DIFFERENTIATED CONTAINMENT: COMPASS AND HORIZON IN UNTYING ETHHNICITY AND INTEREST WITHIN EUDragos Lucian IVAN

Should we pay special attention to the relations between countries that have historical interethnic issues? In our century it turns out that managing interethnic relations between countries in the EU is an important bottleneck that can have a powerful impact upon the integrity of the EU. Uncertainty regarding what it is to become of the contemporary European Union, yet apparent certainty about the need for reconstructing geopolitics within the EU has rekindled interest in the field of international relations and interethnic cooperation. Such renewed interest of this core concept has translated into the need for a greater historical sensitivity to forms of geopolitical social organization that can arose European political structures. It is my opinion that we are going to witness a shift in the way ethnicity is view, a shift towards the concept of interest. It is now something of a bien pensant clich to remark that the EU-led policy of public diplomacy and soft power did a lot to persuade countries into the system. This study is supported by a complex statistic data base that comes to support or even put forward new interpretation to this problem. ethnic, demographic, migration, clash, policyAb initio, it is the purpose of this article to point out that geopolitical relations between countries that have historical interethnic issues may not do much in defining or shaping the European continent in the twenty-first century. Although the concept of ethnicity, as it was introduced in anthropology from around the year 1960, has kept a lot of headline in many articles, it is our belief that the ethnic framework is changing. Understanding it by raising questions and by putting to examination the conceptualization of ethnicity and its allusive quality could account for interesting European issues, which sometimes may be considered only marginally. Max Weber supported the allusive quality of ethnicity The whole conception of ethnic groups is so complex and so vague that it might be good to abandon it altogether.(Weber,1968:385)The European continent faces a challenge in dealing not with historical interethnic issues, but with new interethnic relations that might arise in the near future. In order to continue to guarantee security, development and stability the European Union must face a twofold challenge: internally and externally. Internally, the European Union will have to construct an approach towards new ethnic issues, the increase in the Muslim minority, which statistics show it will become a large percent of the population in the near future. Externally, the European Union will have to construct a proper approach to the neighboring Muslim countries, basically, really test the limits of its soft power in determining flows of immigration and flow of capital and exchanges with these countries. These new variables have rekindled new phenomena that will have to be dealt with such as the move towards right wing political parties, the need to recalibrate domestic and foreign policy.Gradually, it becomes more and more visible that the old ethnic issues pertaining to the European continent is no longer salient. On the other hand the old ethnic issues, even if their existence will still be acknowledged from time to time, their importance will be shifted gradually from the national domain, to the domestic realm of the European Union. No longer an ethnic issue will concern and involve relation of a type nation-nation, but mainly the entire European Union. On the other hand, in large measure, the ethnic issue of Muslim origin affects not only the domestic realm, perceived as everything within the borders of the European Union, but also the foreign policy towards the foreign realm. A sensitive nerve in the past, national anxiety towards old ethnic disputes seems to have been replaced with an exacerbating widespread fear of Muslim ethnicity and Europes periphery. Sure, not long ago the perspective of changing minds on questions of old ethnic issues between nations on the European continent was no small task, but merely shifting the focus from one set of ethnic issues to another is not the answer. In such a case entrenchment of such an ethnic issue will not result merely in a change in domestic policy but also in a change in foreign policy, effectively blocking both inner growth and the increase in soft power outside the European Union. Being a twofold issue, it brings double advantages or disadvantages. Samuel The fact that we are perhaps witnessing a deconstruction and re-construction of history, reinterpreted under the pressure of new circumstances and even interests, make me ponder about something said by Mark Twain History does not repeat itself, but sometimes rhymes. If indeed we are in a clash of civilizations context, as Samuel P. Huntington put forward in the Clash of civilization and the Remaking of the World Order, we may be privileged enough to capture the moment in which Islam provides the impetus for a new Europe, as it was the case a millennium ago. He considers that ab incunabulis, people from different groups, civilizations are bent on converging at some point or another. As the European Union celebrates its handling of ab intra traditional ethnic issues, it is faced with yet another paradox that sets out. Although it attached more weight to old traditional ethnic issues, focusing on solidarity, economical cooperation between fellow European countries and the defense of common interests it did little to create reference policy towards the new ethnic groups made out of Muslim citizens. However, supporting a new view on this issue as an objective has been increasingly been factored into Europes policymaking. Among other impulses, origin and kinship in the conduct of ethnic groups are used quite often. These concepts are bound even more prominently to ethnonationalist movements. Yet, we are still left with one question: will Europes system become a natural and vital component for all ethnic groups within its borders as many from the old continent hope? Such ethnic movements have been tied by W. Connor (1993, p. 373) to references regarding ideology at the operational level such as fatherland(Connor,1993:373-398). Research has proved that Muslim immigration and those that were born on the European continent have far more in common with umma (universal Muslim community) and the dar al-Islam(abode the peace, or Islam territory). Further, we shall highlight the relevance of term umma, to put it simply aligning it to a definition. THE TERM UMMA is derived from the word amm (the root) which means to aim at or to intend to. Hence, ordinarily, it means the people who intend to follow a leader or a religion. Moreover, it is used in the sense of the desire to belong to one place or generation, and various kinds of birds.

The Quran, however, has employed the term in a variety of meanings. These are: Nation. The following translations of the verses of the Quran can be inferred as referring to umma as nation. Our Lord, and make us submissive unto Thee and of our seed a nation submissive unto Thee.( Quran, II: 128)( Dr Muhammad Nazeer KakaKhel,. The author is a faculty member of the Qurtuba University, Peshawar, and was the chairman of the Department of Political Science, University of Peshawar, Pakistan.)Equally consequential in the reappearance of this ethnic issue was the extraordinary fascination of the Orient for the West. Roosens, 1968 was indeed convinced that once the political establishment stopped working on policies to better construct around the ethnic element so as to make the system fit the ethnic reality, ethnic-cultural differences can re-appear(Roosens,1989). Roosens controversial statement seriously pressures the European continent to invest a lot of energy for its readiness for a new framework of ethnic cooperation. Above all, it comes to correct any perspective that at one point or another, policy makers could shed the activist approach in pushing towards substantive policies in accordance with ethnic realities. Roosens, assessing the impact of arbitrary external circumstances and thorny conditions such as reliance on ideological determination, lingering political strategies and embedded structural conditions concluded that ethnic identities goes beyond the groups involvement. Communities that have sought to preserve important pillars such as structural conditions or which have nurtured ideological determination know a greater ethnic gap. Ultimately, all of these points of divergence trace their roots in external circumstances. This ethnic issue has no simple solution. Yet, it seems that the dominant European policy towards this new ethnic issue is to call for patience, in the best case, perhaps leaving the impression of postponement to a still-distant future this important issue. The question of the Muslim ethnicity vis--vis the European mainland goes beyond homeland security, challenging European strategic ability. Foremost, this issue, which can become a vision, could hamstring relations on the ethnic level, for inner relations, and at the foreign policy level for outer level, on a variety of questions. Europe must avoid seeing this issue as a marginal one and not engage in a potentially unsettling unilateral policy towards this ethnic population. The presence of this ethnic issue speaks on the evolving nature of European policy and demographics. The course Europe chooses as it enters into this new stage will affect its homeland security commitment, soft power capability, economical growth planning, all of them pivotal for its existence. A pragmatic view on ethnicity will produce a mixed theoretical definition. We should not be reluctant to define ethnicity as a real fusion of strong cultural practices, a strong legacy of perspectives, fierce distinctions, all of them achieving - particularly as it relates to the outside - to reflect more or less an enclose arena, setting a group of individuals outside of the mainstream, sometimes reluctant to allow someone else ethnically distinct to be part of the community. Seldom, does these groups converge in political harmony other groups. Ethnicity has emerged, at least for the moment and for the majority that sought to define it as shared cultural heritage. Ethnic groups have been branded, sometimes willingly, through the use of emphatic ancestry, a strong commitment towards conventional forms of dress. Focus as we are on the defining of the concept of ethnicity we should not omit the investment of a significant energy in preserving a group language and above all the unsurprising proliferation of a common religion, which especially applies to our discussion. These factors define ethnicity and underline the rising force of an apparently socially and economically vulnerable and sometimes discriminated upon ethnic group, self-confident enough to try to even further advance on the global stage. Demographics, by itself can shape the continent by sheer force of inertia and the new ethnic reality can shape the continent by holding on to its traditional position. Increasingly, researchers have sought to support an initiative to promote ethnicity as not being inherited. Awareness has been steadily growing that ethnic differences are learnt, and ethnic differences are built around the idea of learning it, thus such a practice would help to differentiate the ethnic group for those outside, sometimes perceived as the adversaries. Yet, we are skeptical that such a view from the part of any ethnic group, once established, would benefit anyone or bring any new connection into the system. The European Union through continuing to promote democracy and its core values should support a changing in this view also in regard to this new ethnic background, further trying to treat as equals each citizen and applying neutrality in its overall system. At a minimum, the European Union is compelled to review yet another time the concept of ethnicity and create an offer, not response, to those involved. By doing this the European Union would demonstrate once again to the rest of the world the nature of its internal politics meant to serve as the primary means for its soft power. Thus, European analysts should focus their attention on defining a policy towards this new ethnic reality. I believe that it is precisely this context that has not been conceptualized enough on the European agenda, thus creating a power incentive for others to manipulate kinship and cultural symbols. This possible misbehavior can enforce a powerful pressure upon economic growth, critical to both social ethnic stability and for a future robust foreign policy. Europes rising status and influence on the world political arena, through its dominant soft power component can only be preserved through a balancing strategy. On the other hand, this would require Europe to diverge energy and money from its already scarce resources, in a time of economical upheaval, to its own disadvantage. To avoid the treatment of ethnic groups as interests groups, as it was defined by Glazer & Moynihan, 1963; Yancey et al., 1976, Europe should enhance its own international standing by creating a more nuanced and strategic policy, rather than one dominated by clear-cut decisions. Ethnicity has the ability to exert considerable pressure and in order for the European continent not to succumb to this pressure it should also view that ethnicity in the long run can become a political resource. Europeans and Muslim ethnicity should come to an abiding interest in adherence to the same values. Commonality on the possible misuse of ethnicity as a political resource exists. This has been a concern for Cohen (1969 who has provided us and any power-wielder with information regarding urban ethnicity in Nigeria (Cohen,1969). In the long run, in other countries that have known current European tendencies in the broader sense of ethnic issues have also known the appearance of rallying cries for public resentment. Therein lies one of the most puzzling dilemma. In order to participate successfully in the globalized economy and benefit from its mechanism, Europe has to invest energy, but perhaps without devoting enough energy to managing the ethnic challenge. On the other hand Europe has to cope with this ethnic reality, investing energy, but it may forgo or limit competitiveness and integrated world policy. Its economic base requires harmony and work force. Increased interaction and involvement of each European citizen may help in shifting the configuration of ethnic power and interest through each European citizens self-regulating process of both live and behavior. Demographics create both challenges and opportunities. A future European model should take into account the essential demographic model and its dynamic, in order to continue to pursue power and wealth. Ethnic groups should be helped in discovering a common interest in joining the greater European cause, so as its interest wont seem illicit which in turn would lead to domestic discontent and stumbling foreign policy. Such a policy would be consistent with Europes economic and security aspirations, thus any possible or explicit social discontent should be systematically dismantled. In the following part of the article a link between two variables shall be researched. In the present study the European Values Study Longitudinal Data File has been used. This data set has the following features: Number of Units: 166.502, Number of Variables: 865, Analysis System: SPSS. On one hand we have a detailed outline of the percentage of Muslim individuals in several European countries. The hypothesis was that there is a link between the percentage of Muslim individuals present in a country and the way in which immigration is perceived by the population. It is our opinion that the majority of countries in which Muslim immigrants cohesion is not properly managed by the government the sentiment towards immigrants and ethnic difference is less friendly. In the following chart the opinion of those who have answered regarding their outlook on immigrants has been statistically researched, according to their citizenship. It is visible that the highest positive views on immigrants are present in the countries marked with green, as opposed to those that are marked with the color red.Descriptives

REGR factor score 1 for analysis 3

NMeanStd. DeviationStd. Error95% Confidence Interval for MeanMinimumMaximum

Lower BoundUpper Bound

Romania1163,4699006,92662315,02717148,4165899,52321121,586442,10041

Sweden912,42063661,09816742,03636396,3492697,49200341,586442,10041

Iceland749,3737148,83596556,03054552,3137497,43368001,586442,10041

Luxembourg1445,3689120,90065251,02369318,3224352,41538871,586442,10041

Poland1308,2859417,82019002,02267831,2414518,33043151,586442,10041

France1462,2784786,94478968,02470936,2300090,32694821,586442,10041

Spain1312,2365877,84206131,02324753,1909812,28219411,586442,10041

Denmark1415,2253524,81715348,02172328,1827390,26796571,586442,10041

Bulgaria969,1946699,94792364,03045169,1349110,25442881,586442,10041

Finland988,1880944,91974762,02926107,1306733,24551541,586442,10041

Portugal1256,1484911,77547244,02188122,1055633,19141891,586442,10041

Netherlands1445,0960833,77128308,02028990,0562825,13588411,586442,10041

Italy1214,0854530,95786511,02749128,0315172,13938871,586442,10041

Switzerland1179,0693549,81384578,02370201,0228520,11585771,586442,10041

Norway1065,0457272,77169127,02364660,0006721,09212651,586442,10041

Estonia1356-,0496964,90106143,02446947,0976985,00169421,586442,10041

Slovenia1223-,0588894,91580731,02618731,1102664,00751231,586442,10041

Belgium1484-,1211682,85914059,02230218,1649154,07742101,586442,10041

Slovak Republic1198-,1395619,78005612,02253707,1837785,09534541,586442,10041

Latvia1239-,1546899,78826033,02239412,1986245,11075531,586442,10041

Czech Republic1555-,1702832,84091937,02132501,2121120,12845441,586442,10041

Lithuania1029-,2015354,76448683,02383210,2483005,15477031,586442,10041

Ireland858-,2191951,86312940,02946675,2770305,16135961,586442,10041

Greece1405-,2231119,90350127,02410408,2703958,17582801,586442,10041

Hungary1430-,2515339,80532880,02129635,2933094,20975841,586442,10041

Germany1949-,2958008,81727473,01851238,3321069,25949461,586442,10041

Austria1436-,3528172,97486292,02572565,4032811,30235331,586442,10041

Great Britain1412-,3636797,91828773,02443776,4116180,31574151,586442,10041

Cyprus834-,6151881,75452876,02612719,6664710,56390521,586442,10041

Malta1285-,8600570,63481394,01770903,8947988,82531521,586441,71597

Table 1Bona fide, dignificant differences are among the Nordic and central European states and the rest of Europe, in terms of both openness towards immigrants and in terms of percentage of population made out of Muslim individuals. The Nordic and Central Europe have in common a smaller Muslim community(Omer Taspinar, Europes Muslim Street, Foreign Policy, March/April 2003; Simon Kuper, Political Muscle, Financial Times (FT), September 27, 2003; Roula Khalaf, Urgent Challenge of Muslim Integration in Europe, FT, July 14, 2005; U.S. National Intelligence Council, Mapping the Global Future, available at [http://www.cia.gov/nic/NIC_home.htm], Sebastian Rotella, Europes Boys of Jihad, Los Angeles Times, April 2, 2005). It is also interesting to have a look over the basic principles that lie at the foundation of the European immigration policy. This was set in November 2004. Europe specialists and EU leaders adopted in 2004 a set of 11 common basic principles for immigrant integration policy. The picture that emerges out of these common, yet basic principles are a combination of nationalistic pride, material self-interest, free-market mechanisms and democracy. These common practices rely on a two-way integration process. Through this set of principles the European Union wished to support a mutual accommodation process. The nexus between all immigrants and residents of member states focuses on respect for the basic values of the EU. The list of 11 EU common basic principles on integration may be found in a European Commission press release, Integration of Third Country Nationals, September 1, 2005, available at [http://europa.eu.int/comm/press_room/index_en.htm]; also see Handbook on Integrating Immigrants Unveiled by Commission, European Report, November 13, 2004. In figure 2 we have kept the countries situated at the two poles, in order to better see the percentage of Muslim population. Romania0.3%