Orupaper Issue_249

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3/32

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Why Radhika?

One wonders why Mr.Sampanthan keptmum when Radhika Coomaraswami wasappointed to the Constitutional Councilmay be because her name is Tamil. Sheis a person from the 'creamy layers ofthe society' as late Justice V.R. KrishnaIyer would have liked to put it. Shelives most of the time in New York andhas no touch with the common wo/man in the Island. When we were flyingback from a conference in Murten inSwitzerland immediately after the CFAwas signed she told me that she is aboutto hold a conference for the women ofAsia on women's right at Hotel Oberoiin Colombo, a 5 star hotel. I told herthat our poor women who really suffer

would never be able to come to Colomboand be able to make it to such a big hotel.I told her that she will be in a position toput out a Report w ith a glossy cover butour poor women(Sinhalese and Tamil)will continue to suffer and that sheshould work among the grass root levelwomen. She was not impressed. When shewas the Chairperson of the Human RightsCommission of Sri Lanka she sent a replyin Sinhalese to a Tamil girl in Poonagariabout a query she made about herUniversity admission.

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With the conclusion of Sri Lanka'sparliamentary elections last week,the island has reached an important

juncture. In the North-East, theTamil National Alliance swept the

polls on a clear platform of self-determination through federalismand an international mechanism ofaccountability for the massacres ofTamils. In the Sinhala south, theUNP promise of a future without thecorruption of the Mahinda Rajapaksaera, secured enough seats to confinethe former president to the opposition

benches.

The southern electorate hasendorsed the UNPs offer of acommitment to ending nepotism,tackling corruption and embracingthe rule of law. Pledges to implementsuch democratic reform across the

island are undoubtedly welcome.

However, on issues that the Tamilshave deemed central - such asdemilitarisation of the Tamil North-East, international accountabilityfor mass atrocities and a durable

political solution - there was littleto differentiate between the resistant

policies of the UNP and RajapaksasUPFA. Indeed, as campaigningreached fever pitch, parties across theSinhala political spectrum emphasisedtheir opposition to key Tamildemands, and outbid each other'sBuddhist nationalist credentials. TheUNP, whose government oversawthe massacre of over 3000 Tamilsduring the 1983 pogrom, repeatedlyemphasised Sinhala Buddhismnationalist sentiments that are at oddswith its proclaimed liberalism. Thus,as with President Sirisenas victoryin January, the UNPs victory wasnot the Sinhala electorate rejectingRajapaksas Sinhala supremacism

or his refusal to entertain Tamil

grievances, but a distaste for the cultureof corruption and nepotism that had

become pervasive under his rule. ThatRajapaksa's campaign had an appeal

that ultimately won him and his alliesenough parliamentary seats to deny theUNP a simple majority, is an affirmationof the sway that his distinctive brandof nationalist authoritarianism stillholds across the south.

In the North-East, Tamils decisivelybacked the TNA platform, with itspromise of immediate action andtangible results on Tamil demands,including a federal solution by 2016.Through its legacy, the Tamil NationalAlliance is inextricably linkedto Tamil nationalism. The partysleaders are well aware of this and, asthey have done in all past electoralcampaigns, emphatically foregroundedfundamental issues of nationhood, homeland and self-determination, knowing

the centrality of these to popular Tamilsentiment. Indeed, the TNAs advocacyfor a federal solution echoes the samecall by the TNPF, a party that doggedlyadvocated for the recognition of theTamil nation, recently articulated in theslogan two sovereign nations in onecountry. As the successful campaignof even the UNPs candidate in Jaffnademonstrated, only a Tamil nationalist

platform can hold mass appeal in theNorth-East.

It now beholds the TNA to honourthe overwhelming support and trust

placed in the party by the Tamilpeople. TNA leader Sampanthanspledge to uphold the people's mandatefor a political solution and addresstheir immediate needs without any

delay must be swiftly followed

through. Moreover, it is now anopportune moment for the TNA toembrace the island-wide yearningfor good governance and seek those

qualities within its own party. Theparty should work to be transparentin all its dealings, especially on suchkey issues such as accountability anda political solution.

In order to see long term stabilityon the island the internationalcommunity will, as ever, playa key role. Despite some reformsenacted by the government, whichhave been welcomed by many,outstanding immediate issues suchas demilitarisation of the North-East, resettlement in originalhomes, the indefinite detention of

political prisoners and accountabilityfor the disappeared in the North-East, are barriers to the hope ofreconciliation. Whilst the UNP-

led government is an improvementfrom Rajapaksas rule, through itsactive engagement with Sri Lankathe international community mustensure that the new government doesnot follow Sri Lankas successionof governments that have a longhistory of broken promises. Indeed,Sri Lankas new leaders already

boast that, Rajapaksas removal alonesuffices for trade preferences to berestored and cordial relations withits international partners - despitereports of ongoing rights abusesand continuation of militarisedrepressive policies in the North-East. International engagement goingforward should be conditional on

progress on these key issues whichare central to producing lasting and

equitable peace and stability in theisland.

The next few weeks

will make amply clear

if the promise of a

different Sri Lanka

without Rajapaksa

in power has any

justification.

Ultimately however, accountabilityfor the mass atrocities of 2009, willremain at the core of fulfilling anyhope of a sustainable future for theisland. How the new Sri Lankangovernment responds to the upcomingUnited Nations report into massatrocities committed during the finalstages of the armed conflict, will be thetrue litmus test of i ts liberal credentials.The report, which is expectedto state tens of thousands of Tamils died

predominantly at the hands of stateforces, must be accepted in its entiretyand an international mechanism with

prosecutions, as clearly espoused forby the victims must be pursued. NeitherSri Lankas ongoing ethnic conflictnor the long standing impunity, can betackled whilst such egregious crimes,for which Sri Lankas apex politicaland military leaders hold commandresponsibility, remain unpunished.The next few weeks will make amplyclear if the promise of a different SriLanka without Rajapaksa in power

has any justification.

FR IDAY, SEPTEM BER 11 , 2015 , ISSUE 249

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The Litmus Test

Tamil Guardian


5/32

5OCTOBER 11 - OCTOBER 24, 2015

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AT the United Nations HumanRights Council (UNHRC) in Genevanext week, the US is to sponsor aresolution on war crimes in Sri Lanka,in collaboration with the Colombogovernment. This is despite widerecognition that Sri Lankan leadersare implicated in these war crimes.

The resolution is said to ask for adomestic process of accountabilitywith international technicalassistance, which essentiallymeans Sri Lanka will investigateitself. On a visit to Sri Lanka withcolleague Tom Malinowski, AssistantSecretary Nisha Biswal said, Wefundamentally support efforts tocreate a credible domestic process foraccountability and reconciliation.

Washingtons enthusiastic embraceof Colombo is a replay of its ferventsupport of Naypyidaw as soon as

Burma (Myanmar) announced movesto restore democracy and humanrights following the 2010 elections.Today the U.S. is criticised for its

premature approval of Burmasso-called transition to democracy.

Backing a domestic process ofaccountability in Sri Lanka is areversal of the stand taken by the USgovernment in March 2014. Then,in deference to international opinionand demands by Tamil victims of themass atrocities perpetrated by bothgovernment troops and LiberationTigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE)rebels, the U.S. agreed on a UNHRCresolution calling for an international

process of accountability.

So why has the USs stancechanged?

Washingtons stand on dealingwith Colombo began undergoinga transformation following the

presidential elections of January 8.In that election, Mahinda Rajapaksewho is accused of war crimes andcrimes against humanity by a UN

panel of experts, suffered a shockdefeat by Maithripala Sirisena.

On August 17, Rajapakse made abid to return to power by contestingelections to parliament through theUnited Peoples Freedom Alliance(UPFA), but his party failed tosecure a majority. The electoratevoted instead for the United

National Front for Good Governance

(UNFGG), whose pro-U.S. leaderRanil Wickremesinghe is now primeminister. Following this, a nationalgovernment was formed comprisingthe UNFGG and a group of UPFAmembers of parliament.

But the U.S. and the internationalcommunity are misguided in

believing that the two electionsand a national government have

brought about enduring change thatmerits Washington to collaboratewith Colombo on the forthcomingresolution at the UNHRC. Thisis because despite regime changethere is little evidence that the newgovernment has either the capacityor the political will to domesticallyinvestigate, try and punish

perpetrators of international crimes.

This inadequacy is best seen inexamining important institutions ofstate that will be vital in determiningif the process of accountabilityeffectively delivers justice to the

victims: the military and the justicesystem.

The resolution is

said to ask for a

domestic process of

accountability with

international technical

assistance, which

essentially means Sri

Lanka will investigate

itself.

Even as he campaigned for thepresidency, Sirisena, who hasadmitted being acting minister ofdefence when most of the LTTEleaders were killed, was insistentthat Rajapakse and the militaryleaders implicated in mass atrocitiesagainst Tamils would not be brought

before an international tribunal forwar crimes.

Installed in power, the Sirisenagovernment intervened directly to

protect the status of those in themilitary implicated in war crimes.

In 2013, a military Court of Inquiry(CoI) investigated the conduct ofthe military and exonerated its

personnel of any war crimes. Despitehuman rights activists condemningan accused institution investigatingitself, Sirisena appointed the manwho headed the militarys COI,Lieutenant General Crishantha Silva,as commander of the Sri Lanka Armyin February this year. In May Sirisenaappointed Major General Jagath Diasas chief of staff of the Army. Diasis accused of war crimes and hadto ignominiously leave Sri Lankasmission in Berlin as he faced charges

in Europe.

Wickremesinghe has been noless emphatic in expressing similarreservations on an internationalinvestigation. The parties forming thenational government in parliamentwhich he heads are expected formallyagree to a common position onprotecting the rights of war heroeswho were responsible for liberatingthe country. This is expected beforethe UNHRC meeting later this month.

A further display of a lack ofpolitical will of both Sirisena andWickremesinghe is the failure of thegovernment professing to uphold therule of law to prevent systematictorture and rape of Tamils by the

police and military. Violations duringthe Sirisena presidency are recorded

by International Centre for Truth andJustice Project (ITJP) and Freedomfrom Torture.

Sri Lankas justice system, whichis vital if effective remedial justice isto be delivered to the victims, is notneutral when prosecuting governmentofficials accused of human rightsviolations against the Tamils. TheAttorney Generals Departmenthas repeatedly been criticised forthis. The Prevention of TerrorismAct (PTA) continues to be on thestatute books despite successivegovernments claiming terrorism inSri Lanka was eradicated in 2009 withthe defeat of the LTTE. Its draconian

provisions continue to permit tortureand allow the illegal detention of

political prisoners thereby condoningimpunity of the police and military.

Second, not only has Sri Lankabeen reluctant to prosecute errantmilitary and police personnel accusedof abuses against Tamils, it hasalso failed in cases involving themilitarys violations overseas. Thestandout example is 108 Sri Lankan

peacekeepers in Haiti accused ofrape in 2007. Despite Colombogiving the international communityan undertaking that the perpetratorswould be punished they remain free.

If the U.S.s model of a domestic

process of accountabili ty is tohave acceptable international legalstandards and institutions to delivermeaningful justice to the victims, itwould need a systematic reform ofthe justice system. That is hard toenvisage in Sri Lankas judicial andlegal culture today.

Whoever might be convincedby U.S. officials, Tamil victimsof mass atrocities are not amongthem. Their acts of protest against adomestic process of accountabilityinclude a mass signature campaign.Unsurprisingly the police stopped this

perfectly democratic act of defiance.

Among Tamil political formations,the Tamil National Alliance (TNA),

the largest party in parliament was

equivocal in its call for internationalaccountability: its election manifestois silent about it. Facing the wrath ofthe electorate it is now at sixes andsevens, with some leaders saying theinternational investigation is over,others that they will call for one if thereport is hard-hitting, while anothersaid they will accept the domesticmechanism with internationalexperts and still others joined themass signature campaign denouncingdomestic accountability.

This is because despite

regime change there

is little evidence that

the new government

has either the capacity

or the political will

to domestically

investigate, try and

punish perpetrators of

international crimes.As in the case of Burma, in Sri

Lanka too the U.S. is applaudingsuperficial gains in democracy andhuman rights to cover up moresubstantive advantages it has ingeopolitics and commerce. In Burmathere was a release of political

prisoners and some liberalisation ofpress laws, while in Sri Lanka therehave been mild gestures to Tamilsentiments such as releasing of someland held by the military and theappointment of a civilian governorover a military one in the Tamil-majority Northern Province.

Sri Lankas justice

system, which is vital

if effective remedial

justice is to be delivered

to the victims, is

not neutral when

prosecuting government

officials accused of

human rights violations

against the Tamils.

But accountability for war crimesand crimes against humanity goesdeeper than gestures. It deals withfundamentals on how those enjoyingstate power are going to deliver

justice to a group traditionally seenas the other. In the minds of thevictims unless there is scrutiny bythe international community of the

process, it will be perverted.

And the U.S. by its endorsementof a domestic accountability processover an international one has laidthe cornerstone for the perversion ofinternational justice.

- asiancorrespondent.com

US stand on Sri Lanka

perverts international justice

By : JS.Tissainayagam

A protestor wears a mask of U.S. President Barack Obama, while holding a puppet

of former Sri Lankan President Mahinda Rajapaksa during a rally in 2013 . Pic: AP.


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New Malden

Ayngaran ............... 020 8949 6734

Megaa Superstore.. 020 8336 0061

Vaaniyan ................ 020 8605 0434

Murugan Kovil ....... 020 8942 4475

Vaishna Superfoods020 8399 4488

Stoneleigh Amman . 020 8393 8147

TootingYhaal House ........... 020 8767 8585

Selvarajah Gold house 020 8767 3795

Niru Con.Store ........ 020 8672 3200

Ayngaran .............. 020 8540 1500

Suvai Aruvi .............. 020 8543 6266

Adchaya .............. 020 8540 8192

Croydon

Best Foods.............. 020 8684 6269

Haran Bros .............. 020 8686 2552

Chennai dosa ......... 020 8665 9192

Eelam Video ............ 020 8664 8351

Spice Land .............. 020 8667 1700

Lewisham

Chandra.................. 020 8333 8680

Eelam Shop ............ 020 8690 6545

Katpagam .............. 020 8694 8810

AJ Video................. 020 8691 8888Sivan Kovil ............. 020 8318 9844

KRS Supermarket ... 020 8297 9432

Best Food .............. 020 8692 9811

Eastham

Seelans................... 020 8471 5733

Sakthi Cash & Carry020 8394 4560

Murugan Temple ..... 020 8478 8433

Station Super Store 020 8503 4711

Best Food .............. 020 8552 9578

Saiva Munneta Sangam02085144732

Akilan Enterprise .... 020 8548 0033

Anjappar................. 020 8552 1155

Ilford

Vinnayagar Kovil..... 020 8911 8934

Nathan.................... 020 8514 1744

Angels .................... 020 8553 0490

Sri store ltd............ 020 8553 7737

Edmonton

New Kannan Stores 020 8884 4979

Sayas...................... 020 8805 9529

Nagapoosani Temple020 8884 3333

Walthamstow

Vinayagar Kovil....... 020 8527 3819

Kumarans .............. 020 7609 1912

Prabas ................... 020 8509 3322

Harrow

Tsk food & Wine..... 020 7622 4258

North Harrow C&C .. 020 8863 6160

Prabhas ................. 020 8866 0977

South Harrow F&W . 020 8423 6321

Best foods............... 020 8423 9933

Sambal Express ...... 020 8799 7171

Wembley

Malar Super Market020 8795 5797Ganapathy C & C..... 020 8795 4627

Best foods............... 020 8900 0100

Vahizan Disc.......... 020 8795 0648

Ealing

Amman kovil ........... 020 8810 0835

Greenford

Ambiha ................... 020 8813 0967

Coventry

Eellakanthan Temple...02476663554

South hall

Thamilini C & C....... 020 8606 9900

Abi Fast Food ......... 0208 813 9494

Palm Palace Restaurant020 8574 9209

Spicy Palace Restaurant 020 8574 4087

Luxmys C & C ......... 020 8571 4599

Tamilan C & C ......... 020 8561 8174

Lady Margret.......... 020 8571 4434@orupaper &facebook.com/orupaper

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8/32

Qualityand

Service

isourMotto

@ EAST HAM, LONDON

INDIA SINGAPORE MALAYSIA DUBAI ABUDHABI QATAR KUWAIT AUSTRALIA USA CANADA

233-235 High Street North, East Ham, London, E6 1JG

Email : [email protected]

Tel : 0208 552 1155Opening Hours : 12.00 to 23.00

PLEASE COLLECT DISCOUNT VOUCHER IN A SHOP


9/32


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Meera Arnold & Co.

45, Chandos Ave, N14 7ES. Tel: 0208 882 2333

for all your accounting needs...

- Accountancy Auditing

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Name:

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Postcode:

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"Oru Paper Ltd."

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G11, Lombard House,

PURLEY WAY, CROYDON,

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11/32


Accountancy & Auditing

Business Start up Advice

Business Plans & Cash Flow Forecasts

Personal tax Affairs & Self Assesment

Company Tax Affairs & Company Tax

Return (CT 600)

Preparing VAT, Payroll for the

Sole Trader, Patrnership & Limited

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Company Formation

Attending VAT & PAYE visits

Tax Investigations

Solicitors Accounts & Accounts Reports

TAMSONSAccounting & Tax Consultancy Ltd.

65 Southlands Road, Bromley, Kent, BR2 9QR

Tel:020 8313 0800

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After nearly two weeks of behind-the-scenes haggling between the

United National Party (UNP) and theSri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP),the main constituents of the newnational unity government in SriLanka, President Maithripala Sirisenayesterday announced no less than 48cabinet ministers.

Prime Minister RanilWickremesinghe presented the hugelist and indicated that yet another setof 45 state and deputy ministers would

be appointed in the coming days.

These announcements underscorethe Sirisena-Wickremesingheadministrations desperation to gluetogether a strong coalition bydistributing cabinet posts in greatnumbers through what amount to

political bribes.

The new government is seeking tocement the US-backed regime-changeoperation through which Sirisenawas elected as president in January,ousting former President MahindaRajapakse, who had close ties toChina. Under conditions of deepeningslump globally and across Asia, itis also preparing to ram throughInternational Monetary Fund (IMF)-ordered austerity measures andsuppress the resistance of workersand the poor.

Sirsena, who heads the SLFP, andWickremesinghe, who leads the UNP,

previously denounced Rajapaksefor squandering public money bymaintaining a 52-member cabinetand a similar number of deputy andstate ministers. Those hypocritical

utterances were cast aside yesterday.

Out of 48 cabinet posts, 43 weresworn in on Thursday. Of those, 32went to the UNP-led coalition and 11to the SLFP. The delay in appointingstate and deputy ministers is also partof the wretched bargain between theUNP and SLFP, the two main partiesof the Sri Lankan bourgeoisie.

President Sirisena will be defenceminister, directly in charge of themilitary. Wickremesinghe kept forhimself the key national policy andeconomic development posts . The UNPalso controls the finance and foreignministries. The significant ministriesallocated to the SLFP include transportand petroleum and gas.

Smaller parties were awardedseveral cabinet posts and will receivenon-cabinet ministerial portfolios aswell. Among these parties are thecommunalist Sri Lanka MuslimCongress, representing the islandsMuslim elites, and the Sinhalaextremist Jathika Hela Urumaya(JHU). The government gave the estateinfrastructure ministry to NationalUnion of Workers leader P. Digambaramand the national dialogue ministry toDemocratic Peoples Front leader ManoGaneshantwo trade union/political

parties responsible for repeatedlybetraying plantation workers.

The 19th amendment to theconstitution, passed by the parliamentafter Sirisena took office in January,restricted the number of cabinetministers to 30, but cynically allowed

parliament to consent to a bigger

number if a national government isformed. Wickremesinghe presented aresolution to parliament on Thursdayto increase the number of ministerial

posts, and it was passed by 143 votes.

Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP)leader Anura Kumara Dissanayakeopposed the resolution, but onlyon the ground that not all partiesagreed to enter the government, so itwas not a national government. TheJVPs posturing belies the fact thatit backed the UNP-led governmentfrom January, and entered its topadvisory body, the National ExecutiveCommittee (NEC).

Wickremesinghe responded that heheaded the UNP and Sirisena led

the SLFPs United Peoples FreedomAlliance. If this is not a nationalgovernment, what is this government?he declared. Wickremesinghe recalledthat such a government was formedin Britain during World War II,without smaller parties. This wartimereference must be taken as a warningthat the Sirisena-Wickremesinghegovernment is preparing for aconfrontation with the working class.

In a further bid to strengthenthe governments hand, deputyUNP leader Karu Jayasuriya wasappointed parliamentary speaker.One of his first acts was to approveWickremesinghes declaration thatthe UNP-SLFP coalition constituted anational government.

Speaker Jayasuriya appointedTamil National Alliance (TNA)leader R. Sambandan as leader ofthe parliamentary opposition. Sirisenainitially indicated that the TNA wouldnot be permitted to hold the post. Heabandoned that stance, however, thusmaking a careful accommodation tothe TNA, which represents the Tamilelite, in order to secure its assistancein maintaining the government.

It is 32 years since a Tamil partyheld the opposition leaders post.In 1983, after provoking anti-Tamilterror in which hundreds of Tamils

were killed in the south of the country,particularly in Colombo, PresidentJayawardenes UNP government

pushed through a constitu tionalamendment to force MPs to sweartheir allegiance to the unitary state.That compelled MPs from the TamilUnited Liberation Front, which ledthe official opposition, to quit the

parliament.

Wickremesinghe was a cabinetminister in Jayawardenes

government. To this day, the draconiansixth amendment remains part of theconstitution.

Sambandan thanked thegovernment for his appointment anddeclared that the TNA would supportits good measures, while opposingothers. The TNA, which is seekinga deal to enhance the privileges ofthe Tamil elite, had already declaredthat it would support the pro-USgovernment. US Assistant Secretaryof State for South Asia Nisha DesaiBiswal recently declared in Colombothat she talked to the TNA aboutreaching a settlement with the newgovernment.

In an indication of the governments

fragility, 62 MPs abstained fromvoting for the cabinet expansionwhile 16 opposed it. About 40 SLFPMPs are sitting in the opposition,even though the party is officially

part of the unity government. Theyare supporters of Rajapakse, whocontested last months electionleading the UPFA campaign andwon a parliamentary seat. Rajapaksecriticised Sambandans appointmentas opposition leader.

Rajapakses faction will takeevery opportunity to get the upperhand in the SLFP, while Sirisenais anxious to isolate him. Sirisena,a senior minister in Rajapaksesgovernment, defected to run againsthim in Januarys presidential election,

backed by Washington in a politicaloperation assisted by Wickremesingheand former President ChandrikaKumaratunga. Before last months

parliamentary election, Sirisenadeclared that he would bar Rajapaksefrom becoming prime minister.

After yesterdays swearing-inceremony, Wickremesinghe declaredthat the countrys international andnational challenges could be facedonly via a national government.These challenges mean, firstof all, pursuing a pro-US and pro-India foreign policy, distancing SriLanka from China. Like Sirisena,who made India his first overseas

stop after becoming president,Wickremesinghe is preparing to visitIndia, Washingtons main regional

partner, as his first trip abroad asprime minister.

These challenges

mean, first of all,

pursuing a pro-US and

pro-India foreign policy,

distancing Sri Lanka

from China.

Secondly, the challenges meanimposing the dictates of internationalfinance capital. Economic advisersand columnists are already clamouringfor harsh economic reforms.Hailing the formation of a nationalgovernment that may command atwo-thirds majority in parliament,Sunday Times economic columnist

Nimal Sandaratne reminded thegovernment that Jayawardene useda huge parliamentary majority in1977 to launch the countrys openeconomic policies.

Sandaratne added: The strongcoalition government provides theopportunity to undertake reforms thatare unpopular in the short run but

benefits accrue in the fullness of time.Will the coalition government have alonger view and political courage toimplement radical reforms?

According to the Sunday Times, asenior government official outlined a

proposal to borrow $US4 billion fromthe IMF for balance of paymentssupport, even though the IMFrefused an earlier such request byFinance Minister Ravi Karunanayake.

Treasury sources also told thenewspaper: The new government

will also have to impose austeritymeasures, increasing taxes, reducingwelfare programs and cuttingsubsidies to state owned enterprises.

Indicating a looming crisis,the balance of payments recordeda negative $791.7 million for thefirst six months of 2015, comparedto a $1,954 million surplus in thecorresponding period last year.

Behind the mask of protectingdemocracy and economicdevelopment, this unity governmentwill unleash harsh attacks on livingconditions and social rights as theglobal economic crisis intensifies.

Sri Lankan Prime Minister

Appoints a Large Cabinet

By K. Ratnayake


14/32

OCTOBER 11 - OCTOBER 24, 2015 14

g

Obama's foreign policy legacyis likely to be, not just that

he presided over humanitarianand cultural disasters of epochal

proportions, now with flood ofrefugees from Syria after USengineered instability with Iraqiinvasion and later supporting ill-conceived National Opposition, and

observing as a passive on-lookers atthe unfolding "Crime of the century"when Sinhala troops killed more than80,000 Tamil civilians in Sri Lanka,

but that Obama soothed the Americanpeople into feeling no responsibilitiesfor the tragedies. Germany, whichabstained from colluding with US,Britain, France, Turkey and Gulfstates in the aggression againstAssad, is now setting the moralleadership to the West, welcomingnearly one million Muslim-Syrians,

and plan integrate them as citizens oftheir own.

The Obama approach to thetragedy with a policy of inaction issimple to understand. Those who are

being affected in the Syrian disasterare Muslims. Any U.S. help will

be political suicide under the fear-

mongering that is endemic to U.S.political discourse of the "other" andthe anesthetized U.S. public opinionwill soon forget. Anti-immigration"Trump"ism will likely capitalizeon any sympathy shown towardsrefugees to the detriment of theDemocrats.

Obama - who ran for presidenton the promise of restoring theUS's moral stature - has constantlyreassured Americans that doing

nothing is the smart and moral policy.He has argued, at times, that therewas nothing the US could do onSyria, earlier belittling the Syrianopposition as "former doctors,farmers and pharmacists."

Syrian refugees in Germany

On those rare occasions whenhorrors of Syrian suffering threatenedto overwhelm excuses for inaction,Obama promised empty actions orWhitehouse leaks.

When impending mass-killingsloomed in Vanni, Obama White-House called on "both sides to stopfighting immediately," and "theGovernment of Sri Lanka to stopshelling the safe zone and blockinginternational aid groups and mediafrom accessing those civilianswho have managed to escape,"adding both sides should "strictlyadhere to their obligations underinternational humanitarian law,"and that the Obama administrationis "very concerned about reports ofviolations, and take these allegationsvery seriously."

Naturally, the bestial Sri Lankaignored the admonition and thekillings proceeded to its logicalconclusion - the slaughter of tens ofthousands of Tamil civilians.

Key Obama confidantes, thewoman who wrote the book ongenocide, Samantha Power, and thewoman who campaigned to bombSudan to save people of Darfur,Susan Rice could apparently ingood conscience stay on as U.N.

Ambassador and National SecurityAdvisor respectively, lent furthercredibility to U.S. abdication of anyresponsibility to Syrian disaster,aiding the slow downward corrosivetrajectory of U.S. moral decay.

Former US Ambassador toSri Lanka, Robert Blake, widelyacknowledged as the key US officialwho shaped the US policy on SriLanka's war, is held by Tamils as thekey architect for the tragedy. Similar

to US assembled group of countriesthat supported the Syrian Coalitionaccelerating the Syrian turmoil, Blakewas instrumental in creating the"Contact Group" of countries to forma broad coalition to help to defeat theTigers, the only defense Tamils hadagainst a brutal regime. The ContactGroup served to incarcerate diasporaactivists providing the political spacefor the Sri Lankan regime to carryout the killings. Japanese officials inthe U.N., notably Takasu, assisted theU.S's policy of eliminating the onlydefense Tamils had, the LTTE.

The International Communitysavored for a few years the dystopian-monster they created in Sri Lanka,and with the regime change, is now

attempting to whitewash the atrocitiesby side-st epping accountabi lity,and focus on development andreconciliation. Other international

players, South Africa and formerBritish Prime Minister Tony Blairare jumping into the fray to provideenlightened reconciliation and

progress after convincing Tamils togo past beyond genocide.

The U.S. State Departmentintervened to save Rajapakse from

legal prosecution in the U.S. Courtswhen Tamil plaintiffs filed civil suitfor crimes against humanity and war-crimes. Rajapakse, now out of power,stands exposed to the resumption oflegal prosecution in U.S. courts.

Former US Ambassador

to Sri Lanka, Robert

Blake, widely

acknowledged as the

key US official who

shaped the US policy

on Sri Lanka's war, is

held by Tamils as the

key architect for the

tragedy.

The German example is awelcome change to dealing with thehumanitarian disaster unfolding inSyria. However, the US, after creatingthe turmoil in Iraq, and creating

the space for the Tamil genocide, isselling to the US public that inactionwas a notable achievement.

The human consequences of bothUS engagements, Iraq's invasion andits fallout in Syria, and the masskillings amounting to genocide inSri Lanka, are both disastrous to theaffected people, and have exposedthe moral bankruptcy permeating the

political psyche of the U.S.

Obama legacy of

progressive moral decay

- TamilNet

Borussia Dortmund supporters hold a banner showing their support for refugees (Photo: Courtesy AP)


15/32

Why have they done this guide mum?

Colouring - 249

Kids endless questions can drive parents nuts, but are great learning toolsKids' endless questions can drive parents nuts, but are great learning tools

Q Why does it get dark?Q: Why does it get dark?

A: The Earth is round and spins on its imaginary pole once everyA: The Earth is round and spins on its imaginary pole once every

24 hours to give us day and night. When our house faces the sun24 hours to give us day and night. When our house faces the sun

it is daytime but when it is turned away from the sun no lightit is daytime, but when it is turned away from the sun, no light

reaches us so it becomes dark. This is night. When it is night forreaches us so it becomes dark. This is night. When it is night for

us it is daytime on the other side of the world.us, it is daytime on the other side of the world.

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www.facebook.com/orupaper

Email: [email protected]

C : 2 7 43 4314C : 020 7043 4314

RpV UW S 2013

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SW: LX 11.00 U ( LX 10.30ehUPT \eLTy| 11.00 Ueh LLBWTUh)

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Crystal Club1 Poppin Building Southway, Wembley,

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For More Details : 020 3576 5765Facebook: /crystalclubs Twitter: @crystalclubs E-mail: [email protected]


23/32

Tel : 020 7043 4316

Web : www.tamil.com

Facebook.com/tamiltelevisionnetwork | @tamiltvnetwork

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Orupaper Issue_249

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Transcript of Orupaper Issue_249