. Delgado was the leading candidate to wear such a mitre. The province of Costa Rica, which contributed troops to suppress Granada in 1812, was prized by elevating the villas of San Jose and Heredia to cities, while Cartago was favored as `most noble'. . See Francisco Monterrey, Historia de El Salvador (San Salvador, 1943), pp.

38±9; Album del centenario, 1811±1911 (San Salvador, 1912) p. 69; `Instruc-Âciones dadas por el Ayuntamiento de Guatemala al Diputado a CoÂrtes, Cano-

nigo don Antonio de Larrazabal', Anales de la Sociedad de GeografõÂa e Historia de Guatemala, vol. XVII, no. 5 (Guatemala, 1942); Laudelino Morales, `Guatemala

Ân napoleoÂnica en Espany la invasio Äa', Anales de la Sociedad de GeografõÂa e Historia de Guatemala, vol. VII, no. 1 (Guatemala, 1930).

49. For the most complete discussion of the centralizing habits of the Spanish Crown, be it under the Catholic Monarchs, the Habsburgs or the Bourbons, and their impact on the overseas colonies, see Claudio Veliz, The Centralist Tradition in Latin America (Princeton, 1980).

50. The ambition of the vice-chief of state led directly to Nicaragua's first civil wars. Between 1823 and 1824, two contending bands, one led by don

168 Notes

ÂnCrisanto formally identified with union with the Empire of Iturbide, whereas OrdoÄez claimed to stand for a self-standing union of independent Central

Crisanto Sacasa, the other by Cleto OrdoÄez, fought for supremacy. Don

ÂnAmerican states. But the underlying reality driving this conflict was the antagonism between the barrio and the plaza. Sacasa was the epitome of Creole gentry; OrdoÄez, the darling of the barrios, was the bastard son of a Ânnotable by a commoner, and was perceived as a more complex mixture, blending, according to a contemporary description `aristocracy and democ-racy'. This war came to be known as the Nicaraguan `commune'. When OrdoÄez led his uprising through Granada, angry mobs chiseled the coats-Ânof-arms off the pediments of the gentry's houses. This frenzy was not quite uncontrolled; indeed, it seems all the more interesting in light of the fact that not all shields were defaced. The noble families of Arguello, de la Cerda, Arellano and Montiel, for instance, were conspicuously spared, who, not by coincidence had feuded with the Sacasas and their clients, such as the Cha-morros, since colonial times.

. At the end of 1824, don Crisanto was killed during the four-month siege of LeoÂn, which was marked by a violence which had not been seen in the land since the days of the conquest. In the siege, known as `la guerra grande', over 900 houses were destroyed, and nearly 1000 residents and combatants per-ished ± a horrendous devastation for the time. The other Central American states intervened to stop the carnage, placing an army of 500 Salvadoreans under the command of Manuel Arce. This force arrived in Nicaragua in April 1825. Arce imposed the peace, dispatching Cleto OrdoÄez into a gilded exile Ânin Guatemala, and organizing a government under the leadership of don Manuel de la Cerda, with Juan Arguello as vice-chief of state. The logic behind this arrangement was that both men belonged to the same group of Granadans ± as we have seen, opposed to the Sacasas ± which had risen against the Spanish in 1812, and had been jailed together in Cadiz for their sedition. The fact that both men shared a close family bond through their wives was no doubt a further consideration.

. Yet this settlement, which at the time seemed nearly perfect, collapsed as Arguello and de la Cerda broke into war on each other amid accusations of treachery and with a bitterness which gave birth to the expression, `beware of carrying a scorpion in one's shirt'. Cerda certainly never trusted a fellow Nicar-aguan again; he handled all affairs of state through his daughter, and ap-pointed a Salvadoran officer as chief of his bodyguard, and an Ecuadorean and a Venezuelan as the commanders of his military force. The latter he soon executed on charges of treason. Cerda's circumspection was not unwar-ranted. He was eventually betrayed by a relative common to him and Arguello, and shot on Arguello's warrant. Arguello ruthlessly followed up the murder of Cerda with the infamous extermination of his opponents' surviving followers at La Pelona. This butchery, which set Nicaragua off to such an inauspicious start as an independent nation, indelibly impressed itself on the mind of contemporary Nicaraguans. At the first opportunity, in 1830, they preferred to turn over the direction of their state to Dionisio Herrera, a Honduran.

. See Jose Coronel Urtecho, Reflexiones sobre la historia de Nicaragua (de GaõÂnza a Somoza), vol. i i (LeoÂn, 1962), pp. 120±4; Francisco Ortega Arancibia,

Notes 169

Nicaragua en los primeros anÄos de su emancipacioÂn polõÂtica (Paris, 1894), p. 3; TomaÂs AyoÂn, Apuntes sobre algunos de los acontecimientos polõÂticos de Nicaragua

Äos de 1811 a 1824 (Leoen los an Ân, 1875); Alejandro Marure, Bosquejo histoÂrico de las revoluciones de centroamerica desde 1811 hasta 1834 (first published in Paris in 1837), vol. I (Guatemala, 1860), p. 155; Revista de la Academia de GeografõÂa e Historia de Nicaragua, vol. i , no. 3 (Managua, 1936), pp. 66±7 and pp. 254±7; JeroÂnimo PeÂrez, BiografõÂa de Manuel de la Cerda, first published in the biweekly, Los Anales (Masaya, 1 September 1872).

51. It should be noted that the complete constitutional formula for the succes-sion was even more elaborate. The procedure above described was the con-tingency measure to be followed in the event that the legislature was not in session, which was most of the time, since it met for only 90 days out of every two-year period. And in the sole instance during the Conservative Republic in which a successor had to be found, during 1889, this was the procedure employed. The complete formula reflected the Conservative framers' con-cern with maintaining control over the process. In the event that the presi-dent should die or be incapacitated during a legislative session, another procedure was to be followed. If the president died less than two years into his term, new elections had to be held. If the death occurred after the first two years, the Senate was to elect one of its own members to fill out the remainder of the term. See M. Fraga Iribarner, Las constituciones de Nicaragua (Madrid), 1957 pp. 539 and 543.

52. See Victor Bulmer-Thomas, The Economic History of Latin America Since Inde-pendence (New York, 1994), p. 65.

53. In 1860, the army and police force combined could muster a force of 600 men, dispersed in 11 plazas. This figure includes the 31 musicians who made up the military bands of LeoÂn and Managua. By 1885, the total of officers, NCOs and troops in the army had stabilized at 652 men. More will be said in Chapter 5 about the limited nature of public employment. La UnioÂn de Nicaragua (Managua), 26 January 1861; Informe extraordinario del ministerio de hacienda y guerra (Managua, 1886).

54. See, Memoria del ministerio de hacienda y creÂdito puÂblico para el bienio 1883±1884 (Managua, 1885).

55. The Iglesieros were the ultramontane faction of the Conservative Party, and made their debut on the political stage when they rose in protest of the expulsion of the Jesuits in 1881, during the Zavala administration. The Urbina family, who provided the leadership of the Iglesieros, in due course became political clients of Zelaya, despite their supposed ideological incom-patibility. By the early twentieth century, the Urbina clan had evolved into fully-fledged Liberals, and were the most conspicuous pillars of the Somoza regime in Granada. Another notable family that hitched its fortunes to the Liberal Party were the Arguellos. Their reputation had never fully recovered from the disastrous presidency of don Juan Arguello, shortly after independ-ence, and thus they had remained on the periphery of the Conservative machine. It took the Liberal party, and the intervention of the Somozas, to elevate an Arguello to the presidency in the mid-twentieth century. The classic example of a `mengalo' is Juan BodaÂn, who from working the counter of one of the main emporiums of Granada, became the political chief of Granada during the Zelaya regime. For valuable insights on Zelaya's political

170 Notes

Âmez, `Memorias ineÂditas por 77 anclientele, see Luciano Go Äos', Revista Con-servadora del pensamiento centroamericano (Managua, 1970).

56. Zelaya's fiscal situation was precarious from the very start. At the beginning of 1894 his government was obliged to lay a tax of two Peruvian Sols on every hundredweight of coffee exported. By the middle of the year, the deficit of the Republic had reached the sum, disconcerting for the time, of 90 000 pesos a month. Pressed by these expenditures, Zelaya recurred to the expedient of selling immense territorial concessions to foreigners such as James Dietrick, who paid 100 000 pesos in gold for the exclusive right `to exploit the vast and rich Coco region for ninety-nine years'. After 1899, Zelaya began to run the printing presses, issuing paper notes for the first time in Nicaragua's history. The abuse of this resource led to rapid depreciation of the currency, obliging the government by 1902 `not to emit any more bills of any denomination, and to continue amortizing the national notes at the rate of 15 000 pesos or more a month'.

. Throughout his 17-year rule, as will be seen later on, Zelaya levied numer-ous forced loans with a view both to raising money and depressing his foes. He sought to capitalize on Nicaragua's strategic location, offering canal rights to the United States in 1901, and in 1908 to Colombia, Great Britain and even Japan, as is revealed in Zelaya's dispatch to the Nicaraguan Minister in Paris in April of the same year. Trabajos histoÂricos de los empreÂstitos fiscales de Nicaragua (Managua, 1906); Jose Madriz, Por Nicaragua (San Salvador, 1904); Jorge Weisel, La polõÂtica americana en Nicaragua (Washington, 1916).

57. The National Library, inaugurated during the Zavala administration, provides an interesting example of their mindset. The Chief Librarian was required to meet a certain standard of property. This was to provide for the circumstance of a book being lost, in which case he would be required to replace it from his own funds. See Reglamento de la Biblioteca Nacional (Managua, 1880).

58. Zelaya liberally granted the unimproved lands of the nation to his cronies. Huge tracts of the Atlantic coastland were bestowed upon Jose Dolores GaÂmez, Juan BodaÂn, and Generals VaÂsquez, ObregoÂn and Bonilla. Likewise, he endowed his ministers and Generals with `over forty monopolies'. The sale of alcoholic beverages and tobacco, which had been a state monopoly, were leased to private firms so indiscriminately `that some towns had a liquor vending establishment for every five inhabitants; and one minister organized gambling for his personal profit'. Zelaya, nevertheless, claimed that the income from the liquor concessions, granted for a six-year period after 1904, had proved to be `a wonderful business for the government', since he had not only obtained a good price for the concessions, but he had passed along `the multitude of expenses entailed in their administration'.

. There is considerable documentation on the matter of bribery. For in-stance, a good part of the correspondence of the American consul in Blue-fields, on the Atlantic Coast, includes the complaints of US companies against the constant extortion by Zelaya's officials, and demands for payoffs to exert their influence. One particularly interesting case is that of Dr Corea, the Foreign Minister, who was demanding 15 000 gold pesos from the Blue-fields Steamship Company `for his influence with President Zelaya and Con-gress, for the last three years, at 5000 pesos per year'. See American Consul in Bluefields to the State Department (9 October 1908), Foreign Relations of the

Notes 171

United States, file no. 15491/4±H17, National Archives (Washington, DC); letter from President Zelaya to the Nicaraguan consul in New York, dated 30 January 1904; Memoria de hacienda y creÂdito puÂblico (Managua, 1905); Toribio Tijerino, El tratado Chamorro-Bryan y sus proyecciones en AmeÂrica Cen-tral (Managua, 1935).

59. The much-vaunted Liberal Constitution of 1893 never became effective. The country was in effect ruled by what became known as the `Law of Public Order'. In July of 1896, General Zelaya convoked a new constitutional assem-bly to redraft those points `which the executive should determine'. The same assembly confirmed Zelaya as President of Nicaragua, by decree, for the term 1898 to 1902. Carlos Selva, Un poco de historia (Guatemala, 1948).

60. In March of 1886, under the CaÂrdenas administration, the electoral laws were revamped in order to widen the electoral base of the country. Previously, the citizen's rolls `did not comprehend many persons who in fact did meet the qualifications which the constitution established for citizenship'. Memoria del ministro de gobernacioÂn para el bienio 1885±1886 (Managua, 1887); CataÂlogo general de ciudadadnos calificados en el departamento de Granada (Managua, 1888).

2 The Presidency of Fruto Chamorro

1. Alberto Medina, Efemerides Nicaraguenses, 1502±1941 (Managua, 1945), p. 135.

2. The client±patron relationship between the Mosquito Indians and England dates from the early eighteenth century, and was a constant aggravation to the Spaniards and, subsequently, the Nicaraguans, until 1894. Reports in the archives of the Consejo de Indias suggest that the origins of the Zambo-Mosquitos can be traced to 1641, when a Portuguese slave-trader ran aground at Taguzpalga with a cargo of Negroes from Guinea. The survivors joined with the `faithless indians' on the island of Mosquito; from this mixture of races came the `Zambos', who also took the name of the island on which they lived. Spanish authorities first took notice of a Mosquito; chieftain in 1687. A royal report itemized his 24 rancherõÂas, scattered along a 60-mile expanse, and his main town which was surrounded by a wall and a moat, `covered on top with such art that it appears to be of solid earth'. They also learned of the alliance of the Mosquito chief with the Paya indians; of a `court' composed of armed men, including renegade Spaniards, Frenchmen, fugitive slaves and `apostate Indians'. In 1711, the Presidency of Guatemala had `Thirteen Note-books' detailing the raids of the Zambo-Mosquitos up the Comayagua in Honduras, in the Valley of Matina in Costa Rica, and in the plains of Chon-tales in Nicaragua. By that time, the English had established a beachhead in the Caribbean Isthmus, yet another fateful result of the seizure of Jamaica. Only 17 leagues from Trujillo, in Honduras, they had established two import-ant settlements: the Island of RoataÂn, and Punta Gorda. About 100 English subjects were also placed along the Nicaraguan coastline. According to the Council of Indies, this invasion was of far graver import than the invasion of 1697 when an expedition of Scotsmen had attempted to take over the DarieÂn.

172 Notes

. The Zambo-Mosquitos and the English were united in their hatred of the Spaniards. Their bond was so close that according to the memorial of the Consejo de Indias of 1739, a suzerain relationship had been established, and the Mosquito chief would be crowned as King by the Governor of Jamaica. The English threat alarmed the Council of Indies into ordering that the Treasury of New Spain assume the cost of defending the North Coast of the Isthmus. These expenses were to cover a 20-gun frigate, with a crew of 150 men, whose duty was to patrol the waters between the capes of Tres Puntas and Gracias a Dios. There were also two galleys, with three guns each. Forts were to be raised at Trujillo and Matina. But of what was prescribed, only the fort in Matina was completed which, to quote the Costa Rican historian Don Ricardo Fernandez, was `little more than a badly-organized corral of laths', armed with a single 2 lb cannon. Then again, the orders of the Crown were fulfilled with lethargy. As Ing. Navarro reminded the Sovereign in his secret report of 1743, `Description of the Kingdom of Guatemala', `what is to be obtained for Spain if this coast is swept of its enemies? With what persons would these broad lands be peopled, so that the same enemies, or others, do not take over again? We barely have enough in this Kingdom to hold on to what we have.'

. By agreement with Spain in 1786, Great Britain was to withdraw from the coast of Mosquito. The Mosquito chief duly repaired his relationship with Spain, voyaging to Cartagena to be baptized by the bishop of New Granada. Following independence, however, Great Britain stepped back into the power vacuum along the Caribbean coast and renewed its ties to the Mosquito chief. In 1845, British vessels conveyed the chief to Belize for a coronation cere-mony. Lord Palmerston, the foreign minister, opined in the London Times that the Mosquito chief's `rights extended from the Cape of Honduras to the Mouth of the San Juan River'. In interpreting the Clayton±Bulwer Treaty of 1850 between the United States and Great Britain, the Foreign Office main-tained that the treaty did not impinge on the protectorate that it had been exercising `for such a long time' over the Mosquito Kingdom. The relationship between the Mosquitos and the British only came to an end under Zelaya, in 1894, reflecting the shifting winds of Empire, as will be seen below. See Documentos de la historia colonial de Nicaragua: recuerdos del centenario de la independencia nacional (Managua, 1921); The Times (London), 15 October 1849.

3. William Manning, Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States: Interamerican Affairs, 1831±1860, Vol. III, Central America 1831±1850 (Washington, 1933), pp. 36±51.

4. Sofonias Salvatierra, ContribucioÂn a la historia de Centroamerica, vol. 1 (Mana-gua, 1939), p. 299.

5. For a first-hand account of Granada's `golden age' in the first half of the seventeenth century, see Thomas Gage, The English American: A New Survey of the West Indies (London, reprinted 1928), pp. 342±3.

6. Murdo McLeod, Spanish Central America: A Socio-economic History (Berkeley, 1973) p. 165.

7. JoaquõÂn Zavala, `Huellas de una familia vasco-centroamericana en cinco siglos de historia', Revista Conservadora del Pensamiento Centroamericano, no. 111 (Managua, 1967) p. 165.

Notes 173

8. Manuel Rubio Sanchez, Historia de la Sociedad EconoÂmica de Amigos del PaõÂs (Guatemala, 1981); see also by the same author, Historia del cultivo de la morera de China y de la industria del gusano de seda en Guatemala (Guatemala, 1984).

9. In exchange for the right of way through Nicaraguan territory, the company committed itself to build a `railroad or highway', and to pay $10 000 annu-ally, and 10 per cent of the profits from traffic. David Folkman Jr., La Ruta de Nicaragua (Managua, 1976), pp. 68±9.

10. The inaugural voyage was a spectacular success, particularly when compared to the first voyage made between New York and San Francisco via Nicaragua, in February 1849, which took 7 months and 14 days. Ibid., pp. 68±9.

11. In 1853, Vanderbilt lost control of the company, which was taken by his old partners Garrison and Morgan. The new owners invested in a coal dump in San Juan del Sur, in two new steamships for the Lake, and yet another steamship to navigate the San Juan River. Furthermore, they built the lake-side pier at La Virgen, and invested $125 000 in a macadamized highway which connected the 12 miles between La Virgen and San Juan del Sur, and in February 1854 they brought the first of a total of 75 stagecoaches.

12. This turned out to be a magnificently profitable enterprise; the company was able to offer a dividend of 24 per cent per annum. The railroad `had then cost almost seven million dollars, or more than $150 000 a mile, but owing to the peculiar conditions of the time and place, it had, while building, earned more than two million dollars, or almost one-third its cost.' Willis Abbot, Panama and the Canal (New York, 1913) p. 44.

13. A Home in Nicaragua: the Kenney Expedition ± Its Character and Purposes (New York, 1855), p. 3.

14. Official document, transmitted to the House of Representatives on the 12 July 1850, reproduced in A Home in Nicaragua, op. cit., pp. 5±7.

15. Ibid. 16. Ibid. 17. Folkman, op. cit., p. 30. 18. GermaÂn Romero Vargas, Las estructuras sociales de Nicaragua en el Siglo XVIII

(Managua, 1988) p. 94. 19. Informe del ministro de hacienda y guerra, para el bienio 1883±1884 (Managua,

1885). 20. Jose Coronel Urtecho, Reflexiones sobre la historia de Nicaragua, vol. 1 (LeoÂn,

1962) pp. 105±6. 21. The Electoral College was regulated by the Constitution of 1838. Electors

were chosen by juntas at the level of the canton. To constitute a `popular junta', a minimum of 130 Nicaraguans was required; a ceiling of 3300 resi-dents was also imposed. Only citizens could vote or be elected; citizenship being the privilege of men over the age of 20, `possessing property of some description, or a trade, or profession from which they make a living', or over the age of 18 but with `a scientific degree or who are married'. At the canton level, a primary elector was chosen to represent every 330 inhabitants; the primary elector in turn participated in a district junta, which chose the supreme director in general elections.

22. Miguel Angel Alvarez, `Los filibusteros en Nicaragua', Revista Conservadora del Pensamiento Centroamericano, no. 73 (Managua, 1966) p. 4.

174 Notes

23. Regarding this tertulia, see Francisco Ortega Arancibia, Cuarenta AnÄos de Historia de Nicaragua, 1838±1878, originally published in 1911 (reprinted in Managua, 1975) pp. 21±2.

24. For the origins of these names, see Manuel Pasos Arana, `Granada y sus arollos', Revista de la academia de geografõÂa e historia de Nicaragua, vol. 6 (Managua, 1944); also ibid., vol. 9 (Managua, 1947).

25. For the intellectual sodalities and academic formation of the gentlemen of LeoÂn, see Pedro de la Rocha, Revista polõÂtica sobre la historia de Nicaragua en defensa de la administracioÂn del ex-director don Jose LeoÂn Sandoval (Granada, 1847).

26. The Liberal leader, MaÂximo Jerez, of whom more below, never referred to his opponent as Fruto Chamorro, but always as Fruto PeÂrez, to taunt him with his Indian ancestry.

27. For the arrival of don Fruto in Nicaragua, see Carlos Cuadra Pasos, Obras II (Managua, 1977), pp. 108±9.

28. Alejandro Barberena, `El fusilamiento del General Corral', Revista Conserva-dora, no. 39 (Managua, 1963) p. 31.

29. The fact that the Arguello clan was temporarily depressed may also have eased Corral's fortunate marriage into the circle of the `good' families of Granada. In any event, the supply of eligible young bachelors who were white ± or could pass as such ± was always scarce; no doubt Corral's personal qualities recommended him. Interviews with Jose Coronel Urtecho.

30. Emilio Alvarez Lejarza, Ensayo biograÂfico del proÂcer Jose LeoÂn Sandoval (Mana-gua, 1947), p. 3.

31. ComisioÂn de InvestigacioÂn HistoÂrica de la CampanÄa de 1856±1857, Documen-tos relativos a la guerra contra los filibusteros (San Jose de Costa Rica, 1956), documents 1 and 2.

32. Ministerio de Hacienda y CreÂdito PuÂblico, Trabajos histoÂricos de los empreÂstitos fiscales de Nicaragua del anÄo de 1851 hasta el de 1905 (Managua, 1906), pp. 3±10.

33. Fruto Chamorro in the same proposal requested a loan of 45 000 pesos from the company, bearing an annual interest rate of 6 per cent, and guaranteed by half the tax levied on each passenger. Pedro JoaquõÂn Chamorro Zelaya, Fruto Chamorro, Vol. 1, Managua, Imprenta de la Prensa (no date), pp. 230±1.

34. Lorenzo Prado, `Documentos posteriores a la independencia', Revista de la Academia de GeografõÂa e Historia de Nicaragua, tomo I, no. 3 (Managua, 1936), p. 57.

35. TomaÂs AyoÂn, Juicio histoÂrico de Juan Bautista Sacasa (LeoÂn, 1878), pp. 4±5; Emilio Alvarez Lejarza Ensayo biograÂfico del proÂcer Jose LeoÂn Sandoval (Mana-gua, 1947), p. 47.

Ân, Juicio histoÂrico de Juan Bautista Sacasa (Leo36. See TomaÂs Ayo Ân, 1878); Pedro de la Rocha, `Revista politica sobre la historia de Nicaragua en defensa de la administracioÂn del ex-director don Jose LeoÂn Sandoval', originally published in Granada in 1847, reprinted in Revista del pensamiento centroamericano, no. 180 (Managua, 1983).

37. Jose Dolores GaÂmez, Complemento a mi historia de Nicaragua (Managua, re-printed 1975), p. 278.

38. La Gaceta, no. 94 (Managua, 1853). 39. See M. Fraga, Las constituciones de Nicaragua, Madrid, 1957, pp. 423±56.

Notes 175

40. Ibid., 499. 41. Defending the 2000 peso requirement, the Granadan Jose MarõÂa Estrada

alleged that `whoever does not have some interests will not place as great a premium on order, as one who has something to lose; for we see that when the former can dabble in revolutions, they expose the latter to ruin. Who thus, offers the stronger guaranty to our common happiness?' Opponents of the property requirement, on the other hand, responded that when the ambition for office takes control of the rich, `he will squander his treasure on revolutions to gain power'. See Jose MarõÂa Estrada, Juicio particular formado sobre las cuestiones polõÂticas que se han sucitado con relacioÂn a la nueva carta constitucional del Estado de Nicaragua, Granada, Imprenta de la ConcepcioÂn, 1848.

42. Nuevos documentos relativos a las dificultades que se presentan para la sancioÂn del proyecto de constitucioÂn que ha firmado la asamblea constituyente (LeoÂn, 1848).

43. See `Retrato a pluma de MaÂximo Jerez', Revista Conservadora (Managua, March±April 1961) pp. 112±13.

44. See the correspondence between the Bishop of LeoÂn and Fr. Francisco Vigil, in Granada. Vigil, who was an enemy of the Chamorros and had no reason to give don Fruto the benefit of the doubt, was convinced that this was the case. F. Vigil, Manuscritos auteÂnticos compilados, Padre Vigil, originally published in Granada in 1930, and privately reprinted in Managua, 1967, p. 85.

45. Documentos relativos a la guerra contra los filibusteros, op. cit., documento no. 4. 46. Fraga, op. cit., pp. 505±30. 47. See Documentos relativos a la guerra contra los filibusteros, op. cit., document no.

18. It should also be noted that according to the Liberal historian Jose Dolores GaÂmez, the Leonese invasion was supported by the Accessory Transit Company whose agents resented the impositions of Chamorro. GaÂmez is an interesting source for this allegation since he was a great admirer of MaÂximo Jerez, a foe of Chamorro, and later would become one of the most conspicu-ous ministers of the Zelaya regime.

48. Between the date of the emigreÂs' disembarkation and the siege of Granada, Chamorro had a confrontation with the army of LeoÂn at the hacienda El Pozo, at which his troops scattered in dismay upon seeing him fall from his horse and lose consciousness. This episode has been a perennial object of notice by Nicaraguan historians on account of the contemporary debate on whether Chamorro's mishap was due to enemy firepower, or `firewater'. An on-site inspection discovered an empty bottle of brandy in the pocket of Chamorro's tunic.

49. Documentos relativos a la guerra contra los filibusteros, op. cit., document no. 20. 50. During the nine months of siege, the Leonese were supported by Honduran

troops, while the Granadans took advantage of their control over the lake to resupply themselves from their haciendas in Chontales. Combat also took place in Masaya, Jinotega, and on the San Juan River. As the months went by, the siege acquired its own grim routine: `potshots across the trenches, sharp-shooting by Mr. Doss from the tower of La Merced over the plaza of Jalteva, volleys back to the tower from the plaza, bugle calls, sorties, feints and counterfeits, wounds, and deaths'. F. Vigil, Manuscritos auteÂnticos compilados, Padre Vigil, op. cit., pp. 94±5.

51. J.D. GaÂmez, Historia de Nicaragua (Managua, 1889), p. 597.

176 Notes

52. The Granadans rejected the Salvadoran proposals on 15 June 1855. Don Jose MarõÂa Estrada framed the Granadan argument: `that a legitimate government could not deal as an equal with a seditious faction'. In despair, Father Vigil, who favored mediation, responded to Estrada's remarks: `the words I have just heard would not be justifiable, but at least would be understandable if they came from the lips of Fruto Chamorro, who bore a powerful sword at his side. And yours, Oh Estrada? Where is it? Estrada! Estrada! We see that God first blinds those whom he seeks to destroy'. Alejandro Barberena PeÂrez, `El fusilamiento de Ponciano Corral', op. cit., pp. 33±4.

53. For Radicatti's arrival, see Pedro JoaquõÂn Chamorro Zelaya, MaÂximo Jerez y sus contemporaÂneos (Managua, 1944) p. 157.

54. Byron Cole was a personal friend of General CabanÄas, and owner of the Honduras Mining and Trading Company. Cole foresaw that if the Leonese lost the war in Nicaragua, the Granadans would soon turn to support the enemies of General CabanÄas, placing his economic interests in Honduras in jeopardy. In the agreement Cole signed with the Leonese in October 1854, the Americans were designated as the `Democratic Phalanx', and once the campaign ended each of the 200 soldiers would receive two caballerõÂas of land in the departments of Segovia and Matagalpa. If for some reason the phalanx should arrive late to the Nicaraguan campaign, the agreement stipulated that they would be placed at the disposal of General CabanÄas in Honduras. In order to comply with the US Neutrality Act of 1818, Byron Cole was obliged to return to Nicaragua and renegotiate the original accord, recrafting it into a colonization scheme. On 9 April 1855, Lic. CastelloÂn, who served as chief of the Leonese government, personally wrote to William Walker in San Francisco confirming the original terms and their subsequent amendments. Documentos relativos a la guerra contra los filibusteros, op. cit., documento no. 167.

55. See William H. Prescott, The Conquest of Mexico, three volumes (Boston, 1843).

56. Walker's impression of CastelloÂn was not so flattering: `it did not require many minutes to see that he was not the man to control a revolutionary movement'. William Walker, The War in Nicaragua (Mobile, 1860), p. 39.

57. When Walker arrived in Nicaragua, the news was about that the warlords of the two armies, the Leonese Trinidad MunÄoz, and the Granadan Ponciano Corral, were about to arrive at an understanding which would result in a double coup against the civilian administrations of their respective cities, `and that they could reach an agreement on the basis of taking turns in the presidency'. See Alejandro Barberena PeÂrez, `El fusilamiento de Ponciano Corral', Revista Conservadora, no. 39 (Managua, 1963), pp. 33±4.

58. William Walker, The War in Nicaragua, op. cit., p. 108. 59. According to Jose Dolores GaÂmez, after the battle of La Virgen, `the chief of

the filibusters ordered for the wounded to be attended to, treated the prison-ers with courtesy, and knew how to inspire confidence in all. In this manner, the friends of the Democrats, and even many Legitimists, showed up as volunteers for Walker, and shouldered the arms which had been abandoned by Guardiola, with joy to serve under a chief who did not employ violence against anybody'.

60. For the complete text of the sermon, see Francisco Vigil, op. cit., pp. 119±22.

Notes 177

61. Documentos relativos a la guerra contra los filibusteros, op. cit., documento no. 173.

62. Documentos relativos a la guerra contra los filibusteros, op. cit., documento nos. 182 and 187.

63. JeroÂnimo PeÂrez, Obras histoÂricas completas (Managua, reprinted 1975), p. 152. 64. Documentos relativos a la guerra contra los filibusteros, op. cit., documento

no. 226. 65. Manuscritos auteÂnticos compilados, Padre Vigil, op. cit., p. 140. 66. Documentos relativos a la guerra contra los filibusteros, op. cit., documento

no. 215. 67. Walker was not interested in a premature entanglement in Central American

affairs. CabanÄas decided to leave Nicaragua, warning Jerez that `Walker com-manded at will'. Meanwhile, the newly reinstalled leader of Honduras, Gen-eral Guardiola, felt so relieved by Walker's diffidence in joining CabanÄas that he issued orders `forbidding bad words to be spoken of the Americans'. He declined to meet the Nicaraguan exiles who had taken refuge in Tegucigalpa, chief among whom was the Conservative leadership of Granada. For CabanÄas' sojourn in Nicaragua, see Enrique GuzmaÂn, `Retrato a pluma de MaÂximo Jerez', first published in 1876, and reprinted in Revista Conservadora (Managua, 1961), pp. 113±20.

68. Ildefonso Palma MartõÂnez, La guerra nacional (MeÂxico, 1956), pp. 206±7. 69. Under the leadership of the Mora brothers, during the first months of 1856,

Costa Rica mustered an army of 4000 soldiers known as the `Army of Santa Clara', which was to be armed by the British. The consul general of Costa Rica in London wrote to his government as early as February 1856 advising of a Foreign Office proposal to supply weapons: `2000 smooth-bore muskets (Witton's), which are not so highly finished as the line-pattern muskets of 1842, at 1 pound 3 shillings each; or, if it should be preferred, 2000 of the line-pattern muskets of 1842 can be furnished at 56 shillings 8 pence each'. To stop Walker, the Costa Ricans proposed a Central American alliance under the command of the Guatemalan Carrera. After defeating a column of Ameri-cans at the hacienda of Santa Rosa, in Guanacaste, the Army of Santa Clara seized the city of Rivas, and placed detachments of troops at the ports of La Virgen and San Juan del Sur. Upon being notified of the Costa Rican move-ments, Walker organized an army of 600 men, of whom `100 were natives'. At dawn on 9 April he left Granada on the 56±mile march to Rivas. The next night, Walker's troops camped on the Ochomogo River, nine miles from Rivas. On the 11 April they prepared to attack the Costa Rican camp, which according to President Juan Mora had only 1300 troops; the remainder was dispersed in other garrisons.

. The battle lasted 20 hours. Five hundred soldiers from the Costa Rican army were killed in the engagement, according to the official report of its chief surgeon, `as well as 300 injured, or more'. Walker tallied 58 killed and 62 wounded and returned post-haste to Granada, which he reached at midnight on 13 April. By 19 April, the demoralized President Mora had to report that his army had only 1700 `effective men'; the remainder was either wounded, or had died in combat or from cholera. On the 5 May, on returning to Liberia, Guanacaste, the Costa Rican army, composed largely of artisans and farmers which had been organized with enormous sacrifice in a nation of only

178 Notes

150 000 inhabitants, received the general order directing `that we should return to our homes, each as best as he could'. See `Relato de Victor Guardia', in Manuel Peralta, Historia de los filibusteros (San Jose de Costa Rica, 1908), pp. 199±211; also Manuel JimeÂnez and Faustino VõÂquez, Documentos relativos a la guerra nacional de 1856 y 1857 con sus antecedentes (San Jose de Costa Rica, 1914), pp. 189±300.

70. In his letters of introduction for GoicurõÂa, Walker insisted that the British should be made to see that `the only way to thwart the movement of the expansive democracy of the north, is through a powerful and compact southern federation, founded on military principles'. Letter of 12 August 1856 from Pedro JoaquõÂn Chamorro Zelaya, Ensayos sobre la revolucioÂn (Ma-nagua, 1929), p. 62.

71. `The War in Nicaragua', as reported by Frank Leslie's Illustrated Newspaper, vol. 1856±57.

72. Chinandega and LeoÂn did not participate in the elections because Walker had withdrawn his forces from these departments. According to JeroÂnimo PeÂrez, however, he enjoyed widespread support among the `simple folk', in whom the city fathers of LeoÂn had inculcated the idea that the Americans `were the civilizers of the country'. See J. PeÂrez, Obras histoÂricas completas (Managua, 1975), p. 233.

73. The Pact specified that the harmless Patricio Rivas would remain as provi-sional president; a carefully balanced duo-metropolitan cabinet would retain the reins of power. The theme of the Constitutions of 1838 and 1854, which had launched the country into its current bout of troubles, was discreetly left unbroached.

74. The Costa Rican troops were commanded by French and English colonels, and an American mercenary under contract to Cornelius Vanderbilt. At the beginning of 1856, Vanderbilt had regained ownership of the Accessory Transit Company. His rivals, Garrison and Morgan, had entered into commu-nications with Walker which prompted Walker to seize the company steam-ships. This earned him the implacable hatred of the Commodore.

75. British policy was motivated by a long-standing relationship of protection with Costa Rica, which had been formalized in the Reciprocity Treaty of 1849. The American filibuster, furthermore, was perceived as a threat to British interests in Central America. See Comunicaciones entre el consul general de Costa Rica en Londres y Lord Clarendon, in JimeÂnez and VõÂquez, Documentos relativos a la guerra nacional de 1856 y 1857 con sus antecedentes, op. cit., p. 189.

76. On 24 November 1857, just a few months after his expulsion, Walker again seized San Juan del Norte, and a stretch of the San Juan River, with a force of 150 men. Within a month, the US Navy had forced him to return to the United States. In December 1858 and September 1859, he attempted to land in Nicaragua but was again interdicted by the US Navy. In August 1860, Walker managed to land in Trujillo, Honduras. He seized the fortress and claimed the island of RoataÂn. The British Navy captured him and turned him over to the Hondurans.

77. On 23 September 1865, El Amigo del Pueblo, a Granadan broadsheet, pub-lished a defense of don FermõÂn Ferrer who had served as a member of Walker's cabinet. The argument is revealing: `there was hardly a single son of Nicar-agua who turned down a public post, if offered him' by Walker.

Notes 179

3 The Constitution of 1858

1. For the Chilean details, see Tulio HalperõÂn Donghi, The Contemporary History of Latin America (Durham: Duke University Press, 1993), pp. 150±2.

2. UnioÂn de Nicaragua (Managua), no. 1, 5 January 1861. 3. Memoria del ministerio de hacienda para el bienio 1877±78 (Managua, 1879). 4. Correspondencia oficial del prefecto y subdelegado de hacienda del departamento

Oriental, caja 9, legajo 144 (1858±1859), Archives of the Municipality and Prefecture of Granada.

5. David Folkman Jr., La Ruta de Nicaragua (Managua, 1976), p. 130. 6. Discurso pronunciado por el Excmo. Sr. Gral. Presidente don TomaÂs MartõÂnez en el

acto de su inauguracioÂn (Managua, 15 November 1857). 7. Anselmo Rivas, Nicaragua: su pasado, ojeada retrospectiva (Managua, 1936),

p. 186. 8. The Constitution of 1858 copied the Reglamento interior de los departamentos,

issued in 1835, according to which the political chiefs were appointed for a period of two years, and which established a 300 peso property requirement. See JesuÂs de la Rocha, CoÂdigo de la legislacioÂn de la RepuÂblica de Nicaragua en Centroamerica (Managua, 1874), p. 22. For Table 3.2 see the Gaceta Oficial of 1858 (corresponding to the constitution of the same year), (Managua, 1858, Imprenta del Gobierno de Nicaragua).

9. Memoria de hacienda y creÂdito puÂblico para el bienio 1871±1872, (Managua, 1873); Memoria de hacienda, Bienio 1875±1876 (Managua, 1877).

10. Semanario La Union de Nicaragua (Managua), no. 1, 5 January 1861. 11. Op. cit., no. 6 (Managua), 9 February 1861. 12. Op. cit., no. 2 (Managua), 12 January 1861. 13. The Juntas produced a substantial documentation because of the appeals.

These were generally settled in favor of the landholders, though there were conspicuous exceptions. For instance, the Junta of Granada found that the levy imposed on donÄa Luisa Chamorro, widow of don Narciso Arellano, `was in fact quite fair, since it had been calculated based on her cattle hacienda, and a cocoa farm'. See Correspondencia oficial del prefecto y subdelegado de hacienda del Departamento Oriental, caja no. 1 & no. 9, legajos 34 & 144 (1856±1860), Archives of the Municipality and Prefecture of Granada.

14. Semanario La UnioÂn de Nicaragua (Managua), 26 January 1861. 15. From a pamphlet `Dirigido al puÂblico', signed by `Friends of the Peace' (LeoÂn,

24 August 1862). Archives of the Nicaraguan historian Jorge Eduardo Are-llano, Managua.

16. Memoria que el ministro de fomento, instruccioÂn puÂblica, justicia, y negocios eclesiaÂsticos, Lic. don Antonio Silva, presento al soberano congreso (Managua, 1867).

17. See Rivas, op. cit., pp. 275±6. 18. `Dirigido al puÂblico', op. cit. 19. Fraud was definitely a part of this election. The congress arbitrarily nullified

the vote of several electoral cantons, which would have delivered a national majority to Martinez' rival, don JoaquõÂn Cuadra, `the Fusion Candidate'. Rivas, op. cit., pp. 275±6.

20. MartõÂnez' troops defeated Jerez in the barrio of San Felipe, in LeoÂn, on 29 April 1863. This episode has received uncommon attention from Nicaraguan

180 Notes

historians since it appears inexplicable that Jerez, who held the overwhelm-ing advantage in force and morale, should have been so handily defeated. Not all the explanations are straightforward. Some have taken notice of the fact that the Hondurans mutinied and abandoned Jerez just before the battle. According to Enrique GuzmaÂn, the defeat was so surprising at the time that it puzzled the victors themselves. MartõÂnez did not have a real army, and following his reelection was `deeply unpopular'. See GuzmaÂn, op. cit., pp. 113±20.

21. David Folkman Jr., La Ruta de Nicaragua (Managua, 1976), p. 140. 22. Mensaje del presidente de la repuÂblica a la legislatura ordinaria de 1865 (Managua,

January 1865). 23. Memoria ministerio de hacienda y creÂdito puÂblico para el bienio 1869±1870 (Ma-

nagua, 1871); Memoria del ministerio de hacienda y creÂdito puÂblico para el bienio 1877±1878 (Managua, 1879).

24. El Republicano (Granada), vol. 1, no. 1, 15 September 1866. 25. El Amigo del Pueblo (Granada), no. 2, 7 August 1866. 26. TomaÂs AyoÂn, Juicio histoÂrico de Juan Bautista Sacasa (LeoÂn, 1878), p. 37. 27. El Amigo del Pueblo (Granada), 7 August 1866. 28. Ibid., 23 September 1865. 29. Esteban Escobar, BiografõÂa del general don Pedro Chamorro (Managua, 1935), p. 16. 30. On 29 August 1864, MartõÂnez issued the so-called Moralization Decree, which

defined as an offense `all voice or injurious cry or threat against a public official', punishable by a 25 to 50 peso fine, or equivalent jail time. If the injured party were `a member of the supreme powers of the republic [i.e. himself], the penalty will be imprisonment for no less than six months up to one year. Conviction on a second offense will double the penalty'. The Panamanian newspaper, La CroÂnica Mercantil, commented that: `such a decree would be envied by the Grand Turk, if only he knew about it'. El Eco Meridional (Rivas), vol. 1, no. 4, 29 September 1864.

31. Manifiesto de su excelencia el presidente don Fernando GuzmaÂn a los pueblos de la repuÂblica (Managua, 1867).

32. Manuscritos auteÂnticos compilados, Padre Vigil, op. cit., p. 204. 33. Memoria que el ministro de fomento, instruccioÂn puÂblica, justicia, y negocios

eclesiaÂsticos, presento al soberano congreso de Nicaragua, 1867±1868 (Managua, 1869).

34. SofonõÂas Salvatierra, MaÂximo Jerez immortal (Managua, 1950), p. 227. 35. Enrique GuzmaÂn, Escritos histoÂricos y polõÂticos, vol. 1, 1867±1879 (San JoseÂ,

1986), p. 199. 36. SofonõÂas Salvatierra, MaÂximo Jerez imortal (Managua, 1950), p. 233. 37. For the role of the clergy in this revolt, see Ramillete Revolucionario (Managua,

1870). 38. Memorio de hacienda y creÂdito puÂblico, bienio 1877±1878 (Managua, 1879).

4 The Works of the Conservatives, 1871±82

1. Los Anales (Masaya), 1 September 1872. 2. P. Levy, Notas geograÂficas y econoÂmicas sobre la RepuÂblica de Nicaragua, Paris,

LibrerõÂa EspanÄola, 1873. Reprinted in Revista Conservadora, no. 59, August

Notes 181

1965, pp. 166±7. Evasion of the slaughter taxes proved to be a constant theme. As late as 1905, the Minister of Hacienda complained that `cattle is being clandestinely butchered, and this causes our income in this depart-ment to remain stagnant'.

3. Ibid., p. 165. 4. Most peso figures quoted hereafter refer to pesos fuertes. 5. P. Levy, Notas geograÂficas y econoÂmicas sobre la RepuÂblica de Nicaragua, reprinted

in Revista Conservadora, op. cit., no. 62 (November 1965), pp. 245. 6. Live cattle sales to Costa Rica amounted to over 20 000 head a year. Levy, op.

cit., p. 242. 7. Measures have been translated from quintal to equivalent short English

hundredweight (100 lbs). 8. For Costa Rica see Revista del Instituto de Defensa del Cafe (San JoseÂ, 1941),

p. 588; for Guatemala see Ministerio de hacienda y creÂdito puÂblico (Guatemala, March 1879); for El Salvador see Diario Oficial (San Salvador), 11 January 1879.

9. Memoria de hacienda y creÂdito puÂblico para el bienio 1871±1872 (Managua, 1873).

10. Levy, op. cit., no. 59, p. 221. 11. Quoted in Enrique GuzmaÂn BermuÂdez, `Recojos de mi memoria de como eran

escogidos nuestros presidentes de antanÄo', Revista Conservadora, no. 67, Feb-ruary 1967, p. 47.

12. Noticas de Nicaragua con motivo de los productos destinados a la exposicioÂn internacional de Chile de 1875, redactado por el secretario de la ComisioÂn Oriental (Granada, 1876), pp. 31±2.

13. `Las renuncias a la presidencia de tres personajes histoÂricos', Revista Conser-vadora, no. 127, April 1971, pp. 26±8.

14. Jeronimo PeÂrez, Obras completas (Managua, 1977), p. 529. 15. Mensaje dirigido al soberano congreso por el senÄor presidente de la repuÂblica, el 4 de

marzo de 1871 (Managua, Imprenta del Gobierno). 16. Ministerio de hacienda y creÂdito puÂblico, 1871±1872 (Managua, 1873). 17. Los Anales (Masaya), 1 December 1872. 18. Ibid., 15 November 1872. 19. Ibid., 15 August 1872. 20. El Porvenir (Granada), 16 March 1873. 21. Gaceta Oficial (Managua), 12 March 1873. 22. Ibid., 20 July 1872. 23. Los Anales (Masaya), no. 5, 1 September 1872. 24. Ibid., no. 11, 1 December 1872. 25. For the economic affairs of TomaÂs Guardia, see Wat Stewart, Keith y Costa Rica

(San JoseÂ, 1976), p. 30. 26. Los Anales (Masaya), no. 8, 15 October 1872. 27. Noticias de Nicaragua, op. cit., p. 2. 28. Ibid., pp. xli±xliii. 29. SecretarõÂa de Fomento, El Ferrocarril, vol. i , no. 36 (Guatemala, 23 December

1878). 30. Enrique GuzmaÂn, Escritos histoÂricos y polõÂticos, vol. 1, 1867±1879 (San Jose de

Costa Rica, 1986), p. 588. 31. Memoria del ministro de gobernacioÂn para el bienio 1875±1876 (Managua, 1877).

182 Notes

32. Ibid., vol. 2, p. 587. 33. Memoria presentada al congreso de la repuÂblica por el ministro de guerra, marina,

obras, e instruccioÂn puÂblica para el bienio 1875±1876 (Managua, 1877). 34. The story of the German question is both touching and ridiculous. A

young Nicaraguan from LeoÂn fell in love with the daughter of a German merchant resident in the city. The love was reciprocal. The young pair married in defiance of the wishes of the father, who seized the bride. Later on, as the German family walked to the Cathedral for mass, the outraged groom assaulted the father and recaptured the bride. The Leonese, of course, were inspired by this gallant, passionate gesture and vented their support with demonstrations in front of the consul's residence, whereupon the Im-perial government took umbrage. In retrospect, it would appear as if the Kaiser saw the affair as little more than a convenient opportunity to test his navy. For details of the so-called `German question' see Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores, Documentos sobre la cuestion alemana (Managua, 1878).

35. Santiago Delgado, `El cafe en la economõÂa nacional', Revista Conservadora, no. 13, October 1961, p. 38.

36. Las Noticias de Nicaragua, op. cit., pp. 31±3. 37. Informe del prefecto del departamento de Matagalpa al ministro de gobernacioÂn

(Managua, 7 January 1879). 38. Anselmo Rivas, Nicaragua: su pasado, ojeada retrospectiva (Managua, 1936),

p. 164. 39. Ministerio de hacienda y creÂdito puÂblico para el bienio 1877±1878 (Managua,

1879). 40. Libro Azul de Guatemala (Escarci & Pfaff, Ltd., New Orleans, 1915), p. 87. See

also, SecretarõÂa de fomento, El ferrocarril, vol. 1, no. 32 (Guatemala, 11 November 1878); and Ministerio de hacienda y creÂdito puÂblico, Memoria de marzo de 1879 (Guatemala, 1879).

41. Memoria del ministerio de hacienda y creÂdito puÂblico para el bienio 1877±1878 (Managua, 1879).

42. Honduras: Its Present Difficulties and Future Prospects: A Few Words to the Gov-ernment and Bondholders, by a Bondholder (London, 1872) p. 17.

43. Wat Stewart, Keith y Costa Rica (San JoseÂ, 1976) pp. 45±57. 44. Memorias que el senÄor ministro de hacienda, creÂdito puÂblico, guerra y marina

presento al soberano congreso para el bienio 1883±1884 (Managua, 1885). 45. Don Pedro's suspicion of an alliance between the GuzmaÂn and Carazo fam-

ilies was confirmed by Enrique GuzmaÂn himself, who editorialized in his newspaper, La Prensa, that Carazo should be supported `because he is the candidate of Liberalism'. He later affirmed that `the partisans of Carazo are not Caracistas; we are Liberals'. GuzmaÂn, op. cit., vol. 1, p. 595.

46. Ibid. 47. El TermoÂmetro (Rivas), 16 July 1882. 48. GuzmaÂn, op. cit., vol. 1, p. 596. 49. El TermoÂmetro (Rivas), 12 October 1878. 50. Memoria del ministerio de instruccioÂn puÂblica para el bienio 1889±1890 (Mana-

gua, 1890). 51. After itself undertaking the first 20 kilometers of track, the government

decided to hire a private contractor, one Mr Morris, an American, to finish

Notes 183

the job. Memoria de fomento correspondiente a los anÄos de 1883 y 1884, presen-tada al congreso nacional en 1885 (Managua, 1885).

52. Ibid., pp. 10±11. 53. Luciano GoÂmez, Memorias: un documento extraordinario, Revista Conservadora,

no. 117, June 1970, p. 53. 54. Informe del Ministerio de Fomento (Guatemala, 1879); El Ferrocarril, anÄo 1, no. 2

(Guatemala, January 1878). 55. Ministerio de hacienda y creÂdito puÂblico, Informe (Guatemala, 15 March

1879). 56. During Zavala's term, a study was commissioned of ways to make the San

Juan River once and for all a reliably navigable conduit. This, it seemed, would require a considerable effort: excavating a canal 4000 feet in length at the rapids of El Castillo, a second canal at the rapids of El Toro, a dam, four locks, and dredging the bay of San Juan del Norte. The total cost was esti-mated at 2 million pesos. The government had only 220 000 pesos at hand, so only the dredging of the bay could be accomplished. Memorias de fomento correspondientes a los anÄos de 1883 y 1884, op. cit., p. 24.

57. Ministro de fomento, memoria presentada al congreso de la repuÂblica para el bienio 1887±1888 (Managua, 1889).

58. Memoria del ministerio de hacienda, creÂdito puÂblico, guerra, y marina para el bienio 1883±1884 (Managua, 1885)

59. Ibid. 60. Memoria del ministerio de hacienda y creÂdito puÂblico para el bienio 1877±1878

(Managua, 1879). 61. Victor Bulmer-Thomas, The Economic History of Latin America since Independ-

ence (Cambridge University Press, 1994), pp. 65±9. 62. Mensaje dirigido por el Sr. presidente de la repuÂblica, Dr. don AdaÂn CaÂrdenas, al

soberano congreso en su XIV perõÂodo constitucional, en enero 15 de 1885 (Mana-gua, TipografõÂa Nacional).

63. Ministerio de instruccioÂn puÂblica, RepuÂblica de Nicaragua, Memoria de instruccioÂn puÂblica para el bienio 1889±1890 (Managua, 1891).

64. Enrique Villavicencio, RepuÂblica de Costa Rica, AnÄo de 1886 (San JoseÂ, 1887). 65. Memoria de los actos del poder ejecutivo en los ramos de instruccioÂn puÂblica,

fomento y beneficiencia durante el anÄo de 1889 (El Salvador, 1890). 66. Memoria de instruccioÂn puÂblica (Guatemala, 1889). 67. Memoria del miniestro de fomento presentada ante el congreso de la repuÂblica, para

el bienio 1887±1888 (Managua, 1889). 68. Memoria de fomento correspondientes a los anÄos de 1883 y 1884 (Managua,

1885). 69. Memoria del ministro de fomento presentada al congreso de la repuÂblica para el

bienio 1887±1888 (Managua, 1889). 70. El AteneÂo (LeoÂn), vol. 1, no. 2, October 1881.

5 The Reds and the Iglesieros, 1883±89

1. Gaceta Oficial (Managua), no. 18, 30 April 1881. 2. For the full text of this tortuous speech see Enrique GuzmaÂn, Escritos histoÂricos

y polõÂticos, vol. i i , 1880±1892 (San Jose de Costa Rica, 1988), p. 544.

184 Notes

3. Franco Cerutti, Los jesuitas en Nicaragua en el siglo XIX (San Jose de Costa Rica, 1984), p. 244.

4. Memoria del ministro de gobernacioÂn, justicia, y negocios eclesiaÂsticos para el bienio 1881±1882 (Managua, 1883).

5. In 1875, the Nicaraguan government announced that foreigners could obtain land concessions in Nicaragua (of about 200 acres) without relin-quishing their foreign citizenship. The subsidy law of 1879 stated that agri-culturists of any nationality who became engaged in cultivating more than 5000 coffee trees in the Central Highland would receive 5 cents per tree, one-half payable when the trees were two years old and the remainder when the trees began to produce. By 1896, the area claimed 146 foreign colonists. See Charles T. and Isaac A. Manning, Coffee Growing in Matagalpa (San Francisco, 1896).

6. Informe del prefecto del departamento de Matagalpa (Managua, 7 January 1879). 7. GuzmaÂn, op. cit., p. 559. 8. Correspondence between the prefect of Matagalpa and the Minister of Gov-

ernment (Managua, July±August 1884). 9. RubeÂn DarõÂo, AutobiografõÂa (San Salvador, 1962), p. 30. 10. Ministerio de gobernacioÂn para el bienio 1883/1884 (Managua, 1885). 11. Concordato entre el gobierno de Nicaragua y la Santa Sede (Granada, 1863). 12. On the rivalry between local clergy and the Jesuits, see Franco Cerutti, Los

Jesuitas en Nicaragua en el siglo XIX (San Jose de Costa Rica, 1984). 13. GuzmaÂn, op. cit., p. 552. Nicaragua's most distinguished eccelsiastical histor-

ian has provided a detailed account of the intrigues against the Jesuits. See Edgar ZuÄiga. Historia Ecleciastica de Nicaragua (Managua, 1996), pp. 407±44. Ân

14. GuzmaÂn, op. cit., p. 567. 15. This belief was not unfounded. According to ZunÄiga, `the great majority of

the most important men of the so-called Thirty Years held degrees in those societies. ZuÄiga, op. cit., p. 444. Ân

16. JoaquõÂn Zavala Urtecho, `Huellas de una familia vasco-centroamericana en cinco siglos de historia', Revista Conservadora, vol. i i (Managua, 1970), p. 274.

17. This revealing bit of dialogue was witnessed by E.Miranda, in `La Guerra Olvidada', manuscript published in the Revista Conservadora, no. 144 (Mana-gua, 1972), p. 77.

18. Ibid., p. 82. 19. For the full manifest of this political Noah's Ark see Enrique GuzmaÂn, `La

Torre de Babel', first published in 1888, and reprinted in Revista de la Aca-demia de GeografõÂa e Historia de Nicaragua, vol. v, no. 2 (Managua, 1943).

20. El TermoÂmetro (Rivas), 3 September 1882. 21. Archivo del Dr AdaÂn CaÂrdenas del Castillo, Revista de la acadeÂmica de geografõÂa

e historia de Nicaragua, vol. xxxvi (Managua, 1969). 22. El TermoÂmetro (Rivas), 28 August 1882. 23. Esteban Escobar, `BiografõÂa del General Pedro JoaquõÂn Chamorro', Revista

Conservadora, no. 12 (Managua, 1968), p. 91. 24. El TermoÂmetro (Rivas), 30 July 1882. 25. Anselmo Rivas, Nicaragua: su pasado, ojeada retrospectiv (Managua, 1936),

p. 159. 26. Reprinted in El TermoÂmetro (Rivas), 16 August 1882. 27. Ibid., 10 September 1882.

Notes 185

28. Ibid., 8 October 1882. 29. Ibid., 26 November 1882. 30. Informe del ministerio de hacienda para el bienio 1875±1876 (Managua, 1877). 31. Memoria del ministerio de gobernacioÂn, justicia y negocios eclesiaÂsticos (Managua,

1883). 32. Carlos Selva, Un poco de historia, ColeccioÂn los claÂsicos del istmo, Ediciones

del Gobierno de Guatemala, Guatemala, 1948, pp. 15±19. 33. Gobierno de Nicaragua, Documentos relativos a la rebelioÂn frustrada en Granada

a mediados de 1884 (Managua, 1885), p. 52. 34. The charges pressed against this group were of having corrupted a sergeant

and a corporal of the Granada barracks, and `relying on the simulated cooper-ation of these soldiers, to have copied keys of the gate of the barracks, and of the padlock that secured it, and to establish passwords for the assault'. Ibid., p. 8.

35. Ibid., p. 112. 36. Informe del ministro de la gobernacioÂn para el bienio 1883±1884 (Managua,

1885). 37. Mensaje dirigido por el Sr. presidente de la repuÂblica, Dr. don AdaÂn CaÂrdenas al

soberano congreso en su XIV perõÂodo constitucional (Managua, TipografõÂa Nacio-nal, 1885), pp. 3±7.

38. Ibid., pp. 10±15. 39. ContestacioÂn del presidente del congreso en representacioÂn de este alto cuerpo al

mensaje del Sr. presidente de la repuÂblica (Managua, January 1885). 40. Informe extraordinario del ministro de hacienda y guerra (Managua, 1886). 41. Carlos Ruiz, Libro Centenario (Guatemala, 1935). 42. Archivo del Dr. don AdaÂn CaÂrdenas del Castillo, Revista de la acadeÂmica de

geografõÂa e historia de Nicaragua, vol. xxxvi (Managua, 1969), p. 31. 43. At the seige of Chalchapa in El Salvador, 2 April 1885, General Barrios

deployed an army of 7900 men. This is without including the expeditionary forces of Generals Palma and Pimentel which were within striking distance, or the troops of Generals Porta and Irungaray which were situated along the Honduran border. See Casimiro Rubio, BiografõÂa del general Justo Rufino Barrios, recopilacioÂn histoÂrica y documentada (Guatemala, 1935) p. 599.

44. EsteÂban Escobar, BiografõÂa del General Pedro JoaquõÂn Chamorro, Revista Conser-vadora, no. 92, May 1968, p. 91.

45. Manifiesto que el presidente constitucional de la RepuÂblica de Nicaragua, Dr. don AdaÂn CaÂrdenas dirige a sus conciudadanos, y a los demaÂs pueblos de centroameÂrica al ponerse al frente del ejeÂrcito (Managua, 1885).

46. Informe extraordinario del ministro de hacienda y guerra, Gral. don JoaquõÂn Elizondo (Managua, 1886).

47. Ibid., p. 16. 48. Ibid., pp. 50±1. 49. Mensaje dirigido al soberano congreso por el Sr. presidente de la repuÂblica, Dr. don

AdaÂn CaÂrdenas, al continuar las sesiones del XIV perõÂodo constitucional (Mana-gua, 1886).

50. When it came, the belt-tightening was harsh. The Senate prepared a bill, firmly supported by the President, that `with the exception of those who earn 50 pesos or less, anyone who earns a public salary shall have it reduced by one-fourth'.

186 Notes

51. Mensaje dirigido por el Sr. presidente de la repuÂblica, Dr. don AdaÂn CaÂrdenas, al congreso nacional en su XV perõÂodo constitucional (Managua, 16 January 1887).

52. Gobierno de Nicaragua, Trabajos histoÂricos de los empreÂstitos fiscales de Nicar-agua (Managua, 1906).

53. El Mercado (Managua), no. 485, 12 January 1886. 54. Ibid., no. 481, 7 January 1886. 55. Ibid., no. 485, 12 January 1886. 56. Jesu s HernaÂndez, `El cõÂrculo granadino', El Porvenir (Managua), 25 January

1886. 57. The Progressive program had eight articles, among the most noteworthy of

which was `the reconstruction of the Central American homeland', albeit `through peaceful means'. An ̀energetic upholding' of peace and public order was also a top commitment, although they vowed they would under no circumstances `recur to a foreign power to reestablish the imperium of the constitution, in the unfortunate event that it were violated'. No doubt the Conservatives, regardless of how progressive they might style themselves, felt the latter clause was necessary to wash their hands of the most infamous stain on the memory of their Liberal allies. There was a plank committing the party to continuing the public works program, as well as `a tax cut'. Finally, there was a curious pledge to `respect the Roman, Catholic, and Apostolic faith'. The main concession which the Conservatives granted their Liberal allies was a promise to reform `the Constitution in a practical, liberal sense', whatever that might mean.

58. El Imparcial (Managua), no. 50, 4 March 1887. 59. `Una alabanza anoÂnima del pasado', Revista Conservadora, no. 128, May 1971,

p. 74. 60. El Imparcial, op. cit. 61. Discurso inaugural del Sr. presidente de la repuÂblica, coronel don Evaristo Carazo,

leõÂdo por eÂl mismo ante el congreso al hacerse cargo del poder supremo, el 1o de marzo de 1887 (Managua, TipografõÂa Nacional).

62. Memoria del ministro de gobernacioÂn para el bienio 1887±1888 (Managua, 1889). 63. Jose Dolores GaÂmez, `La muerte del presidente Carazo, carta dirigida el 12 de

agosto de 1889 al Diario de CentroameÂrica en Guatemala', Revista del Pensa-miento Centroamericano, no. 148, June±September 1976, p. 114.

 s HernaÂndez-Somoza, Historia de tres an Ân, 1893), 64. Jesu Äos del gobierno Sacasa (Leop. 10.

65. Ibid., p. 115.

6 The Fall of the Conservative Republic

 s HernaÂndez-Somoza, HistorõÂa de tres an1. Jesu Äos del gobierno Sacasa, vol. 1 (LeoÂn, 1893), p. 11.

2. Carlos Selva, Un poco de historia, ColeccioÂn los clasicos del istmo, Ediciones del gobierno de Guatemala, 1948, pp. 7±8. This collection reprints a series of articles published in the newspaper La Patria, San Jose de Costa Rica, 21 April to 6 June, 1896.

3. Of the ministers, Modesto Barrios was a highly esteemed lawyer; Francisco Javier Medina was one of the first bankers of the country; Fulgencio Mayorga

Notes 187

founded the Club de LeoÂn; Benjamin Guerra was a Managua Conservative, but firmly situated in the Leonese camp.

4. Selva, op. cit., p. 57. 5. Jesus HernaÂndez-Somoza, op. cit., p. 202. 6. Broadsheet: `El pueblo de Granada a sus amigos y correligionarios poliÂticos de las

demas poblaciones de la repuÂblica', 24 November 1889. 7. Selva, op. cit., p. 12. 8. Trabajo histoÂrico de los emprestitos fiscales de Nicaragua (Gobierno de Nicar-

agua, Managua, 1906), p. 145. 9. Ibid., p. 146. 10. Manifiesto que el Sr. presidente Dr. don Roberto Sacasa dirige a los pueblos de la

repuÂblica (Managua, 24 August 1891). 11. Diario de la Capital. (Managua), no. 482, 3 November 1892. 12. Trabajo histoÂrico de los emprestitos fiscales de Nicaragua, op. cit., p. 150. 13. Lo que va de ayer a hoy, anonymous pamphlet (Establecimiento TipograÂfico de

Dionisio Estrada, 1892), pp. 7±8. 14. Mensaje que su excelencia el Sr. Gral. Presidente Dr. don Roberto Sacasa dirige al

congreso de la repuÂblica el dõÂa de la inauguracioÂn en el XVIII perõÂodo constitucional (Managua, 4 enero 1893), pp. 6±8.

15. J. HernaÂndez-Somoza, op. cit., p. 98. 16. Ibid. 17. Consul Vaughn to the Earl of Kimberley, received in London 20 June 1895,

archive of the Montiel family, San Jose de Costa Rica. 18. The junta was composed as follows: Senator Machado represented the by-

now totally discounted Sacasa; Luciano GoÂmez represented Zelaya; Francisco del Castillo represented Montiel; Miguel Vigil represented Zavala. Finally, Fernando SaÂnchez represented the Liberal Club of LeoÂn.

19. See General Anastasio J. Ortiz, `Causas que motivaron la Revolucion del 11 de Julio de 1893', Revista de la Academia de Geografia e Historia de Nicaragua, tomo xxxv (Managua, 1969).

20. El gobierno liberal de Nicaragua: Documentos, 1893±1908 (Managua, 1909), pp. 3±4.

21. Ramon Ignacio Matus, `Revoluciones contra Zelaya', Revista Conservadora, no. 19, April 1962, p. 3.

22. Carlos Cuadra Pasos, Obras, Vol. II (Managua, 1976), p. 89. 23. El gobierno liberal de Nicaragua: Documentos, 1893±1908 (Managua, 1909),

p. 18. 24. Mensaje dirigido por la junta de gobierno a la asamblea nacional constituyente, y

contestacion del presidente de esta ultima al inaugurar sus sesiones en el aniversario LXXII de la independencia patria (Managua, 1893).

25. Discurso pronunciado por el Sr. ministro de gobernacion, Lic. don Jose Madriz en el LXXII aniversario de nuestra independencia (Managua, 1893).

26. Selva, op. cit., p. 74. 27. Constitucion polõÂtica de la repuÂblica de Nicaragua, 1893 (Managua, 1897),

pp. 3±15. 28. Enrique GuzmaÂn, Escritos histoÂricos y polõÂticos, vol. III, 1893±1911 (San Jose de

Costa Rica, reprinted 1988), pp. 25±50. 29. Luciano GoÂmez, `Memorias ineditas por 77 anos', Revista Conservadora, no.

117, June 1970, p. 30.

188 Notes

30. Ibid., p. 33. 31. El gobierno Liberal de Nicaragua, op. cit., pp. 85±6. 32. Ibid., pp. 88±90. 33. Ibid, p. 109. 34. Mensaje del presidente de la repuÂblica de Nicaragua a la asamblea nacional con-

stituyente (Managua, 1894), pp. 5±6. 35. Presidential decree, 25 November 1893. 36. The Granadan, Santiago Morales, who had been levied a quota of 40 000

pesos, on his own behalf and that of some other Granadans was able to negotiate directly with Zelaya a softening of terms. The amount due at once was to be reduced to a fifth, with the remainder payable in installments. Selva, op. cit., p. 109.

37. Carlos Cuadra Pasos, Obras, Vol. I (Managua, 1976), pp. 150±1. 38. Selva, op. cit., p. 112. 39. Malcolm Deas, Narraciones histoÂricas: estudios introductorios (Quito, Corpora-

cioÂn Editora Nacional, 1983), p. 30. The letter is dated 18 August 1895, shortly after Alfaro had left LeoÂn and assumed the presidency in Ecuador.

40. Luciano GoÂmez, op. cit., p. 36. 41. La vindicacioÂn de Chico Baca, vindicacioÂn que nos vindica. A refutatioÂn published

by the Managua Liberal Club (Managua, 1896), p. 10. 42. Adolfo Altamirano, Por Nicaragua, por el partido Liberal (Managua, 1905), p. 16. 43. Jose Madriz, Por Nicaragua, originally published in San Salvador, 1904, re-

printed in Revista de la Academia de GeografõÂa e HistorõÂa de Nicaragua, vol. xxxi, July±December 1965, pp. 20±4.

44. Zelaya quickly established the practice of distributing the unimproved lands of the nation to his followers. He rewarded his generals with the plains of the Caribbean coast. He conferred trade and production monopolies on his allies: `over forty of these monopolies were organized, regulating salt, nails, hides, meat, etc.' In his own view, this cronyism was in fact an instrument for social mobility. Toribio Tijerino, El tratado Chamorro-Bryan, y sus proyecciones en America Central ( Managua, 1935) p. 10.

45. Presupuesto general de gastos para el anÄo econoÂmico 1900 (Managua, 1900). 46. El gobierno liberal de Nicaragua, Documentos 1893±1903, vol. 1 (Managua,

1909). 47. For American diplomats posted in Nicaragua complaining about Zelaya's

fiscal policy, see American Consul in Bluefields to the State Department (10 February 1909), in reference to Presidential Decrees ordering new tariffs. File no. 6110/26, US National Archives (Washington DC).

48. Trabajo histoÂrico de los emprestitos fiscales de Nicaragua, 1851±1905 (Managua, 1906), pp. 219±20. See also, Jose Santos Quant Varela, La revolucioÂn liberal en la historia economica de Nicaragua, unpublished monograph (Managua, 1975), pp. 53±4.

49. Ministerio de instruccioÂn puÂblica, Memorias, for years 1898±99, 1900, 1901, August 1903, and July 1904 (Managua, Tipografia Nacional).

50. Ing. Emilio Mueller, Informe sobre el ferrocarril al Atlantico (Managua, 24 October 1904).

51. American Consul in Managua to the State Department in reference to Loan to be floated by the Nicaraguan Government through the Anglo South American Bank Limited. File no. 5691±3839, US National Archives (Washington DC).

Notes 189

52. Jose Dolores GaÂmez, `El canal anglo- japones por Nicaragua', La Patria (LeoÂn), 6 July 1916.

53. See American Vice-Consul in Managua to the State Department (25 Decem-ber 1909), An Account of Zelaya's Last Days in Power. File no. 63691347C, no. 264, US National Archives (Washington DC).

54. On 1 December 1909, the Secretary of State informed Nicaragua's Charge in Washington that the Government of the US is convinced that the revolution represents the ideals and the will of a majority of the Nicaraguan people more faithfully than does the Government of President Zelaya. In these circum-stances the President no longer feels for the Government of President Zelaya that respect and confidence which would make it appropriate hereafter to maintain regular diplomatic relations, implying the will and the ability to respect and assure what is due from one state to another. See File no. 6369/ 347C, US National Archives (Washington DC).

55. Jose Santos Zelaya, Manifesto, 22 December 1909.

Index

academic anarchy 32±4 acceleration of history 143±9 Accessory Transit Company 26, 32,

37, 44, 56±7 `Agricultural Judges and their

Attributes' law 53±4, 151 AlemaÂn-BolanÄos, G. 3 Alfaro, Eloy 136, 139, 148 Alonzo, Colonel 131 Altamirano, Adolfo 144 anarchy, academic 32±4 Arce, Manuel 168 Argentina 11 Arguello, Juan 29, 168 Arguello family 164±5 army/military Barrios threat and 113Fruto Chamorro and 32±4MartõÂnez and 54±5Sacasa and 125±6Zelaya and 144

Army of Santa Clara 177±8 arrest of Conservative leaders 127 artisan classes 102, 104 Atlantic±Pacific Maritime Canal 26 Atlantic±Pacific railway 148 auctioning of livestock 166 AvileÂs, General 130, 131

Baca, Francisco, Jr. 125, 131, 133, 141 Baker, Lewis 130±1 Balladares, Pedro 75, 78, 131, 133 Banco AgrõÂcola e Hipotecario 111 Banco AgrõÂcola Mercantil 90 Banco Nacional de Guatemala 111 Banco de Nicaragua 90 Banco de Occidente 111 banderõÂas 97±8 Barranca, La 130 Barrios, General Gerardo 33 Barrios, General Justo Rufino 110±13 barrios 164 beef 86

see also cattle-ranching Benard, Emilio 76, 80 Blanco, GuzmaÂn 115 Bluefields 140 Bodan, Juan 108, 144 BolanÄos, Mariano 125 BolõÂvar, SimoÂn 11 Bolivia 11 bond issues 112, 114, 126±7, 146 Bonilla, General Jose 58

CabanÄas, General Trinidad 33, 43 Cacho, El (Genuines) 12, 98±100, 107,

114±15 CaÂdiz Constitution of 1812 11 Calandracas 29, 30, 48 CalderoÂn, Professor 93 Carazo, Evaristo 17, 18, 62, 67, 78,

116 presidency 118±19, 153

CaÂrdenas, Jose AdaÂn 17, 22, 62, 80, 115, 152

presidency 98±114; Barrios 109±13; election to presidency 98±101; great conspiracy 107±9; handover to Carazo 118±19; succession crisis 120, 121

Cardenista, El 100 Carrera, General Rafael 11, 163 Casa Gobernadora 74, 78, 107, 108 CastelloÂn, Francisco 28, 36, 39±40 cattle-ranching 26, 27, 28, 47, 66±7,

166 coffee and 5±6, 6±7, 8±10

cattle slaughter excise 64 census of 1867 10 Central American Federation

Constitution of 1874 11 Central American unity 101, 109,

134 Barrios 110±11, 112

Central Workshop of the Railroad 84

190

Index 191

Centroamericano, El 100Cerda, Manuel de la 161, 168Chamorro, Dionisio 41Chamorro, General Emiliano 3, 21,

154Chamorro, Fruto 132, 161presidency of 28±45; NationalWar 38±45; radicalagenda 35±8

Chamorro, Pedro Joaquin 12, 16, 56,57, 62, 121, 125

CaÂrdenas 110; Chamorro'sassumption of presidency112±13, 152

Granadan proclamation 124GuzmaÂn 59; Chamorro'sassumption of presidency 61, 152

Jesuits 96presidency 74±8, 102presidential candidacy 1886 114,115, 116

support for Benard 79±80support for Cuadra 78±9, 98±100

ChavarrõÂa, Colonel 131CheloÂn, El (Jose MarõÂa Valles) 36, 40,

42Chile 47Chinandega 86, 142citizenship 117Clarence, King 140Clayton-Bulwer Treaty 24Club de la MontanÄa 58clubs 57±8coffee 2, 27, 67and cattle-ranching 5±6, 6±7, 8±10exports 19, 65±6, 82±3, 86, 145,151

subsidies 52, 76Cole, Byron 38, 176Colombia 136colonial administration 14ComisioÂn Oriental 73conquistadors 4±5Constituent Assembly 34±5, 49,

133±4, 142Constitution of 1824 11Constitution of 1838 34, 35, 41Constitution of 1858 14±18, 48±52,

155

Constitution of 1893 132±6 Zelaya's revisions 142±3, 152

Contreras, HernaÂndo 5, 158Contreras, Pedro 5, 158Contreras, Rodrigo de 158Coquimbos 33Cordero, Manolo 130Corinto 86, 150±1Coronel Matus, Manuel 144Coronel Urtecho, Jose 4±6, 157±8Corral, Ponciano 30, 38, 41±2corruption 20, 170CorteÂs, Dr Rosario 72, 78Cortez, HernaÂn 39 Costa Rica 1, 3, 7, 75Army of Santa Clara 177±8and Central American union 109education 89military alliance againstBarrios 112±13

Nicaragua's debt to 31±2population 9±10railways 77Walker 43, 44

cotton 9, 52, 76Cousin, Alejandro 123craftsmen 102, 104Cuadra, Vicente 16, 57, 62, 75, 90,

116, 125, 154and Chamorro presidency 77Chamorro's support for 78±9,98±100

Granadan proclamation 124July revolution 129, 132presidency 67±72

Cuadra Pasos, Carlos 132, 138±9cuartelazo 129±32Cuesta, La, battle of 132currency 64Customhouse Bonds 126±7

DarõÂo, RubeÂn 94±5, 144, 152Davis, Captain 44Deas, Malcolm 139debt see national debtDemocratic Phalanx 38±45deputies 49Diario NicaraguÈense, El 126DõÂaz, Porfirio 148, 149

192 Index

diplomatic corps 144 double-voting mechanism 15, 46,

50±1 draft constitution of 1848 34±5

Eco de Masaya, El 100 economic stagnation 7 Ecuador 136, 148 education 87, 88±9, 146±7, 151 higher education institutes 88, 93

El Salvador 1, 7, 44, 71 coffee 82±3 education 89 military alliance against Barrios 112±13

railways 77 Electoral College 7, 28, 50±1, 92, 153,

173 mature institution 116±18

Emory Debt 146 EscaloÂn, General 141 Estrada, General Aurelio 142 Estrada, Jose Maria 30, 38 Ethelburga Debt 146, 148 exports 16, 25±6, 65±6, 78, 85, 151 coffee 19, 65±6, 82±3, 86, 145,151

composition in 1887±88 86±7

factions 8, 97±109, 115±21, 123 Ferrer, FermõÂn 56 Ferrera, Francisco 163 Ferrocarril, El 100 fertility of land 27±8 Field of Mars 144 fiscal crunch 138±9 Fischer, Juan 108 Flores, Dolores 70 Fonseca, Sergio Casto 33 food 27±8 forced loans 54, 128, 138, 142, 146 franchise, enlargement of 92 fugitive laborers 90±1 Fusion Candidacy 56

Gamez, Jose Dolores 108, 120 Sacasa 123, 125, 127, 130 Zelaya 130, 135±6, 144

genetic hypothesis 4±6

Genuines (El Cacho) 12, 98±100, 107, 114±15

geographic position 23±8 German question 75, 182 Godoy, Colonel 131 GoicuriaÂ, Domingo de 43 Gold Rush 24 GoÂmez, Luciano 135, 136, 139 Granada 4, 8±9, 12, 17, 150±1 burned to the ground 44, 48economy and politics 29±30feuding tertulias 164±5proclamation of 1889 124±5rivalry with LeoÂn 165±6siege of 37±8trade 25Walker's capture of 40±1Zelaya 131±2, 142

Great Britain 24, 140, 171±2 great conspiracy 107±9 Guardia, TomaÂs 72, 75 Guardiola, General 40, 41, 42, 43, 177 Guatemala 1, 7, 14, 71, 166±7 Barrios 110±13coffee 82±3education 89railways 77Walker 44

Guatemala Railroad Company 77 Guerra, Benjamin 98±9 GuzmaÂn, Enrique 12, 36, 60±1, 100,

108, 119, 127, 134±5 GuzmaÂn, Fernando 22, 66±7, 125,

152, 154, 155Granadan proclamation 124inauguration of Carazo 119Masaya nomination 69±70presidency of 16, 57±62succession crisis 120, 121

haciendas 66±7 `hacienda as refuge' 10, 161 see also cattle-ranching

HalperõÂn Donghi, Tulio 8 Herrera, Dionisio 32 Herrera, Rafaela 48 Herrera, Ubaldo 40, 41 higher education institutes 88, 93 history, acceleration of 143±9

Index 193

Honduras 71, 113, 142railways 77war with 1893±94 136±8

Iglesieros 19, 98±100, 123, 135, 169great conspiracy 107±9

indigo 10, 26, 27, 166Informe sobre el ferrocarril del

Atlantico 148Instituto de Occidente 88, 93interest rates 90interoceanic canal 24

Jalteva secret society 19, 108Jerez, Gregoria 70Jerez, MaÂximo 36, 48, 49, 70, 98body returned to Rivas 101bones transferred to LeoÂn 137±8conspiracy with MartõÂnez againstGuzmaÂn 17, 60±1

envoy in Washington 80, 111invasion defeated by Chamorro 75invasion defeated by MartõÂnez 56,179±80

manifesto on LiberalRevolution 71±2

MartõÂnez presidencies 52, 54MunÄoz 33, 36siege of Granada 37±8statue of in LeoÂn 142Walker 42, 43

Jesuits, expulsion of 92±8July revolution 1893 129±32Junta de CalculacioÂn 54

labor 52±4, 66, 90±1, 94Lacayo, Rosendo 120land 27±8, 66, 83Law of Public Order 135LeoÂn 4, 9, 12, 150±1, 153deputies jailed by Chamorro 36±7economy and politics 29±30Instituto de Occidente 93Liberals' alliance with Granadan

Iglesieros 135rivalry with Granada 165±6siege of 33siege of Granada 37±8trade 25

uprising against Zelaya 140±3uprising of 1893 131victory parade after war withHonduras 137

Leonard, Josef 93Leonismo Puro 123Levy, Paul 7, 10, 63±6liberal progressivism 8Liberal revolutions 71Liberals 11±12, 48CaÂrdenas 100±1; great conspiracy 107, 108

Constitution of 1893 132±6identified with coffee economy6±7

licenciados 30LlaveÂn, MagõÂn 139`Lomazo' 3`Lovers of Peace' 55±6

Madriz, Lic. Jose 133Managua 19, 108, 130, 131, 144, 153rivalry with LeoÂn 141

maritime transport 64±5MartõÂnez, General TomaÂs 16, 48±9,

58±9, 70±1ambiguous legacy of MartõÂnez'presidencies 52±7

rebellion with Jerez againstGuzmaÂn 17, 60±1

Marxist interpretations 2±3, 6±8Matagalpa Indians 93±4, 97Matus, Manuel 67McDonald, Mr 24Memorandum of Intent 141MendeÂz, Mariano 40mengalos 19, 169Mercado, El 115Mexico 148Ministry of Government 119±20Moncada, Jose MarõÂa 130Montenegro, Francisco 144Montiel, General 129, 130, 132Montiel, Mercedes de 139Montt, Manuel 47Mora, Federico 126MorazaÂn, General Francisco 162±3Mosquito Indians 24, 140, 171±2MunÄoz, Trinidad 33±4, 35, 38, 39, 40

194 Index

NapoleoÂn III 24national debt 31±2, 69, 87, 88, 151±2Sacasa 127±9Zelaya 146, 147, 148

National Library 81National War 38±45, 47±8, 154±5Navas, Vicente 97, 116Nicaragua Commune 30, 168Nicaragua Land and Mining

Company 26±7Nicaraguan Company Ltd 128Nicaraguan Railroad Company 151NunÄez, Jose 163

Olanchanos 56, 97, 98±100, 107, 108oligarchy 7±8order 11, 12±13, 154±5OrdoÄez, Cleto 4, 168ÂnOrtiz, General 131, 133, 136±7, 138,

141

Pact of Sabana Grande 130±1Pacto Providential 44PaÂez, General Jose Antonio 11Palazio, Luigi 108Paris International Exposition 73party conventions 114±15, 153patronage 101±6Pedrarias Davila 4, 5, 158`People of Granada to their Friends and

Correligionists in the other Towns of the Republic' 124±5

PeÂrez, JeroÂnimo 63±4PeÂrez Brignoli, Hector 6±7Piches, Los 123pirates 10, 162police agency 90±1political institutionsachievements of the Conservative Republic 152±3

maturing of 114±18Polytechnic 144population 10, 160±1Porvenir, El 100post offices 114power 143, 154power consolidation 8prefects 51±2presidential elections

1853 281863 55±61870 671874 73±51886 114±161890 125±61893 133

priests 95see also Jesuits

probity 18, 72, 155professional class 102, 103, 153progress 12, 16, 18achievements of the Conservatives 150±4

under CaÂrdenas 114foundations of 73±8under MartõÂnez 55under Zavala 81±91

Progressives 98±100, 115±16, 186property qualification 35, 105±6, 134public finances 64, 84±8after National War 47±8CaÂrdenas 113±14Cuadra 68±9, 72Fruto Chamorro 31±2MartõÂnez 57Pedro Chamorro 75±8Sacasa 127±9Zelaya 145±8

public sector employment 101±6 public works 16±17, 140under Cuadra 72expenditure 87, 88halted under CaÂrdenas 113under MartõÂnez 57under Pedro Chamorro 75±6Sacasa 126

Radicatti, Signor 38railways 81±2, 83±4, 114, 150±1Pedro Chamorro 76±7tariffs 82Zelaya 140±1, 148

Realejo, El 25religion 11Republican Club of Granada 58Republicano, El 100revenues 64, 84±6, 145

see also public finances

Index 195

Rivas, Anselmo 107, 116, 121, 124,126, 127

Rivas, Battle of 43, 177Rivas, Eleodoro 125Rivas, Patricio 41roads 60`Roberto Sacasa March' 123±4RodrõÂguez, Jose Dolores 120Roosevelt, Theodore 148Rosas, General 11

Sabana Grande, Pact of 130±1Sacasa, Coronel Crisanto 4, 161,

167±8Sacasa, Juan Bautista 57Sacasa, Roberto 114, 153presidency 18±19, 122±32;

cuartelazo 129±32; firstmonths 122±5; secondterm 125±9

succession mechanism 22, 120±1Sacasa family 164±5Salazar, General 44San Juan del Norte 86San Juan del Sur 86San Martin, Jose de 11Sanchez, Enrique 144SaÂnchez, Fernando 125, 130, 139Sandino, Augusto CeÂsar 130Santander, Francisco de Paula de 11Santiago International Exposition 73scholarships abroad 88Selva, Buenaventura 42, 56Selva, Carlos 106, 139senators 49, 50slave trade 160±1Sociedad IndõÂgena de Jinotega 94Somoza GarcõÂa, Anastasio 130, 154Spanish Crown 4Squier, Ephraim George 23±4state 16and patronage under CaÂrdenas 101±6

straw candidate 78±9subsidies 52, 76, 82, 151succession mechanism 15, 22, 152±3,

169after Carazo's death 119±21

sugar 52, 76

taxation fiscal crunch 138±9 privileges for coffee, cotton and sugar 52, 76

revenues 64, 84±6, 145tax base 69

teachers 88±9Tegucigalpa 137telegraph 97, 114, 128TermoÂmetro, El 98±9, 100±1tertulia de la calle atravesada 29tertulias 163±4Timbucos 29, 30, 48Torres-Rivas, Edelberto 7trade 10, 25±6, 162growth 1871±88 85±7see also exports

traditionalist interpretation 2±3,3±6

transport 64±5see also railways

Trevelyan Pim, Captain BedfordClaperton 148

trust 62, 155building 12±14, 31

tyranny 143±9

Ubico, Special Envoy 111United States (US) 21, 23±4, 140, 148urban constabulary 126Urbina, Manuel 98, 107, 108±9

Valdivieso, Bishop 5, 158Valle, Lic. Pastor 101Valles, Jose MarõÂa (`El CheloÂn') 36, 40,

42Vanderbilt, Cornelius 26Vaughn, Mr. (British Consul) 129VaÂzquez, General 136Vega, Josefa 139Velasquez, Jose Luis 7±8Verdadero EstandaÂrte, El 98vice-presidency 15, 49, 133, 167±8Vigil, Francisco 40±1, 43, 59±60Vigil, Miguel 54±5

Walker, William 4, 12±13, 154, 157,177

National War 38±45

80

196 Index

war bonds 112Weimberger, Charles 146Wheelock, Jaime 6, 159

Zavala, AdriaÂn 115, 116Zavala, JoaquõÂn 16, 17, 74, 98, 116Barrios 1121878 presidential election 78, 79,

Granadan proclamation 124jailed by Sacasa 127Leader of the EasternRevolution 129±30

negotiations with Zelaya 135, 136presidency 81±98; expulsion ofJesuits 92±8; progress 81±91

support for CaÂrdenas 98, 99war with Zelaya 131±2

Zelaya, Jose Santos 2, 108, 150, 152,154, 170

1890 presidential elections 125insurrection of 1893 130Marxist historians 6, 7presidency 133±49; fiscalcrunch 138±9; LeoÂn 141±2; Mosquito Indians 140; reform of Constitution 142±3, 152; tyranny and the acceleration of history 143±9; war with Honduras 136±8

revolution 131±2sudden death of theRepublic 19±21

traditionalist historians 5±6Zepeda, Hermenegildo 49