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Sampanthan is the leader of TamilNational Alliance composingEPRLF, PLOTE, TELO, and TamilArasu Katchi. All these parties intheir names are carrying the politicalslogan endorsing the demand ofthe Tamils' Tamil Eelam, since the1976 Vaddukkottai resolution, Tamilgovernment or Tamil rule implyingthe liberation of Tamil to achievethis objective. The constitutionallegislation introduced by J.R banningseparatism and any one advocatingthis as punishable for the offence oftreason. This has put a brake on these

political parties to raise the call fora separate Tamil state. Whether, this

provision violates the fundamental

right of freedom of expression of adistinct people, the Tamils, as laid

down in the UN charter is anothermatter worthy of legal challenge inan appropriate forum. However, therights of Tamils as a distinct race andhistorical habitants in the north andeast to agitate for self-determination isunchallengeable as this right is grantedand fully exercisable as laid downin the UN covenant on civil and politicalrights under Article 2. All peopleshave the right of self-determination.and by virtue of this right they freelydetermine their political status.

With the defeat of LTTE the mantleof leadership was taken over by theTNA who were earlier playing asecondary role under LTTE. Withno other strong opposition party inexistence, Tamils were voting for the

TNA en masse keeping their faith

and hopes to salvage their causes aswell as obtaining solutions for theplethora of war related problems' accountability, reconcil iation ,justice, resettlement, rehabilitation,release of prisoners, reparations andfate of the disappeared thousands.TNA rightly supported Maithiriand Sampanthan and hoped for a

priority agenda from Maithiri andRanil to deal with the above crucialand burning issues. Promises have

been given and as expected, someare already broken, some have been

postponed, while some are empty, forexample the release of prisoners andthe fate of thousands of disappeared.

Sampanthan, a seasoned politician,showing his maturity swallowed up

the let downs with much consternationand disappointment, is now relyingon the promises of Maithiri andRanil with constitutional guaranteedsolution to be incorporated in the

proposed new constitution. Hopeagainst hope is only left for TNA.In order to ensure this goal andobjective, Sampanthan has blanketlydiscarded the demand for a separatestate, which he as a single individualis free to state, but to say that allTamils have given up this demand,is unacceptable and be arrogantlysilenced the Tamils' public opinion.

Furthermore, Sampanthan is wellaware of the majority opinion

prevailing of the minority - conceptin any state or organization. Already

extremist groups and communal

politicians are gathering in unison and

are preparing to mount opposition todefeat any proposals which wouldredress and strengthen the political

position of Tamils. After all Maithiriand Ranil, though exhibitinggood intentions, have to considerthe stability and survival of theirgovernment as their priority and primefactor. Hence, they will be forced tolisten, yield and accommodate thedemands of Sinhala nationalists fortheir political survival like Mahindaclan, the lurking political enemieswith former champions of devolution.

Like professor Peiris Vasudevaand some progressive leftists are thenew cultivators of communalism andracism, posing the threats hoping forthe downfall of the government.

To sum up, by and large it would betoo much to expect the proposed newconstitution to deliver the appropriatemedicine to the long standing illsof Tamils. Sampanthans decent alsowould become an exercise in futility,a repetition of past history.

TNA and TPC (Tamil PeoplesCouncil) have to act now betterlate than never to avoid beingconsigned and joining the band ofearlier Tamil leaders like GG, Chelva& Amirthalingam who fell for thecharms and diplomacy of the outmaneuvering Sinhala leaders, whocleverly orchestrated the surrenderof the goals of the then Tamilleaders, but however unlike the open

surrender now taking place.

Sampanthan is well aware of therecent pronouncements of Maithiriwho has rejected any foreigngovernment or UNs advice or

suggestions like foreign judges inthe proposed internal tribunal andRanils daring statement that thereare no Tamil political prisoners inSwitzerland.

Sampanthan is well

aware of the recent

pronouncements of

Maithiri who has

rejected any foreign

government or UNs

advice or suggestions

like foreign judges in

the proposed internal

tribunal and Ranils

daring statement that

there are no Tamil

political prisoners in

Switzerland.

One only hopes that therewont be any repeat of politicaldisappointments or mistakes on the

part of Tamil leaders during thiscritical period.

FR IDAY, FEBRUARY 05 , 2016 , ISSUE 259

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Sampanthans Descent To Politics of Surrender

By : Eelaventhan

Manickavasakar


5/32

5FEBRUARY 05 - FEBRUARY 18, 2016

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SRI LANKAS new government,which is taking steps to draw up anew constitution, is likely to cheatTamils out of a political system that

reflects their aspirations. Restrictionsimposed by the government on theconstitution-making process even

before it has begun signal that Tamilswill remain under-privileged citizensunless they mount a concerted challengeto the regimes moves forthwith.

Presidential and parliamentaryelections in 2015 resulted in thetwo loci of power the presidencyand parliament pass to the twomain political rivals, the United

National Party (UNP) and UnitedPeoples Freedom Alliance (UPFA).Today, Maithripala Sirisena of theUPFA is the countrys directly-elected executive president, whileRanil Wickremesinghe, headof the UNP, is prime minister

controlling the countrys legislature.Wickremesinghes majority in

parliament is strengthened by UPFAssupport for a limited time to pushthrough important changes, includinga new constitution.

The coming together of the twomain parties to form a national unitygovernment also brought the largestTamil party the Tamil NationalAlliance (TNA) to parliament andits head, Rajavarothyam Sampanthan,to be the leader of the opposition.Sampanthan viewed his new roleas one that would combine theresolution of the national questionthrough a new constitution as wellas relating to the wellbeing of thewhole country and its future.

The main reason articulated byboth the President and the PrimeMinister for a new constitution isshortcomings in the current document

the Second Republican Constitutioncreated in 1978 which concentrates

power in the all-powerful presidency.Critics of the present constitutionargue that this has not only led to anelected tyranny in Sri Lanka, but isinstrumental in exacerbating relations

between Sinhalese and Tamils thatled to the 30-year civil war where anestimated hundred thousand peopledied.

The need to devolve power tosatisfy Tamil demands saw attempts

between 1995 and 2000 to draw up a

new constitution. It failed to see the

light of day because of squabblingbetween the UNP and the PeoplesAlliance (PA). However, attemptswere renewed with an emphasis onstrengthening the legislature to actas a counterweight to the executive

presidency when Sirisena was elected

to office after the 10-year (mis)rule ofPresident Mahinda Rajapakse, whoseterm was characterised by abuse of

power, corruption and violence.

Therefore, at the core of the newconstitution is substituting an elected

parliament and a cabinet of ministersas the main locus of power in place ofthe all-powerful presidency.

The question however

is whether the Sinhala

leadership is willing

to grant the minimum

Tamil demands.

The national unity

governments stance

was manifest UNPs

leader Wickremesighe,

who in a statement to

the Joint Opposition

Group, There is no

need to break the

unitary status of the

country.

It has to be understood thatthe primary factor that led to thedisempowerment of Tamils in post-independence Sri Lanka was alsoconcentration of power. However thiswas not the presidency but in theSinhala political class, which usedthe institutions of governance under aunitary constitution to deprive Tamilsof equal citizenship.

Before coming under thepresidential form of governmentin 1978, two earlier constitutionsin Sri Lanka the IndependenceConstitution (1948) and the FirstRepublican Constitution (1972)

were parliamentary. And it wasprecisely the chamber of the peoples

elected representatives the Sinhalapolitical class used as an instrumentto disenfranchise, discriminate anddisempower the Tamil people. Theuse of Sinhala majorities to rejectTamil demands is best seen in theresponse of Dr Colvin R. De Silva,the principal author of the 1972constitution who said, No doubtthe Federal Partys proposals wererejected by the Constituent Assemblyin its overwhelming majority

The concentration of Sinhalapower in parliament between 1948and 1970s pushed through laws thatdiscriminated against Tamils, suchas the citizenship laws (1948/49), theOfficial Languages Act (1956) andthe law discriminating against Tamilsfrom entering public universitiesthrough a quota system known asstandardisation.

The response of Tamil leadersto check concentration of powerin parliament that gave Sinhaleselarge majorities in parliament was todemand power sharing at the centre in the legislature or at the periphery

through regional autonomy for themajority Tamil-speaking areas ofnorthern and eastern Sri Lanka.

Power-sharing at the centreenvisaged by the consociationalmodel known as fifty-fifty proposed

by the All Ceylon Tamil Congressleader G. G. Ponnambalam never sawthe light of day. Alternatively Tamils

began to demand political autonomythrough devolution of power.Resolution One of the Federal Partyat its national convention in 1951demanded for the Tamil-speakingnation in Ceylon their inalienableright to political autonomy (for)linguistic states in consonance withthe fundamental and unchallengable

principle of self-determination.

A forum where Tamil leaderspresented a demand for a federal

constitution was before the constituentassembly that came together to drawup the First Republican Constitutionin 1972. Those demands were rejected

by Sinhala leaders who insistedon a unitary form of parliamentarygovernment, with Sinhala andBuddhism elevated to a status thatother languages or religions in SriLanka would enjoy. Rejection bythe constituent assembly causedthen ITAK leader, the iconic S. J. V.Chelvanayakam, to boycott furthersittings of constituent assembly andeventually fall back on non-violentstruggle for secession in 1976.

Over the years the demands haveevolved as governments in Colombohave become more intolerant andchauvinistic. Today, the TNAsleaders both in parliament and inthe Northern Provincial Council have

been clear that what they want isshared sovereignty between regionalsub-units the provinces andthe central government, and notdevolution of power under a unitarygovernment (as it is today). Andwhen demanding federal powers, themore enlightened Tamil leaders haverecognised that Muslims have to beequal partners in such an exercise.

Exactly forty years later the TNAis in parliament representing theTamil people. TNAs manifesto forthe Parliamentary election in August2015 clearly articulated the Tamils

right to self-determination, federal

structure and a merged Northern andEastern provinces, which was the

platform on which the Tamil peopleelected them.

The question however is whetherthe Sinhala leadership is willing togrant the minimum Tamil demands.The national unity governmentsstance was manifest UNPs leaderWickremesighe, who in a statementto the Joint Opposition Group, Thereis no need to break the unitary status

of the country. Earlier he was atpains to point out that devolutionof power would not exceed thatthat which is already given throughthe 13th Amendment to the currentconstitution, which is devolutionwithin a unitary system.

Therefore, at the core of

the new constitution is

substituting an elected

parliament and a cabinet

of ministers as the main

locus of power in place

of the all-powerful

presidency.

To reinforce it, his partners in thenational unity government, the UPFAinsisted that the new constitution to

be drawn up would have to be putbefore the people at a referendum.While on the one hand it is verydemocratic to do so (neither the firstnor second republican constitutionswere formally approved by the

people) there is very little doubt thatthe Sinhala majority will reject anyfederal arrangement with the Tamilsand Muslims.

The Government has argued

the process to draw up the newconstitution would be inclusive andtransparent where the views of all the225 members of parliament would beconsulted. But by rejecting even beforethe process has begun a key demandof the Tamils federalism it hasmade a mockery of the whole process.

There has been an attempt to saylabels of federal and unitaryconstitution are not important. Labelsare unimportant, but substance is. Wehave to understand that the Sinhalaruling class has not only rejectedlabels, but equal citizenship for theTamils through discriminatory lawsthat judiciaries from 1948 up to todayhave been unable to redress. Tamils

believe that they have the right to

control aspects of their internal affairsand be protected from a Sinhala-dominated central government takingit away arbitrarily. That is whatfederal power-sharing is about.

The need of the hour is for Tamilsto see that even before the processhas begun, Sinhala politicians are hell

bent on denying Tamils federal powersharing, so that they can controlTamils through a Sinhala majority

parliament. It will be important forthe Tamil public, civil society and theDiaspora to keep pushing the TNArepresented in the ConstitutionalAssembly not to back down from itselection promises in the face of themounting threat of the majority.

Sri Lanka constitution:

Whats in it for the Tamils?

BY : JS Tissainayagam

Courtesy: asiancorrespondent.com


6/32


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The Sinhalese and some self-deprecating Tamils will be celebratingthe 68th anniversary of Sri Lankanindependence on Feb 4, 2016. On theother hand in stark contrast, EelamTamils who have their dignity, self-

pride and self respect intact willbe marking it as a Black Day. Ifindependence is explained in thedictionary as self-government, self-rule, home rule, separation, self-determination, sovereignty, autonomy,freedom, liberty, self-sufficiency, self-reliance, etc., (Google it and see what youget), then it goes without saying whatTamil got on that fateful day in Februaryin 1948, is a far cry from any of thesynonyms here mentioned, and with the

benefit of hind sight, a long way awayfrom what we should have demandedas our human and political right!

It was on this Black Day, thatTamils moved from a white colonialmaster, quite decent in comparison, toserving a brown colonial master andwere thrust into a suffocating SinhalaBuddhist hegemony and bigotrywithout our knowing the extent towhich it would show its ugly face,until it hit, hit hard!

What happened to us?

What happened to us? We foolishlyand naively trusted the Sinhalese,agreeing to a unitary system that

resulted in them having a majoritarianstranglehold in parliament, and aSinhala government at the centre. Itwas too late to reverse our misfortuneswhen we found these Sinhalese turnedout to be scoundrels, wolves in sheepsclothing more like, resulting in usTamils ending up, in effect, losing ourtraditional homeland, our sovereigntyand our rights. Thats what happened.

February 4th 1948 is indeed a Blackday any which way we look at it andalready a month before, I was startingto feel a bit heavy in the heart remembering everyone who died forfreedom, feeling the pain, and thehorrors of the genocide perpetratedagainst Tamils that intensified duringthe month of May 2009!

Face of Despair

So whats the story behind this

Face of Despair you see here:

Let me tell you ..While my mindwas in turmoil and engrossed in pasthorrors and feeling guilty for living onsafe ground, I remembered the articleI wrote same time last year, a mustread: Acts of Betrayal that Broke theLetter and Spirit of Independence.

It struck me that nothing hadchanged, one year on, since PresidentSirisena took office. There was nodiscussion on any power sharingarrangement forthcoming, other thana plan to draft a new constitution anda constituent assembly oh no notagain I thought a repetition of what

happened in 1972, the main thrust ofmy article last year. Neither was therea change to the Unitary State systemnarrative, nor demilitarisation, norsignificant return of peoples lands,nor relaxing of the governments holdon state land which should in reality

belong to the people at the provinciallevel; no marked reversal of fortunestowards a better quality of life forTamils, no move to releasing mostof the Tamil detainees incarceratedwithout charge under the PTA excepta bombshell from the Prime Minister,Ranil Wickremesinghe in his interviewwith Channel 4s Jon Snow, that thedisappeared are probably dead,virtually asking Tamils to live with it.

Tears welled up as I continuedto read my article, experiencing achoking feeling in the throat andheart..I wiped the tears with my fingers

but it still came. The more I read the

more I cried, the nose too was runnywetting my lips which I wiped away.I grasped my phone and took a shotof me. I do not know why I did it, butI did it. Activists like me often timesshow that we are strong, resilient andhave a fighting spirit but more oftenthan not we have our moments whenwe are over-wrought; overcome withemotion. Its not wrong to cry, we arehuman; besides we have humanity;we are not crying for ourselves, weare crying for a larger polity.

DESPAIR is How I Feel

Yes DESPAIR is how I feelbecause the hope we had of fairness

from a president who won onthe back of the Tamil vote, sadlywithout any conditions attached, isfast diminishing. Especially as it

became clear recently when he madea shocking revelation to Aljazeeraclaiming that as a co-sponsor, SriLanka only agreed to a judicial

process that involved allegations ofhuman rights violations and notwar crimes; and that he was opposedto any, foreign involvement. At thesame time, Sirisena in the interview

was quite content with placing theblame on the LTTE terroristsas he called them, whom he saidshould be investigated for attackson hospitals turning the questionround and throwing it right back atAljazeeras Ms. Abdel-Hamid whoasked about alleged attacks onhospitals by the Sri Lankan army!How naive does President Sirisenathink the rest of the world is/was if hecould just simply dismiss those whoallegedly committed more heinouscrimes, as only coming within the

purview of human rights violations,that involved lesser crimes in hismind anything more he did not signup to. This despite when reminded ofthe Paranagama Commission reportwhich found, there were credibleallegations which may show thatsome members of the armed forcescommitted acts during the final

phase of the war that amounted towar crimes giving rise to individualcriminal responsibility.

Could it be that he thinks it wouldabsolve him of any wrong doing as

being part of the Rajapaksa regimeand acting Defence Minister for ashort period during the last stages ofthe war?

DESPAIR is what I feel whenTamils arent united on criticalissues of Justice for the victims ofGenocide and a political settlementfor Tamils. DESPAIR is the

word when the TNA is not offeringstrong leadership but rather for allintents and purposes kowtowingto the Sri Lankan government andfollowing the instructions laid out bythe international community ratherthan insisting on certain necessaryconditions for reconciliation and asatisfactory political settlement.DESPAIR is the word when theTNA relies on the APRC reportthat was never officially accepted,without really restating what theywant! DESPAIR is the wod whenyou find the leading party in theofficial opposition in parliament, theTNA, supporting the countrys budgetthat called for increased military

spending that is in excess of whatthe Rajapaksa regime allocated a military that was occupying the

NorthEast! DESPAIR is the wordwhen the TNA hasnt still publicallycalled for the abolition of the 6thamendment which criminalises anydiscourse on separation; i.e. the actualrestoration of an independent TamilEelam and thereby making way fora call to conduct a UN sponsoredreferendum that we the TGTEare calling for. DESPAIR is the

word when TNA couldnt articulatemore clearly what Mr. Sampanthanmeant when he went to the Tamilconstituency and proclaimed that a

political settlement is imminent in2016, leaving the people guessingwhat that would be and on whoseassurance. DESPAIR is the wordwhen the TNA members decide to goso late in the day to explore devolved

power to Scotland and the proposalsfor further reform, when they shouldhave done it sooner and had a draftready on a Federal Constitution thatthey can actually publically andcategorically convey to the SirisenaGovernment earlier than later.

Life and Liberty by

Thomas Jefferson

It is fitting also at the end ofWhy Tamils of Eelam deserveSelf-determination to finish with aquotation from Thomas Jefferson, theFounding Father of the AmericanRevolution, the principle author ofthe Declaration of Independence and

the 3rd President of the United Statesof America: The God who gave uslife, gave us liberty; the hand of forcemay destroy but never dis-join.

I sincerely hope we can move fromDESPAIR to OPTIMISM in thecoming days all depends on somekey players who now seem to beholding the key to our destiny in theirhands, if we let them! Lets not losehope in those good people who justmay find ours is a just cause!

Courtesy:colombotelegraph.com

Photo courtesy : Virakesari

The Face of Despair & The Black Day

By : Usha

S Sriskanda Rajah


14/32

FEBRUARY 05 - FEBRUARY 18, 2016 14

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The Vaddukkoaddai Resolutionwas spontaneously coming from thenation of Eezham Tamils and all its

political parties. The resolution was

entirely indigenous. It had the spirit ofstruggle. The Tamil People's Council(TPC) draft proposal, in its thrust, isdictated by the outside imperialistneed to retain the Agent State SriLanka in one piece. The TPC draftis confined to larger outlines set fromthe outside. There is no struggle,

but compromise. Right from theTamil chieftains of Nalloor signing adefeatist treaty with the Portuguese;the Kandyans signing a similar onewith the British and all treaties beingforgotten in the creation of the unitaryState, the game of conceding theisland to suit views through outside

prisms continues.

Launching of TPC Report of theSub-Committee on Finding a PoliticalSolution to the National Questio

What the Tamils need today is apolitical programme of internationalstruggle with the help of globalTamils, precisely against the coreinjustice of imperialisms looking atthe island as Sri Lanka.

The TPC draft, on the other hand,concedes: The Tamil People pledgetheir commitment to a united andundivided Sri Lanka which respects

and affirms the right to self-determination of the Tamils.

The TPC draft doesn't assert tothe identity of the nation of EezhamTamils, while getting bogged upin ambiguous terminology and

even relegating the word nation tofootnotes. If Eezham cannot be there,Sri Lanka also cannot be there.The binary identity in terminologyis crucial for the self-respect ofEezham Tamils in their existence andinternational interactions.

The TPC draft, talking of anagreement as pre-condition for aconstitutional process, is totally silenton recognising genocide and repeal ofthe 6th Amendment. Contrary to the talkof self-determination, the draft concedesthe dangerous power of dissolving aState Government at the mere pretextof citing secessionism. This isreconfirming the 6th Amendment.

The TPC draft paves way for

Colombo-centric monopoly of theisland and a State-within-Stateformula for Colombo, indirectlyfalling in line with the vertical modelfavoured by corporate imperialisms.The same model was structurallyenslaving the nation of EezhamTamils in the island for 500 years,ever since the Portuguese conceivedit for the purchase of cinnamon. Evensome British administrators longserving in Jaffna and had understoodthe structural issues in development,

resisted to the model in the 19thcentury itself.

With all lacunas in the fundamentals,the TPC draft is still a step forwardcompared to the previous discoursescoming as alternatives to independent

and sovereign Tamil Eelam.

In precaution, the TPC draft wastalking of the following as needsfor a political agreement prior to aconstitutional enactment:

We think that a pre-constitutionalagreement in the form of a treaty (likethe Dayton Agreement and the GoodFriday Agreement) is necessary priorto the constitution making process.

The treaty should inter aliarecognize the Tamil Peoples' right toself-determination, its sovereignty andconstituent power and its traditionalhomeland in the areas of historicalhabitation of the Tamil people.

The treaty should provide that in the

event of the arrangements beingunilaterally abrogated by thenumerically larger Sinhala Buddhistmajority and its politicalrepresentatives and in the absenceof any other alternatives, theTamil people may decide to hold areferendum to further determine their

political status.

This treaty which we think shouldbe underwritten by a third party (foreigngovernments such as the US/

India or the UN) will help to bringinternational/external guarantee

to the durability of the solutionarrived at, beyond the contours ofa constitution that otherwise restswithin the domain of domestic law.

This agreement should also spellout inter alia measures to be taken foraccountability and justice, addressissues relating to disappearances,release of political prisoners, releaseof land occupied by the Armed forces

in the North-East, demilitarization,state-sponsored colonization,security sector reforms and containguarantees of non-recurrence.

It would be impossible to createa safe and open environment forthe discussion of these political/constitutional issues without creatingthe above enabling conditions in the

North-East, the TPC draft said.

However, any treaty, like all post-war treaties coming from the victors,cannot be a sealing process of thestruggle of the nation of EezhamTamils for international justice.

Considering past records, Tamilsall over the world should be prepared

and mobilized to face the situationfrom a position of strength.

If geopolitics is the cause forinjustice, it could be met only throughgeopolitical mobilisation of world Tamils.

Tamil activists of today have to beawakened to the fact that manygeostrategic points are at their disposalif they know how to demonstrate thestrength beyond States and militaries.

There should be preparedness for

a civil resistance struggle, in case theAgent State is not prepared to see therealities, and preparedness of globalTamils to show civil disobedience to

outside imperialisms if the insistenceis on having discourses only throughthe prism of Sri Lanka.

If geopolitics is the

cause for injustice,

it could be met only

through geopolitical

mobilisation of world

Tamils.

Struggle for justice is not singingto tunes set by adversaries, but settingtunes for the ultimate adversaries toaddress. Of all the Eezham Tamilleaders after the genocidal war, it was

perhaps Justice C.V. Wigneswaran,who did that at least to a small extent.The cue should be taken in pursuingthe struggle and in course-correctingirredeemable slips.

The reality is that even i f the Sinhalanation wants to have its own State,

the international engineers of ageswill not allow it. Tamils in pursuingtheir goals should show full respect tothe Sinhala nation, its State and its placein South Asia. Only then, the nation, theState and place of Eezham Tamils in theregion will be justified.

The united Sri Lanka paradigm isa design of outside forces to keep boththe Sinhala nation and Eezham Tamilnation in continued subservience inthe chosen geostrategic point.

TamilNet

TPC proposal comes against the

backdrop of imperialism's dictations


15/32

Colouring - 259

Spot the Difference

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Colouring

Kids

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The secret of completing any task ishumbly uniting with those who help tomake the task happen. Humbleness isalso the tool that perfect people use todestroy the enmity of their enemies.

KIDSI SKIDSI S

NS

NS

The pistachio, a member of the cashew family, is aThe pistachio, a member of the cashew family, is a

small tree originating from Central Asia and Middlesmall tree originating from Central Asia and Middle

East. The tree produces seeds that are widely con-East. The tree produces seeds that are widely con-

sumed as food. Archaeology shows that pistachio seedssumed as food. Archaeology shows that pistachio seeds

were a common food as early as 6750 BC. The modernwere a common food as early as 6750 BC. The modern

pistachios binominal name is Pistacia vera. It is apistachios binominal name is Pistacia vera. It is a

desert plant, and is highly tolerant of saline soil.desert plant, and is highly tolerant of saline soil.

Pistachio is a nutritionally dense food. It provides aPistachio is a nutritionally dense food. It provides a

rich source of protein, dietary fibre and several dietaryrich source of protein, dietary fibre and several dietary

minerals, vitamins B1, B5, B6, E and calcium. In Julyminerals, vitamins B1, B5, B6, E and calcium. In July

2003, the FDA) approved the first qualified health2003, the FDA) approved the first qualified health

claim specific to seeds lowering the risk of heart dis-claim specific to seeds lowering the risk of heart dis-

ease.ease.

It is interesting to note that the most popular tree inIt is interesting to note that the most popular tree in

South Asia, the mango tree too comes under this cash-South Asia, the mango tree too comes under this cash-

ew family, scientifically the family Anacardiaceae.ew family, scientifically the family Anacardiaceae.

Q. What has a face and two handsQ. What has a face and two hands

but no arms or legs?but no arms or legs?

A. A clockA. A clock!

Q. What is the easiest way to dou-Q. What is the easiest way to dou-

ble your money?ble your money?

A. Put it in front of the mirror ofA. Put it in front of the mirror of

coursecourse!

Q. What has a thumb and four fin-Q. What has a thumb and four fin-

gers but is not alive?gers but is not alive?

A. A glove.A. A glove.

Q. What has to be broken beforeQ. What has to be broken before

you can use it?you can use it?

A. An egg.A. An egg.

Q. What has a neck but no head?Q. What has a neck but no head?

A. A bottle.A. A bottle.

Q. What gets wetter as it dries?Q. What gets wetter as it dries?

A. A towel.A. A towel.

Q. What goes up and doesnt comeQ. What goes up and doesnt come

back down?back down?

A. Your age.A. Your age.

Q. Its been around for millions ofQ. Its been around for millions of

years, but its no more than a monthyears, but its no more than a month

old. What is it?old. What is it?A. The moon.A. The moon.

Q. What belongs to you but is usedQ. What belongs to you but is used

more by others?more by others?

A. Your name.A. Your name.

Q. Everyone has it and no one canQ. Everyone has it and no one can

lose it, what is it?lose it, what is it?

A. A shadow.A. A shadow.

Q. What has a neck but no head?Q. What has a neck but no head?

A. A bottleA. A bottle

Q. What word begins and ends withQ. What word begins and ends with

an e but only has one letter?an e but only has one letter?

A. Envelope EnvelopeA. Envelope Envelope

Q: What is the longest word in theQ: What is the longest word in the

dictionary?dictionary?

A: Smiles, because there is a mileA: Smiles, because there is a mile

between each sbetween each s

Q: If I drink, I die. If i eat, I amQ: If I drink, I die. If i eat, I am

fine. What am I?fine. What am I?

A: A fireA: A fire!

Q: What word becomes shorterQ: What word becomes shorter

when you add two letters to it?when you add two letters to it?

A: ShortA: Short

Q: What travels around the worldQ: What travels around the world

but stays in one spot?but stays in one spot?A: A stampA: A stamp!

QQ:Why is air invisible ??Why s i inv ibl

AA: Air molecules are smaller than the wavelengths of visible light.Air molecules are smaller than the wavelengths of visible light.

When a molecule, or even a small particle, is smaller than theWhen a molecule, or even a small particle, is smaller than the

wavelength of light, that object is invisible.wavelength of light, that object is invisible.

Basically, light cannot interact with things that are smaller than theBasically, light cannot interact with things that are smaller than the

lights wavelength.lights wavelength.

If air was visible, it would block the light from the sun.If air was visible, it would block the light from the sun.

And that would create big problems, as our eyes have developed toAnd that would create big problems, as our eyes have developed to

make use of the light that the atmosphere doesnt block, so we dontmake use of the light that the atmosphere doesnt block, so we dont

bump into things.bump into things.

Kids Endless QuestionsKids Endless Questions

asy Riddles For KidsEasy Riddles For Kids

Pistachio


16/32

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Orupaper Issue_259

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Transcript of Orupaper Issue_259