overview of caste systems in india

8/7/2019 overview of caste systems in india

1/24

So, you want to marry my daughter?The Caste System: An OverviewA summary of the first lecture in the IK Foundation Lecture Series,Indian Culture in the Modern World. 23rd October 2002, LondonFirst speaker: Prof. M Narasimhachary, Senior Associate Fellow,

Oxford Centre for Vaishnava and Hindu StudiesPreambleThe phenomenon of Caste has aroused more controversy than anyother aspectof Indian life and thought. Some see Indias caste system as thedefining feature ofIndian culture and some have dismissed it as a colonial artefact. Sincethe days of theBritish rule, both historians and anthropologists referred to India as acaste society.Obviously this is an overstatement of the importance of caste. But for

many leadingpersonalities, caste was, and is, a real force in Indian life. As explainedby experts inthe field such as Dr Susan Bayly, caste is not the essence of Indianculture andcivilization. It is rather a contingent and variable response to theenormous changesthat occurred in the subcontinents political landscape both before andafter thecolonial conquest1.Definition of Caste : the concepts of Jti and Vara:The New Shorter Oxford English Dictionarydefines Caste as a Hinduhereditary class of socially equal persons, united in religion and usuallyfollowingsimilar occupations, distinguished from other castes in the hierarchy byits relativedegree of purity or pollution.2 The term Caste is commonly used torefer to twodistinct concepts of corporate affiliation: the Jti (birth group) and theVara (order,class or kind). The term Jti is used for the units of thousands orsometimes millionsof people with whom one may identify oneself for such purposes asmarriage. There1 Caste, Society and Politics in India from the Eighteenth Century to the Modern Age, Cambridge

University Press ,20012 Ed. Lesley Brown. Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1993

2are thousands of titles associated with specific Jtis in different parts ofthe country:


2/24

Rajput, Chamar and Jat these terms have come to be widelyrecognised. But theseterms are unfamiliar to people outside a limited geographical area. Incontrast to thisprofusion of Jtis or birth-groups, the concept of Vara involves a

scheme with onlyfour divisions. Thus what would now be called Hindu society isconceived of as beingdivisible into four very large units which transcend specific regionalassociations.These are: Brhmaa, Ktriya, Vai.ya and dra. They are commonlyunderstood as aranked order of precedence. Then there is another caste called thefifth one (calledPacama), the so-called untouchable (the hill and forest populationwho are called

tribals, inclusive). This group occupies a place below, outside thisVara scheme.The Brhmaas are commonly identified with those who fulfil thecalling ofpriests and spiritual preceptors. The Katriyas (etymologically, theprotectors) areusually rulers and warriors. The Vai.yas are those who havecommercial livelihood,and are associated with other producers and wealth-creators as well.The dras aretoilers and artisans. People belonging to the fifth group perform

unclean servicessuch as cremation, killing animals for food, etc.Caste in Theory and Practice:Those sharing a common caste identity may subscribe to at least anotionaltradition of common descent, as well as a claim of commongeographical origin and aparticular occupational ideal. For instance, an individual claimingBrahman parentageis not obliged to follow a priestly or preceptoral livelihood. A manprofessing princely

descent automatically is not expected to wield a sword. But thoseclaiming Brahminor Katriya origin do not expect others to think that their ancestorswere humblelabourers or providers of menial service, as would be the case for anindividualidentified by a low-caste Jti designation such a Paraiyan or Chamar. Intheory at


3/24


4/24

castes are not related to heredity or birth. What is implied in thissymbolic description3 The cohesive role of Sanskritization and other essays, Delhi, 1989

4of the emergence of the four castes is that human society is given its

voice(mukham),order (bhu), form(ru) and change (pad) respectively. Thevocational choicewas mainly need-based and circumstantial, in terms of the availabilityof labour incertain places and certain times.Manu the Law Giver explains the principle of caste as a universal law oflife.The key principle of caste Hindu thought is understood as the code ofduty,

religious law and right human conduct which defines the path to virtue(Dharma) andspiritual fulfilment for all humankind. According to Manu, the source ofthis Dharmais the Will of the Divine Creator who gave each of the four humanarchetypes orVaras a distinct moral quality, and a calling to follow. God, thelustrous one, madeseparate innate activities for the different orders of humanity, saysManu.4 . Hecalled these, Varas and laid down their duties and responsibilities so

as to makelife in society comfortable and meaningful. He also laid down the.rama Dharmas -- duties of celibates (brahmacrins), householders (g.hasthas), forest-recluses (vnaprasthas)and ascetics (sanysins). The caste system was designed andexpected tomake social life a well-knit, self-dependent unit, implying of course,mutualdependence. Everybody was expected to contribute his mite to thewell-being of the

society at all levels. Manu also explains that the classification of castesbased onprofession, does not disqualify the members to inter-marry. He speaksofanulomatypeof marriages (in the descending order) according to which a manbelonging to thehigher order may marry a woman belonging to the lower order. TheVara


5/24


6/24

The sole cause of discord and animosity that affected various sectionsof society isnon-discrimination between the two segments Jti (caste by birth)and Vara(caste by profession). One may claim to have been born in a particular

Jti and5 Cf. brhamaa-katriya-vi. .dr ca parantapa |karmi pravibhaktni svabhvaprabhavai guai ||6consider oneself as .uddha (pure) or .ubha (auspicious). But thedivision in termsof caste by profession (vara) remains flexible. E.g., professions asthose of Doctors,Lawyers, Engineers, Professors and Musicians. Those born in any Jtican take up anyof the above professions. That was the original import and intention ofancientscriptures and law-texts. But in India, in the middle ages, people beganto think ofonly one type of caste, i.e., caste by birth or Jti. An individual began tothink ofhimself or herself as superior or inferior to others. This is the chiefcause of malady inIndia. All the ruling parties in the country, since the dawn ofIndependence, both atthe Centre and in different States, have been missing this point andare as a matter of

fact, widening the rift between one Vara and another. It is time thistruth is broughtout in bold relief, publicised and popularised by all our statesmen,politicians, socialreformers, educationists, religious and spiritual leaders, heads ofmonasteries andother organizations if they are really interested in creating anegalitarian society.How did Caste emerge?To be frank, the emergence of caste cannot be reduced to any singlecausal

factor. In contrast to other areas of Asia, the paramount fact of Indianhistory hasbeen the subcontinents remarkable array of contrasting ecologies,languages,religions and political systems, as well as its great political fluidity, withpersistentoscillations between prosperity and dearth, commercialisation andsubsistence,


7/24

pastoralism and peasant agriculture. One striking element of Indian lifehas been thepresence of very large subordinated populations who have beenidentified as distinctfrom other Indians culturally, morally and even biologically. These are

the peoplecalled tribals and untouchables. These cultural, ethnic and historicaldiversities arereflected in the profusion of different meanings that Indians have givento the termCaste or caste-like groupings with which they have identifiedthemselves.7Later Stages:In the post-Mughal period, the religious atmosphere in India tended toshow

what may be described as casteless and anti-Brahmanical signs. Thereligionsduring this period and even before, derived their support from theBhakti traditionsinspired by great teachers like Rmnuja, Guru Nanak, Caitanya andKabir. Also, thefourth .rama of ascetics is supposed to be casteless in the sense thatthey are abovethe denominations of caste. By the 16th century, the rise of Muslim-ruled kingdoms inthe Deccan and North, spread the teachings of Islam to both humble

and elite groups.After the decline of Mughal power in the early 18th century, Muslim prs (well-versedin mysticism and devotional traditions known as Sufism) continued tobe revered byboth Muslims and non-Muslim Hindus. These prs or cult saintsattractedconstituencies which were similar to the followings of the Hindu bhaktiteachers andSikh gurus, and which shared many of their ideas and spiritualpractices. Thus, from

these sources also, Indians encountered messages of devotion to aDeity which was tobe seen not only as transcendent, but also as dissolving all divisions ofrank andhierarchy through practices of personalised mystical devotion. Theteaching ofdevotional approach (bhakti) simply gave to the ordinary caste-Hindu,an experience


8/24

of mystical and apparently casteless union with the Divine.But at the practical level, the position did not change. The layadherents didnot deny or give up claims for the validity of their caste distinctions.Especially where

marriage was concerned, lay initiates who worship through thepersonal guru ratherthan a Brahmin ritualist would still accept that the untouchable wasradicallydifferent from the devotee of respectable caste origin. Many bhaktisects deniedinitiation to unclean groups. Some allowed only those of Brahminbirth to becomegurus. Further, the activities of these conversion faiths andsampradya-networks8

gave rise to assertive counter-movements like Bengals early 19thcentury DharmaSabha organisations which rallied self-professed preservers of orthodoxfaith to thedefence of Brahmanical authority. In many cases both before andduring the colonialperiod, battles took place in the Bengal between organized groups ofHindumodernisers and traditionalists. This only helped to heighten theawareness of Jtiand Vara concepts for people of varying social backgrounds, both

before and afterthe colonial era.From the later 19th century all the ideas about caste were given newimpetusby their collision with two new forces in Indian life. The first of thesewas theencounter with notions of individual rights and nationhood whichderive primarilyfrom the writings of Western social theorists of the period. The secondwas theincreasing self-confidence of the large and growing Indian

intelligentsias which hadbeen expanding rapidly since the 1950s. Beginning in the late 19thcentury,controversies about whether caste was a degenerate social evil or anembodiment ofprogressive spirituality and nationhood were pursued both in theliberal English


9/24

Journals, especially the Indian Social Reformer(founded in 1890), andinpronouncements by defenders of orthodox Hindu tradition. Those whoinvolvedthemselves in these debates included such celebrities like Swami

DayanandaSarasvati, founder of the Arya Samaj (1875) and Swami Vivekananda,founder of theRamakrishna Mission Movement (1897). Many other important socialand politicalleaders also played an active role, most notably M.G. Ranade and otherleaders ofIndias most influential pre-1st World War reformist voluntaryassociation, theNational Social Conference.9

Those who participated in these debates did not accept the existenceofhierarchical Jti and Vara affinities as neutral facts of Indianethnography. Intheir view, the values and solidarities to which they attached theEnglish term casteraised issues requiring public men (and sometimes women) to take astand in therapidly proliferating print media. What they wrote was an explicitchallenge to thoseorientalists who saw caste as an immoral institution which had

prevented Indians fromacquiring the bond of a universal ethical code, thus debarring themfrom theachievement of nationhood. By the end of the 19th century three basicviews of castehad emerged:1. The incubus view that caste in all its forms is a divisive andperniciousforce, and a negation of nationhood;2. The golden chain view that caste as a Vara is to be seen as anideology

of spiritual orders and moral affinities, and as a potential basis fornationalregeneration;3. The idealised corporation view that Jti is to be seen as a concreteethnographic fact of Indian life, a source of historic national strengthsandorganised self-improvement or uplift.


10/24

The National Social Conference (1887) was founded by the BombayHighCourt Judge M.G. Ranade (1842-1901) and the Madras Civil Sevant R.Raghunatha Rao (1831-1912). The supporters of this Conference wereexpected to endorse the so-called uplift for untouchables, as well as

theeducation of women, the banning of child marriages and the abolitionofpenitential seclusion for widows. Those who participated in the 1909Conference declared that Caste was an alien and slavish institutionwhich hadbeen created in relatively recent times under pernicious ethnologicaland10historical circumstances. Caste values were the badge of a degradedand

unfree people and a source of irksome and painful customs which hadrigidified a once free and open social order, trenching on the liberty ofanterior times and shackling Indians within a prison house ofsuperstitionand social oppression.Swami Vivekananda (1863-1902) condemned the oppressive treatmentofthe so-called untouchables and other subordinate castes. He re-echoedcontemporary Western ethnological themes in his remarks about thenaturaldifferences of ability and character that separated persons of unlike

Vara.His views became a source of inspiration to Mahatma Gandhi in dealingwiththe problem of Casteism. Swami Vivekannda wrote: Each caste hasbecome,as it were, a separate racial element. If a man lives long enough inIndia, hewill be able to tell from the features what caste a man belongs to (WorksVIII: 54). Two different races mix and fuse, and out of them rises onestrong

distinct type. This tries to save itself from admixture, and here you seethebeginning of caste. Look at the apple. The best specimens have beenproduced by crossing, but once crossed, we try to preserve the varietyin tact(Ibid: 274). Caste has its bad side, but its benefits outweigh itsdisadvantages. (Ibid: 242). It is in the nature of society to form itselfinto


11/24

groups. Caste is a natural order, I can perform one duty in social lifeand youanother; you can govern a country, and I can mend a pair of old shoes,but thatis no reason why you are greater than I, for, can you mind my shoes?

Caste isgood. That is the only natural way of solving life. (Ibid: 245-246)11The publications of Mahatma Gandhi in 1920s and 1930s containpassionate polemics about the doctrine of untouchability as a horribleandterrible stain on the Hindu faith, as anevil and an insult to religionandhumanity. His insistence on religious solutions to the problems ofuntouchability lay behind his adoption of the term Harijan (meaning,son of

Hari, i.e., God). This term became widely used since 1930s though inrecenttimes, its use has been condemned by self-styled representatives oflow-castegroups.Since the 1970s, many campaigners have sought to replace it with theword Dalit (the oppressed) which has connotations of modernity andmilitantclass struggle rather than pious self-effacement, implied by the termHarijan.After Independence in the year 1947, important Hindu temples were

declaredopen to Harijans. Even today, law and pubic policy are said to beanything butcasteless. But there are flaws and inconsistencies in this procedure.Forexample, in the Punjab, the members of the Khatik caste were deemedeligiblefor Scheduled Caste benefits. But in the neighbouring Uttar Pradesh,this samecommunity was classed as forward, rather than as backward. Soattempts

were made in some States to de-Schedule several of the broadestregionalHarijan communities. Even now, some of the leading national newspaperspublish long columns of matrimonial classifieds asking for brides orgroomsof a particular community or caste. Marriages between people ofsubstantially


12/24

different caste background are still as rare in the countryside as theyare in thecities. Further, in both towns and nucleated village settlements thereare stillolder housing areas containing single-caste residential streets. These

includethe Brahmin-only streets surrounding many Hindu temples as well asthe12concentrations of impoverished Harijan-untouchables who still liveapart fromthe so-called clean-caste populations in their own separate hamletsand urbanslum enclaves.Thus the making of caste-society in India has involved a sequence ofcomplex but intelligible changes, notably in the areas of religion, state

powerand material environment.The present position:Even after fifty years of Independence, Caste continues to be a majorthemein Indian politics. Many political parties try to make caste an issue inthe electoralarena and cash in. They denounce it as a social evil and attack othersfor beingbackward-looking and casteist. Many aspects of the contemporarycaste-life in

India echo the principles found in classical Indian religious scriptures.But in theWest, neither race nor class can be related to any comparabe body ofcodified textsand teachings. For all its diversity and its points of comparison withschemes of socialdifferentiation to be found in other parts of the world, Caste standsalone, as a modeof thought and action. This distinctiveness is undeniable, even thoughcaste certainlyhas much in common with other complex invented traditions, most

notably those ofnationhood and ethno-religious community. Indias nationalist andcommunalreligious ideologies have both interacted with the ideas andexperiences of caste,sometime reinforcing their claims and sometime challenging them, butnever fullyoverriding or replacing them.


13/24

The Government, in the name of creating a casteless, secular society,and tocompensate the injustice meted out by the so-called higher castes tothe oppressed,down trodden, economically poor, educationally backward masses of

India, created a13plethora of newcastes. These new castes are classified as BackwardClasses,Schedule Castes and Scheduled Tribes. Tribal people are included inthe ScheduledTribes. These new castes are protected by the Quota System orReservation Policyfor widening their educational and employment opportunities. TheTamil NaduGovernment has created one more Community called the Most

BackwardClass/Community so as to benefit certain other groups. . These peopleare preferredto all other groups for getting admissions to Schools, Colleges andUniversities, andalso for getting selected for different types of jobs. The higher classeshave beencalled the Forward Classes; and people belonging to this group face atoughchallenge in what is called an open competition. This reservationpolicy has been

in vogue for quite some time and will continue indefinitely for somemore years. Nodeadline has been set for this policy officially. The resultant picture isthat merit getsthe back seat and people using their rights of reservation are benefitedat all levels,however unqualified they may otherwise be.What is the solution?In the light of this, we have to come to certain conclusions and offerviablesolutions to the problems created by a wrong understanding and

application of theprinciple of Caste in India. What has been there for centuries cannot beundone in aday or two. There is no magic wand by which we can create acasteless societyovernight. We have to take the horn by his bulls and try to solve theproblem. It is


14/24

rather, a problem with our own understanding and interpretation ofCaste. There isnothing wrong as such with the concepts of Caste as understood andpractised by thewise of yore. As pointed out earlier, one has to draw a distinction

between Jti (casteby birth) and Vara (caste by profession). Indians wherever they live,shouldunderstand that there is no clash of interests between one Vara andanother or14between one Jti and another. So long as one can identify himself orherself asbelonging to a particular birth-group and believe that they belong to apure origin,there is nothing wrong, so long as they do not harm others verbally or

physically onthe ground that they belong to a lower Jti and that they are not equalin social,religious and other matters. One should not and need not make muchfuss about thisfactor. Then the division of society into the four Varas and thedistribution of labouris what should really cause worry to many. Even here, there need beno discord ordispute so long as the social needs are provided by different peoplewho are proficient

in different fields. A man of Brahmin Jti, for example, may be proud ofhis lineageand parentage; but he may, by virtue of his educational qualificationsand aptitudebecome an engineer or marine biologist and contribute to thosedepartments of study.He may if he so desires, join military forces and combat the enemies.He may stillretain his Brahmin identity.Towards the end of the 20th century and on the threshold of the 21stcentury,

inter-caste, inter-racial and inter-continental marriages have becomequite common.A Brahmin boy may, for instance, marry a non-brahmin girl. A Hindugirl may marrya Muslim boy. Or an Indian may marry a French or English. In amajority of cases,there may be a cultural and commensal change. Those who werevegetarians are fast


15/24

becoming non-vegetarians and vice-versa. Drinking wine is no longer ataboo in manyHindu families. Some do it openly and others, due to somecompulsions, do itsecretly. This is to point out that the original divisions of society into

Jti and Varaare fast losing their relevance and sanctity. The worst affected partiesare the parentsof the orthodox Hindu bent of mind. They are unable to make theirdaughters and sonsstick to their old identities and habits. Nor are they able to live awayfrom them. Theyhave to ultimately yield to the wishes of their children, and be contentthat at least15they themselves are able to preserve their identity. On the top of this,

many Hinduascetics (sanysins) are crossing the seas and visiting foreigncountries forpreaching their religion and philosophy to the Hindus living abroad,which was onceconsidered highly unorthodox and objectionable. Therefore there ischangeeverywhere in the thinking of people about caste, community,religious andphilosophical values, and the like. Nothing is wrong so long as we donot wrong

others. Nothing is objectionable so long as there is no compulsion,hatred, animosity,ill-will and hypocrisy. The world is created by God in a wonderful andmysteriousway. Diversity is the Art of Nature; but Unity is the Heart of God. This iswhat thegveda (I.164.46) declared ages ago: eka sad vipr bahudhvadanti(What existsis One but wise men call it by different names). Let people practicewhat they think isright and good for them; but let them not fight in the name of religion,

philosophy,race, caste, class, community, faction, cult, group or politicalaffiliations. All havetheir own place, their own grace and role to play in making the worldbeautiful andhabitable. Let there be an understanding of the basic values of life. Letthere be


16/24

sympathy for the under-privileged people of society. Let there be thespirit ofcooperation and help. This again is the prayer of a Vedic bard:sagacchadhva savadadhva sa vo mansi jnat(Come together; speak to one another; let your minds be of one

accord!)______________________16\

International Business & Economics Research Journal November 2008 Volume 7, Number 11 55

Latin Americas Racial Caste System:

Salient Marketing ImplicationsRutilio Martinez, University of Northern Colorado, USAVish Iyer, University of Northern Colorado, USAABSTRACT

Latin American societies are structured in a fuzzy racial caste system. Whites are at the top. Next are

individuals of mixed European and Indian or mixed European and African ancestry, the Mestizos and the

Mulattos, respectively. At the bottom are the Indians and the blacks. Integral to this system is an overtpreference for European appearance and, among many whites, the firm conviction that the dark-skinned

are racially inferior. This results in exclusive use of models of European appearance in publicity channels,higher prices of luxury goods, and the perception that Latin American products are of poor quality.


17/24

Keywords: caste, European appearance, Mestizo, Mulatto, low income, dark-skinnedI. INTRODUCTION

In colonial times the Latin American societies were organized in a rigid, racially determined, caste system.The upper two castes included whites only. Below these two came the castes formed by individuals ofmixed European and Indian ancestry, the Mestizos. Next in the pecking order were those of mixedEuropean and Africa ancestry, the Mulattos. In the lowest castes were the Indians and the blacks. From theperspective of the whites, this hierarchy was more than a mere expression of colonial power. It was also anexpression of the natural order regarding intelligence and beauty among the races.Nowadays, some 185 years after most of the Latin American nations obtained their independence, none ofthe Latin governments consider race to be an issue. All of these governments are firmly convinced that theracial caste system of colonial times has totally disappeared. This firmly held conviction is, however, notshared by academics and ordinary citizens who have noticed the distinct racial stratification of the LatinAmerican societies. For these dissenters, the prevailing racial economic hierarchy and the, easilyuncovered, attitudes that consider the dark-skinned unattractive and inferior clearly indicate that the racial

caste system continues to operate.Todays racial caste system is, of course, not nearly as rigid as it was in colonial times. But the fact that ithas survived 185 years of social, economic and political advances implies that this system is deeplyembedded in the Latin societies. Hence, it must have relevant social, economic and political effects. Thispaper, however, only discusses the effects that this racial system has on the marketing mix. Due to the factthat the racial reality in Latin America is contentious, the next section briefly discusses events andarguments that highlight the continued presence of the racial caste system in the Latin American countries.The remainder of this paper is organized as follows: Section 3 discusses the effects that the racial castesystem has on publicity channels; Section 4 describes salient implications that this system has on the otherelements of the marketing mix; namely price, product and place; Section 5 discusses racially motivatedissues that dark-skinned, non Latin American executives may face when assigned to a Latin Americannation; in Section 6 it is argued that the free market reforms and demographic changes that are taking placein most Latin nations are not undermining the relevance of the racial caste system, but they are likely to

continue expanding the demand for all kinds of goods, including high income goods. Section 7 containsconclusions. International Business & Economics Research Journal November 2008 Volume 7,Number 11 56


18/24

II. THE RESILIENT RACIAL CASTE SYSTEM

As mentioned in the introduction, the Latin American governments are convinced that race and racialappearance are not an issue in their societies. This conviction is also held by many Latin Americans.Several facts support this firmly held conviction. Among them: the glorification of the Indian past incountries with a significant Indian population like Guatemala, Mexico and Peru; the complete absence ofvirulent racial animosity; the election as president of a Mulatto, in Venezuela, and of an Indian, in Bolivia;the visible participation of dark-skinned individuals in the congresses of most Latin nations; the emergenceof a large consumer class where most consumers are dark skinned, like in Mexico; and most importantly,the absence of any laws outlawing racial discrimination which implies that this type of discrimination isnon-existent.These facts only show one side, the benign side, of the racial reality of Latin America. This reality also hasan ugly side. Crucial components of this ugly side are the racist attitudes held by many whites and raciallymixed individuals who pass as whites. These attitudes, although officially non-existent, have been presentin the white segments of the Latin American societies for as long as these societies have existed.For most Latin nations, their first three or four decades of independence were afflicted by economicstagnation and political violence. This began to change in the middle of the nineteenth century. From thattime until the early 1930s, most Latin nations experienced several decades of sustained economic growthand political stability [Bulmer-Thomas, 2003, pp. 9-17]. During these decades the oligarchies and thegovernments of the Latin nations did not implement policies that would have eroded the racial caste systeminherited from colonial times. On the contrary, they openly adopted the racial theories that prevailed in the

USA and Europe. These theories postulated that only the white man was capable of developing a countrybecause Indians, blacks, and individuals of mixed race were naturally inferior. Accordingly, in Argentina,Indians were exterminated to make room for European immigrants; while in Venezuela, Brazil, Cuba,Guatemala, Mexico and other Latin nations, governments adopted policies that promoted the advancementof whites, but not that of the dark-skinned. Among these were: giving the best agricultural lands to whites,prohibiting the entrance of non-whites, but favoring the immigration of Europeans, and maintainingthrough violent means, the level of wages at the survival level [Bulmer-Thomas, 2003, pp.86-87; Graham,1990, pp. 1-4; Hely,1990, pp.37-42; Herring, 1968, p. 329; Knight, 1990, pp.78-80; Stavenhagen, 1994, p.334; and Skidmore, 1990, pp. 7-12]By the 1930s the governments of the Latin nations had discarded the racist ideologies that they had adoptedin previous decades. Since then, the Latin societies have become predominantly urban, their literacy rateshave surpassed the 90% level, they have formed large working classes, and practically all of them haveelected democratic governments. Despite this economic, social and political progress, racist attitudes have

continued to crop up.At the end of the 1960s, in a study of Mexican entrepreneurs done by the OECD, the main entrepreneurs ofMexico, all of whom were of exclusive European ancestry, openly stated their belief that Indians andMestizos were inferior [Derossi, 1971, p. 149]. Later, in the 1990s, the Argentineans continued to insist thatthey were Europeans, hence, inherently superior to the Indians, blacks and racially mixed Latin Americans[The Economist, 1994]; while the conviction that the dark-skinned were indolent and unattractive wasfound to be very commonly held by members of the upper classes of several Latin nations [Nevaer, 1995,pp.101-105; Wagley, 1994, p.25; and Wright, 1990, pp. 99-129]. More recently, in 2005, Carlos Mosnivais,one of Mexicos most respected intellectuals published an essay where he argued that, whether Mexicansaccept it or not, most whites and individuals who pass as whites continue to despise the-dark skinned[Monsivais, 2005].These attitudes, although dismissed as irrelevant by many Latin Americans, influence the Latin societies.Such influence is visible in the distribution of wealth. In the Latin nations the oligarchy is exclusively

white. Whites also dominate the class that, in terms of wealth, is right below the oligarchy. Next in theeconomic pecking order come the individuals of mixed race, with those who have predominantly Europeanappearance normally ahead of those who have predominantly African or Indian appearance. At the bottomare the blacks and the Indians [Nevaer, 1995, p. 102; Patrinos, H., & Hall, G., 2005, pp. 3-5; Skidmore,1990, p. 28; Stavengahen, 1994, p.33; and Wagley, International Business & Economics ResearchJournal November 2008 Volume 7, Number 11 57


19/24

1994, pp.22-25]. This economic pecking order would be justifiable in Argentina, Costa Rica, Chile andUruguay, where whites are the majority [CIA, 2008]. In the countries where Indians, Mestizos or Mulattosare the majority, the direct correlation between European appearance and economic position suggests thatthe white minority has the power to put in practice their attitudes regarding race and racial appearance.Hence, it can be concluded that the racial caste system, although not nearly as rigid as in colonial times,continues to operate throughout Latin America.III. IMPLICATIONS OF THE RACIAL CASTE STRUCTURE ON ADVERTISEMENT AND

PROMOTION

The most visible marketing effect of the racial caste system is on promotion and publicity. From Mexico toArgentina there is an unwritten rule that the models used in T.V. and internet commercials as well as inprinted ads must be of European appearance. This rule applies to the publicity and advertisement of all kindgoods and services, including unsophisticated goods and services such as: diapers, cubes of chicken broth,sodas, beer, fast food restaurants, hotels for the working classes, cigarettes and cheap clothing.If the goods or services are supposed to be quite sophisticated, elegant and expensive, the models for theT.V. commercials and printed ads for these goods and services tend to be of northern European appearance.That is, in the commercials and printed ads of the most sophisticated goods and services, models whoseappearance is Scandinavian are preferred to models whose appearance is Mediterranean.There are, however, three exceptions to the rule of using models of European appearance exclusively. Oneis in Brazil, the second one is in the area of celebrity marketing, and the third exception corresponds to thepublicity and advertisement of messages of social interest.

In Brazil, since the late 1990s black and Mulatto models have appeared in T.V. and commercials andprinted ads. This has been result, according to those who have studied this trend, of the noticeable growthin the income of blacks and Mulattos [Jordan, 2000]. This contrasts with what has happened in other Latincountries, like Colombia, Mexico and Venezuela, where there is a growing number of affluent andrelatively affluent dark-skinned consumers In these three nations internet and T.V. commercials and printedads continue to exclude models of Indian, Mestizo, black and Mulatto appearance. This contrast may beexplained by the fact that Brazil is the only Latin nation where the issue of race has been openly discussed,and hence, the only Latin country where society recognizes that in business, economics and politics, raceand racial appearance matter [Skidmore, 1990, pp. 27-28].In the area of celebrity marketing, the exception to the rule of using models of European appearance appliesin all the Latin nations. From Mexico to Argentina, famous black, Mulatto, and Mestizo athletes appear incommercials and printed ads. These are very accomplished soccer players who play in Europe, or veryaccomplished baseball and basketball players who play in the major leagues or in the NBA in the USA.

Playing in Europe or in the USA, gives these famous professional athletes an image of sophistication andsuccess that overcomes the non-attractive image that their race has in the Latin nations. This image hasmade celebrity marketing a very effective form of publicity in the Latin countries [Moreno & Blanco, 2005,pp.2-4].Very accomplished dark-skinned Latin athletes who play in their own countries do not have this aura ofsophistication; consequently, they do not endorse products. This is very easy to see in Mexico where mostof the best soccer players, and the few world-class boxers and long distance runners the country has had inthe recent past do not endorse any products. Simply, their features are too Indian.The third exception to the rule of exclusive use of models of European appearance happens whengovernments need to communicate a message of social interest. These messages could be as varied asinviting the public to reduce the consumption of water and electricity, or asking drivers to behave withcivility when they are behind the wheel. Many of the individuals who appear in the T.V. spots and printedads of these messages have Indian, Mulatto and Mestizo appearances. International Business &

Economics Research Journal November 2008 Volume 7, Number 11 58


20/24

The overt preference for the European appearance has also affected the effectiveness of T.V. commercialsand printed ads originally made for the English- speaking Hispanic populations of the U.S.A. Thesecommercials and printed ads, properly translated, have appeared in Latin America to help market thegrowing supply of American goods in this region. The strategy of using commercials specially developedfor the English-speaking Hispanic markets in the U.S.A, although apparently sound, has not worked well,as the few firms that have tried it have found out. T.V. commercials and printed ads made for the English-speaking Hispanic populations of the U.S.A. tend to include Mestizos, Mulattos, blacks and even Indians,which violates the non-written rule that in Latin America, only European looking models should be used.The exception to this rule, as noted above, is when the dark-skinned individuals appearing in the ads orcommercials are accomplished athletes who play in Europe or in the U.S.A.Latin Americas resilient racial caste system has also affected promotion activities such as expositions, fairsand presentations of new products. In these events, if the product is sophisticated or supposed to besophisticated, not only the models are expected to have a European appearance, but the hostesses are alsoexpected to have this appearance. In the nations where the dark-skinned are the majority, this practiceconstitutes a problem for the firms organizing the expositions or presentations of new products, for thereare very few young white women who are willing to work as hostesses and even less that have the need todo this type of work. In some countries, like Mexico, the firms that organize this kind of event have solvedthis problem by hiring as hostesses American, European and Argentinean young women who were living inMexico [Moore, 1998, pp. 71-72].IV. EFFECTS OF THE CASTE SYSTEM ON PRICE, PRODUCT AND PLACE.

Luxury consumer goods in Latin America have higher prices than in the USA. Often, these goods are evenpricier in the Latin nations than in Europe. Traditionally, these steep prices have been attributed to high saletaxes, which could reach 30%, and to the oligopolistic and monopolistic organization of the retail sectors[Bulmer-Thomas, 2003, pp.403-409]. There is, however, an extra cause for the high prices of luxury goodssuch as imported processed foods, most cosmetic products, designer clothing and sophisticated electronics:the strong status orientation of affluent Latin American consumers, i.e., the extra high prices of luxurygoods in Latin America is, at least in part, the result of the consumers desire to show, through thepurchasing of these goods, that they belong to the privileged classes [Zimmerman, 2002, pp. 7-11].In the nations where the dark-skinned are the majority, the strong status orientation of consumers isaugmented by the racist attitudes of whites and racially mixed individuals who pass as whites. Asmentioned above, there is a marked racial pecking order in these nations. The whites are at the top, theMestizos and Mulattos are in the middle, and the Indians and blacks are in the bottom rung. Hence, in thenations where the majority is dark-skinned, the extra high prices of luxury goods are tolerated because they

help whites, and light skinned Mestizos and Mulattos to reiterate their racial superiority.The low standing of the dark-skinned does not imply that they never buy luxury goods. Due todemographic changes that are described in section six below, and due to some economic progress incountries like in Mexico, Venezuela, Colombia and other Latin nations there is a growing number of non-white consumers who buy luxury goods. With their purchases, these affluent dark-skinned consumers areshowing their tolerance of the extra high prices of luxury consumer goods. This tolerance could beinterpreted as part of the cost these consumers are willing to pay to show, through the goods they buy, thatthey have made it into the upper classes. Nonetheless, buying expensive and exclusive goods does not gainaffluent dark-skinned individuals a place in white society. For many whites, a dark-skinned individual doesnot stop being racially inferior just because he or she is wealthy and can afford expensive goods [Wagley,1994, p. 25].There is, of course, a limit to the extra amount that affluent consumers are willing to pay for luxury goods.Determining this limit is a matter of market research. However, these limits will be directly related to the

level of affluence of each country, and to the real or perceived level of sophistication of each luxury good.Racial views also affect the product. Latin American manufactured products have a stigma: low quality.Economists attributed this problem to the excessive protectionism, use of obsolete technologies, and ampleInternational Business & Economics Research Journal November 2008 Volume 7, Number 11 59


21/24

government intervention in the economy that prevailed in these nations until the early 1990s [Weintraub,1984, pp.77-91; Mizrahi, 2000, pp. 63-64] Therefore, it would be expected that the tariff reductions andeconomic deregulations that have occurred throughout this region during the last 15 years should havesignificantly reduced this stigma. Nonetheless, as the example of Mexico shows, the stigma continues.In 1994 Mexico began the implementation of the North American Free Trade Agreement, the NAFTA. Inthat year Mexico exported $51 billion of manufactured goods. By 2007 Mexicos exports of manufacturesreached $271.9 billion and generated at least 20% of the GDP [Banco de Mexico, 2008]. Thus in a periodof 13 years Mexicos exports grew a total of 433%. This performance suggests that Mexican products, or atleast products assembled in Mexico, are not consistently of poor quality. Nonetheless, for many Mexicanconsumers, especially for those who are affluent, Mexican products have been and continued to be shoddybecause Mexican workers are inferior.For Latin American producers of manufactured goods the problem with the low quality stigma is notwhether it is valid or invalid; but rather, that it gives American, European, and Japanese products,especially luxury products, a competitive edge. This edge cannot be taken lightly because, with theexception of Venezuela, Argentina and Cuba, the other Latin American countries are likely to continueopening their economies.One tactic that could help Latin American producers of luxury goods with the stigma of low quality, is tolink their products to technology or inputs from the USA, Europe or Japan. This link might be legitimate orjust an advertising gimic; but whatever the case, by communicating this connection to consumers, LatinAmerican producers would improve the image of their products.

Place or distribution, the last element of the marketing mix, is probably the least affected by the resilientracial caste system. Throughout the Latin nations the distribution of goods and stores follows thegeographical distribution of wealth. Thus, stores that only sell normal and inexpensive goods are found inthe areas where the poor and working classes live, areas where the clientele is almost exclusively dark-skinned. High quality and luxury goods are sold in stores and department stores located in wealthyneighborhoods. The clientele of the stores located in wealthy neighborhoods is not, however, exclusivelyformed by whites and fair-skinned Mestizos and Mulattos. These stores are selling to a growing number ofdark-skinned consumers. These consumers live in low income and working class areas, but due todemographic changes that are described later in section six and due to the economic progress achieved inrecent years, some of them have the income to occasionally buy high quality and luxury goods. Thus,selling through high end stores does not mean excluding potential dark-skinned buyers. On the other hand,selling exclusively through stores that sell only inexpensive and normal goods precludes selling to thewhites and racially mixed individuals who think of themselves as whites. This happens because the whites,

Mestizos and Mulattos who consider themselves members of the upper classes, very rarely shop in storesthat sell to the poor and working classes. Doing this is identifying oneself, at least temporarily, with thelower classes, and hence, with the Indian or African races.Marketers must be aware that products introduced to Latin American markets through stores that serve thepoor and working classes, will be identified as goods purchased by the dark-skinned consumers. Once thisidentification takes place, it will be very difficult to introduce these products into the stores that serve theupper classes.V. HISPANIC EXECUTIVES NOT WANTED

Most Latin American countries have adopted, since the mid 1990s, the so called Neoliberal model. Themain policies of this model are: emphasis on property rights, reduction of trade barriers, deregulation ofdomestic markets, pursuit of fiscal and monetary discipline, establishment of competitive exchange rates,privatization of many government owned companies, and reduction of the role of government in theeconomy [Kay, 2003, p.19]. That is, this model tries to promote growth by promoting the formation of free

markets. International Business & Economics Research Journal November 2008 Volume 7, Number11 60


22/24

The openness and economic stability brought about by the adoption of the Neoliberal model have attractedand will continue to attract a growing number of non-Latin American firms to Latin America. To startserving the markets in the Latin countries, the non-Latin American firms have to select entry strategies suchas franchises, alliances with domestic firms or the establishment of subsidiaries. Regardless of the entrancestrategy chosen, the non-Latin American firms have to send executives to Latin America to implement, atleast partially, the selected entry strategy. Besides their normal work, these non-Latin executives have theextra task of bridging the cultural gap between their firms and the society of the nation where they weresent. For some non-Latin firms, especially for American firms, selecting Hispanic executives for these jobsappears to be quite adequate. Hispanics, especially those whose parents were immigrants strongly identifywith the Latin culture and tend to be fluent in Spanish. Unfortunately, Hispanic executives tend not bewelcomed.As mentioned above, wealth in Latin America is highly concentrated in the hands of whites. Hence, non-Latin executives sent to Latin America to implement entry strategies deal directly with Latin Americanwhites. Latin American whites, in general, do not welcome Hispanic executives because, racially,Hispanics tend to be Mestizo, Mulatto or Indian. Hence, for most Latin American whites, these Hispanicexecutives owe their economic progress to the migration of their parents to the U.S.A., but they are stillracially inferior. Furthermore, some Latin American whites may even resent their non-Latin partners forsending a Hispanic executive rather than a white executive.The antipathy that Latin American whites feel towards dark-skinned Hispanics has been shown by theCuban community in the U.S.A. The overwhelming majority of Cubans and their descendants in the U.S.A.

are white. Members of this community have openly stated that while culturally and linguistically they haveties to the Hispanic segment of American society, they are inherently superior to this segment of Americansociety [Davila, 2000, p.19].Besides the antipathy that many Latin American whites feel towards the dark-skinned Hispanics, there isanother reason for not sending dark-skinned Hispanic executives to Latin America. Indian, Mestizo, andMulatto Hispanics tend to have a very rosy view of Latin Americas racial reality. They tend to see theLatin societies as racial democracies, free of any kind of racial prejudices. Thus, when they run across theracial prejudices of the white segments of the Latin American societies, they are confused and oftensaddened, which undermines their effectiveness in their assignments.VI. LONG TERM PERSPECTIVES

The adoption of the Neoliberal model began, as mentioned above, in the early 1990s. The free marketpolicies of this model have yet to produce sustained economic growth and economic equality [Vilan, 2006,pp. 18-21]. Hence, the continuation of the racial caste system is assured. This assurance does not, however,

mean that the markets for consumer goods throughout Latin America are likely to stagnate.There are 537 million inhabitants in Latin America Of this total, 88 percent live in nations where the dark-skinned are the majority. In these nations a little more than one fourth of the population is under the age of15 years and the median age is below 25 years [CIA, 2008].. This means that currently, and for the nexttwo decades, the consumer markets of the Latin nations where most consumers are dark-skinned willreceive large numbers of newcomers.Most of these newcomers are, and will continue to be, poor by the standards of the developed nations.Nonetheless, the purchasing power of these new entrants is, and will continue to be, significantly largerthan what is indicated by aggregate figures, such as income per head. This is suggested by the demographicchanges occurring in the Latin American households and by the remittances that the poor of several Latinnations receive.In 2007 the number of children per woman in the countries where the dark-skinned are the majority wasbetween 3.8, in Paraguay, and 1.88, in Brazil [CIA, 2008]. These numbers, while high in comparison to the

developed world, are quite low next to what they used to be a couple of decades ago in most Latin nations.An implication of this decline is that women are joining the organized labor force. This combined with thefact that, in International Business & Economics Research Journal November 2008 Volume 7,Number 11 61


23/24

all social classes, the children stay in the household of the parents until they marry implies that in agrowing number of Latin American households there are, or soon there will be, at least two wage earners.The increase in the number of wage earners combined with the decline in the number of children perwoman means that the Latin households will spend less in basic necessities, and consequently, will havemore disposable income to spend in luxury goods [Zimmerman, 2002, pp. 7-11].Adding to the disposable income of the poor and working classes are the remittances sent by LatinAmericans working, legally and illegally, in the U.S.A. Practically all of the remittances sent to LatinAmerica, which in 2005 reached $49.2 billion, go to countries where the dark-skinned are the majority[CEPAL, 2006, p.140]. At the aggregate level this figure does not seem very relevant, since it represented3% of the GDP of Latin America in that year. The remittances become very relevant, however, when theeffect that they have on the income of the poor is measured. The great majority of the five to seven millionhouseholds that currently receive remittances are, as mentioned above, poor and working class households.The annual average income, without remittances, of these households is, at most, $5,000. In 2002, theremittances added an extra $2,500 to this figure [CEPAL, 2006 and Caas, Coronado & Orrenius, 2007,pp.3-7]. That is, the remittances increase the income of the households that receive them by 50%.Currently as result of the recession in the USA and of the stern enforcement of immigration laws, theremittances are declining. Given, however, the large and expanding demand for cheap labor in the USA,the remittances to Latin America are likely to return to their path of growth of 14% to 20% per year.VII. CONCLUSIONS

Latin Americas racial caste system has been quite resilient. It endured the political transformations brought

about by independence and the rapid economic growth experienced during the period known as the Export-led era (1850- 1945). It became fuzzy during the times of the Import Substitution Industrialization model,when stern protectionism flourished and the Latin economies developed their industrial sectors (1945 toearly 1980s). It has survived the Neoliberal model (mid 1990s to the present), because despite its freemarket orientation, this model has failed to transform the business environment of Latin America, from itspresent and historical aristocratic organization into a meritocracy. Therefore, the racial caste system is notlikely to disappear in the foreseeable future.As long as the racial caste system continues, the overt preference for the European appearance will alsopersist. Hence, only models of European appearance should appear in T.V. and internet commercials andprinted ads. Also as long as the business organization continues to have its aristocratic form, the racistconvictions of white and individuals who pass as whites will persist, which means that the racial ego ofaffluent consumers will continue to allow the inclusion of an extra charge in the price of luxury goods. ForLatin American producers of high end goods, however, the continued presence of the racial caste system

means that they will have to maintain their struggle with the stigma of poor quality that has accompaniedLatin American manufactured products.The resilient racial caste system will continue to create fussy divisions among consumers. It will be,however, erroneous to infer that these fussy divisions will preclude the expansion of the demand for allkinds of goods in the countries where Mestizos, Indians, blacks and Mulattos are the majority. Thesedemands will continue expanding because the number of wage earners per household is increasing and theremittances that they receive from the USA, although currently stagnated, are likely to start growing oncethe American economy resumes its normal rate of expansion.AUTHOR INFORMATION

Rutilio Martinez is an associate professor of statistics at the Monfort College of Business of the Universityof Northern Colorado. He has taught at this school for 14 years. From 2000 to 2005 he was a partner of CGAmericas, a Denver firm that promoted businesses between the USA and Mexico. He teaches a lass aboutLatin American business culture and economics in Furtwagen University in Germany. He has a Ph. D. in

economics from Vanderbilt University. International Business & Economics Research Journal November 2008 Volume 7, Number 11 62


24/24

Vish Iyer has been teaching marketing classes at the Monfort College of Business of the University ofNorthern Colorado for more than 20 years. He has more than 30 publications in peer reviewed journals. Hehas a Ph. D. in marketing form the University of Texas A&M. During his career at the Monfort College ofBusiness, he has received several teaching awardsREFERENCES

1. Banco de Mexico. Cuenta Corriente. Retrieved June 30, 2008, from www.banxico.org.mx

2. Bulmer-Thomas, V. (2003). The Economic History of Latin America Since Independence. New York,NY: Cambridge University Press.

3. Caas, J., Coronado, R., & Orrenius, P. (2007, July/August). Explaining the Increase in Remittances toMexico. Southwest Economy. Federal Reserve Bank of Dallas.

4. CEPAL (2006). Anuario Estadstico de Amrica Latina y el Cribe, 2006. Washington, DC: ComisinEconmica para Amrica Latina y el Caribe.

5. CIA. (2008).The World Factbook. Retrieved April 2 and 3, 2008, from www.cia.gov.

6. Davila, F. (2000, June).Nothing in Common. Hispanic Business.

7. Derossi, F. (1971). The Mexican Entrepreneur. Paris, France: Development Centre Studies of theOrganisation for Economic Co-operation and Development.

8. Graham, R. (1990). The Idea of Race in Latin America, 1870-1940. Austin, TX: University of TexasPress.

9. Hely, A. (1990). Race in Argentina and Cuba, 1880-1930: Theory, Policies and Popular Reaction. In R.

Graham (Ed.), The Idea of Race in Latin America, 1870-1940. Austin, TX: The University of Texas Press.10. Herring, H. (1968). A History of Latin America from the Beginnings to the Present. Third Edition. MewYork, NY: Alfred P. Knopf.

11. Jordan, M. (2000, November 11). Marketers discover black Brazil. Wall Street Journal, p. A2.

12. Kay, S. (2003, Third Quarter). Putting Second-Generation Reforms to the Test. EconSouth. FederalReserve Bank of Atlanta.

13. Knight, A. (1990). Racism, Revolution and Indigenismo: Mexico, 1910-1940. In R. Graham (Ed.), TheIdea of Race in Latin America, 1870-1940. Austin, TX: The University of Texas Press.

14. Monsivais, C. (2005, May 22). Racismo alrevs es Nunca lo dije. Proceso. Mxico D.F.:Comunicacin e Informacin, S.A. de C.V. No. 1490, pp. 32-34.

15. Moreno, R., & Blanco, M. (2005). El Celebrity Marketing como Estrategia de Marcas. Unpublishedpaper. Puebla, Pue.: Departamento de Mercadotecnia, Universidad de las Americas.

16. Mizrahi, T. (2000, June).Tying up the Market. MB The Magazine of the NAFTA Market Place.

17. Nevaer, L. (1995). Strategies for Business in Mexico. Free Trade and the Emergence of North America,Inc. Westport, CT: Quorum Books.

18. Patrinos, H., & Hall, G. (2005). Indigenous Peoples, Poverty and Human Development in LatinAmerica: 1994-2004. Washington, D.C.: The World Bank

19. Skidmore, T. E. (1990). Racial Ideas and Social Policy in Brazil 1870-1940. In Graham, R., (Ed.), TheIdea of Race in Latin America (pp. 27-28 ) Austin, TX: University of Texas Press.

20. Stavengahen, R. (1994). Challenging the Nation State in Latin America. In J. Dominguez, (Ed.), Essayson Mexico, Central and South America. New York, NY: Garland

21. The Economist (1994, November 26). A Survey of Argentina. The Economist, p.18.

22. Vilan, D. (2006, Second Quarter). Financial Volatility and Electoral Uncertainty in Latin America:Perspectives for 2006. EconSouth. Federal Reserve Bank of Atlanta.

23. Wagley, C. (1994). On the Concept of Social Race in the Americas. . In J. Dominguez, (Ed.), Essays on

Mexico, Central and South America. New York, NY: Garland24. Weintraub, S. (1984). Trade between Mexico and the United States? Washington D.C.: The BrookingsInstitution.

25. Wright, W.R. (1990). Caf con Leche. Race, Class, and National Image in Venezuela. Austin, TX:University of Texas Press.

26. Zimmerman, T. (2002). Selling High-Quality Consumer Goods to Mexico. Zurich: Latin AmericanChamber of Commerce in Switzerland.

overview of caste systems in india

Documents

Transcript of overview of caste systems in india