O'Hanlon Thesis 05.04.16

THE CULTURAL AND BIO-ECOLOGICAL DIMENSIONS

OF HISTORICAL YUP’IK BELTS

By

Shannon O’Hanlon

An Undergraduate Honors These submitted to theDepartment of Anthropology

in partial fulfillment of the requirements for graduation with honors.

WAKE FOREST UNIVERSITY

April 2016

_______________________________________________Dr. Andrew Gurstelle, Thesis Supervisor

_______________________________________________Dr. Eric Jones, Anthropology

_______________________________________________Dr. Emer Masicampso, Psychology

Chapter 1: Introduction

Museum objects are displayed, preserved, and studied to produce knowledge pertaining

to the object and ultimately the culture to which it is linked. Recording and contextualizing an

object’s provenance is paramount to attaining this goal. As a result, museums amass archival

records and, in some cases, make new connections with the cultural groups from which objects

in their collections originate. Anthropology museums, in particular, are well equipped with the

resources required to conduct this kind of research and create object biographies. Igor Kopytoff

(1986) explains that an object biography “looks at objects as culturally constructed entities” (66),

taking note of the cultural classifications, categories, and meanings associated with each object.

The goal of an object biography is to track the ‘life’ and ‘cultural ages’ of an object, particularly

its production and moments of exchange.

The current research project uses this biographical approach to investigate a caribou teeth

belt made by the Alaskan Yup’ik cultural group. The belt is part of large collection of Yup’ik

objects in the collection of the Museum of Anthropology (MOA) at Wake Forest University. The

object’s provenance and journey to its current place in the collection at MOA is an important part

of this research. In addition to tracing the object biography of this particular belt through archival

documentation at MOA, I conducted a literature review focusing on the Yup’ik people and their

lifestyle in Alaska. This provided analogous ethnographic information about the belt when

certain details of its provenance were incomplete. This review centered on aspects of Yup’ik

society that related specifically to the belt’s production and use, including gender and status

roles, clothing production, subsistence strategies, and ritual practices.

To understand the historical and present-day significance of these belts, I contacted Eva

Malvich, the curator and director of the Yupiit Piciryarait Cultural Center (YPCC) in Bethel,

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Alaska. Through e-mail correspondence with Ms. Malvich, I gained information about the use,

meaning, and importance of traditional Yup’ik material artifacts, including caribou teeth belts. In

addition, Ms. Malvich shared information about current caribou hunting practices, which I was

able to compare to information found in the literature, as well as current Yup’ik opinions on

caribou herd health.

Data collected from a physical examination of the belt is combined with the literature

review and interview portions of my study to round out the object biography. This examination

focused on the materials used, with special consideration given to the caribou teeth attached to

the belts. The physical analysis of the teeth provided insight into morphological characteristics

that can signify traits such as diet, age, and overall health of the caribou from which the teeth

were taken. This information was then paired with radiographic images that show tooth density

not visible from simple physical inspection. This analysis showed possible locations of enamel

hypoplasia, or other tooth defects, associated with physiological stress. This data set allowed me

to quantify tooth defects in a sample of historical caribou specimens, thereby gauging the

prevalence of physiological stress, including trauma, nutritional deficiency or disease, relative to

modern populations. Therefore, I have used nineteenth century caribou teeth from a museum

object to effectively create a longitudinal study of caribou herd health over time. The results are

interpreted in light of other ecological issues, such as resource management and detrimental

environmental factors.

This analysis of a Yup’ik-made belt offers new insights regarding Yup’ik cultural values

and material traditions, specifically Yup’ik hunting practices. In addition, regional ecological

conditions of diachronic caribou herd health are shown to be encoded in Yup’ik material culture.

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Anthropology museums and the preservation of material culture can play an important role in

revealing linkages among historical objects, living peoples, and present-day concerns.

Chapter 2: Cultural Background

Yukon-Kuskokwim Delta Region

The name Yup’ik is the self-designation of the Eskimos of western Alaska and is derived

from their word for “person” (yuk) plus the postbase –pik, meaning “real” or “genuine” (Fienup-

Riordan 1996: 33). The traditional homeland of the Yupiit, or Yup’ik Eskimos is known as the

Yukon-Kuskokwim region, a lowland delta that is about the size of Kansas (Figure 1). According

to recent ethnographic research conducted by Ann Fienup-Riordan, who began writing

extensively about the Yukon-Kuskokwim Eskimos in the 1980s, the region’s current population

consists of more than 23,000 individuals, occupying fifty-six villages that range from 200 to

1,000 residents each (Fienup-Riordan and Rearden 2013).

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Figure 1. Yukon-Kuskokwim Delta Region. The black box indicates the region from which the caribou teeth belt studied in this research project originates (Fienup-Riordan 1996:32).

The costal landscape consists of a broad, marshy plain formed by thousands of years of

silting action by the Yukon and Kuskokwim rivers. Sedges, grasses, and a variety of herbs

predominate; willow and alder are the most common woody plants, although the Yup’ik people

generally live beyond the reach of the dense forests located in the interior area. Resources from

the low hills and upland mountains included sources of stone, copper pigment, and clay, as well

as useful plants and game, especially caribou (Fitzhugh and Kaplan 1982).

The Y-K Delta is a highly plastic environment, with frequent shifts in river channels and

swift alterations in the shape of coastlines. The most abrupt and dramatic changes occur during

severe storms in the Bering Sea and during spring break-up, when ice jams divert the major river

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courses. Travel across the landscape is easiest when the land and waterways are frozen and

watercourses can be maintained; otherwise, boats are used during the summer months for long-

term travel (Fitzhugh and Kaplan 1982). Wind chill can drive temperatures to the equivalent of -

80F in the winter months, while a sunny, summer day can reach temperatures of +80F. Rainfall

averages less than twenty inches a year, with approximately fifty inches of snow. Even during

the darkest months of the year, the sun rises above the horizon for at least five hours a day

(Fienup-Riordan 1996).

Yup’ik Traditional Lifestyle

Descriptions of Yup’ik Traditional Lifestyle refer to the strategies, patterns, behaviors,

and beliefs that have been accounted for since Yup’ik origin to the early 19th century when

foreign missionaries first made contact.

In order to take advantage of the seasonal changes in the wildlife, the Yup’ik people

adhered to a “seasonal round” subsistence pattern that permitted them to efficiently use game

available at different places and times during the year. For the most part, these changes are

broadly predictable from one year to the next, and are highly influential in determining village

location. Typically, villages were constructed on raised land in order to escape annual flooding

from the ice-clogged rivers as well as the high tides that affect the Yukon and Kuskokwim

landscape. Of primary importance was the proximity of the village to hunting and fishing

grounds (Fitzhugh and Kaplan 1982:116-119). Evidence of village occupation may include food

and equipment storehouses, boat and sled racks, stakes to which dogs are fastened, and tents

and/or snow houses, depending on whether the village was of winter or summer occupation

(Krupnik and Chlenov 2013).

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As the winter months subsided, hunters began to emerge and replenish their depleted

stores of food. Seal hunting was of primary concern in the spring, with smaller ringed seals,

harbor seals, bearded seals, and ribbon seals making up most of the subsistence base. Hunters

also occasionally captured sea lions, walrus, and beluga whales. The summer fishing season

brought the arrival of herring and salmon in addition to fish such as halibut and flounder

collected from annual offshore fishing trips. Sea birds also contributed to the Yup’ik subsistence

base; however, due to declining bird populations and recent state and federal restrictions, today

egg gathering and bird hunting have severely decreased.

As winter temperatures reemerged, hunters remained busy by setting and checking traps

made for terrestrial game, ranging from large-game species such as moose and caribou to small-

game species such as beaver, mink and muskrat. Although hunters did track caribou herds during

their migration season, more often they left traps or snares within a snowmobile or dogsled

distance from the village (Fienup-Riordan 1996). Caribou snare cords were most typically used

in areas where brush or trees provided means for supporting the cords. One end of the snare

would fasten to a limb or trunk, with the opened noose supported by light lines or a stick.

Caribou do not see very well, and so frequently became caught in the snares. In some areas pits

were dug beneath the snares to help capture the animals after initial entrapment. Pits and

depressions are still visible in places where this type of hunting was practiced ubiquitously

(Fitzhugh and Kaplan 1982).

The subarctic tundra environment also provides a rich array of vegetation, including

numerous edible greens and berries harvested locally. Salmonberries, crowberries, blueberries

and cranberries were collected and harvested in the spring; these berries were combined with seal

oil or shortening and sugar to make the festive akutaq, or “Eskimo ice-cream,” which is still used

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as a sign of hospitality during entertainment (Fienup-Riordan 1996:34). Shrubs and trees

crowded the riverbanks, resulting in an ample amount of driftwood during the spring as the

frozen area thawed. In contrast to many other Inuit groups to the East, the Yup’ik people were

well supplied with rich amounts of wood, which they used to build their homes, boats, tools and

ceremonial objects (Krupnik and Chlenov 2013). Ultimately, harvesting the fish and wildlife of

the Yukon-Kuskokwim Delta Region structured the entirety of Yup’ik culture. Gender roles,

social status, and rituals all were shaped by these subsistence strategies, and most elements of the

Yup’ik material culture, such as clothing and ceremonial items, are crafted from their hunting

spoils. The Yup’ik belts preserved by the Museum of Anthropology are characteristic of these

traditional material fabrications and, as a result, can provide tangible insight and understanding

into the Yup’ik pre-contact lifestyle.

Activities performed by the typical Yup’ik husband and wife were complementary. As

such, under ideal circumstances, a single family functioned as a self-sufficient unit. Men

typically focused on harvesting activities, such as fishing, catching, and setting traps. They

regularly organized overnight hunting trips prior to the freezing months. Men worked with ivory,

wood, and stone crafting hunting and fishing tools, as well as craft items that would eventually

be used for trade with post-contact groups (Fitzhugh and Kaplan 1982). Women were primarily

responsible for processing meat and skins; they were at their busiest when preparing the

thousands of pounds of meat that had accumulated from the beginning of the hunting season and

the time when the weather was warm enough to defrost the frozen carcasses (Fienup-Riordan and

Rearden 2013). Women and children would venture out into the nearby tundra to collect berries

and a variety of edible greens, roots and shoots.

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Women also were responsible for all of the grass weaving and fabrication of objects from

skins (Fitzhugh and Kaplan 1982). One of a woman’s most important roles was that of a

seamstress. Women were responsible for making garments to keep their family members dry and

warm – two essential qualities for survival in the southwest Alaska region. Yukon-Kuskokwim

people would wear sealskin and reindeer skin garments, although skins from smaller furbearing

animals were also used (Oakes and Riewe 1998). Local resources -- including ivory, antler,

caribou sinew or rawhide, quartz, nephrite and copper -- all were used for clothing and

decorative items. Sinew was the most prolific resource used for sewing materials, especially

when using animal hides. Women would extract sinew from the back legs of animals and

proceed to dry, beat and clean the material. Then, with handheld combs, they would divide the

sinew into strips that they would then twist or braid, depending upon their eventual function

(Fitzhugh and Kaplan 1982:136). The belt used for this research project showcases the braided

sinew technique, which is used to adhere each set of caribou teeth to the animal hide belt.

Because making garments required specific knowledge of how to treat certain skins, these skills

were taught to females at a particularly young age. To acquire the skills that would eventually be

required of them, often little girls would play with miniature versions of tools, including sewing

equipment and root picks, that their mothers would use for housework (Fitzhugh and Kaplan

1982:151).

Traditional Yup’ik ritual is rooted in the belief that the animal world and the human

world are closely connected. Even today, there is a prevalent belief among Yup’ik people that

animals and humans can communicate and abide by certain relationships and rules. For example,

men and women must follow specific rules in order to sustain subsistence relationships with

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different types of animals. If a rule is not followed for a particular animal, then that food source

may become scarce. It may even disappear if the intensity of the violation calls for it.

Human-animal relationships were nurtured in a number of different ways. For example,

after a successful hunt men had to handle the weapons used to catch game in a particular way.

Women were expected to prepare the meat correctly by skinning every piece of meat off the

bone, so as to not waste any of the resource (Ackerman 1990). Ultimately, relationships between

humans and animals were characterized by “collaborative reciprocity,” in which the animals

gave themselves to the hunter and, in return, received the hunter’s respectful treatment of them

(Fienup-Riordan 1990: 167). Yup’ik hunters also believed animals to be infinitely renewable

resources that possessed both immortal souls and awareness comparable to humans. As a result,

they did not believe human predation could directly affect animal populations adversely; rather,

human activity could only influence the reactive decisions made by the animals, such as their

decision to multiply and therefore bless the hunter with a greater catch (Fienup-Riordan 1990).

This ideological dimension of the Yup’ik relationship with their subsistence resources is

significant to this current research, as the Yup’ik understanding of game-management may

contribute to current populations of caribou and, subsequently, herd health.

Early Christian Missionary Activity and Its Effects on Yup’ik Culture

The arrival of missionaries dramatically altered the Yup’ik Traditional Lifestyle. Russian

Orthodox priests were the first to arrive in the region, along the Yukon River in 1845 (Fienup-

Riordan 1988). Their initial occupation resulted in new trade items, such as glass trade beads

from Europe and China. Beads were one of few imported trade goods that were available in

abundance across the Alaskan peninsula by the early nineteenth century (Crowell 1992:26). The

large, opaque blue glass beads, known as “Russian trade beads,” (Sprague 1985:91) were used as

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decorations on many Yup’ik objects, including everyday clothing, ritual wear, and beaded hair

ornaments. Contact also brought detrimental diseases upon the Yup’ik people (Fienup-Riordan

1996). Following the purchase of Alaska from Russia in 1867, American missionaries began to

seek out indigenous peoples to convert. Of particular significance to this research project is the

Moravian mission established in 1885 at Bethel, Alaska. This is the site where Moravian

missionaries collected the Yup’ik material culture in MOA’s collection, including the caribou

teeth belt.

Commercialization meaningfully changed the Yup’ik subsistence hunting strategies,

resulting in cash-economy occupations such as fur farmers, commercial hunters, and laborers

(Krupnik & Chlenov 2013). However, people continued to speak the Central Yup’ik language,

participate in large ritual distributions, and adhere to a rich oral tradition. Furthermore, their lives

were still closely connected to the harvesting of fish and wildlife. In fact, they often ignored the

activities missionaries attempted to introduce, such as animal husbandry and agriculture, when

those activities conflicted with established subsistence and settlement patterns, including their

annual round and hunting and fishing (Fienup-Riordan 1990:188-189). In short, Yup’ik people

did not abandon their traditional lifestyle or beliefs, but instead made conscious decisions to

adapt the changing circumstances brought on by colonial invasion.

Today, traditional resources continue to provide materials for many tools, as well as for

clothing, household supplies, and other possessions mostly used for artisan trade (Murphy 1964).

In fact, the Yupiit Piciryarait Cultural Center (YPCC) often hosts craft fairs where local artisans

exhibit their hand-made creations fashioned from animal resources. Just recently they hosted an

“up close and personal” exhibition by local artist Chuna McIntyre, who “showed us [YPCC] his

collection of dance regalia, all hand made with animal hide” (E-mail, April 13, 2016). The

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Yup’ik belts preserved by MOA are characteristic of these traditional material fabrications.

Finally, although interacting with missionaries and Christianity led to change, the Yup’ik people

retained their belief in the personhood of animals and in the responsiveness of the natural world

to human thought and action, and these beliefs continue to be characteristics of the Yup’ik

people today (Fienup-Riordan and Rearden 2013).

However, the Yup’ik lifestyle has become increasingly commercialized through contact

with Euro-American cultures. Incorporation with the United States brought with it eventual

federal laws and restrictions, culminating in a new state government when Alaska attained

statehood in 1959. Most recently, growing awareness of devastating social problems related to

poverty and cultural dislocation has renewed a sense of urgency among the Yup’ik people to

retain their uniqueness as Yupiit. Efforts have concentrated on maintaining control of land,

resources and local affairs, and on adhering to cultural and linguistic traditions (Fienup-Riordan

and Rearden 2013). The Association of Village Council Presidents is currently one of the most

influential Alaskan nonprofit corporations dedicated to such efforts. Among their many causes,

they offer environmental science programs that are committed to providing the information

necessary for the people of the Y-K Delta region to protect their cultural affiliation to the land,

especially from “outsider” exploitation (Association of Village Council Presidents 2013). This

resurgence of efforts to preserve the Yup’ik traditional lifestyle and knowledge reveals the desire

of many Yup’ik people to take control of their land and their lives, and to assert their pride in

being Yup’ik (Fienup-Riordan and Rearden 2013). The current research project can aid in this

endeavor. Analysis of Yup’ik material culture recognizes the unique elements of the Yup’ik past

while also demonstrating how this information can be used in the present.

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Chapter 3: Project Background

Literature research concerning the cultural background of Yup’ik caribou teeth belts is

useful when exploring their purpose, both historically and in the present-day. However, the

object provenance is equally important, as the belt under analysis also is an artifact in a museum

collection. In 1984 the Museum of Anthropology at Wake Forest University received “a

significant number of cultural artifacts collected by Moravian missionaries working with Native

Americans and other indigenous peoples in the mission fields” (The Wachovia Historical Society

2015) from the Wachovia Historical Society (WHS). Established in 1895, it is the oldest

historical society in North Carolina. WHS serves as a primary location for historical artifacts that

reflect the history of the Moravian Church and Forsyth County, North Carolina. The Moravian

Church has been centered in Forsyth County since the 18th century. As such, objects from

Moravian missionary activities filtered into WHS’s collections over the past century.

John and Edith Kilbuck conducted the first Moravian missionary expedition to the Yupiit,

settling in Bethel, Alaska in 1885 (Fienup-Riordan 1988). The Kilbucks served in Alaska for

more than 30 years, during which they wrote thousands of letters to each other, providing current

Yup’ik scholars with a rich ethnographic source on their lifestyle directly before and during the

missionary invasion. However, of primary concern for this research project are the traditional

Yup’ik items the Kilbucks collected and brought to Winston-Salem. The caribou-teeth lined belt

pictured below in Figure 2 was among these items. Of the three caribou-teeth lined belts the

Museum of Anthropology received, only one was analyzed for this research project. This belt is

refereed to as Belt 1 throughout this paper.

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Figure 2. Belt 1: Caribou teeth lined belt

Caribou teeth belts were highly valued items in Arctic cultures. Yup’ik Alaskan men

would provide the materials to make these belts, which women would generally wear. Made

from animal hide, normally caribou hide or sealskin, the belts reflect the close interactions the

people had with their environment (Oakes & Riewe 1998). The most visible aspect of the belts

are the sets of caribou lower incisors, placed in rows running the length of the belt. A single belt

may include the teeth of more than 100 individual caribou set into single, double, or even triple

rows. Therefore, a newly made belt was a source of great pride for the hunter and his family

(Fitzhugh and Kaplan 1982). It was not uncommon for men to keep hunting tallies on some of

their hunting implements, such as bows or spears that portrayed the many animal pelts that the

weapon had helped to capture. The spoils of a successful hunt would have likely contributed to

more handsome clothing and decorative items worn during the next festival season (Fitzhugh and

Kaplan 1982). Hunting success also led to increased participation in fur-trade exchanges,

O’Hanlon 13

allowing men to acquire other materials incorporated into the belts, such as glass beads and

copper-alloy discs.

Prior to missionary contact, the Yup’ik people relied on shamans for physical and

psychological healing (Litcky 2011). A crucial part of this belief system was the use of material

culture, including caribou teeth belts, in ritual practices. When worn by multiple generations,

belts could acquire healing powers that the women wearing them could harness (Fitzhugh &

Kaplan 1982). It was believed that the belts worked by employing the caribou teeth to

metaphysically cut a path through the illness of an ailing body and free it from aches and pains.

A woman would never participate in important activities, particularly rituals and ceremonies,

without her belt (University of Aberdeen Department of Archaeology 2016).

With respect to current views of traditional Yup’ik cultural material, Eva Malvich, the

director and curator of the YPCC in Bethel, Alaska, noted that “interest [in crafting traditional

items] is there, and the artists are out there,” although caribou teeth belts, in particular, are not a

central interest (E-mail, April 13, 2016). Rather, the Cultural Center hosts classes and workshops

that teach the community how to make “traditional regalia,” such as belts used in dancing rituals.

Classes also include those that teach animal hide skin sewing, provide information on utilizing

fish skin, and instruct on doll making methods. Malvich’s perspective is that Yup’ik belts worn

in contemporary times “are looked on as a cultural piece tied to dancing. They’re labeled [as]

traditional Yup’ik dance regalia… The older Yup’ik women wear them dancing” (E-mail, April

13, 2016). Although Malvich noted that caribou teeth belts are no longer crafted, she

corroborated the insight gained through the literature review portion of this analysis by stating of

the tradition, “It was the man who provided the teeth for his wife to use on the belt to show [his]

success as a hunter.” Clearly the relevance of Yup’ik traditions and the desire to preserve them

O’Hanlon 14

persists in the region today. Another example of this is the Nunalleq Project and Archaeological

Field School. Based in Quinhagak, the project is working to “generate new information about the

prehistory and culture of the Yup’ik people by recovering artifacts and other materials from

actively eroding archaeological sites” (University of Aberdeen Department of Archaeology

2016). This project excavated a caribou teeth belt in 2015 – a find that could potentially

contribute to this research project once it has been analyzed.

The existence and continued preservation of “traditional Yup’ik regalia,” as Eva Malvich

describes historical objects, allows for many inquiries relating to current Yup’ik culture.

However, in part because crafting caribou teeth belts is not part of current Yup’ik practice, I have

chosen to focus on the bio-ecological information that the caribou teeth belt housed in MOA’s

collection can uniquely provide. Analyses of the caribou teeth that adorn this belt provide the

opportunity to collect data concerning caribou populations of the nineteenth century, when this

belt was crafted. I collected data on the belts through physical measurement of the individual

teeth, as well as by taking radiographic images (x-rays) of each set of caribou teeth. Tooth

measurements allowed me to establish typical tooth morphology and address wear or damage

from museum preservation. X-ray images illuminated areas of the teeth where trauma had

evidently occurred but was not detectable by visual analysis alone.

Some of the areas of trauma found in the x-ray images were likely enamel hypoplasia, a

categorization which is elaborated upon in Chapter 5. In general, enamel hypoplasia results from

thinning tooth enamel, which is laid down in successive layers as the caribou develops. These

deficiencies stem from physiological stress that accompanies a range of drivers, including

general trauma, nutritional deficiency, and disease (Wu et. al. 2012). Due to the abundance of

caribou teeth, the belt provided a robust data set with which to quantify 19th century caribou herd

O’Hanlon 15

health. This data set is compared to rates of enamel hypoplasia in contemporary caribou in

Chapter 5. Since collections of historical caribou remains suitable for ecological study do not

exist, this use of museum objects represents a creative way to compare 19th century and present-

day caribou herds. The results support the conclusion that alterations in the environmental and

social conditions of the Yukon-Kuskokwim region have effected changes in caribou herd health,

causing reciprocal changes in Yup’ik society.

Chapter 4: Morphological Analysis of Belt 1

Methodology

Data was collected from the belt while it was oriented in a horizontal fashion so that both

full sets and individual teeth were counted and measured from left-to-right. This method was

used again for the radiographic imaging described in Chapter 5. Measurements were taken to the

nearest millimeter. Data from the column of teeth farthest from the hanging pendants, situated at

the “top” of the belt, was collected first. The described orientation of the belt can be seen in

Figure 3 below.

Figure 3. Orientation of Belt 1 depicting how data was collected.

Physical Description of Belt 1

Based on an understanding of the regions’ ecological resources, ethnographic literature

review, and conversations with members of the YPCC, the resources likely used in the creation

of Belt 1 are as follows: caribou hide, sets of caribou lower incisors, glass beads, sinew, a copper

O’Hanlon 16

alloy, copper wiring, marine ivory (possibly walrus teeth), and carnivore canine teeth (possibly

wolverine or bear).

Belt 1 shows obvious signs of wear, notably on the edges of the hide where ties have

been refastened or holes indicate locations where pendants once hung, but have fallen off

through the course of time. At the end of each belt are places for two circular disks made of

copper aluminum alloy to be fastened into the hide using copper wiring. Both disks on the left

hand side of the belt are accounted for and exhibit faint remnants of red writing “Belt 441.” This

marking was likely made when the belt was initially included into the WHS artifact collection.

The top disk on the right hand side has fallen off, leaving only an indication of where the copper

wiring once was. A long, string-like piece of leather hide hangs off of the Belt on the far right-

hand side, and most likely operated as the fastener when the Belt was in use.

In addition to the full sets of caribou lower incisors, glass beads also are sewn into the

hide down the middle of Belt 1. Colors include, red, white, blue and black and were likely

collected from outside trade with early Russian colonists. Finally, hanging pendants on the “top”

of the belt are either fastened with copper wiring or sewn into the hide with sinew. The pendants

are comprised of glass beads, which range in size and color, carved marine ivory pieces, and

possible wolverine or bear canines. Some of the ivory pieces have been carved into, leaving

markings in a circular fashion around the ivory piece. There is also one circular ivory disk that

has concentric circles carved into it.

Quantitative Analysis of Belt 1

Belt 1 measures 122.5 cm in length with an averaged width of 7.25 cm. Initial

quantitative data collection included counting each set of lower caribou incisors, which amassed

at 247 sets. Afterward, deciphering the placement of each individual tooth into four separate

O’Hanlon 17

categories was accomplished; the four categories are undamaged, damaged, immeasurable, and

not present. “Damaged” teeth were considered an inaccurate representation of the caribou tooth

and were either significantly chipped or malformed in another way. The calipers that were used

for taking measurements could not access “Immeasurable” teeth, despite their undamaged

presence. “Not present” teeth were simply not there; they were likely broken off over time and

use, or not present in the caribou incisor set to begin with. “Undamaged” teeth could be

measured by the calipers and were an accurate representation of the caribou tooth. As a result,

they were included in the quantitative analysis portion. 1,976 individual teeth made up all 247

sets of lower incisors on Belt 1. Of these teeth, 91 were damaged, 16 were immeasurable, 65

were not present and 1,804 teeth were considered undamaged.

Following this categorization, the individual height and width of every “undamaged”

tooth were taken. Caribou have eight lower incisors, so teeth were recorded according to which

position they are in. Teeth were measured from left-to-right, beginning with the first position as

the Tooth 1 group, the second position as the Tooth 2 group, and so on to the Tooth 8 group. The

average height of every undamaged tooth within each tooth group is shown in Figure 4. The

average width of every undamaged tooth within each tooth group is shown in Figure 5. The

averages heights and widths are presented numerically in Table 1. The frequencies of heights and

widths, to the nearest millimeter, of every undamaged tooth for each tooth position are shown in

Figures 6-21.

The copper alloy disks on the ends of the belt are identical in size, measuring 30 mm x 29

mm. 332 glass beads are sewn into the middle of the belt, between the two columns of caribou

incisors, only 10 of which are not the standard blue color. The beads attached to the ten strands

holding pendants at the “top” of the belt exhibited greater variability, with four exhibiting no

O’Hanlon 18

beads, one exhibiting 6 beads, one exhibiting 8 beads, one exhibiting 9 beads, and three

exhibiting 7 beads. The pendants are all made of either carnivore canines or marine ivory.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 80.0000

1.0000

2.0000

3.0000

4.0000

5.0000

6.0000

7.0000

5.11745.4217

5.91235.4805 5.4626

5.9957

5.4254

4.7814

Average Height of Teeth

Tooth Number

Hei

ght (

mm

)

Figure 4. Graphic representation of the average height of each individual tooth, with the overall averages listed at the top of each bar.

O’Hanlon 19

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 80

1

2

3

4

5

6

3.0939 3.1696

4.5263

5.3565 5.2655

4.6052

3.25882.9163

Average Width of Teeth

Tooth Number

Wid

th (

mm

)

Figure 5. Graphic representation of the average width of each individual tooth, with the overall averages listed at the top of each bar.

Tooth 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 TotalAverage Height (mm)

5.1147 5.4217 5.9123 5.4805 5.4626 5.9957 5.4254 4.7814 5.4971

Average Width (mm)

3.0939 3.1696 4.5263 5.3565 5.2655 4.6052 3.2588 2.9163 4.024

Table 1. Numerical Representation

Height Frequencies for Tooth 1 – Tooth 8

O’Hanlon 20

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 90

20

40

60

80

100

120

140

0 0 2

34

116

59

2 0 0

Frequency of Height for Tooth 1

Height (mm)

Freq

uenc

y

Figure 6. Frequency of Height for Tooth 1

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 90

20

40

60

80

100

0 0 4

32

8288

23

1 0


Height (mm)

Freq

uenc

y


1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 90

102030405060708090

0 0 3

25

46

83

57

14

0


Height (mm)

Freq

uenc

y


O’Hanlon 21

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 90

1020304050607080

0 411

32

72

5345

13

0


Height (mm)

Freq

uenc

y


1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 90

10

20

30

40

50

60

70

0 3

13

36

6156

47

91


Height (mm)

Freq

uenc

y


1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 90

102030405060708090

0 0 4

26

40

73 77

13

0


Height (mm)

Freq

uenc

y


O’Hanlon 22

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 90

102030405060708090

100

0 05

31

78

92

21

0 1


Height (mm)

Freq

uenc

y


1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 90

20

40

60

80

100

120

1 2 7

67

99

34

5 0 0


Height (mm)

Freq

uenc

y


Width Frequencies for Tooth 1 – Tooth 8

O’Hanlon 23

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 80

40

80

120

160

013

168

31

1 0 0 0

Frequency of Width for Tooth 1

Width (mm)

Freq

uenc

y

Figure 14. Frequency of Width for Tooth 1

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 80

20406080

100120140160180200

0 9

176

43

1 1 0 0


Width (mm)

Freq

uenc

y


1 2 3 4 5 6 7 80

20

40

60

80

100

120

140

0 1 6

100116

4 0 1


Width (mm)

Freq

uenc

y


O’Hanlon 24

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 80

20

40

60

80

100

120

0 0 1

32

9785

141


Width (mm)

Freq

uenc

y


1 2 3 4 5 6 7 80

20

40

60

80

100

120

0 0 2

35

99

82

71


Width (mm)

Freq

uenc

y


1 2 3 4 5 6 7 80

20

40

60

80

100

120

140

0 0 3

99

119

111 0


Width (mm)

Freq

uenc

y


O’Hanlon 25

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 80

20406080

100120140160180

0 5

164

56

1 2 0 0


Width (mm)

Freq

uenc

y


1 2 3 4 5 6 7 80

20406080

100120140160180200

3

26

172

140 0 0 0


Width (mm)

Freq

uenc

y


Discussion/Interpretation

In general, the frequencies indicate a normal distribution of height for each tooth for all

247 sets. Frequency for height of Tooth 3 (Figure 8) and Tooth 6 (Figure 11) are the only graphs

that appear positively skewed. With regard to the Frequency of Width for each tooth, the graphs

show that there is not a general normal distribution; however, there are striking similarities for

the Frequency of Width for Tooth 1 (Figure 14), Tooth 2 (Figure 15), Tooth 7 (Figure 20) and

O’Hanlon 26

Tooth 8 (Figure 21), suggesting the variation exhibited is due to typical caribou dental

morphology and not issues with preservation of the teeth sets.

This data set is vitally important to the radiographic analysis portion of this research. The

average height and width of each tooth collected, in conjunction with the frequencies of

individual tooth height and width, provides an indication for what a “typical” tooth and caribou

incisor set should look like. Therefore, when defects, such as enamel hypoplasia, are found on

the x-ray images, a comparison can be made to the morphological data in order to corroborate

the existence of the enamel deficiency. If the measurements of the tooth are anomalies within the

morphological data set and do not fall within the normal height and width ranges, the enamel

defect can arguably be the result of factors other than nutritional deficiency or extended trauma,

such as irregular tooth development caused by a genetic defect. Furthermore, the qualitative data,

or the information collected from visible examinations of the belt, also is useful when proving

the relation between present enamel hypoplasia and physiological stress. For example, if

evidence of enamel hypoplasia is found on a tooth where the surrounding teeth on the incisor set

show other visible signs of extensive wear, the enamel deficiency is arguably a result of the

extended physiological stress and possible trauma that particular caribou endured. In short, the

morphological data serves as the body of information to which the radiographic images can be

compared when determining the validity of apparent enamel hypoplasia. Chapter 5 outlines how

this methodology was implemented for the 22 total instances of enamel hypoplasia found on Belt

1.

Chapter 5: Radiographic Examination and Analysis of Caribou Incisors on Belt 1

Methodology

X-ray images of each set of caribou lower incisors were taken to identify tooth defects

O’Hanlon 27

and provide a method for estimating general herd health in 19th century Y-K Delta caribou

populations.

X-ray images of sets of caribou lower incisors from a Yup'ik belt (MOA accession

number 1984.E.1222) were taken on 03/10/2016 at the dental practice of Dr. Philip Golden

(WFU class of 1972). Joan L. Bullings, RDH, and Dr. Andrew Gurstelle (Director, MOA)

conducted the imaging. Images were produced with a Philips Dens-o-Mat 70kVp 7mA Dental X-

ray. The x-ray exposure time was 0.08s. The X-ray was set to a child's incisor, bisecting angle,

with a source-to-image-distance of 8.25cm to most closely approximate the conditions of the

belt. A Schick Elite digital imaging sensor was used to convert the images to digital. Images

were recorded in Eaglesoft 17 Dental Practice Management software before being exported as

JPG files to a Microsoft Word document.

Images of the incisor sets were taken in pairs, beginning with the left-most sets of the

bottom row. The belt was kept in a polystyrene foam support during imaging. The x-ray sensor

was placed underneath the belt and moved along as imaging proceded down the row to the

right. A plastic push-pin was stuck in the foam support to mark the position of the x-ray.

Imaging was conducted in the reverse direction for the top row, proceeding from right to left.

Figures 22 and 23 below depict the x-ray imaging in progress.

O’Hanlon 28

Figure 22.

Figure 23.

Once it was established that these instances of enamel hypoplasia were the result of

physiological stress and not wear on the belt or irregular tooth development, their frequency was

O’Hanlon 29

then compared to similar studies in the literature that utilized enamel deficiency as a means of

estimating caribou herd health.

Deciphering Enamel Hypoplasia

Enamel, the white covering of the crowns of teeth, is the hardest tissue in the human

body. Fully formed, mature enamel is totally acellular and almost completely composed of

inorganic salt, with small traces of remaining protein and water. Once formed, enamel is an

essentially immobile tissue. The specialization of enamel along with the secretory ameloblast

cells that make enamel, help to explain its high degree of sensitivity to physiological

perturbations (Goodman and Rose 1990). Under certain amounts of physiological stress,

secretory ameloblasts, the cells responsible for enamel production, are disrupted (Sarnat and

Moss 1985). Because enamel is formed in layers, starting from the crown tip to the root, the

disruption of ameloblasts in caribou leads to the thinning of the enamel overall (Wu et. al. 2012).

Because of the inability of enamel to remodel, tooth enamel defects can provide a permanent,

chronological record of stress during an animal’s lifespan. For these reasons, enamel hypoplasia

has been increasingly employed as an indicator of nutritional and disease status.

Physical anthropologists frequently employ enamel defects to make inferences about

patterns of development and stress across time and within contemporary populations. The

applied use of enamel defects as indicators of levels of stress have been used for captive and

free-range primate populations (Vitzhum and Wikander 1988) and for prehistoric hominids

(Molnar and Molnar 1985). Because enamel is just as easily observed and studied in prehistoric

remains as it is in modern populations, the analysis of enamel hypoplasia provides a method for

evaluating past levels of physiological stress for the potential use of contemporary comparison.

O’Hanlon 30

Such results then can be compared to information regarding previous environmental conditions

and cultural patterns in an attempt to reconstruct the conditions in which the species once lived.

Dental enamel hypoplasia shows deficiencies in enamel thickness. According to the

Federation Dentaire International, these defects are classified into multiple categories, four of

which are pertinent to this study: pits, horizontal grooves, vertical grooves, or altogether missing

enamel (Federation Dentaire Internationale 1992). Horizontal grooves are typically referred to as

Linear Enamel Hypoplasia (LEH) and will be throughout this research project. Populations that

are exposed to a high degree of malnutrition and disease exclusively share higher rates of Linear

Enamel Hypoplasia (Goodman and Rose 1990: 60). In caribou, all types of enamel hypoplasia

may be linked to environmentally and biologically induced stressors, such as age, season-specific

stressors, weather, forage quality and quantity, insect harassment, parasitism, or overall traumatic

disturbances (Wu et. al. 2012). For the belt under analysis, I identified Linear and Vertical

Enamel Hypoplasia, as well as general enamel loss, referring to an uneven distribution of enamel

apparent in the radiographic images.

Radiographic photographs (x-rays) were taken of each set of caribou lower incisors in

order to identify enamel hypoplasia. Because radiographic imaging compresses the density of a

three-dimensional object into a two-dimensional image, areas of greater density – that is, areas

with thick enamel – will show up lighter than areas of less density. Therefore, enamel

hypoplasia, or the lack of enamel thickness, is determined by darker vertical or horizontal lines,

as well as generally darker patches that are visible in the x-ray image. It is important to note that

due to the construction of the belt, sets of teeth are arranged in an overlapping orientation. In

most instances, the roots from the set above are underneath the set below. As a result, the x-ray

images indicate severe density, exhibited by extremely light imaging, in these overlapping

O’Hanlon 31

portions. This distinction is illustrated in Figure 24 below. The red arrow along the length of the

root of Tooth 5 in Set 50 shows how roots can influence the apparent density of the teeth below

in Set 151. This orientation makes distinguishing enamel hypoplasia more difficult than if the

teeth were removed from the belt and imaged separately. However, enamel hypoplasia can still

be identified in these situations, as long as the area maintains a homogenous density.

The x-ray images were printed out and studied for evidence of enamel hypoplasia.

Anomalous areas found in the x-ray images were then checked against the physical teeth to see if

the they were due to visible damage, such as fissures.

Figure 24. X-ray image that exhibits the overlapping orientation of the caribou incisor sets. The root from the above set (outlined by the red arrow) is situated behind the next set, thus affecting

the apparent density of any teeth with roots behind them.

Results

The radiographic examinations of each set of lower incisors exhibit three results: 1) the

radiographic imaging process had the ability to show damage that is not seen with visible

inspection alone; 2) the most common form of damage was from General and Vertical Enamel

Hypoplasia; 3) there were very limited occurrences of Linear Enamel Hypoplasia. After

O’Hanlon 32

analyzing 247 sets, totaling 1,804 undamaged teeth, 7 exhibited General Enamel Hypoplasia

(Figures 25 – 30), 4 exhibited Linear Enamel Hypoplasia (Figures 31 – 33) and 11 teeth

exhibited Vertical Enamel Hypoplasia (Figures 34 – 44). The instances of enamel hypoplasia in

Figures 25 – 44 below can be found within the red circles.

Examination of each tooth’s location on 247 sets of the lower caribou incisor sets showed

the following with regard to indications of overall enamel hypoplasia: no enamel hypoplasia on

Tooth 1; 3 instances on Tooth 2; 3 instances on Tooth 3; 7 instances on Tooth 4; 2 instances on

Tooth 5; 6 instances on Tooth 6; 1 instance on Tooth 7; and no enamel hypoplasia on Tooth 8. In

total, 22 instances of enamel hypoplasia were found, representing an affected rate of only 8.9%

of the total caribou population on Belt 1. The spatial distribution of all categories of enamel

hypoplasia can be seen below in Table 2. The lack of patterning supports that damage happened

sporadically and idiosyncratically. That is, damage is not due to predictable wearing of the front

teeth from age, nor as a result of preservation.

Tooth 1 Tooth 2 Tooth 3 Tooth 4 Tooth 5 Tooth 6 Tooth 7 Tooth 8

0 3 3 7 2 6 1 0

Table 2. Distribution of the Total Amount of Enamel Hypoplasia

General Enamel Hypoplasia (GEH) – 7 (2.8%)


the following with regard to indications of General Enamel Hypoplasia overall: no enamel

hypoplasia on Tooth 1; no enamel hypoplasia on Tooth 2; 1 instance on Tooth 3; 4 instances on

Tooth 4; 1 instance of enamel hypoplasia on Tooth 5; 1 instance on Tooth 6; no enamel

O’Hanlon 33

hypoplasia on Tooth 7; and no enamel hypoplasia on Tooth 8. The distribution of the Amount of

General Enamel Hypoplasia can be seen below in Table 3.


0 0 1 4 1 1 0 0

Table 3. Distribution of the Amount of General Enamel Hypoplasia

In all, there were 7 instances of General Enamel Hypoplasia found after radiographic

imaging. This type of enamel hypoplasia is deciphered by an apparent uneven distribution of

enamel layering, which is depicted in the x-ray images as areas of irregular shading or

unexplained density inconsistency. Figure 29, which depicts GEH on Tooth 4 of Set 200, and

Figure 30, which depicts GEH on Tooth 4 of Set 209, most clearly illustrate the uneven shading

distribution characteristic of GEH. GEH spread across Tooth 5 and Tooth 6 in Set 38, as seen in

Figure 25, also shows evidence of uneven shading, although not as clearly. Tooth 4 on Set 77

and Tooth 3 on Set 160 display examples of unexplained density inconsistency, as seen in Figure

26 and Figure 27, respectively. Finally, Figure 28 shows Tooth 4 in Set 193 with clear evidence

of GEH on the top-left portion of the tooth, where the absence of enamel layers is arguably

evident.

O’Hanlon 34

Figure 25. Set 37 (top), Set 38 (bottom); GEH found in Set 38, on Tooth 5 and Tooth 6

Figure 26. Set 76 (top), Set 77 (middle), Set 78 (bottom); GEH found on Set 77, on Tooth 4

Figure 27. Set 159 (top), Set 160 (middle), Set 161 (bottom); GEH found on Set 160, on Tooth 3

O’Hanlon 35

Figure 28. Set 193 (top), Set 194 (bottom); GEH found on Set 193, on Tooth 4



O’Hanlon 36

Linear Enamel Hypoplasia (LEH) – 4 (1.6%)


the following with regard to indications of Linear Enamel Hypoplasia: no enamel hypoplasia on

Tooth 1; no enamel hypoplasia on Tooth 2; no enamel hypoplasia on Tooth 3; 2 instances on

Tooth 4; 1 instance on Tooth 5; 1 instance on Tooth 6; no enamel hypoplasia on Tooth 7; and no

enamel hypoplasia on Tooth 8. The distribution of Linear Enamel Hypoplasia can be seen below

in Table 4.


0 0 0 2 1 1 0 0

Table 4. Distribution of Linear Enamel Hypoplasia

Four instances of Linear Enamel Hypoplasia (LEH) were found among the caribou lower

incisor sets. The presence of Linear Enamel Hypoplasia was distinguished by a darker horizontal

line or lines often found in a parallel position to the curved part of the tooth. All four examples of

linear enamel hypoplasia that are recognized in the x-ray images show only partial horizontal

lines. The LEH shown in Figure 31 is located on the left-hand side of Tooth 6 in Set 20. LEH on

Tooth 5 in Set 43 also is located on the left-hand side of the tooth, just below (the curved part of

the tooth) and is seen in Figure 32. Two examples of LEH are on display in Figure 33. Evidence

of LEH on Tooth 4 in Set 230 is located on the right-hand side of the tooth. Finally, the faint

curved, horizontal line beginning on the left-hand side of Tooth 4 in Set 232 is characteristic of

an LEH. This instance was the most complete example of LEH found from this data analysis.

O’Hanlon 37

Figure 31. Set 19 (top) & Set 20 (bottom); LEH found in Set 20, on Tooth 6

Figure 32. Set 43 (top), Set 44 (middle) Set 45 (bottom); LEH found in Set 43, on Tooth 5

Figure 33. Set 230 (top), Set 231 (middle) Set 232 (bottom); LEH found in Set 230 on Tooth 4 & Set 232 on Tooth 4

O’Hanlon 38

Vertical Enamel Hypoplasia (VEH) – 11 (4.5%)


the following with regard to indications of Vertical Enamel Hypoplasia: no enamel hypoplasia

on Tooth 1; 3 instances on Tooth 2; 2 instances on Tooth 3; 1 instance on Tooth 4; no enamel

hypoplasia on Tooth 5; 4 instances on Tooth 6; 1 instance on Tooth 7; and no enamel hypoplasia

on Tooth 8. The distribution of Vertical Enamel Hypoplasia can be seen below in Table 5.


0 3 2 1 0 4 1 0

Table 5. Distribution of Vertical Enamel Hypoplasia

Eleven instances of Vertical Enamel Hypoplasia (VEH) were found among the caribou

lower incisor sets. Of all the enamel hypoplasia categories, this type was found the most

frequently in this data set. VEH are visually apparent in the x-ray images as vertical, darker-

shaded lines.

Two indications of Vertical Enamel Hypoplasia are recognized on both Tooth 6 in Set 21,

seen in Figure 34, and Tooth 6 on Set 167, seen in Figure 42. It is important to note that the

larger, dark vertical line descending down Tooth 6 on Set 21, near the middle of the crown, is

illustrative of a crack that has split the tooth. Examples of VEH seen in Figure 38 and in Figure

41, which show indications on Tooth 6 on Set 85 and Tooth 6 on Set 138, respectively, are very

similar. The darker vertical lines are very apparent, located generally in the middle of the tooth,

and form an irregular vertical line. Figure 35 showcases the faintest example of VEH recognized

in this data, located on Tooth 4 in Set 27. Evidence of VEH is apparent on the left-hand side of

Tooth 3 on Set 169, illustrated by the darker line that is inverted toward the center of the tooth,

O’Hanlon 39

which can be seen in Figure 43. VEH characteristics are evident in Figure 44, illustrated by the

darker vertical shading that is apparent from the crown of Tooth 3 on Set 185 and moves down

the tooth in an irregular line, toward the left-hand side. The majority of VEH instances are found

on the outer areas of individual teeth, a trend which is apparent when reviewing Figure 36,

Figure 37, Figure 39, and Figure 40. Figure 36 shows VEH evidence on the right-hand side of

Tooth 2 in Set 35; VEH evidence is recognized also on Tooth 2 in Set 91 in Figure 39. In

contrast, the VEH recognized on Tooth 7 in Set 41 is located on the left-hand side, as seen in

Figure 37. Figure 40 also exhibits VEH on the left-hand side of Tooth 2 in Set 129.

Figure 34. Set 21 (top), Set 22 (bottom); VEH found in Set 21, on Tooth 6


O’Hanlon 40

Figure 36. Set 35 (top), Set 36 (middle), Set 37 (bottom); VEH found in Set 35, on Tooth 2


Figure 38. Set 84 (top), Set 85 (middle), Set 86 (bottom); VEH found on Set 85, on Tooth 6

O’Hanlon 41


Figure 40. Set 127 (top), Set 128 (middle), Set129 (bottom); VEH found in Set 129, on Tooth 2


O’Hanlon 42


Figure 43. Set 169 (top), Set 170 (middle), Set 171 (bottom); VEH found in Set 169 on Tooth 3

Figure 44. Set 185 (top), Set 186 (middle), Set 187 (bottom); VEH found in Set 185 on Tooth 3

O’Hanlon 43

Discussion/Interpretation

Several forms of enamel hypoplasia were on single teeth within sets, and at different

tooth positions between sets. Although there were no instances of enamel hypoplasia found on

any Tooth 1 or Tooth 8 teeth, these absences may have been a result of both human and technical

errors that occurred in the x-ray imaging process. For example, some x-ray images lacked the

resolution necessary to analyze the teeth along the edges. Furthermore, the orientation of the

incisor sets on the belt made x-ray imaging particularly difficult. Often Tooth 1 and Tooth 8

were not visible on the x-ray image because they often are curved beneath Tooth 2 and Tooth 7,

respectively. Had this project solely valued the data that the caribou teeth could provide, the sets

would have been removed from the belt to facilitate the morphological analysis and x-ray

imaging. However, the belts hold more value than the teeth alone. The goal of this project is

broader in scale than data collection, as it aims to understand how conserved museum objects can

contribute to anthropological studies.

Of all 22 instances of enamel hypoplasia that were identified in this research, nine

instances were located on teeth that were not representative of the tooth’s overall Average Height

(Figure 4) and overall Average Width (Figure 5). These instances can be seen in Figure 28 on

Tooth 4; Figure 29 on Tooth 4; Figure 30 on Tooth 4; Figure 32 on Tooth 5; Figure 34 on Tooth

6; Figure 35 on Tooth 4; Figure 36 on Tooth 2; Figure 42 on Tooth 6; and Figure 44 on Tooth 3.

However, of these nine instances, only two teeth, seen in Figure 34, Tooth 6, and in Figure 36,

Tooth 2, had height and width measurements also outside the normal frequency range. The

measurements of Tooth 6 are 8mm x 5mm; according to the Frequency of Height for Tooth 6

(Figure 11) and Frequency of Width for Tooth 6 (Figure 19) these measurements do not fall

within the normal ranges. The measurements of Tooth 2 are 2mm x 3mm, which also do not fall

O’Hanlon 44

within the normal frequency ranges for height (Figure 7) or width (Figure 15) for Tooth 2. It is

these morphological abnormalities that indicate the possible influence of factors other than

physiological stress as the cause of the recognized enamel hypoplasia. Therefore, the qualitative

analysis, or physical analysis of the tooth and the surrounding area, was considered.

Figure 34 depicts enamel hypoplasia on Tooth 6 in Set 21. This is not a complete set, with

Tooth 1 categorized as “absent.” Tooth 2, Tooth 3 and Tooth 6 all show significant signs of

wear, although upon visible inspection this wear was likely caused by the original craftsmanship

or by the artifact’s use in museum collections, as indicated by the cracks and chips that would

result from over-handling. This evidence leads me to believe that the recognized enamel

hypoplasia in the x-ray image may be the product of sustained wear and handling of the tooth

and incisor set overall.

Figure 36 depicts enamel hypoplasia on Tooth 2 in Set 35. Although this is a complete set of

lower incisors, every tooth is significantly worn down. In fact, not one tooth on this set measures

in the range of normal height or width frequency, nor meets the average width and average

height measurements. The only visible signs of damage found on the teeth are cracks on the

surface of Tooth 5 and Tooth 6. Although Tooth 2 is not categorized as a “typical” Tooth 2 in

terms of height and width, I believe that the Vertical Enamel Hypoplasia recognized in the x-ray

images was likely caused by physiological stress. Due to the extensive wear of Set 35 in general,

two assumptions can be made: the incisor set belonged to an older caribou that would have worn

down the incisors over long-term use; or the caribou was consuming subsistence that was more

detrimental than normal, resulting in extreme wear. Either way, it is not unrealistic to assume

that indications of physiological stressors such as declining age or subsistence adaptation

manifested in vertical enamel hypoplasia.

O’Hanlon 45

The remaining 13 teeth feature enamel hypoplasia not attributable to tooth size

abnormalities, manufacturing/handling damage, or excessive wear. Therefore, it is assumed that

these instances of enamel defects are due to some kind of environmental stressor, likely

malnutrition with regard to the Linear Enamel Hypoplasia examples, while other physiological

stressors contributed to the General and Vertical Enamel Hypoplasia examples. Wu et. al. (2012)

conducted a similar analysis of enamel hypoplasia in caribou teeth, finding it an appropriate tool

to estimate caribou population dynamics in extant wildlife. In this study, researchers examined

macroscopic cross sections of 71 mandibles belonging to two different caribou herds located in

Western Canada in order to determine if Linear Enamel Hypoplasia were present. The

macroscopic cross sections of molars and premolars were then visually inspected using an

oblique light source at 25x magnification, and when necessary, they examined enamel defects

under 10x magnification with a stereomicroscope (Wu et. al. 2012:555). There are clear

methodological differences between the current research project concerning 19th century caribou

populations and the modern study of 21st century caribou. Different imaging techniques and

technologies were utilized for each study, resulting in different methods of visual inspection for

enamel defects. Furthermore, the Wu et. al. study analyzes molars and premolars, while the

current research project has access only to lower incisor sets for enamel defect analysis. Finally,

the caribou subpopulation of 19th century caribou is from Alaska, most likely specifically from

the Y-K Delta, while the modern comparative study focuses on Western Canadian caribou

populations. Despite these methodological differences, both studies track rates of hypoplasia,

which are caused by the same factors regardless of exactly which tooth is affected (molar or

incisor) or which subpopulation of caribou is affected (Western Canada or Alaska). As a result, a

comparison between the results from this current research and the Wu et. al. study provides

O’Hanlon 46

significant information regarding caribou populations over time.

Out of the 71 caribou mandibles, instances of LEH were found on 15. Overall, 21.1% of

the caribou population used for the Wu et. al. study was affected. This percentage is significantly

higher than the 8.9% of 19th century caribou that exhibited indications of any type of enamel

hypoplasia, whether LEH, VEH or GEH. Furthermore, the percentage of LEH specifically, 1.6%,

is substantially lower than the results found from the modern study. This difference between

historical and modern caribou populations is worthy of attention as it points to an increase in

environmental stressors on caribou through time. This could have implications with regard to

issues affecting the Yupiit, such as land rights, resource preservation, and game management.

One cause of the increased rates of LEH in caribou, and by association elevated

environmental stressors impacting herd health, could be recent changes in climatic conditions

across the Arctic region. This proposition is supported by recent publications concerning the

effects of the overall increase in temperature, particularly in Arctic sub-regions. Griffith et. al.

(2002) conducted a study of an established central-Alaskan caribou herd, known as The

Porcupine Herd, in order to elaborate on the implications of recent climatic changes on caribou

populations. This study found that in recent decades increasing warm air in both the summer and

winter months has produced environmental conditions that have negatively impacted caribou

herd health. Among these implications is an increase in insect harassment and possibly

parasitism. Additionally, the increased frequency of icing that occurs in the spring months

intensifies physiological stress levels of caribou. Ice layers that form on the ground during the

portions of the day when temperatures rise above freezing result in the caribou's inability to

reach the underlying forage. Because these ice events occur in the spring, when the animals are

already most stressed, the disruptions may increase mortality by "elevating energetic costs of

O’Hanlon 47

travel, reducing access to food, or increasing predication risk" (Hinzman et. al. 2005). Warming-

induced disruptions such as reduced health and deaths from heat/icing have been reported not

only within Alaskan herd populations, but also in other Arctic regions as well (Post et. al. 2009).

As a result, it is inferred that the warming Arctic climate conditions have affected caribou herd

populations negatively in terms of overall health and population.

This inference is supported by evidence of the decline of Alaska's largest caribou herd,

the Western Arctic Herd. The 2012 edition of Alaska Fish & Wildlife News summarized reports

that state a five percent decline in the caribou herd population occurred in 2011, another data

point in a trend of four percent to six percent annual declines since the herd population peaked in

2003. Icing events and relatively high numbers of predators, such as wolves and bears, are listed

as contributing factors to the population decline. However, it also is noted that the demand by

local hunters for food and recreation has remained stable despite the declining number of caribou

(Woodford 2012). This resistance to change is particularly apparent within the Yup’ik culture

today, as individuals continue to view contemporary game populations as infinitely renewable

resources, which reflects the same perspective held by their mythic ancestors (Fienup-Riordan

1994). It is my hope that by utilizing material culture that has been crafted by Yup’ik people and

contextualized within the Yup’ik ideology, locals may better understand the current issues

regarding game management and overall landuse.

Growth in infrastructure and subsequent habitat fragmentation has also been shown to

negatively impact the ability of wildlife to cope with environmental change. Roads, railway

lines, power lines, airports, harbors, and dams provide the means of accessing, developing, and

transporting peoples, goods, and services; however, these developments have environmental

costs that have been show to disrupt the physical environment, alter the chemical environment,

O’Hanlon 48

impact species relationships and modify animal behaviors. Recently, large industrial projects of

petroleum exploration and hydroelectric power in Alaska have been singled out as detrimental to

the overall health of caribou populations (Vistnes & Nellemann 2008). With the increase in

infrastructure, caribou populations have been noted to relocate from their preferred habitat now

infiltrated by human activity into areas with potentially poorer grazing conditions. As a result,

the reproductive success of caribou populations has become compromised due to the decreased

health conditions of females at breeding season causing an overall decrease in birth rates

(Cameron et. al. 2005). These current studies concerning the negative impacts of recent climate

change and human disturbance can otherwise be validated by the depression of caribou herd

health from the 19th century to modern day made apparent by data analyses for this research

project.

The negative effects of climate change and industrial human disruption on caribou

populations have been validated through scientific experimentation and observation; nonetheless,

it could be argued that 19th century Yup’ik hunters only chose healthy caribou both for hunting

purposes and for display on their trophy-like belts. Although this may contribute to the decrease

in enamel hypoplasia found, there are multiple arguments against this inference. First, caribou

hunting did not serve as the primary means of subsistence, both in the past or present day Yup’ik

lifestyle. Rather than tracking caribou migrations, Yup’ik hunters set traps nearby and

periodically checked them in the winter months (Fienup-Riordan 1996). They were opportunistic

hunters, not selecting particular caribou for consumption or use based on their healthy or

unhealthy appearance. Furthermore, enamel hypoplasia is not typically seen by visual inspection

and therefore likely did not play a role in choosing which incisor set would be sewn on to the

belt. Finally, upon visual examination of the belt, there is clearly a wide range of incisor sets on

O’Hanlon 49

display: sets include small teeth, large teeth, those that appear in perfect condition and others that

are significantly worn down. This range reflects that hunters were not selective when choosing

caribou both for consumption or when choosing which products were used as decorative items.

Chapter 6: Conclusion

This research project aimed to exhibit the necessity of preserving cultural artifacts for

their ability to help reconstruct a culture’s past while simultaneously contributing to our

understanding of that same culture’s current affairs. Performing an object biography, or tracking

the life stages of an object with special regard to its transitional functions, provides such

information. This project served as a sort of case study, illustrating how analyzing a traditional

Yup’ik-crafted caribou-teeth lined belt allowed insight into the Yukon-Kuskowim Delta

landscape, Yup’ik traditional culture, the effects of early missionary involvement in Alaska, and

finally, information about current ecological conditions with regard to modern Yup’ik hunting

strategies. Literature review and personal conversations with Eva Malvich proved there is a

resurgence in the desire to participate in traditional Yup’ik practices, illustrating how the

preservation of material artifacts, such as caribou-teeth lined belts, are of primary concern for

both the Yup’ik people and those who seek to understand their culture.

The preservation of this caribou-teeth lined belt provided a particularly unique

opportunity to contribute to current Yup’ik concerns about declining local caribou populations,

as well as to conversations about the overall effects of Alaskan climate change. The results of

this analysis showed that 19th century caribou populations were not as heavily affected by enamel

hypoplasia in comparison to modern populations. I suggest this change is due to environmental

factors, particularly the overall warming climate that is altering the seasons around which both

caribou and Yup’ik people have organized their livelihoods. Additionally, this research can help

O’Hanlon 50

correct the lack of understanding among both locals and non-locals of important caribou

population maintenance, such as game management practices.

This research also contributes to the larger discussion of cultural heritage and the

requirements objects must meet in order to be considered objects of heritage. Recently, the

concept of heritage has expanded beyond the transferal of possessions to including roots,

identity, and a sense of place and belonging (Hoelcher 2006:198). The concept is understood as a

way of cultural production in the present that elaborates on the cultural past. In other words, the

term describes the utilization of historical artifacts as a means of linking individuals to a larger,

cultural collective. With the increase in industrialization and privatization, heritage museums

displaying historical artifacts became more prevalent worldwide. As a result, heritage began to

operate as more than just a concept of identity; it could be used strategically for economic,

political, and social gains. With this understanding, the concept of heritage and the qualifications

of what is considered an object of heritage, can be defined by more than just the members the

cultural group that produced the artifact.

The object biography portion of this research traced the many contexts that this belt

operated within in addition to the modern Yup’ik interpretation of it. Speaking with Eva Malvich

in addition to exploring the Yupiit Piciryarait Cultural Center website and Facebook, provided

modern perspectives of what is considered an object of heritage. Their focus remains on

perpetuating traditional ways of clothing production, subsistence strategies, and most

significantly, traditional dances and dance regalia. The use, reproduction or displays of caribou

teeth belts, however, are not apparent. It seems then that caribou teeth belts do not meet the same

qualifications of heritage that these perpetuated practices and fabrications do.

O’Hanlon 51

Due to its traditional use as a shamanistic healing belt, perhaps this particular cultural

artifact does not find a place within the strategic means of cultural heritage. In other words, it no

longer contributes to the modern Yup’ik sense of belonging and identity. This may be a result of

the missionary influence in Alaska resulting in the shift from shamanism to Christianity.

Although the traditional spiritual belief system is still prevalent in dance rituals and regalia,

particularly evident in Yup’ik masks, they are generally understood as performances and

costumes rather than in their literal traditional functions. This is not to say that historical artifacts

such as caribou teeth-lined belts are not considered significant to the modern Yup’ik population;

the fact that Mrs. Malvich was aware of these belts and their traditional use proves otherwise.

Ultimately, research of this kind contributes to the ongoing struggle of what should and should

not be displayed in cultural museums due to the difficulty off defining heritage in general. In the

future a distinction between an object of the past and those of cultural heritage may need to be

established for correct exhibitions at such institutions.

With this research, I hope to exhibit the many modern day contributions that can come

from detailed analysis of preserved cultural items. It is my hope that collected artifacts will be

appreciated as far more than appealing relics capable of providing insight only into a culture’s

past. Instead, these collected artifacts can be mined using modern day technology, research

methodologies, and analysis to communicate information not restricted by temporal bounds, so

that, as cultural ambassadors from the past, they can help to drive understanding and change that

improves a culture’s future.

O’Hanlon 52

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