ORAON AND TEA ESTATE - Information and Library...
Transcript of ORAON AND TEA ESTATE - Information and Library...
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Chapter IV
ORAON AND TEA ESTATE
In last chapter I discussed profile of Oraon in Barak valley. This
chapter deals with relationship between Oraon and tea estate.
A large number of Oraon migrated and settled in Barak valley to
work in tea gardens as wage labourer. After their arrival in the
region they confined in tea garden and engaged themselves to earn
their livelihood from tea industry. Tea industry is considered as
the largest organised agriculture based industry in India and Assam
is the leading state in respect of tea production.
Tea plantation in India is a kind initiation vi-a-vis gift of British
colonial administration. According to S.N. Singh, Amarendra
Narain and Purnendu Kumar first major tea venture was started in
upper Assam in 1839 by Assam Company and within two decades
many more companies with British capital made their debut in
different parts of Assam. Vast wild forest land was transformed
into beautiful smiling tea gardens, along Brahmaputra and Barak
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valley. Assam Tea is famous all over world for its flavour and
rejuvenating quality.
The discovery of tea and its commercial production changed
Assam's economy. In Cachar, first tea plantation started in 1855-
1856 by Williamson and Co. near Bursangun (near present Kathal
Bagan) and its success opened eyes of many planters and
entrepreneurs who applied for a grant of land in Cachar.1
Tea industry provided employment to a large number of labourers.
Various castes and tribes came from different parts of country and
settled in tea garden areas as ‘Tea Garden Labourer’.
RECRUITMENT OF TEA GARDEN LABOURERS
In early nineteenth century and during formative day in Assam tea
plantation a huge scarcity of tea garden labourers occurred which
became hindrance for expansion of tea plantation in the state.
1 S.N. Singh, Amarendra Narain and Purnendu Kumar, Socio-Economic and political Problems of Tea Garden workers, Mittal Publications, New Delhi, 2006, Pp. 2.
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R.K Kar says ‘at initial stage local people like Kachari, Matak,
Kuki, Naga etc employed with active assistance of chiefs of
respective groups. But that arrangement could not become
successful and sustainable. In course of time number of tea
plantations steadily increased and as such demand kept growing
for larger number of labourers. But need could not be fulfilled
from local labourers as they had gradually been showing
reluctance to work in tea plantation. Under this circumstance
planters started procuring labourers from other states of India.
Desperate poverty and land alienation at country side of those
areas vis-a-vis false promises of “less work and high wages” made
by planters probably pulled labourers to migrate towards Assam.
In view of growth of unemployment as well as shortage of food in
Assam, government of Assam in 1953 advised planters for gradual
curtailment in recruitment of labourers from other states. Initially
labourers were recruited on contract basis for three to four years
but they were forced by circumstances and other problems to settle
in gardens permanently. Kar is of the view that a major section of
these migrants after their contract periods were over decided to
make a permanent settlement in the new habitat which is far away
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from their native land’.2
ECONOMIC LIFE
R.K. Kar views ‘Assam use to contribute around 55% of country’s
total production of tea which considered as backbone of state’s
economy. 3 Despite of huge amount of revenue collection from tea
industry by the state as well as private owners, overall economic
condition of tea garden labourers along with Oraon in this valley is
very poor. Oraons are mostly depending on wages earned from
working in tea gardens. Even in present days wages are not quite
satisfactory to meet their daily expenses.
Further he says coercion, low wages and immigrant labourers are
three important components of tea plantation in Assam. These
three components ensure high profit for planters. As such planters
obstructed growth of a labour market and thereby deprived
workers from real market wage.4 All adult members of the family
both male and female are engaged in tea garden work to earn
2 Sarthak Sengupta, ed, Tea Labourers of North East India, Mittal Publications, New Delhi, 2009, Pp. 3-4. 3 Sarthak,Sangupta, ed, Tea Labourers of North East India, Mittal Publications, New Delhi, 2009, Pp. 3. 4 Ibid, Pp. 2.
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money. Despite of low wage they have to work in the garden. At
present some Oraons are going outside tea garden and getting
engaged in other activities to earn more money. But due to poverty
and illiteracy most of the Oraons do not dare to go outside tea
gardens in search of work. Oraon families somehow maintain their
family expenditure with the amount they earn from tea garden.
Moreover, Oraons spend a substantial amount of their earnings for
taking country liquor every day. Many members of younger
generation spend a major amount of their income for purchasing
non-traditional consumer goods.
On other hand, very few Oraons have realized value and necessity
of money and started regular savings with some saving
organisations. Because of their insufficient income and habit of
unnecessary expenditure it is observed that Oraons are suffering
from the problem of indebtedness. They are victim of exploitation
of money lenders. R.K Kar says that originally Kabuliwallas
controlled the business of money lending in tea gardens.5
5 Ibid, P. 8.
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At present, in tea gardens of Barak Valley this is controlled by
local people, traders and sometimes by relatively well-to-do people
from their own community.
SOCIO-CULTURAL LIFE
During ancient time histrico and socio-cultural life of Oraon, as
already mentioned earlier, was rather within ambit of their tribal
value and identity. Initially they lived their life peacefully without
intervention of any force or institution.
Now Oraon in tea estates are found to be different. Their house,
settlement, socio-cultural institution, family kinship and marriage
are of different nature. In tea garden Oraon continuously interact
with non-Oraon or other people. Its rather very irony to note
hardly any community’s original identity including Oraon is seen
in tea garden.
S.N Singh, Amarendra Narain and Purnendu Kumar say that
labourers in tea garden of Barak valley mostly belong to tribal
belts of Chotanagpur, Orissa, Madhya Pradesh and Andhra
Pradesh. Along with them labourers came from some districts of
Bihar and Eastern U.P belong to Scheduled Castes and other
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backward class community.
Due to these communities poor economic condition most of them
were possibly exploited and harassed by zamindars and petty
landloards at their native land. Among tribal groups, Munda,
Oraon, Santal and Bhumij are found in large number, who came
from hill area while Kurmi, Goala, Koiri, Baroi, Kanu, Khar,
Akhura, Tanti, Bagdi and Mala backward and scheduled castes
from plain of Bihar and U.P. Some scheduled castes like Chamar,
Pasi, Dusadh, Mushar, Bhuian etc of some places also migrated
along with other castes.6
Socio-cultural activities of Oraons in tea garden had started getting
new form in due course of their settlement and life. Their
interaction with people living nearby their settlement or work place
made them to come in contact with non-Oraon people. Tea garden
labourers continuously mixed with Bengali labourers in Barak
valley. Entire tea community irrespective of their caste tribe
identity equally celebrated socio-cultural functions like marriage 6 S.N Singh, Amarendra Narain, and Purnendu Kumar, Socio-Economic and political Problems of Tea Garden workers, Mittal Publications, New Delhi, 2006, Pp. 43.
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ceremony, death ritual, and child rearing practice and have equal
pattern of food and dress which show a mixed culture peculiar to
tea community of this Valley.
But traditional cultural aspects like nativity, caste, community,
religion, informal organisation, symbolic expression and status
determinant are not totally lost by each individual community.
Thus cultural aspects of Oraon society in tea garden are not totally
lost in new relation. During tea garden festival, Oraons perform
their traditional function.
Thus cultural aspects of Oraon labourers in Barak valley show
social interaction of language, ethnic and religious group. Progress
in assimilation of various group with varied cultural background
makes it possible for labourers to live together cohesively
adjusting with constraint. They have accustomed to all situations
with a healthy and moral aptitude.
FAMILY
Due to migration and working in plantation industry tea garden
labourers prefer to live in nuclear family (Bhadra). Plantation
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influences them to live in a small family because residential
quarters provided to labourers are found suitable for nuclear
family. Management of tea industry motivates labourers to live in
nuclear family.
Historically plantatation industrialists preferred to recruit both
husband and wife together as labourers. Facility are provided to
workers on family basis. This encouraged workers to live in
nuclear family. Employment to a person is given on household
basis. Fire-wood, raw materials for thatching etc. are given on
household basis but not on the basis of member in a household.
Therefore a large household and a small household gets equal
amount of all these facilities from management. If a father and a
married son work in a tea garden and live under same roof they are
entitled to get equal facilities of a single house hold.
Naturally tendency of workers is to live in a small house hold. In a
family though dominance of a male is prominent, role of female is
equally important. Parents do not have craze for a son as both son
and daughter are equally important. Both of them become earners
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from childhood. A daughter is not a barden to her parents but on
the other hand they can earn and help the family from very
childhood. Moreover, she brings bride price for parental family.
Status of a woman changes considerably as soon as she enters into
economic field. Plantation, as its policy, provides employment to
both husband and wife. Thus a woman has a definite position as an
earner and as a result she has a greater say over family matter.7
Family life has undergone a remarkable change in tea garden areas.
Traditionally their economy demanded joint and extended family
structure. Which are essentially required for organised endeavour
in economic field like agriculture, hunting etc. however, in
industrial setup of tea garden this family structure has changed
totally to nuclear family. Family authority is no longer solely
exercised by eldest male member.
Economic control remains in hand of earning members irrespective
of age and sex. On other hand equal job opportunity for all adult
members irrespective of sex has minimised parental control over
7 Thomas Pulloppillil, ed. Identity of Adivasis in Assam, Indian Publishers Distributors, Delhi, 1999, Pp. 70-71.
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youngsters. Quarter is also allotted to an earning member only. It
may be added here that children are also earning. Though they are
not allowed to possess authority but they have a say in some
economic transactions.8
Regarding family of tea garden workers Bishnu Prasad Sahu says
major characteristics of plantation labour and wage system
confirmed by available family budgets was that wage earning of an
individual worker was much below what was considered by even
garden management as normal or regular expenditure, not to speak
of what should have been viewed as ‘family wage’ by any
reasonable standard. Even a cursory look at available budget
figures show beyond doubt that wage earning of an individual
worker are so low that these met only a small fraction of
subsistence requirements of a family. Such low wage fixation
turned out as basic mechanism for forcing whole family including
children and women to participate in wage work in gardens or
outside the gardens9.
8 Sarthak,Sangupta, ed, The Tea Labourers of North East India, Mittal Publications, New Delhi, 2009, Pp. 8. 9 Bishnu Prasad Sahu, Human Resource Development for Industrial Workers, Mittal Publications, New Delhi, 2004, Pp. 126.
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MARRIAGE
After settlement in tea garden of Assam, institution of marriages
among Oraons becomes more or less a personal affair and lost its
hold from family and community. They do have socially
recognized institution of marriage which prefers endogamy. Unlike
their traditional forms of marriage, intercommunity marriages are
taking place very frequently among them. Offenders are excused
by society by keeping some amount of money as fine. Divorce and
widow marriage is also not uncommon.
It may be said whole traditional norms regarding marriage has got
changed in oraons living in tea gardens of Barak Valley. It has
been observed that to some extent the loss of traditional control
result laxity in sex life and irregularity in marital union. Social
relation on the other hand also changing from a relatively closed in
kinship type to an open community sentiment. Some of kinship
terms are borrowed from neighbouring non-oraon communities
with whom they come in regular contact.
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RELIGIOUS LIFE
Traditionally their religion was based on warship, propitiation and
tackling of village god, deity, ancestor and evil spirit. Such
traditional belief and practice as a whole losing its appeal
particularly among young people. Rather they prefer to participate
in national as well as regional festivals like Durga Puja, Kali Puja,
Lakxmi Puja, Holi etc. some of these festivals are organised by
management where labourers are participating voluntarily. In such
occasion members of the workforce irrespective of ethnic and
religious identity assist and participate.
FOOD
Food habit in tea garden areas of Oraons and other labourers are
almost same. Food pattern consists of rice, flour, vegetables,
spices, fruits, pulses, eggs, fishes, meat etc. the workers in tea
garden are non-vegetarians. Besides these they also chew betel leaf
and tobacco. For cooking they use the home made Chulla dugged
inside with three tops (traditional Chulla) using firewood. Utensil
like aluminium bucket, steel plate, glass and aluminum vessel are
used. All labourers in tea garden mostly drowned in hariya (rice
beer) and country liquor.
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POLITICAL LIFE
Political life of Oraon along with other labourers in tea garden is
controlled by Bagan Panchayat. In case of any problem Bagan
panchayat try to resolve such problem.
Unlike traditional political organisation of different ethnic groups,
tea garden labourers do not have their respective institutionalised
bodies to control their political life. For smooth run of community
life, a group of persons including Chowkidar, Sardar or a leader of
workers, leaders of labour unions and some other influential
persons irrespective of their ethnic affiliation look after tea
labourer community as a whole. 10
Trade unions in tea gardens are dormant and do not take keen
interest in the welfare of the workers. Union leaders are hardly
seen in tea gardens. Workers do not get convinced or show interest
in union activities and many of them even fail to understand role of
union.
10 Sarthak,Sangupta, ed, , The Tea Labourers of North East India, Mittal Publications, New Delhi, 2009, Pp. 42.
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Trade union in tea-industries is indifferent about activities related
to Human Resource Development done by each garden. They do
not bargain with authority betterment of labourers. Trade unions
and Bagan Panchayat thrive on political consideration rather than
on a contended, satisfied, self-dependent and accretive workforce
in the tea industries.11
Tea garden labourers, particularly women are members of union
not due to their ideological commitment but under the compulsion
of co-workers at the garden level. Politically, they are immature
and ignorant. Most of the office bearers of the union or Bagan
panchayat are male workers. Women workers remain always in
rear everywhere. They are ignored and cornered in the distribution
of elective posts even at the garden level.
Tea garden workers particularly women workers remain busy with
their daily routine works of the garden and whatever time they
save are consumed by their domestic works. After hard work they
become physically exhausted. Further, they live in the garden
11 Bishnu Prasad Sahu, Human Resource Development for Industrial Workers, Mittal Publications, New Delhi, 2004, Pp. 129-130.
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society which is cut off from main stream of national life. Their
level of political perception, degree of political consciousness and
political knowledge is limited and inadequate. This is mainly due
to their solitary garden life.
VOTING BEHAVIOUR
Tea garden workers are immigrant labourers who are the worst
victim of exploitation of management. They are exploited
specimen of human race. They were brought and engaged in work
by disgraceful and inhuman manner under British policy of ‘hire
and fire’. They suffered at every stage in past and even today they
are being mentally tortured day in and day out by planter’s
supervisory staff, field staff, local shop keeper and money lenders
etc. They are facing unfavourable social, economic and political
circumstances, but they are still alive under sub-human condition.
They are victims of ignorance, illiteracy, poverty and excessive
harassment by planters and other local merchants.
The Britishers treated them not as men but chattels. Social and
cultural distance was maintained by them and its legacy has
continued till today. Socially, they are cut off, economically they
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are bankrupt and politically dwarf, down and dull. In such
circumstances many of them choose their political representatives
on the advice of the tea garden managers, office staffs and bagan
panchayat leaders. Thus, it can be envisaged that in a democratic
country they do not choose their political representatives according
to their own will.
CONDITION OF ORAON IN TEA GARDEN
British tea planters bought labourers from different parts of India
by promising them to pay high wage for working in tea gardens.
But they could not keep their promise rather low wage and
coercion became the role of the day. Short work was subject to
severe physical and financial punishment. Management-worker
relationship in those days as if was worst form of serfdom.12
Such legacy is still being maintained by garden management in
different techniques. Facilities which are given to tea garden
labourers by authority like housing accommodation, drinking
water, recreational facilities, canteens, educational facilities for
12 Sarthak,Sangupta, ed, The Tea Labourers of North East India, Mittal Publications, New Delhi, 2009, Pp. 5.
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children, crèches for children of working mothers, umbrellas,
raincoats, blankets and other amenities for protecting against rain
and cold are not up to the mark. Tea garden authority engages
children in work in name of providing employment. Weekly
holyday for rest, holidays with pay, sickness allowances and
maternity benefits etc. are given recently as per state government
norms.
HOUSING FACILITY
R.K Kar comments during post- independence period, there has
been a substantial improvement in the housing condition of the tea
labourers in this region.13 But in reality the houses of Oraons
provided by tea garden authority is not quite satisfactory. Oraons
in tea garden of Barak Valley have been living in small huts. It is
observed that Condition of huts of Oraons are very poor to protect
themselves from rain and other natural calamities. Besides these
many of them are suffering from absence of electric facilities in
their houses.
13
Sarthak,Sangupta, ed, The Tea Labourers of North East India, Mittal Publications, New Delhi, 2009, Pp. 6.
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MEDICAL AND HEALTH FACILITY
It is observed that in tea gardens Oraons are living in insanitary
condition and improper medical care. They suffer from various
diseases. Many of the garden hospitals do not have a full-time
physician. Most of these are under-staffed and lack of proper
infrastructural facilities and the required stock of medicines etc.
The medical facilities in fact have declined over years.
Sections 8 and 9 of PLA and Rules 7-20 of APLR contain
provisions for health and sanitation facilities like supply of
drinking water and construction and maintenance of drains etc.
Despite of all these provisions, Oraon in tea gardens suffer from
sanitation and health problems. They suffer from large number of
endemic diseases that include gastro-enteritis, anemia, dysentery
and diarrhea, worm infection, skin diseases, night blindness,
hypertension, tuberculosis, pneumonia and malaria etc.
Besides diseases of poverty and malnutrition, they suffer from a
number of avoidable diseases that result out of very poor
environmental sanitation, personal hygiene and unhealthy food and
drink habits.
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EDUCATIONAL FACILITY
Literacy level among Oraons is not at all encouraging. In many
gardens schools do not exist. These are merely for sake of legal
fulfillment and are characterised by poor infrastructural facilities as
well as maintenance provisions and lack of sufficient and qualified
teachers. Some tea garden schools do not have permanent teachers
and the management uses them as “spare wheels” by employing
them elsewhere besides teaching .As result children of Oraons
became illiterate.
From these observations it may be concluded that life of Oraons
are fully controlled and guided by tea garden authority. Their
occupation, accommodation, family life, marriage alliance, religion
etc are fully governed and influenced by tea garden. Tea industry
can be considered as stimulating factor for making the social
change among Oraon.
CONCLUSION
Oraon in Barak valley is fully controlled and determined by will of
tea garden authority. Though they try to retain their own way of
life but hegemonic and exploitative rules of tea garden compels