OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL STUDIES TESTING NEAR · 2012. 11. 4. · ADMINISTRATIVE SUMMARY At the request of...

MUSEUM OF NEW MEXICO

OFFICE OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL STUDIES

TESTING OF SEVEN SITES ALONG NM 134 IN SAN JUAN COUNTY, NEAR CRYSTAL, NEW MEXICO

Dorothy A. Zamora

ARCHAEOLOGY NOTES 170

SANTA FE 2000 NEW MEXICO

MUSEUM OF NEW MEXICO

OFFICE OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL STUDIES

TESTING OF SEVEN SITES ALONG NM 134 IN $AN JUAN COUNTY, NEAR CRYSTAL, NEW MEXICO

Dorothy A. Zamora

with contributions by Linda J, Goodman

Rhonda Main Guadalupe A. Martinez

Meredith Matthews Linda Mick-O’Hara

C. Dean Wilson

Submitted by David A, Phillips, Jr.

ARCHAEOLOGY NOTES 170

SANTA FE 2000 NEW MEXICO

ADMINISTRATIVE SUMMARY

At the request of the New Mexico State Highway and Transportation Department (NMSHTD), the Office of Archaeological Studies (OAS), Museum of New Mexico, conducted limited archaeological testing of seven sites (LA 68377-LA 68383) along NM 134. The testing was designed to determine the nature and extent of the sites and see if a data recovery program was necessary. NMSHTD proposes to construct a six foot shoulder on both sides of NM 134 in San Juan County.

The initial survey was performed by NMSHTD archaeologist Sandra Marshall and Office of Archaeological Studies (OAS) archaeologist Ann Noble on August 28 through September 9, 1988. Limited archaeological testing was conducted by OAS archaeologist Dorothy Zamora ffom July 24 through August 24, 1989, under ARPA Permit ARPA-89-002 and Navajo Nation Permit (28904.

Testing at LA 68377 produced a calibrated radiocarbon date of 5070 f 190 B.P., dating the site to the Archaic period. LA 68378 is a collapsed Archaic rockshelter with a calibrated carbon-I4 date of 2790 f 170 B.P. LA 68379 is a historic site dating between 1930 and 1940. LA 68380 is a Pueblo I component dated 1 1 10 1 90 B.P. that came from a deflated surface hearth. LA 68381 is a secondary artifact deposit that was brought in when the roadbed was built up. LA 68382 is a multicomponent site with a possible Pueblo I1 occupation and a Historic cement slab. The site was assigned a Pueblo I1 date from the ceramics found on the surface. The Historic component could possibly date as early as 1930. LA 68383, a procurement and lithic artifact manufacturing area, did not produce a date.

All of the sites are within the highway right-of-way, but outside of the construction area. This includes the sites that are on both sides of the highway. Parts of the sites were removed during the construction of the existing road and shoulder, and what remains will not be affected. The NMSHTD does not intend to do any additional mechanical dirt removal, and four of the seven sites will be fenced off to protect them. If any additional soil removal takes place at any of these sites, a data recovery plan should be put into action.

In addition to the archaeological testing, an ethnographic study of LA 68379, including a former Navajo log home, was conducted by Linda Goodman of OAS. The site, part of a much larger extended family and clan residential community, functioned primarily as a habitation site between about 1920 and the mid-1940s.

Submitted in fulfillment of Memorandum of Agreement DO3773 between the New Mexico State Highway and Transportation Department and the Office of Archaeological Studies, Museum of New Mexico.

MNM Project No. 41.467 (Crystal) NMSHTD D 03773 (District 6) ARPA Permit No. ARPA-89-002 Navajo Nation Permit No. C8904

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CONTENTS

... Administrative Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 111

Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1

Environment. by Guadalupe Martinez . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3

ArchaeologicalOverview . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7

Previous Work in the Area . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9

Testing Procedures . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11

TestingResults . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13 LA68377 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13 LA68378 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18 LA68379 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23 LA68380 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27 LA68381 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35 LA68382 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37 LA68383 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 41

Summary of Findings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45

Ceramics, by Dean Wilson . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45 StoneArtifacts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45

An Ethnohistorical Examination of LA 68379 and Adjacent Areas of Crystal. by Linda J . Goodman . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 47

An Overview of Navajo History . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 48 Historical Background of the Chuska Mountain-Crystal-Narbona Pass Area . . . . . . . . . . . 51 LA68379 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 53 Site Function and Related Cultural and Economic Activities ........................ 56 Site Interpretation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 58 Summary and Conclusions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 61 Addendum: People Interviewed for the LA 68379 Ethnohistory Project . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 61 Endnotes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 62

Discussion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 63

Recommendations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 65

ReferencesCited . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 67

Appendix 1: Site Location Information . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 75

Appendix 2: Results of Macrobotanical Analysis for the Washington Pass Testing Program: LA 68377. LA 68378. and LA 68380 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 81 Appendix 3: Tables . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 85

V

Figures

1 . Project vicinity map . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 2.Sitemap,LA68377 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15 3 and 4 . Plan and profile of Feature 1, surface stain, LA 68377 ......................... 17 5 . Projectile point from Feature 1, LA 68377 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18 6.Sitemap7LA68378 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19 7 . Collapsed rockshelter, LA 68378 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20 8 . Close-up of ash lens, LA 68378 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20 9 . Profile of rockshelter stratigraphy, LA 68378 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21 10 . Test Grid 101N/97E in ash lens, LA 68378 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22 1 1 . Plan of Feature 1, LA 68379 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24

13 . Feature 1 , deflated hearth, LA 68379 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25 14.Siternap,LA68380 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29 15 . Plan view of deflated hearth, Feature 1, LA 68380 ................................ 31 16 . Feature 1, deflated hearth, LA 68380 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31 17 . Profile of Feature 2, LA 68380 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 32 18 and 19 . Plan and profile of Feature 3, possible surface, LA 68380 .................... 33

22.Sitemap7LA68381 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36 23.Sitemap,LA68382 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 38 24.ScrapersfromLA68382 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 40 25.Sitemap7LA68383 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 42 26 . Tsit’najinnie Clan genealogical chart . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 55

12 . Stone foundation with Clark residence in background, Feature 1, LA 68379 . . . . . . . . . . . . 25

20 and 2 1 . Plan and profile of Feature 4, use surface with posthole, LA 68380 . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34

vi

INTRODUCTION

William L. Taylor, environmental program manager of the NMSHTD, requested the limited testing of seven sites located by NMSHTD archaeologist Sandra Marshall 1988) to determine their extent and nature. The sites are in the existing highway right-of-way, within which the NMSHTD proposes to construct a six foot shoulder on both sides of the highway.

The Office of Archaeological Studies, Museum of New Mexico, conducted a limited testing program along NM 134 in San Juan County between July 24 and August 24, 1989. The investigation was supervised by Dorothy A. Zamora, who was assisted by Rhonda Main and Scott Geister. David A. Phillips Jr. served as principal investigator for the project.

The sites are on unplatted Navajo Tribal Fee land (Appendix 1). The beginning of the project (BOP) is in UTM Zone l2,3985360N, 678755E, in McKinley County, and the end of the project (EOP) is in UTM Zone 12,3996970N, 696225E, in San Juan County (Fig. 1). lt extends for 24.14 km (1 5 miles).

Four of the seven sites (LA 68377, LA 68378, LA 68380, and LA 68382) have potential to yield information important to the prehistory of the area. Three sites (LA 68379, LA 68381 and LA 68383) need no further work.

ENVIRONMENT

Guadalupe Martinez

The proposed improvement of State Highway 134 necessitated testing along the right-of-way corridor. The project parallels the existing highway through the Chuska Mountains and terminates 0.3107 km (one half mile) east of Narbona Pass (formerly known as Washington Pass). The project is in mountains forested predominantly with ponderosa pine. The Chuska Mountains are in the southwestern corner of San Juan County. The altitude at Narbona Pass ranges from 2,134 m (7,000 ft) to 2,854 m (9,365 ft). The range is characterized by steep slopes and escarpments. The soils, eroded predominantly from sandstone, also contain other sedimentary rocks and eolian sediments (Maker et al, 1973; Fenneman 1931),

The major land formation is Chuska sandstone (Tertiary), which comprises most of the Chuska Mountains. The Narbona Pass area is made up of andesite and basaltic andesite flows, breccia, and tuff (Tertiary) with intrusive rock formations (Cretaceous and Tertiary). The area in and around Crystal consists of Morrison formation (Jurassic) and Dakota sandstone (Cretaceous). The eastern slope of the Chuska Mountains is a landslide area (Quaternary) with outcrops of the Menefee formation, which includes Kirtland shale and the Tohatchi formation (Cretaceous) (Dane and Bachrnan 1965).

There are three major soil associations within the project area. The La Fonda-Del Rio association joins the Chuska Mountains on the western slope. This association includes the Black Salt Valley to the west of the Chuska range. The area has fairly broad, gently sloping to rolling uplands. The mostly deep soils are developing in medium and moderately fine-textured sediments from Jurassic and Triassic redbeds. The vegetation of this association consists of blue grama, Indian ricegrass, various other grasses, and big sagebrush. Juniper becomes common where this association meets the Chuska Mountains. La Fonda soils occur on alluvial fans and piedmont slopes. The surface layers are thin noncalcareous reddish-brown loam. The Del Rio soils occur on sloping and rolling uplands. Brown noncalcareous loam makes up the thin surface layer, with a reddish-brown clay loam or loam as a substratum (Maker et al. 1973 : 19-20).

The Vamer-Rock Land association is the major association in the Chuska Mountains and the project area. The soils of this association are used for various enterprises, including forestry, range, recreation, farming, and wildlife habitat. Ponderosa pine and Gambel oak are the predominant overstory vegetation, with piiion and juniper at lower elevations. The grasses that occur in the Chuska range are Arizona fescue, brome, bluegrass, needlegrass, and blue grama. Native browse plants such as mountain mahogany and vetch also grow in the area.

Small-scale farming takes place on the western slope of the Chuska Mountains and consists mostly of corn fields. Domesticated animals (sheep, goats, horses, and cattle) are raised in the area (Maker et al. 1973:21). Vamer soils, formed mainly from weathered sandstone, are shallow. They occur mostly on gently sloping and rolling ridge crests and on the edges of plateaus or mesa tops. The surface layer consists of a grayish brown, loam, or cobbly loam with a brown sandy clay or clay subsoil. Sandstone and sandstone fragments occur in both the surface layer and the subsoil. Rock Land consists predominantly of a complex of shallow soils, outcrops of sandstone, and other types of sedimentary rocks (Maker et al. 1973:21; Kemrer and Lord 1984a:25; Harris et al. 1967:67-77).

The foothills on the eastern slopes of the Chuska Mountains are of the TravesilleMalposeRock Land association. The soils of this association are best suited for rangeland or recreational use. The

major vegetation on these soils consists of juniper, big sagebrush, snakeweed, chamisa, blue grama, and Indian ricegrass. Travesilla soils, which occur on moderately steep to rolling uplands, have a thin surface layer of light brown sandy loam and are underlain by sandstone. Malposa soils occur in upland areas similar to those in the Travesilla association. The soils have a thin surface layer of brown, noncalcareous stony loam or stony fine sandy loam. The subsoil is light brown to brown clay. A pinkish-white loam with a high lime content makes up the substratum. Rock Land consists predominantly of a complex of shallow soils, outcrops of sandstone, and other types of sedimentary rocks (Maker et al. 1973:20-21; MacMahon 1985:497-498).

The major lithic material is Washington Pass chert, which comes from the rock intrusion of the same name that dominates the mountain range in this area of the Chuska Mountains. Flakes of this chert are ubiquitous in the project area.

There are two intermittent streams that flow from the Narbona Pass area. Crystal Creek, the larger of the two, flows west into the Black Salt Valley and eventually drains into Black Lake. Owl Spring flows eastward into the Tunsta Wash and out onto the Chuska Valley. There are numerous small lakes in the Chuska Mountains. Larger lakes are Lake Toadcheene, the manmade lake Asaayi, and the previously mentioned Black Lake. Ponds and small bodies of standing water are seasonal. The aquifer is fed by snowmelt and rainfall (Kemrer and Lord 1984a:21-22).

The variety of fauna found in the project area includes larger mammals--mule deer, coyote, black bear, and bobcat--and small mammals such as Nuttall's cottontail, various chipmunks, and squirrels. The striped s k u n k is evident everywhere (Kemrer and Lord 1984a:26; Harris et al. 1967:45-46).

The avian community in the project area is quite large. Ravens, mountain bluebirds, turkey vultures, and mourning doves were seen every day during the project. The red-tailed hawk, the common nighthawk, and the great horned owl are some of the more common predators in the Chuska Mountains (Kemrer and Lord 1984a:26; Harris et al. 1967:29-45).

Though reptiles are reported to be poorly represented (Kemrer and Lord 1984a:26), they may be locally abundant. The short-horned lizard was evident in the project area, and a western garter snake was seen. There are also several species of spiny lizards in the area (Kemrer and Lord 1984a:26; Harris et al. 196795-28).

The Chuska Mountains are surrounded by areas of extreme aridity; however, the mountain system receives copious amounts of precipitation. Winter snow is sufficient to recharge springs and germinate seeds. Summer precipitation is in the form of usually brief but occasionally severe thunderstorms. The average rainfall is 508 mm (20 inches). The summer temperatures in Window Rock range from a mean daily high in July of 30. I degrees C (86.3 degrees F) to a January low of 1 1.7 degrees C (53.2 degrees F). Temperatures in the Chuska Mountains are 3 to 9 degrees lower. The first frost in Window Rock occurs on the average during the second week of September; the last frost occurs on the average in the final week of May. Frost dates are earlier and later, respectively, in the project area (Kemrer and Lord 1984a:22-24).

4

The wild-food supply is also abundant in the area. Water is readily available around ponds and lakes in addition to intermittent streams. The forest could supply ample forage and game, and agriculture is possible at lower elevations.

5

ARCHAEOLOGICAL OVERVIEW

The Paleoindian period has been identified with large, diagnostic dart points used for hunting. Besides hunting, the Paleoindian peoples depended on wild resources and used a distinctive type of end scraper. Chronologies of the Paleoindian period are generally based on morphological attributes of projectile points. However, there have been no Paleoindian sites or isolated occurrences found within the project area. Several Archaic sites (7000 to 5000 B.C.) have been previously recorded. Most Archaic sites found in the Narbona Pass area are lithic artifact scatters with Jay, Bajada, San Jose, and En Medio projectile points.

Banks and Del Bene (1 990) theorize two physiographic and environmental situations influencing Archaic settlements and land-use patterns. They state that large meadows have higher site densities than any other environmental setting in the forest. These meadows were capable of supporting small fields, as they do today (Banks and Del Bene 1990). Corn may have appeared during the Late Archaic period in the San Juan Basin (Simmons 1983). The Archaic peoples of the area had extensive knowledge of lithic material resources, as suggested by the artifacts recovered during the project.

Obsidian resources found in the vicinity of Narbona Pass have been attributed to sources in New Mexico, Arizona, and Southern Utah (Nelson 1985,1986). Banks and Del Bene (1 990) suggests that the Archaic period was distinguished by participation in an extensive lithic artifact exchange interaction network. The exchange interaction network included use of Washington Pass chert, which has been identified in many Archaic assemblages from the San Juan Basin (Vierra 1985; Vierra and Doleman 1984).

The BasketmakedEarly Puebloan period is defined primarily by ceramic dating, and rarely by architecture. Sites are found in an environmental setting similar to those of the Archaic population (Banks and Del Bene 1990).

These sites generally lack cultural features and appear to have been of short duration and possibly seasonal. Most BasketmakerPuebloan sites are lithic artifact and sherd scatters, with some in overhangs, and some have structures. Very rarely, these sites consist only of lithic artifact scatters. Local materials such as Washington Pass chert and other sources of chert dominate the lithic artifact assemblages. The low artifact densities are similar to those of the Archaic period.

Cultural deposits are most often found in rockshelters/overhangs (Banks n.d.). It is possible that these rockshelters/overhangs were also used by Archaic people.

A change in settlement and land-use patterns is evident in architectural sites of this period. These sites include such features as roomblocks, circular stone alignments, and rectangular stone alignments.

Roomblocks generally have at least three rooms and are located in meadows or overlooks. The rectangular stone alignments vary from 3 to 10 m across and are generally not associated with other features. These alignments are usually in areas with good views. The circular alignments are the most common subtype. They are generally 3 to 5 m in diameter. These features may have been foundations for superstructures of more perishable materials. They tend to cluster in groups of two or three. These circular alignments are also found on overlooks, in drainages, and in meadows, and usually they are associated with lithic source areas (Weimer and Bauman n.d.).

The Navajos were living in the area by the 1600s (Brugge 1983), but the Spanish records mention

7

this area very little. Goodman (1 982) states that a large Apachean group moved into the Colorado Plateau and became known as the Navajos and developed cultural traits that distinguish them from other Apachean peoples.

The arrival of the Spaniards had a great impact on the Navajo people. First contact with the Navajos came in 1540 with the Coronado expedition to the Hopi mesas, in the province of Tusayan. Espejo encountered the Querechos Indians in 1582 in the vicinity of present-day Laguna. Querechos have been identified by historians as Navajo Apaches (Goodman 1982).

By the 18OOs, the Navajos became a threat to the Spanish populations. Raiding Navajos confiscated the horses and sheep brought in by the Spanish. During the mid- 1800s, Anglo settlement began in the area.

Joe Wilkins, a freighter for the Manuelito store, started the Crystal Trading Post around 1890 (Amsden 1990). By 1897 Wilkins sold the post to J. B. Moore. Moore launched the style in rugs known as the Two Gray Hills in Crystal. Moore owned Crystal Trading Post until 19 1 1-1912 (Amsden 1990). Today the community of Crystal has few residents, and the trading post is opened only occasionally.

8

PREVIOUS WORK IN THE AREA

Many archaeological investigations have been conducted in the San Juan Basin, and numerous prehistoric and historic sites have been recorded. Some of the investigations near the project area include those by Brandt (1989), Clements (1980), Fowler et al. (1987), Geib ( I 980), Peckham ( 1 963a, 1963b, 1969), Marshall and Sofaer (1986), Marshall et al. ( 1 979), and Wendorf et al. (1956).

Peckham excavated LA 4470 (Peckham 1963a) and LA 4473 (Peckham 1963b) along Highway 666 and later recorded LA 3098, Tohatchi Village, a Basketmaker 111 site. This was a large pithouse village with a great kiva. Also recorded by Peckham in 1970 was LA 9967 and LA 9968, both Pueblo I1 occupations. Fowler (1987) and Marshal et al. (1979) conducted surveys at Tohatchi Flats. Brandt (1989) also recorded an extensive Basketmaker 111-Pueblo I site and a collapsed Navajo hogan. Geib (1980) recorded four Pueblo I sites, as did Fowler (1987) and Marshall and Sofaer (1986).

There are many sites within one mile of the project area, most of them historic Navajo hogan sites. Table 1 shows the sites within the immediate project area.

9

TESTING PROCEDURES

Testing procedures, as specified in the permits (ARPA-89-002 and Navajo Nation C8904), are as follows:

All sites were photographed prior to testing. Standard excavation tools included trowels, picks, shovels, and screens. Site maps were produced using a transit and stadia rod. The maps included NM 134, the existing right-of-way fence, any features associated with the sites, site limits, permanent markers, and excavated test units.

A main datum and a 1 by 1 m grid system were established. The grid system was used to define the test excavations on the site and provenience areas within the grid system. The test units were placed in areas of artifact concentrations and where surface features were visible. Each 1 by 1 rn test pit was excavated in 10 crn arbitrary levels down to a light colored, culturally sterile sandy clay. Auger tests were then placed in each grid. The auger tests were taken down further to ensure that culturally sterile levels or bedrock had been reached. All soil was screened through a 1/4 inch wire mesh. Artifacts were bagged according to site provenience by level and artifact type.

In addition to those associated with the test units, auger tests were placed across the site at every 10 m along the north-south and east-west baselines to locate any buried features that might be present. Each auger test was taken down 10 crn at a time, and soil changes were recorded until culturally sterile soil was reached. At times the sterile soil was a light sandy clay, and sometimes the auger hit bedrock. If the soil in the auger held any cultural material, a test unit was placed in the area.

Features were defined by removing the modern top soil and dividing them in half to determine the depth and the amount of use of the feature. The rest of the soil was left in place. Soil profiles and feature profiles were drawn, and the dimensions, shape, depth, and fill of the feature were recorded. Pollen, flotation, and radiocarbon samples were collected from the excavated portion to date the feature. Each feature was also photographed before and after testing.

The artifacts that were not collected were analyzed in the field. Primary, secondary, and tertiary flakes, angular debris, and the type and function of ground stone were identified.

In-field analysis was restricted to material type and artifact type and number. No intense analysis was performed, Artifacts were collected from areas where backdirt was being placed. Any diagnostic artifacts that would help in dating the site were also collected in limited amounts. The artifacts were bagged by unit, level, date, excavator's initials, and artifact type. Each bag was given a field specimen number. All collected artifacts were processed and analyzed in the laboratory, and these artifacts were turned over to the Archaeological Research Collection at the Laboratory of Anthropology for permanent curation.

Collected chipped stone artifacts were monitored in the laboratory for a variety of attributes, including artifact type, material type, texture, percentage of dorsal cortex, artifact portion, alterations (both cultural and noncultural), and dimensions (length, width, thickness). Debitage was divided into flakes and angular debris based upon the presence or absence of striking platforms, bulbs of percussion, and recognizable ventral surfaces: flakes possess these attributes, and angular debris lack them. Flake attributes included platform type and the presence or absence of platform lipping. Artifact definitions were consistent with those presented by Chapman (1 977:374-378), Chapman and Schutt (1977235-86), and Schutt and Vierra (1980:50-55).

11

To facilitate discussion of the reduction stages reflected in the lithic assemblage, a variety of physical attributes were used to assign individual flakes to the primary, secondary, and tertiary reduction stages. Primary and secondary flakes were removals from cores, representing the two stages of core reduction: removal of the weathered outer rind of a nodule (primary reduction), and removal of interior flakes for informal use or further modification into formal tools (secondary reduction). Tertiary reduction was defined as the further modification of primary or secondary flakes into a formal tool. The percentage of dorsal cortex present was used to distinguish between primary and secondary flakes. Primary flakes were those with 50 percent or more of their dorsal surfaces covered by cortex. Flakes with less than 50 percent of their dorsal surfaces covered by cortex were considered to have originated during the secondary stage of core reduction. Tertiary flakes contained less than 25 percent dorsal cortex.

The in-field criteria for determining stage of reduction were as follows: flakes with 51-100 percent cortex on their dorsal surfaces were recorded as primary flakes, flakes with 25-50 percent cortex on their dorsal surfaces were recorded as secondary flakas; and flakes with less than 25 percent on their dorsal surfaces were recorded as tertiary flakes. Pieces of debitage that did not display flake characteristics were considered angular debris.

A total of 15 sherds were recovered from surface and excavated contexts from five sites. These represent portions of small vessels, and no more than two vessels were represented at any site. While the extremely small number of sherds recovered greatly limits any interpretations based on this sample, these ceramics may still provide information concerning the dating and possible affiliation of components represented. Each sherd was examined under a binocular microscope at 20-40X. Data recorded during the analysis of these sherds included traditional type, tempering material, paint type, and vessel form. No postfiring modification or cultural adhesions were noted during analysis. Surface manipulations were noted to aid in traditional type assignments.

12

TESTING RESULTS

LA 68377

Site Type: Lithic and sherd scatter with stained soil.

Cultural/Ternporal Aflliation: Archaic, calibrated radiocarbon with calibrated dates of 3942, 3850, and 3820 B.C. Dinetah ceramics (A.D. 1500 to 1800) were also present on the site.

Ownership: Navajo Nation.

Elevation: 2,268 m (7,440 ft).

Description: LA 68377 is on thein $an Juan County. The site measures 134 m by 38 m and is in a piiion and ponderosa area on the Navajo Reservation, near Crystal, New Mexico.

Before testing the area was resurveyed. Site boundaries were confirmed by three archaeologists walking 6 m apart in zigzag transects until 100 percent of the area was covered. A primary datum and baseline were established to work within a grid system. The baseline extended north-south and east- west. Five 1 by 1 m grids were placed on the site in areas of stained soil and artifact concentrations. One grid was placed at the bottom of the roadcut to determine if features were present (Fig. 2). Results of the tests are listed in Table 2.

Auger tests were also placed at 10 m intervals across the site (Table 3 ) .

Features

Feature 1. Feature 1 is a possible deflated Navajo hearth. Several Dinetah sherds and one Washington Pass chert projectile point (possibly Navajo) were associated with the feature.

Feature 1 measured 1.10 by 0.80 m by 8 cm deep (Figs. 3 and 4). The fill of the hearth was a mottled ashy sand. Lithic artifacts and sherds were present in the periphery of the feature. Fire- cracked rock was also scattered around the hearth. Unfortunately there was not enough charcoal present for a carbon- 14 sample.

Flotation samples were taken and produced remains of indeterminate animal bone, goosefoot seeds, and uncharred dropseed. Juniper, indeterminate pine, pifion, oak, and gymnosperm woods were present (Matthews, this volume).

Feature 2. Feature 2, a possible pit, was a dark stain just below the surface. It measures 2 m in diameter and ranges from 20 to 30 cm deep. A test pit (90N/40E) was placed at the northern edge of what was thought to have been the feature. The soil stain was not the feature itself but staining from the feature that had scattered within this area. Auger tests subsequently found the feature. Several auger tests were placed within the feature, and radiocarbon, pollen, and flotation samples were taken from the auger tests.

The flotation sample analysis revealed numerous charred goosefoot seeds and some charred juniper and piAon (Matthews, this volume). The radiocarbon sample produced a calibrated date of B.P. 5070 f 190 (Table 4), dating the pit to the Middle Archaic period.

The fill of the pit ranged from a light reddish brown fine sandy silt to a mottled gray silty soil.

13

Sterile soil was encountered below 40 cm and excavated to 60 cm to ensure that culturally sterile soil had been reached.

Site Artifacts, by Rhonda Main

Stone Artifacts. Table 5 illustrates material selection and artifact type at LA 68377. Washington Pass chert dominated the assemblage, comprising 84.5 percent of the total. Silicified wood and undifferentiated cherts made up less than 16 percent of the total.

A small exhausted core of Washington Pass chert was collected from the surface of one of the test pits at this site. Flakes had been removed from it unidirectionally. Another chert core fragment was recorded during the in-field analysis. Of the 49 flakes on the sufface, 1 was recorded as primary, 5 as secondary, and 43 as tertiary. Of the tertiary flakes, 1 was noted as a biface thinning flake, and 1 had a utilized edge. Eleven pieces of angular debris were recorded.

Test pit excavations produced a total of 12 flakes (5 primary, 4 $econdary, and 3 tertiary) and an equal number of angular debris. One of the flakes had evidence of utilization on one edge. For such a small collection of flakes, many platform types were represented (Table 6).

Five tools were recorded during the in-field analysis, includidg a drill, two bifaces (one with barbed edges), a hammerstone with wear on three sides, and a one-handed mano.

An Athabaskan Plain side-notched projectile point of Washington Pass chert was recovered from Level 1 (0-1 0 cm) of Feature 1, a shallow hearth (Fig. 5)

It can safely be postulated that all stages of reduction occurred at LA 68377, including tool manufacture. The presence of the tools indicates at least short-term use of the location as a campsite.

Ceramics. LA 68377 produced eight sherds from surface stripping around Feature 1. One sherd was a Basketmaker TIT/Pueblo I gray body sherd with a sand and rock temper. The other seven, including two rim sherds, were Navajo Dinetah gray wares.

Bone Analysis, by Linda Mick O'Hara

A single fragment of medium mammal long bone was recovered from Level 1 of 89N/46E. The bone fragment was burned to a calcined state and appears to be related to the later, Dinetah occupation of the site.

Summary

LA 68377 has evidence of occupation during two different time periods. Feature 1 is a probable Navajo hearth as indicated by Dinetah ceramics and an Athabaskan projectile point. This would date Feature 1 between A.D. 1500 and 1800. Feature 2 is a indeterminate pit with a calibrated radiocarbon date of B.P. 5070 f 190, dating it to the Middle Archaic period.

14

""

.. . .

A 1

Figures 3 and 4. Plan and profile of Feature 1, surface stain, LA 68377.

17

Recommendation

Figure 5. Projectile point from Feature I , LA 68377.

LA 68377 is partially within the existing right-of-way. Two features, a hearth dating between A.D. 1500 and 1800 and an indeterminate pit with a Middle Archaic date of B.P. 5070 f 190, were located and tested, Because the site has the potential of producing data important to the history of Navajo occupation and the prehistory of the region, it is recommended that it be avoided during construction. However, if construction will affect the extent and integrity of the remains, a data recovery plan should be implemented.

LA 68378

Site Type: Rockshelter.

Cultural/Temporal Affiliation: Archaic. Calibrated C-14 intercept date of B.C. 926.


Elevation: 2,304 m (7,560 ftj.

Description: The site is a collapsed rockshelter in which an ash lens is exposed in the existing road cut (Fig. 6). Approximately 1 .O to 1.25 m of decomposing sandstone sits above the ash lens (Figs. 7 and 8). Present within the ash lens are lithic artifacts, animal bone, and charcoal. The lens extends to 2.70 m across the road cut (Fig. 9).

Three test pits were placed on the site. Two of these were placed at the base of the rockshelter and one within the ash lens. Table 7 summarizes the results of the two tests at the base of the rockshelter. Both grids produced a mixture of prehistoric and historic artifacts. The prehistoric artifacts were eroding from the fill of the collapsed rockshelter, and the historic artifacts are recent trash. In both grids, sterile bedrock was encountered at 30 cm below the present ground surface. Artifacts were mixed from erosion.

The third test pit, 101N/97E, was placed within the ash lens. A 1 by 1 m area was dug into the rockshelter by natural layers (Fig. 10). Layer 1 is the reddish sand or decomposing bedrock. Layer 2 is a dark charcoal lens with lithic artifacts and bone (lOYR 4/2 dark reddish grey on the Munsell color chart). Layer 3 is a lighter sand containing charcoal and artifacts (5YR 4/3 reddish brown). Layer 4 is a sandy silt with charcoal but no artifacts, 5YR 5/4 reddish brown). Layer 5 is a sterile sandy silt, 5YR 4/3 reddish brown.

A radiocarbon sample was extracted from this test pit. Only 20 cm of the ash lens was removed from the test unit before reaching the sandstone, which was weather-worn and decomposed, making excavation hazardous. Further investigation was performed with an auger. Three auger tests were placed into the lens horizontally to estimate the depth of the rockshelter. Table 8 presents the outcome of the auger tests. Cultural materials extended not only a few centimeters into the face of the ash lens, but as far as the auger could go (1.80 m). In one instance (Auger 3 j, bedrock was reached at 1.05 m. We believe that the bedrock is one of the edges of the rockshelter.

18

The few remains of large mammal, including the deer remains, also exhibited tanning from roasting and impact marks from processing. The one cranial fragment identifiable as a canid also exhibited some tanning and may represent part of the diet. In fact, 24 bone fragments or 5 1.1 percent of the sample, display some thermal discoloration as a result of cooking and discard practices. The one bone fragment identifiable only as bird was not burned, but because it was recovered from a deeper strata, obviously represents part of the diet of the former occupants.

Archaic sites tend to produce large numbers of small-mammal species (Lord 1984) and extremely fragmented samples. The appearance of the faunal sample from LA 68378 certainly fits within those parameters. The fragmentation and burning of small-animal bone suggests that faunal resources were intensively used by the prehistoric occupants of this site.

Flotation Samples

Two flotation samples from the ash lens were analyzed and produced hundreds of goosefoot seeds, a single indeterminate grass seed, juniper, pifion, an indeterminate dicot, and gymnospermae genera (Matthews, this volume, Appendix 2).

Summaly

This rockshelter yielded a calibrated C- 14 date of 2790 B.P. f 170, placing it in the Late Archaic period. Table 1 1 gives the results of the C-14 sample analyzed by Beta Analytic, Inc. Artifacts are eroding out from the roadcut and the present ground surface. Several lithic artifacts, burned animal bone, and nonburned animal bone were found in the ash lens.

At present it is impossible to excavate or further test the site because of the collapsing overhang. The bedrock is decomposing, causing it to plate off when the dirt below it is removed.

Recommendation

LA 68378 is a very important Archaic site that has the potential to yield important data on the prehistory of the area. It is recommended that the site be avoided. However, if construction will affect the extent and integrity of the remains, a data recovery plan should be implemented.

LA 68379

Site Type: Historic stone foundation and trash dump.

Cultural Temporal/Aflliation: Navajo Historic, 1930s to 1940s.



Description: This site is on the outskirts of Crystal, New Mexico. It measures 48 by 106 m and consists of a stone foundation just outside the right-of-way and a trash dump (see Fig. 6). Some sheet trash was present, mostly along the roadcut, and it was mixed with modern road trash.

Three test pits were placed on the site to determine the depth of the features and the site. One test pit was placed next to the stone foundation, one in the trash pit, and one in the sheet trash (Table

23

12).

The rectangular stone foundation is built of three courses of blocked sandstone with mud between each course with interior wall measurements of 5.57 by 5.50 m by 40 cm high (Fig. 1 1). The shaped sandstone block is 54 cm wide and 18 cm high, with an average length of 70 cm (Figs. 12 and 13).

Artifact Assemblage

Two Basketmaker/Pueblo 1 sherds were found on the surface of the site. We believe that they were brought in since there was not a prehistoric component nearby. The historic artifacts were analyzed in the field and left on the site. Each artifact has been placed into a functional category, and a range of dates has been assigned when possible. The functional categories include foodstuffs (items related to the storage and consumption or processing of food); indulgences (refreshment and medicinal items, and smoking paraphernalia); domestic routine (tableware, kitchen utensils, domestic furniture, household items, and lighting facilities); constructionl maintenance (construction hardware and tools used in daily activities); personal effects (items of clothing, adornment, grooming, and

+- R - Q - w fence f

B

Figure 11. Plan of Feature 1, LA 68379.

personal possession); entertainmenuleisure (games, musical instruments, and children's toys); anns (ammunition and guns); stableham (farm tools, machinery, and stable and barn equipment); and indeterminate (items whose function cannot be determined) (Table 13).

24

butchering mark. These marks are dominated by impact scars, which split the elements along a longitudinal (length of the bone) or transverse (across the bone) plane. Only three elements exhibit metal-saw markings, Much of the butchering of this predominately medium-mammal sample was accomplished by impacting the exposed bone rather than sawing through the meat and the bone at the same time. This is a butchering pattern noted in several historic faunal assemblages (Huelsbeck 199 1). Besides the primary purpose--butchering--this method may reflect secondary use of the bone for marrow extraction. Impact butchering creates numerous bone fragments and may have produced longitudinal splitting on long bones, Eurther reducing the element.

One carpometacarpus of a chicken was also identified in this small assemblage, documenting the use of this species at the farmstead during its occupation but not the raising of this taxa. Chicken remains become more frequent through time in this region but were not significant in this sample.

The faunal assemblage is typical of any period in New Mexico after the mid-nineteenth century, reflecting a lack of use of wild animals and the predominant use of sheep at the farmsteads in this region.

Summary

LA 68379 was occupied in the late 1920s to the 1940s. The three test pits were shallow and did not produce much information. The stone foundation is outside of the right-of-way, and the trash dump yielded much trash that did not date the site as accurately as the archival records and interviews. Sheet trash was scattered throughout the site, and most of it was modern trash.

Former occupants of the log house at LA 68379 (see Goodman, this report) gave a detailed history of the structure. After the house was abandoned, the family moved into a hogan on the north side of NM 134. Today, that hogan has also been abandoned.

Recommendations

LA 68379 yielded important information on the history of Crystal. Former house occupants gave in-depth accounts of the site (see Goodman, this report). Records at the county courthouse have also been researched. The potential of this site to yield any further information has been exhausted. A portion of LA 68379 extends into the proposed project limits, but it is not likely to yield any further infomation beyond what has already been documented. No additional investigations are recommended.

LA 68380

Site Type: Pueblo I component, possibly seasonal occupation.

Cultural/Temporal Affiliation: Pueblo I. Calibrated dates of A.D. 900,902, and 953.


Elevation: 2,341 m (7,680 ft). Description: LA 68380 is on a ridge directly north of Crystal. The site extends on both sides of NM 134 and measures 260 by 150 m. The main portion of the site is on the north side of the highway (Fig. 14).

27

I I ' I

Fifteen test grids were placed in areas of artifact concentrations and visible surface features (Table 16). The site produced four features: a surface-deflated hearth, an irregular stain, a use surface, and a posthole. It is possible that this use surface is part of a ramada-type structure; however, it may also be a living structure or use-surface.

In addition to 1 by 1 m test grids, 37 auger tests were placed every 10 m across the site to locate any features that might have been missed with the test units (Table 17).

The auger tests revealed more areas in which charcoal was present. In these cases, a 1 by 1 m test grid was placed over the auger test, excavated to where the charcoal began, and followed down to a surface, or where the charcoal stopped. Even though we dug these charcoal areas to the culturally sterile soil, we never did find a feature. All the features were found with the 1 by 1 rn test units.

Features I

~

Feature 1 (107N/24E). This deflated hearth measured 30 by 20 c d and 4 crn deep. The hearth was built on the sandstone outcrop, which was heavily oxidized and blackened (Figs. 15 and 1 6) . There was very little fil l in the hearth, and it was collected for flotatioti samples. Also collected was a radiocarbon sample, which had a calibrated date of B.P. 11 10 f 90 (Table IS). The sample was small, and extended counting time was given.

Several secondary and tertiary flakes were scattered around and within the hearth. The flakes were mostly of Washington Pass chert. The flotation sample from Feature 1 contained charred fragments of juniper and piiion wood. The charred wood fragments are conceivably remains of fuel resources (Appendix 2).

Feature 2 (98N/35E). This irregular charcoal stain extended south and east 1.25 by 1 .O by .22 m deep, with the north and west portion missing (Fig. 17). No artifacts were found in this stain. However, minute charcoal flecks were present in the soil. The stain has been cut by a small natural drainage on the northwest side on the site slope. It is possible that the feature has been disturbed by erosion and the stained soil is what is left of it.

Feature 3 (92N/240E). The surface of this possible living or activity surface is a compact dark reddish brown (5YR 3/4) sand with embedded charcoal (Fig. IS). The surface is 30 cm below the present ground surface. The fill above the surface separates easily and continues beyond the test unit. The profile of the test grid (Fig. 19) shows this surface and the stratigraphy of the soil. An auger test was placed in the test grid and revealed that the compacted surface was 2 cm thick and the soil below is sterile. No artifacts were found within the 1 by 1 m test unit, but a concentration of artifacts is present on the present ground surface to the north and east of the test grid.

Feature 4 (56N/34E). This posthole is on the south side of NM 134 on the ridge top (Figs. 20 and 21). The posthole is 10 cm in diameter and 22 cm deep. The feature is heavily oxidized along the sides and bottom. Because charcoal was absent, no radiocarbon samples were retrieved from this feature, although it was burned.

28

I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I I 1 I I I

. .""

A I

Figures 18 and 19. Plan andpmjile of Feature 3, possible surface, LA 68380.

33

L

- 0

nut excovuted

Figure 20. Plan and profle of Feature 4, use surface with posYhole, LA 68380.

34

Ceramics

The ceramic assemblage from LA 68380 consists of one Pueblo II/heblo I11 corrugated body sherd with sherd and sand temper, and a Basketmaker I1 or Pueblo I plain gray body sherd of sherd and sand temper.

Bone Analysis, by Linda Mick O'Hara

This site produced only two pieces of animal bone, recovered from Levels 3 and 4 of unit 103N/17E. These bone fragments had some polishing and smoothing from digestion and appear to be scatological remains from carnivores (probably dogs) scavenging medium-mammal bone and digesting some of the smaller fragments. This bone suggests the canids as well as several former human occupations played a role in the distribution of artifacts at this site.

Summary

LA 68380 is a very large lithic artifact site and possibly has a Pueblo I component. Feature 1 has been dated by radiocarbon to Pueblo I times, although the ceramics date to the Pueblo I1 to Pueblo I11 time period. However, if there is an old-wood problem, the site probably can be dated by the ceramic assemblages. The other features did not allow any dating, Because more Pueblo- period ceramics were found outside the right-of-way, there is no doubt that there was a Pueblo occupation in the area.

Recommendations

LA 68380 extends on both sides of NM 134 and beyond the existing right-of-way. Four features were present on the site, but it is possible that there are more buried features. This site has the potential to yield important information on the prehistory of the area. It is recommended that the site be avoided. However, if construction will affect the extent and integrity of the remains, a data recovery plan should be implemented.

LA 68381

Site o p e : Secondarily deposited artifact scatter.

Cultural/Temporal Aflliation: Unknown.



Description: LA 68381 is along the shoulder of NM 134 (Fig. 22), an area in which previous construction has affected the extent and integrity of the remains. The artifacts were mixed with gravels and appeared to have been brought in with material borrowed from another location. The site extends as far as the right-of-way fence and measures 12 by 61 m.

The site was resurveyed before testing began. During the resurvey it was noted that the site area had been built up for the previous road construction. Three 1 by 1 m test grids were placed

35

within concentrations of artifacts to determine if there were any culture features below the present ground surface. A main datum and an east-west baseline were placed on the site to work within a grid system.

The test grids did not reveal any cultural material. The materials below the present ground surface consisted of asphalt, base coursing, and large boulders and rocks (Table 23). No auger tests were placed across the area because it was impossible to penetrate the rock.

An in-field analysis was done on all the surface artifacts. The artifacts were analyzed by grid and included in the statistical data with the collected artifacts.

Stone Artifacts, by Rhonda Main

Washington Pass chert was the only material present (Table 24).

Of the 80 flakes found on the surface, 2 were defined as primary, 33 as secondary, and 45 as tertiary. Three of the secondary flakes had cortical platforms. Of the tertiary flakes, 5 were recorded as biface thinning flakes; 7 as single faceted platforms; 1 each retouched, battered, collapsed, and cortical platforms; and 8 as distal fragments. Fifty-seven pieces of angular debris were recorded. Two bidirectional exhausted cores of Washington Pass chert were collected. One indeterminate biface was also recovered. This artifact consists of a thick midsection only, and there is no evidence of edge wear.

Subsurface test excavations supported the supposition that the artifacts were not in situ. After excavating from 1 to 3 levels of 10 cm each, the base course of the road was uncovered, and excavations were halted. A total of 11 artifacts of Washington Pass chert were collected, including 2 secondary flakes, 9 tertiary flakes, and 7 pieces of angular debris, Of the flakes, 4 had single- faceted platforms, 1 had a cortical platform, and 6 platforms were missing.

LA 68381 is a redeposited site in which the material used to build up the area for the current road contained prehistoric cultural materials.

Recommendations

Because LA 68381 consists of redeposited material, it has no potential to yield important information on the prehistory of the area, and no further archaeological work is recommended.

LA 68382

Site ripe: Lithic artifact scatter.

CuZturuZ/TernporuZ AfiZiution: Possible Pueblo I1 to early Pueblo I1 occupation.


Elevation: 2,658 m (8,720 Et).

37

Figure 23. Site map, LA 68382.

38

Description: LA 68382 is along NM 134 (Fig. 23). The site measures 104 by 228 m and extends on both sides of NM 134. Previous construction has affected the extent and integrity of the remains on the east side of the site, The surface has been mechanically removed, and the area is currently used to stockpile gravel and sand. A rock alignment, acting as an erosion-control device, runs along the edge of the site where the surface was removed.

A retaining wall (Feature 1) was the only feature found on the surface. Below the surface, charcoal and artifacts are present. The cultural material extended as deep as 70 cm in some places. A total of eight 1 by 1 m test grids were placed in artifact concentrations and where there might have been a feature on the west side of the highway.

On the east side of the site, five 1 by 1 m test grids were placed in unmodified areas. One test grid was placed on the southwest edge of the rock alignment (Table 25). Wherever the soil was dark brown to brown, the artifact density was high.

Auger tests were also placed along the site at an interval of 10 m, which helped to define the extent of the site (Table 26).

Auger Tests 1 to 12, on the east side of LA 68382, were dug to a depth of 3 to 25 cm before bedrock was reached, The rest of the auger tests were placed on the west side, where the soil was deeper. These tests did not reveal any cultural material except for Auger No, 23, which had two flakes at 60 and 70 cm below the surface. A test grid was placed over the auger test and exposed the stratigraphy. The soil profile was as follows: Stratum 1 is a dark gray sandy soil with gravels that is 25 cm thick and overlays the bedrock. Stratum 2 is a dark brown clayey loam 60 cm thick and is present on the east side of NM 134. Stratum 3 is a silty clay that varies in color from brown to gray and overlays the bedrock on the west side of the highway. Stratum 5 is the bedrock. Artifacts were present, but no features were found.

Feature 1. Feature 1, a rock alignment, was recorded during the initial survey. The alignment is 10 m long and is at the north end of the bladed area (Fig. 22). The rocks rested just below the topsoil. The feature is constructed of vesicular basalt and seems to have been placed in a small drainage, serving as an erosion-control device.

A 1 by 1 m test unit was placed in the alignment. Level 1 (0 to 10 cm below present ground surface) was sterile. Level 2 (10 to 20 cm) went below the rocks and was also sterile. The rocks did not continue down below the first level. An auger test placed next to the rock alignment went down 40 cm before reaching bedrock.

Ceramics

Two Pueblo I1 to Early Pueblo I11 Gallup Black-on-white bowl body sherd fragments and a indeterminate Cibola white ware sherd were found. The Gallup Black-on-white fragments contain sherd and sand temper. The ceramics were the only means of dating this site.


Of the seven sites in this project, LA 68382 was the nearest to the main source of Washington Pass chert. Table 27 reflects the prominence of this material in the assemblage.

Table 28 shows the breakdown of the stages of reduction for the surface artifacts. One silicified

39

sherds and an indeterminate Cibola white ware sherd give the site a date of approximately A.D. 1100 (Late Pueblo I1 or Early Pueblo 111). It is also possible that LA 68382 was an Archaic campsite and the ceramics were brought in later, since no subsurface ceramics were found.

Feature 1, the rock alignment, is probably a modern erosion control device. After testing the area we found that the rocks had been placed on top of mechanically pushed dirt that was moved from its original place. This rock alignment has been recorded and is not likely to yield information beyond what has been documented.

Recommendation

LA 68382 may be a Pueblo III Early Pueblo I11 or an Archaic campsite, with artifacts extending to a depth of 70 cm below the present ground surface. It may represent a buried site. LA 68382 has the potential to yield information important to the prehistory and history of the area. However, Feature 1 has expended its potential to yield any important information. Therefore, it is recommended that if any further work is to be done on NM 134 within the right-of-way, a data recovery plan will be necessary.

LA 68383

Site Type: Procurement and lithic artifact manufacturing area.

Cultural/Aflliation: Unknown.


Elevation: 2,393 m (7,850 ft),

Description: LA 68383 is at milepost 14.5 on the east side of NM 134 in San Juan County (Fig. 25). The site is a large lithic procurement and manufacturing area measuring 20 m north-south by 120 m east-west. The surface artifacts consist of large cores, primary, secondary, and tertiary flakes, and a great amount of angular debris.

Three 1 by 1 m test pits were placed on the site where the largest concentration of artifacts were found and where a burn stain was noted on the surface.

Grid 114N/192E was in a flat area 4 m east of the roadcut next to a tree stump. Level 1 (0-10 cm) consisted of a dark reddish brown sandy loam that produced three flakes. Level 2 (10-20 cm) has the same soil, but at 15 cm the soil becomes charcoal stained and flecked. The burn was bisected to expose the stratigraphy and shape of the burn. The profile was extremely shallow (3 cm), and the soil had been agitated. Within the burned area there was modern trash, pine cones, pine needles, small twigs, and sheep dung. Below the burned soil was the natural bedrock. The bedrock also exhibited oxidation. Six flakes were recovered from this grid, This appeared to be a modern surface burn that had been covered up to control it from spreading.

Grid 104N/99E produced a total of 45 artifacts, of which 30 of the lithic artifacts were from Level 1 , Level 1 (0-10 cm) was a sandy loam containing chert and volcanic gravels. Level 2 (10-20 cm) was gravelly with large rocks beginning to show. Fourteen lithic artifacts were recovered from

41

Figure 25. Site map, LA 68383.

42

this level, with some of the materials showing heat crazing. Level 3 (20-30 cm) had large boulders (bedrock) with a dark reddish brown clay and was sterile.

Grid 106N/192E had a total of 11 artifacts. Level 1 (0-10 cm) was a rocky brownish clay with seven artifacts. Level 2 (10-20 cm) had the same soil with three heat-fractured angular debris and one flake. Level 3 (20-30 cm) is a dark reddish brown clay with no artifacts (sterile).

The site has very little soil depth, and no auger tests were made, The materials on the site were of Washington Pass chert, with some chalcedony and undifferentiated chert. Some of the surface materials showed crazing and signs of heat treatment. This suggests that the chert was being heated before it was chipped. No hearths or any type of heating features were noted on the site, but it is possible that any such features were modified by grazing sheep and mechanical traffic inside and outside the right-of-way. The site surface was examined twice, once before testing and again after testing, to locate hearth areas, but none were detected.


Material selection at this site was based mostly on availability. The most common material is Washington Pass chert.

Of 166 flakes recorded on the surface, 13 were defined as primary, 30 as secondary, and 123 as tertiary. Material types consisted of chert, silicified wood, chalcedony, and Washington Pass chert. Of the tertiary flakes, 10 were less than 5 mm thick, 3 had single facet platforms, 1 had a collapsed platform, 2 displayed crazing, 2 had hinge fractures, and 7 were distal fragments. The rest of the debitage was not intensively analyzed.

Angular debris made up a large part of the assemblage on the surface. Of the 245 pieces, 36 were crazed.

A total of 30 cores from this site were analyzed in the field and in the lab. Table 31 outlines the results of this analysis, One of the cores had unidirectional retouch and scarring on one edge. It may have been utilized for expedient scraping.

The subsurface excavations produced few artifacts. Of the 30 lithic artifacts collected, 10 were flakes, and 20 were angular debris. Of the flakes, 4 were secondary, and 6 were tertiary.

One Washington Pass chert biface with three polished and abraded edges was collected. It appears to have been used as a spokeshave.

LA 68383 was more like a quarry than any of the project sites. Much of the material was flawed but had apparently been picked over for usable material. All stages of reduction probably occurred here, from core reduction to tool manufacture.

LA 68383 is a lithic procurement and manufacturing area. The site lies within the highway right-of-way and extends outside the existing right-of-way. The site is shallow, and bedrock is present on the surface in areas. The artifacts are core flakes, angular debris, and cores. Some of the artifacts and raw materials exhibit crazing from heat treatment. This heating process is not

43

thought to have been caused by brush fires or any other natural fires.

Most of the materials had flaws, and the usable materials had probably been picked out. Three bifaces were found, all of good-quality Washington Pass chert. One biface was used as a spokeshave. No ceramics were found at this site.

Recommendations

Analysis of the collected artifacts and the infield analysis has suggested that LA 68383 is a quarry site in which materials were picked for their quality. The site is very shallow and did not reveal any features.

Because an in-field analyses was performed on all surface artifacts and no features were found, the potential of LA 68383 to contribute any more information to the prehistory of the area has been depleted. No further archaeological work is recommended.

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SUMMARY OF FINDINGS

Stone Artifacts

The lithic materials at LA 68377 are local, and Washington Pass chert is the predominant material. The presence of biface flakes on the site suggest that some on-site tool manufacture occurred. The percentage of cortical flakes on the site (37.5) and a cortical-to-noncortical ratio of 0.60 suggests that core reduction was the main activity here.

LA 68378 is similar to LA 68377 in the presence of biface flakes--evidence of tool manufacture. The fact that 61.9 percent of all artifacts analyzed were biface flakes suggests that the site is the result of a single knapping incident. The fairly low percentage of cortical flakes (19) and a cortical-to-noncortical ratio of 0.23 indicate that these artifacts may be a result of secondary reduction.

LA 68380 is a core reduction and tool manufacturing site. Core reduction is indicated by two Washington Pass cores, a cortical flake percentage of 25.6 percent, and a cortical-to-noncortical ratio of 0.34. Given that 16.2 percent of all artifacts were biface flakes, bifacial reduction is suggested as well.

LA 68382 had the largest artifact sample and the widest diversity of chipped stone artifacts. The extremely low cortical-to-noncortical ratio of 0.05 indicates that primary decortication occurred elsewhere and that the lithic artifacts were the result of on-site reduction of bifacial cores. The presence of tools suggests that these artifacts might be the remains of hunting-tool preparation.

LA 68383 is a core reduction activity site. The cortical-to-noncortical ratio of 0.40 is relatively high, and the small percentage (1 .1) of biface flakes suggests little tool manufacture.

Ceramics

by Dean Wilson

A total of 15 sherds were recovered from surface and excavated contexts from five sites near Narbona Pass, in the Chuska Mountains. These represent isolated occurrences of vessels, with no more than two represented at any site. While the extremely small number of sherds recovered greatly limits any interpretations based on this sample, these ceramics may still provide information concerning the dating and possible affiliation of the components represented. Data recorded during the analysis of these sherds include traditional type, tempering material, paint type, and vessel form.

Despite the small sample size, the combination of ceramic types identified indicates the presence of at least two and possibly three distinctive temporal components. The two definite components identified include an Anasazi and Navajo occupation. Seven Dinetah Gray sherds at LA 68377 indicate a Navajo component.

Anasazi ceramics include Plain Gray, Corrugated Body, Indeterminate Cibola white ware, and Gallup Black-on-white. It likely that two distinct Anasazi components are represented, one dating

45

to the Basketmaker I11 or Pueblo I period, and the other to the Pueblo I1 or Pueblo I11 period. The likelihood of an earlier Anasazi occupation is based on the presence of Plain Gray body sherds, which may indicate an early Anasazi occupation dating to the Basketmaker IT1 or Pueblo I periods (A.D. 575 to A.D. 950). While Plain Gray body sherds occur at sites dating to all temporal occupations, they are very rare at sites dating after A.D. 950, after which the great majority of gray ware sherds exhibit a corrugated surface treatment. A total' of four Plain Gray body sherds were identified at three sites. All four contain sand temper and !belong to jars. Two Plain Gray sherds from LA 68379 represent the only ceramics recovered from this site, and it is likely they indicate an early Anasazi occupation. A single Plain Gray shed recovered from LA 6830 was associated with a Corrugated Body sherd, and one identified at LA 68377 was associated with seven Navajo Utility sherds. Although these sherds probably indicate two separate occupations at each site, it is also possible that the Plain Gray sherd is within the variation of ceramics produced within either period, and a single occupation may be represented.

Later Anasazi occupations (Pueblo 11) are definitely represented. These are indicated by the presence of Corrugated Body, indeterminate Late Cibola white ware, and Gallup Black-on- white sherds. The former two types date between A.D. 900 to 1300, while Gallup Black-on-white dates between A.D. 1000 and A.D. 1150. Evidence of a late Anasazi occupation in the form of these sherds is present at sites LA 68382 (one Gallup Black-on-white) and LA 68380 (one corrugated body). Given the location of this area within the Chuska Mountains, it is interesting to note that based on temper (the presence of sand rather than crushed basalt), all the late white wares were placed into the Cibola rather than the Chuska tradition. If thede ceramics are associated with limited activities resulting from hunting or other seasonal activitiei, they may indicate the presence of groups originating within areas of the Cibolan rather than the Ghuskan region.

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AN ETHNOHISTORICAL EXAMINATION OF LA 68379 AND ADJACENT AREAS OF CRYSTAL

Linda J. Goodman

An ethnohistorical study of LA 68379 and the surrounding area was conducted from November 15, 1989, through January 30, 1990. Preparation of the oral history data, library research, and report writing was completed in August and September 1996. The site, consisting of the remains of a former Navajo log house, is adjacent to NM 134 inside and outside the right-of-way on unplatted Navajo Tribal Trust land, located in T21 N, E O E, near the town of Crystal. This study, initiated to discover historic information that would complement and expand upon the archeological testing, focused on determining the ownership history of the land, time of occupation, site functions, cultural and economic activities at or near the site, and the placement of LA 68379 in a larger sociocultural context.

Research methods included site visits, a limited review of archival and published materials, interviews with knowledgeable individuals from the area, and follow-up telephone calls to corrobo- rate and clarify information. Research was conducted under Navajo Nation Permit C 8904 and ARPA Permit ARPA-89-002 in compliance with the National Register Bulletin 38; the NNHPD Guidelines for the Treatment of Historic, Modern, and Contemporary Sites; and Navajo Nation Policy to Protect Traditional Cultural Properties.

The ethnohistory portion of the project began with a visit to the site in the company of project director Dorothy Zamora, on November 15, 1989, followed by initial introductory discussions with two local residents living near LA 68379. These discussions were later followed by a series of interviews with five local residents of Crystal and follow-up telephone calls as necessary.

Archival and library resources were examined for relevant material concerning LA 68379, the town of Crystal, and the Narbona Pass (formerly Washington Pass) area in general. A limited review of BIA and other government records conducted by Dorothy Zamora in Window Rock in 1989 did not produce relevant ethnohistorical data. Due to time and budgetary constraints, census and genealogical material housed at St. Michaels, Arizona, and medical and other records at Fort Defiance, Arizona, were not examined, Published materials were briefly checked by the author in Santa Fe at the Laboratory of Anthropology Library, the New Mexico State Records Center and Archives, and the Museum of New Mexico History Library. Since no official documents were found which could substantiate the ownership history of the land, interviews with one former occupant, several relatives, and other knowledgeable people living adjacent to the site or in the local area provided the bulk of the available information.

An earlier archeological survey and limited testing of LA 68379 revealed the rectangular foundation of a log house and yielded tin cans and other trash dating approximately to the 1940s. Since the house foundation was outside the right-of-way, it was fenced to protect it, and no actual excavation of its interior was undertaken. Thus, archaeological information about this site was minimal, and it was necessary to gather material primarily by means of interviews to present a brief historical picture of this site.

47

An Overview of Navajo History (adapted from Goodman 1994:45-49)

The Navajo and Apache groups, Athabascan speakers related to those living in western Canada, are believed to have migrated from this northern region into the present southwestern United States sometime before the appearance of the Spaniards in New Mexico in 1540 A B . As a migratory people they were dependent upon hunting and the gatliering of wild plants, seeds, nuts, and fruits (Kluckhohn and Leighton 1962:33-35), Exactly whin and how they arrived in the Southwest has not yet been established. There is no doubt, however, that they were in the area by the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, when Spanish chroniclers noted their existence (Bailey and Bailey 1986: 11-12; Vogt 1961:285-290).

In 1636, when Friar Benavides wrote a description of the early Navajos, they were already agriculturalists and at least partially sedentary. It has been hypothesized that they learned the rudiments of crop raising from their Pueblo neighbors (Vogt 1961:291-292). Spanish documents from the early and mid-1700s stated that the Navajos were living in small compact communities on the tops of mesas near their fields, and agriculture was their primary economic endeavor. However, sheep and goats, acquired through raiding and trading, were already making their appearance. Even at that time, Navajo women were weaving wool dresses and blankets. Men wore buckskin clothing (Kluckhohn and Leighton 1962:34-35). I

~' The Navajos raided the Pueblos and the Spanish settlements b r sheep, horses, fresh produce,

and other goods, and were thus the target of retaliatory raids. As early as 1608, Navajos were raiding Spanish settlements for livestock (Worcester 1947:49). During peaceful intervals these groups traded with each other. Spanish documents from the 1700s; were largely concerned with the Navajos in relation to warfare and trade. Descriptive material concerning other parts of their lives was minimal (Bailey and Bailey 1986: 14-16; Kluckhohn and Leighton 1962:37).

Although the Spaniards in the Southwest had some limited success in subduing and Christianizing the Pueblo Indian groups in New Mexico in the 1500s and 1600s, they did not achieve these goals with the Navajos. Spanish missions were occasionally set up in Navajo areas, but each time, the efforts of the priests were largely ineffective, and the projects were quickly abandoned (Hester 1962b: 135-146; Vogt 1961:297-300). Thus the Navajos managed to remain outside the sphere of Spanish domination. Since they were not heavily affected by Spanish programs, they felt no overriding need to drive these strangers out of the Southwest. Therefore, as far as is known, the Navajos did not play a major part in the Pueblo Revolt of 1680 or the Spanish Reconquest of 1692. Before, during, and after this turmoil, however, some Pueblo refugee groups left their traditional homes in the vicinity of the Rio Grande, moved west, and joined various Navajo groups for a period of years. The Pueblo refugees brought with them their knowledge of technology, weaving, potterymaking, religion, agriculture, and animal husbandry, portions of which were adopted and adapted by the Navajos with whom they resided (Vogt 1961:301,294; Hester 1962a:67; Carlson 1965:57; Brugge 1983:493; Bailey and Bailey 1986: 14- 16; Kluckhohn and Leighton 1962:37; Spicer 1962:212).

During the early 1700s the Navajos raided Spanish settlemehts, and the Spaniards responded with military expeditions into their territory to punish them, From approximately 1720 to 1770, however, peaceful relations developed between the Navajos and the Spaniards because both groups had to turn their attention to the Utes and Comanches, who increasingly raided each of them (Brugge 1968:31, 144). Schroeder (1965:59) and Reeve (1960:202-204) felt that Ute and

48

Comanche raids pushed the Navajos south into the Cebolleta Mountains and west into the Chuskas.

Navajo raiding continued and increased during the Mexican occupation of the Southwest (1821-1 846) and in the first portion of the American occupation (1846- 1864) (Bailey and Bailey 1986: 17-19). Throughout this time there was a steady increase in both the human population and the sheep population. Sheep and goats provided a dependable food supply-a necessary condition for Navajo population increase. Also, the sale of the animals, hides, wool, and woven textiles provided a continuous source of exchangeable wealth and allowed Navajos to purchase metal tools and other manufactured articles, making daily life somewhat easier (Kluckhohn and highton 1962:39). In general, most family-owned herds remained rather small and thus, of necessity, were often supplemented by farming, hunting, and gathering (Bailey and Bailey 1986: 19-21).

During the 1800s, as the weight of economic subsistence slowly shifted from farming and hunting to herding, the settlement pattern also changed dramatically. Instead of living in a single, relatively permanent camp by their fields, families began to use separate summer and winter camps, where forage and water were available for their livestock (Bailey and Bailey 1986:21). Seasonal migration became a necessity.

By the mid-1800~~ herding had become strongly linked to raiding. Greater dependence upon sheep and goats fostered the need for more and larger herds, thus prompting more raiding of Spanish-American herds, which increased hostilities between these groups. In 1862, the Navajos began raiding the Rio Grande region more intensively, since the U.S. Army, which had been providing protection, was preoccupied with the Civil War. Eventually the Euroamerican settlers had enough of the Navajo raids, and in 1863, Colonel Kit Carson was ordered into Navajo country specifically to destroy all Navajo means of livelihood, including crops, fruit trees, and livestock, and to pillage and burn all Navajo living areas. The Navajos were rounded up and during what was called "The Long Walk," the People were marched to Bosque Redondo, some 300 miles away in east central New Mexico. Many died during the harsh journey. Those who survived suffered disease and great hardships during the following four years of confinement. When officials finally saw that the Navajos were not going to become self-sufficient farmers at Bosque Redondo, it became clear that the government would have to continue to issue rations to them if they were to survive. At an annual cost of one million dollars, the government could not afford to continue this practice indefinitely, so the Navajos were given sheep and allowed to return to their land to become self-sustaining once again (Bailey and Bailey 1986:25-27; Kluckhohn and bighton 1962:40-41). Thus in 1868, the U.S. government signed a peace treaty with the Navajo leaders establishing a reservation in northwestern New Mexico and northeastern Arizona, providing some help for their shattered economy (Underhill 1953:176-181; Bailey and Bailey 1986:25; Spicer 1962:219-220). Initially, the People had a difficult time after their return, but during the 1880s and 1890s their herds prospered, and so did the population as a whole.

During approximately the first ten years following their return (1868-1878), the Navajo people lived largely off government rations of corn, flour, and beef. To expand their small herds more rapidly, they refrained from butchering, allowed natural reproduction to occur, and also returned to their old methods of raiding and trading. Raiding eventually declined, especially after the introduction of the Navajo police in 1872. The herds continued to expand and thrive (Bailey and Bailey 1986:38-42).

The Treaty of 1868 allocated money for seed and farm implements to encourage the Navajos to begin farming once again. In spite of government efforts to introduce a variety of crops, corn

49

remained the most important. Navajo farmers irrigated with floodwater, and the size of the area they planted in any particular year depended on the snowpack in the mountains. If the snowpack was deep, they planted extensively, expecting a heavy spring mnoff to adequately irrigate their crops. If the snow had been light, they planted very little. Thus farming intensity was determined largely by climatic rather than economic conditions (Bailey and Bailey 1986:45-47).

During the late 1800s, other economic endeavors increased profitability for the Navajos, including weaving, silversmithing, and ironworking. The production of pottery and basketry gradually declined in importance (Bailey and Bailey 1986:5 1).

Before 1898, the forked-stick hogan (an earth-covered tripod frame with a dugout floor and, often, an elongated doorway) was the primary type of Navajo habitation. After this time, Navajo dwellings were more and more heavily influenced by Anglo-American and Spanish-American construction techniques. Around 1898, Navajos began to build octagonal log hogans modeled in construction technique after Anglo-American log cabins. These newer structures had doors, and some even had windows. Debate raged among Anglos at the timE whether these structures could be classified as hogans or whether they were houses. Since the form of the hogan had been given to the Navajos by the gods, this type of dwelling had religious significance, and the Navajos were not at all anxious to live in rectangular Anglo-American style houses (Mindeleff 1898:487-488; Bailey and Bailey 1986:68-69).

Even in the first half of the twentieth century, wealthy Navaljo families built houses more as prestige symbols than as actual living spaces. Families wealthy enough to have a house usually lived in a nearby hogan and used the house for storage (Lockett 1952:137; Bailey and Bailey 1986:69). Since living quarters were abandoned after a death, few could justify the expense of living in an Anglo house, which might have to be abandoned in a few years (Ostermann 1917:27; Bailey and Bailey 1986:67-69). In spite of this situation, cabins gradually became more common, and according to Kemrer and Lord (1984b:103), many were being constructed after 1930. In general, rectangular log houses were not traditionally blessed and thus were not considered sacred sites at this time (Winter 1993:319).

The building of the railroad across New Mexico and Arizbna in the 1880s brought much disruption to Navajo life. The People were forced to surrender moth of their best winter rangeland and many of their finest watering places to the advancing railroad. Areas later added to the reservation as a compensatory measure were significantly less desirable (Kluckhohn and Leighton 1962:43).

Pressure was put on the tribe in the 1920s to open the reservation to oil and gas exploration, leasing, and well drilling, For a number of years, the Navajos rejected all requests. A lease was finally approved in August of 1921, but a number of others were denied. Strong political pressure was applied. A tribal council was created in 1923, and the first council granted the commissioner of the Navajo Tribe the authority to sign all oil and gas mining ldases on behalf of Navajo Indians on the treaty portion of the reservation (Kelly 1968:69; Bailey and BaiIey 1986: 120-121; Young 1972:185-192).

In the mid-l890s, wage labor began to take on some significance for the Navajos. They worked in trading posts; in area smelters, sawmills, and lumber camps; in mines in Colorado; on irrigation and road projects; the railroads; sugar beet farms in New Mexico, Colorado, and Kansas; at other seasonal agricultural work; for white ranchers; and, many years later, in the oil

50

and gas fields and coal and uranium mines. Money from these jobs was often used to purchase sheep to increase the size of family herds. During the 1920s wage labor became a more integral part of the Navajo economy, and with the passage of time, it continued to grow in importance (Bailey and Bailey 1986: 155-160). By the 1960s and 1970s, the emphasis had shifted from seasonal off-reservation work to a greater dependence on permanent, full-time work on the reservation (Bailey and Bailey 1985:256-260).

The importance of sheep in Navajo life cannot be overstated. Large herds were not just sources of meat, wool, and money, but especially significant Navajo symbols which expressed the living of a proper, good, and correct life. The owning of sizable herds also brought prestige to their owners (Kluckhohn and Leighton 1962:26). Therefore, when a government stock reduction program was instituted in 1933, it was met with great hostility.

The problem of severe erosion on the reservation caused by overgrazing combined with large increases in the Navajo population in the early 1930s led to the introduction of the highly controversial stock reduction program. The Navajos never accepted the overgrazing theory as the reason for the erosion problem. They felt that the reduction of their livestock caused the rain clouds to diminish. This kept the grass from growing, and the final result was the erosion. Most Navajos never accepted or understood the need for livestock reduction as presented by U.S. government agents (Roessel and Johnson 1974:~; Bailey and Bailey 1986: 185-186).

John Collier inherited this difficult problem and tried to deal with it by instituting a two-phase program: a voluntary reduction program, which was in operation from 1933 to 1936; and a "systematic" reduction program from 1937 to 1941. Even though Collier provided a number of other incentives such as more reservation land, day schools, irrigationprojects, and other programs to employ Navajos, and even though he got support from the Tribal Council, the program was met with great hostility and suspicion by the Navajos, who did not wish to sell their sheep or reduce their herds at all (Bailey and Bailey 1986:186-193).

In the 199Os, the Navajo Nation allows each family to obtain and maintain a homesite lease for their present land. Such a lease allows a certain number of people per acre to live on the land. Often (though not always) this includes a matrilineal extended family. As long as they pay an annual designated fee of $5, the family is allowed to stay on the land as long as they wish. People who own livestock pay a $20 annual fee, which entitles them to grazing rights for a limited number of animals (Goodman 199 1, field notes).

Historical Background of the Chuska Mountain-Crystal-Narbona Pass Area

The date of the earliest Navajo occupation of the Chuska Mountain area remains unknown. However, written documentation exists for their presence in the area by the mid to late 1700s. In a description dated 1786, the commander general of the Interior Provinces of New Spain reported five geographic divisions of the Navajos, one of which was the Chuska Mountain division (Bartlett 1932:3 1). Nothing more is known about them at this time. However, after examining available Spanish documents, Hester surmised that the regional unit of Navajo culture in the Chuska Mountain area included residence patterns very similar to those recorded ethnographically (Hester 1962a: 13 1, 136-7). According to Kemrer and Lord (1984b: 103), early Navajo land use and subsistence activities in this area were primarily related to herding, hunting, and gathering. No early evidence of farming has yet been found. Later in time, after the return from Bosque Redondo in

51

1868, permanent camps containing hogans became much more common, as did evidence of sheep herding (corrals) and agricultural activity. They also note the presence of cabins in the area, many built after 1930 (Kemrer and Lord 1984b:103).

Due largely to hostile relations with the Spaniards, there was much turmoil throughout this region and a great deal of Navajo movement and raiding duririg the 1800s. Details of Navajo existence are not known, but a few sketchy facts have been recorded. Some Navajos had created a stronghold in Canyon de Chelly by 1803; by 1819, others had settled in the vicinity of the Hopi villages, which they frequently raided. As stated above, their presence in the Chuskas was first documented between the mid and late 1700s. By the late 1840s, the Navajos had become firmly entrenched in the Chuska Mountains, and this became their principal habitation area (Bartlett 1932: 3 1). Some groups have continued to live there ever since. Therefore, it appears that there has been a more or less continuous Navajo occupation of the Chuska Mountain area for well over 200 years.

The nearby mountain pass, with its 8500 foot summit approximately eight miles east ofcrystal, had been used by the Navajos since the mid-1700s. They called it Copper Pass, Beesh-lichi'ii- bigish, referring to metallic formations there (Van Valkenburgh 1941: 169; McNitt 1962:252). In 1849, United States forces under the command of Colonel John M. Washington reconnoitered this pass and crossed it while on an expedition against the Navajos. Lieutenant James Simpson, in his journal, described this pass, named it for his commanding officer (Washington), and noted the beauty of its trees, flowers, and other vegetation (McNitt 1962:1252-253). Its English name has been Washington Pass, ever since. Occasional references to thib pass as Cottonwood Pass, are erroneous. Cottonwood Pass actually referred to another pass farther to the east (Van Valkenburgh 1941:169; McNitt 1962:252-253). Recently, a group of Navajlo Community College students petitioned the U.S. Board on Geographic Names in Washington, D.C., and the Navajo Nation Tribal Council, and in 1993 succeeded in changing the name of Washington Pass to Narbona Pass in honor of the respected Navajo chief who lived on the pass and worked to better the lives of his people. Colonel Washington's troops were responsible for killing Narbona while he was trying to negotiate peace with the U.S. Army commander in 1849, and the students felt it was more appropriate to name the pass after a Navajo leader than an enemy (New Mexican, January 31, 1993).

Due largely to the harsh winters and deep snows, non-Indians did not gain an early foothold in the Crystal-Chuska Mountain region. Those outsiders who came usually departed after a brief sojourn. According to McNitt (1962: 253), perhaps the first licensed trader to appear here was Romulo Martinez, who set up a tent or log hut at the pass by 1878 and remained until his license was revoked in 1881. By 1884, Stephen Aldrich and Elias Clark had established a trading tent in the region of the pass. Others who possibly traded there for short periods of time, most likely in the summer, were Ben Hyatt (1 882- 1884), Walter Fales (1884-8S), and Michael Donovan (1886). (See Van Valkenburgh [ 194 1 : 471 for somewhat differing information concerning early traders in the Crystal area.) Another trading post was built on the west side of Washington Pass by Joe Wilkin and Elmer E. Whitehouse in 1894. This post was not a success, and in 1896 the partners sold out to Joe Reitz and John B. Moore (McNitt 1962:252-253).

In 1897, Moore bought out Reitz, renamed the post Crystal, and created a highly successful business and the first permanent trading establishment in the area. The Crystal Trading Post was near a pure mountain spring on a high, wooded plain approximately eight miles west of Washington Pass. Moore built a log post and house strong enough to withstand the severe winter

52

storms, then freighted in large quantities of supplies each fall, allowing him to survive the long, isolated winter months (McNitt 1962:252-253; Moore 1986:iv).

Where and when Moore first developed an interest in Navajo weaving is not known. However, he gathered together and nurtured some of the finest weavers in the Crystal area. These women created outstanding rugs based on designs which Moore himself had a large part in developing and which came to be known as Crystal rugs. ' Moore found a good market for them in all parts of the United States and built up a substantial mail order business, which allowed him to support a number of Navajo families in the area, as well as himself. His business in blankets flourished. They were far more popular than Navajo silver jewelry at that time (McNitt 1962:254, 256).' Thus, in the Crystal area, many Navajo women played a large part in the support of their families between 1896 and 1911, the years Moore owned and ran this post.

Some type of scandal (not described in the literature) caused Moore and his wife to leave Crystal in late 191 1, never to return to the reservation (McNitt 1962:256). He sold the post in 191 1 to Jesse A. Molohon, who had been his manager since 1908. By 1920, C. C. Manning owned it, and Charlie Newcomb bought it from him in 1922. When trader Don Jensen went to Crystal in 1944, he noted a major weaving change from the use of aniline dye to deep, rich, vegetable dye colors used for Crystal rugs. Desbah nez, the daughter of one of J. B. Moore's best weavers, Yeh del spah bi mah, was supposed to have instituted this change in approximately 1940 (McNitt 1962:254-255). Since then, the tradition of fine weaving has continued in the Crystal area, even though designs and colors have undergone some changes. According to Effie Taylor Curtis, a local Crystal resident, both Moore and Jenson were considered good traders. They provided nice feasts for their customers at holiday time and were well liked by the Navajos.

Periodically, the post has been closed when no trader has been available to run it. According to Effie Taylor Curtis, a man named Charlie Andrews ran this post between 1986 and 1988. He closed it and left when the tribe informed him that he had to renew his license for 25 years instead of the 5 years he requested (Goodman 1989). The post then remained closed for several years. The most recent proprietors, Bill and Glenda Pilgrim, operated the Crystal Trading Post during the early 1990s and maintained a special rug room, Since most Navajos now have pickup trucks and go to Gallup for food and supplies, it is harder for the trading post to remain in business.

LA 68379

Location and Dates of Occupation

LA 68379, which includes a former Navajo log house, is adjacent to NM 134, partly inside and partly outside the right-of-way, on unplatted Navajo Tribal Trust land in T 21N, R 20E, near Crystal. It was occupied from about the early 1920s through the mid-1940s and apparently was abandoned before a maintained road (formerly Navajo Route 32, now NM 134) existed in this area. According to Luke Deswood, BIA Roads Engineer, Fort Defiance Agency, this former wagon trail and unimproved Model-T two-track became an official BIA-maintained road about 1952. This same road (now called NM 134) later came under the jurisdiction of NMSHTD and, according to the latter's archival information, was first paved by the BIA Roads Department in 1968 (BIA 1968). Several interviewees in Crystal stated that LA 68379 was abandoned before the BIA-maintained dirt and gravel road was first created.

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The Residents of LA 68379

The rectangular log house at LA 68379 was probably first occupied by a married couple: May Roanhorse Peshlakai (deceased), a member of the Tsit'najinnie (Black Streak in the Forest) Clan, and her husband, Vincent Peshlakai (deceased). May's daughter, Rose Roanhorse (born 1909) also lived there with her mother and stepfather. It is unclear whether May's maternal grandmother (her name is no longer remembered) lived here with her or perhaps even lived here before May and her family moved in. Another relative, Effie Taylor Curtis, thought that this elder might have lived in the log house with the Peshlakais, but that she died in a flu epidemic in the 1920s. May's daughter, Rose Roanhorse Wilson, who was 80 years old when interviewed in 1989, stated that she herself had lived in this house from the time she was a young teenage girl until she was married, in her early twenties, to Sam Wilson. She made no mention of her great grandmother living in the log house with them, only her mother, stepfather, and herself. Rose said that her parents continued to live in this log house for a long but undetermined period of time after her own departure. May and Vincent Peshlakai moved out before the highway (Navajo 32, now NM 134) was built, but Rose did not know specifically when either event had occurred.

Rose had a half-sister, Clara (now deceased), who, at some point after her marriage to John Damon, moved in and out of the house at LA 68379 several times. Rose could not recall when they came, how long they were there, or when they left. Once, one of Clara's babies became quite ill and they took the child to Fort Defiance for medical treatment, where it died, according to Rose.3 Effie Taylor Curtis thought that the Damon baby died about 1938, and that soon after, John and Clara left the log house at LA 68379 and moved to Sawmill, Arizona, to live near his family. It is not known whether anyone else lived in the log house after the Damons moved out. Rose stated that no one ever died in that house and that it was abandoned before the road was built there, Effie thought that perhaps the log house had been dismantled sometime during World War I1 and that for a period of time before that it had been unoccupied. Effie was a small child at the time the Damons lived there. At some later point she realized that the log house was gone but did not know what happened to it or exactly when. Rose recalled that someone scavenged the materials for reuse at a later time. Pauline Clark, another Tsit'najinnie Clan relative, stated that it was gone long before she moved back to Crystal in 1965.

Land Ownership

LA 68379 and all the surrounding land now on both sides of NM 134 near the Camp Asaayi turn and east to the boundary of Crystal proper was formerly owned by a man named George Tsit'najinnie, also known as George Taylor and as Bello Yazhie, a member of the Tsit'najinnie Clan. He was the patriarch of his extended family, the granduncle of Rose Wilson and Pauline Clark, and the grandfather of Effie Taylor Curtis (see Tsit'najinnie Clan genealogical chart, Fig. 26). According to several Crystal residents, the Tsit'najinnies were known as hard-working people who did all they could to improve themselves. This entire area belonged to the Tsit'najinnie Clan, and many relatives lived near each other on it. Thus the log house at LA 68379 was just one of the clan residences in the area and part of a local community which included many members of this clan and their families. The log house at LA 68379 was occupied by George Taylor's sister's daughter, May Roanhorse Peshlakai, and her family (see genealogical chart). Apparently George allowed her to use this land, but no one ever stated that May Peshlakai owned it. It was always considered to be George Tsit'najinnie Taylor's land. In 1989 there were ruins of at least three and perhaps four log hogans in the vicinity of LA 68379, approximately 200 to 600 feet north of NM 134 and outside the right-of-way. In the same vicinity are numerous ash piles and remains of a

54

1 , . J I " 1 '

L

0 =FEMALE A =MAtE

Figure 25. Genealogicai chart of the Tsii 'najinnie Clan.

huge sheep corral to the northwest against a sandstone rock outcrop. In addition, according to Rose Wilson, there had been a log hogan near the log house on LA 68379; however, the remains of this hogan disappeared long ago. The entire expanse of Tsit'najinnie land remained undivided until the road was officially built in 1952. The land with LA 68379 on it still belongs to the Tsit'najinnie Clan, but currently no clan members use it.

Site Function and Related Cultural and Econotnic Activities

The small, rectangular log house at LA 68379 was occupied by Rose Roanhorse Wilson, her mother (May Peshlakai), and her stepfather (Vincent Peshlakai) on a seasonal basis due to the requirements of sheepherding. As pastoralists, Rose's parents and grandparents never lived in one place for long, but moved continually to areas west, south, and east of Crystal. LA 68379 constituted one of their habitations from approximately the early 1920s through the mid-1940s.

During Rose's younger years, she and her family left Crystal in the fall, crossed the Chuska Mountains to the east, and ended up on the flatlands farther east. They wintered their sheep on these flatlands because the weather was often severe and the snows quite deep both in the Chuskas and on the west side of them near Crystal. In the spring the family moved back across the mountains to the Crystal area and then up into the Chuskas, where they had a small hogan with a dirt roof, used during the hot part of the summer. Later in time, when the government would no longer allow them to migrate freely, they moved back to Crystal from their grazing land in the Chuskas as soon as it got cold in the fall. They could no longer use^ the pasture land on the east side of the Chuskas and had to survive the harsh winters as best they could on the west side. It is not known whether LA 68379 was used as a permanent residence after this change. Perhaps more archeological excavation could provide an answer.

Rose Roanhorse Wilson, a member of the Tsit'najinnie Clan, who lived as a teenage girl with her mother and stepfather in the log house on LA 68379, was born in 1909 in the Round Timber area, a few miles west of Crystal propere4 Aside from living in LA 68379, she and her family also occupied a number of other locations on Tsit'najinnie Clan land on both sides of NM 134. The numerous ash piles and hogan remains which can still be seen in the vicinity are an indication of all the places where her family and other Tsit'najinnie relatives lived. Rose's maternal grandmother, Ahienabah Tsit'najinni Roanhorse, and her grandfather, Belin da Bahe Roanhorse, lived their later years in a hogan that currently has two pine trees growing out of it, located across the highway a few hundred feet north of LA 68379. This hogan was built by Gabriel Roanhorse, Rose's uncle. Ahienabah was an older sister of George Tsit'najinnie Taylor and a member of the Tsit'najinnie Clan (see genealogical chart). Rose's grandparents lived here until they died. Belin da Bahe passed away first, Ahienabah, later. Effie Taylor Curtis stated that as a young girl, she used to ride her horse on the trail through the Roanhorse land on her way to the day school each morning, so she was aware of some of the events in their lives. She remembered that Mr. Roanhorse died sometime in the early 1940s, and that Mrs. Roanhorse died later, but she didn't know exactly when, Both Effie and Rose recalled that Ahienabah, or Mrs. Roanhorse, had passed away in her hogan, which was abandoned after her death. This occurred long before 1950. Ahienabah was the important elder who held this group of Tsit'najinnie Clan relatives together, and after her passing, the rest of the Roanhorse relatives moved away from this area. All the dwellings located near NM 134 and the Camp Asaayi turn, including LA 68379, were abandoned. Belin da Bahe and Ahienabah were originally buried on land near the current highway, NM 134; however, their remains were moved to a safe place north and west of the road just before it was

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paved in 1968. None of the Roanhorses have lived close to this location since Ahienabah's death.

Rose Wilson did not know why LA 68379t was built as a rectangular house instead of a hogan. She simply stated that some houses were built like this instead of like a hogan. The log house on LA 68379 had a door opening to the east and a board roof, which was not pitched. Some of these roofs had dirt on them, others didn't. Rose did not recall dirt on this roof. Also, a ramadah or shade, called a chu ha'os in Navajo, was near the LA 68379 log house. The women cooked under it in the summer and also did their weaving there, No vestige of it is currently visible. Wagons, plows, and a rake were also kept nearby, Effie Taylor Clark stated that every home long ago had a separate underground storage cellar near the house. Garden produce, apples, wheat, corn, and potatoes were stored here for use during the winter. It is likely that such a cellar existed near the log house on LA 68379 if it had been occupied during the winter. Rose recalled that there had been an older log hogan (remains are not currently visible) very close to the LA 68379 log house. Her grandparents, Ahienabah and Belin da Bahe, lived in this old hogan until they moved to the newer one constructed for them north of the present highway--the one with the two trees currently growing out of it. A horse roundup was in the area about 100-200 feet north of her grandparents' newer hogan. The horse corral was just north of the roundup, and a large sheep corral was a little farther to the west by a sandstone rock outcrop. Belin da Bahe had built these structures for the Roanhorse livestock.

When Rose married, she moved out of her parents' house on LA 68379 to an area known as "the sunny side," about one-half to three-quarters of a mile northwest of the present chapter house, where it is warmer and sunnier. Her mother and stepfather continued to live in the log house on LA 68379 for a number of years, and her grandmother, Ahienabah, and grandfather, Belin da Bahe, continued to live in the hogan to the north with the two trees growing out of it, Rose's parents, May and Vincent Peshlakai, eventually moved to another hogan north of Ahienabah's hogan, later moved again to a hogan a little farther north and west, and finally built a rectangular log house near this last hogan, where they lived until they died. (This was a different log house from the one on LA 68379). Since no one died in this last log house it was not abandoned after the deaths of May and Vincent Peshlakai.

All of the land around the LA 68379 log house had been Tsit'najinnie grazing land. Clan members owned sheep, cattle, and horses which roamed in the area and were corraled north and west of Ahienabah's hogan. According to Rose Wilson, there was never a problem with water because the government made dams and ponds, and good water always flowed in Crystal Creek as well. Effie Taylor Curtis said the local people often herded their livestock down to the stream for water. In the past Crystal Creek had a lot of water in it, much more than now, when it is dry most of the time.

In earlier times, local residents, including those at LA 68379, got their drinking water from the pump at the Crystal Trading Post, the boarding school, or from the chapter house. Effie's grandfather, George Tsit'najinnie Taylor, had a well near his house that was used primarily for drinking and household purposes, but occasionally for watering the animals, too. Most families did not have their own wells, however. Indoor running water only came to Crystal in 1982.

Until the early 1930s there were no laws governing how many sheep a family could own, and Rose's extended family owned a great many. This was why her grandfather Roanhorse built a huge corral. Then in 1932 laws were passed which limited the number of sheep, and Rose's family was only allowed to keep 275 sheep and 8 horses. The family was not happy with this change. Current-

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ly, Rose's grazing permit allows her to have a total of 90 sheep and cows on her land, but in 1989 she had fewer than this. She still ran approximately 40 sheep and goats, but due to the difficulties created by a recent drought, she had recently sold her 15 head of cattle and 4 horses.

Weaving was another activity undertaken by several of the women in the family. Rose's mother, May Peshlakai, was a good rug weaver. Rose learned by watching and asking questions, and then began weaving her own rugs. She made many rugs thnoughout her younger years and helped support her family. She and her mother used to process the wool from their own sheep. Now the weavers mostly purchase commercial yarn from the store. Rose has not engaged in weaving for many years, and her children and grandchildren are not currently learning this art form.

Several of the older men in the family were medicine men. Rose's grandfather performed small ceremonies and part of the Enemy Way Ceremony--the shorter one- or two-day version. Rose's husband's grandfather performed the Yeibechai. Her uncle, Theodore Chester, from her mother's side of the family, was also a medicine man. He knew many songs--horse, sheep, rug songs, and many others. None of these medicine men passed on their knowledge before they died.

Farming was also an important activity in the Crystal area. When Rose was a young woman, everyone in and around Crystal had a vegetable garden. They raised squash, pumpkins, potatoes, cabbage, carrots, turnips, beets, and other vegetables. They also planted wheat and corn in every available location in the Crystal valley. Each family, including hers, had its own small fields. Rose said her family's fields were close to LA 68379, and one could easily walk to them. Effie Taylor Curtis said their garden was on the south side of the bridge on the dirt road running by the Crystal Chapter House, approximately one-half mile north of LA 68379. In those days it rained often, almost every afternoon in the summer, and good crops resulted, according to Pauline Clark. People raised a special kind of corn that grows only in the Crystal area. It matures quickly, before frost, and is an in-between color--not white, but crystallike in color. It is called hard corn and is hard to grind. Families often threshed their wheat on the rocks near Pauline Clark's house. These rocks are located on the Tsit'najinnie Clan land, approximately 600 td 800 feet north and west of LA 68379. After being threshed, the wheat was then sacked, and Rose said they stored a great many bags of it in her family's house each year. They ground it as they needed it. Effie's grandfather, George Tsit'najinnie Taylor, also grew large fields of alfalfa and hay, and he and his children and grandchildren baled a lot of hay for many years. Today there is much less rain than formerly, and few people plant any kind of crops. Several of the older people have small vegetable gardens; the younger ones often find jobs elsewhere and move away from Crystal.

In summary, the people who lived in the residence at LA 68379 appear to have been involved in typical Navajo rural life activities, which included primarily pastoral and agricultural pursuits, and, secondarily, weaving and healing. The only apparent atypical feature was the log house itself, which was rectangular instead of being either a round or a six- or eight-sided Navajo hogan.

Site Interpretation

It appears that Tsit'najinnie Clan members who were part of the Roanhorse extended family occupied LA 68379 between approximately the 1920s and the 1940s. All of the habitations around this site were also occupied by members of the same extended family and clan. Even today, descendants of these earlier relatives occupy the same land on bbth sides (north and south) of the

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highway and beyond. May Roanhorse Peshlakai; her daughter, Rose; and May's husband, Vincent Peshlakai, lived for a number of years in the log house on LA 68379. After her marriage, Rose moved out, but her parents continued to live there. May's mother and father, Ahienabah and Belin da Bahe Roanhorse, lived in an adjacent hogan, then moved to a new hogan a few hundred feet to the north built by one of Rose's uncles, Gabriel Roanhorse. One of the Roanhorse boys lived in a third hogan nearby, and other Roanhorse children lived in other nearby hogans.

Today, the same kind of extended family habitation pattern exists. Those living on this land are still Tsit'najinnie Clan relatives, either descended from or related to the Roanhorse and/or Taylor families. Pauline Clark, a cousin of Rose Roanhorse Wilson, has lived in a house a couple hundred yards north of LA 68379 and the highway since about 1970. Nearby, Judy Wilson Clark, daughter of Rose Wilson, lives up the hill to the northwest of Pauline Clark. Rose Wilson's niece, Bessie Taylor McKay, lives below Pauline Clark to the south. Rose Wilson and her husband, Sam Wilson, live a little further north of Judy Clark. Rose's cousin, Effie Taylor Curtis, has a house about a quarter mile south of the highway, over a small ridge to the south and east, where her parents, Dan and Anna Taylor, lived before her. Effie's daughter, Val Curtis Santos, lives in a house next door to the west of Effie. Doris Taylor Spinney, Effie's sister, lives next door to the north. All these residences are on land that belonged to George Tsit'najinnie Taylor, who was Effie Taylor Curtis's grandfather and Rose Roanhorse Wilson's and Pauline Clark's granduncle.

George Tsit'najinnie Taylor and his father, Ashxin Tsolsi, were originally from Naschitti, on the east side of the Chuska Mountains. George settled on the west side of the mountains on land just south of Crystal and retained grazing areas in the mountains and on the east side in the flatlands. This family group and related clan members have lived in the Crystal-Chuska area for at least the last 150 years, and perhaps longer. Thus they have probably been here since the 1840s or 1 8 5 0 ~ ~ when this became the principal habitation area for a number of Navajo families, as mentioned by Bartlett (1932:31).

The Navajo matrilineal social organization and matrilocal residence pattern still appear to be operating fairly successfully in this local area when one examines past and present inhabitants on George Tsit'najinnie Taylor's land. His sisters and/or their children, all members of the Tsit'najinnie Clan, were given land by him on which to build their habitations and establish their traditional livelihood. His sister, Ahienabah, married Belin da Bahe, a Roanhorse, and the Roanhorse descendants settled on the land around the Camp Asaayi turn, near the western edge of Crystal. Ahienabah's daughter, May, lived for a number of years in the house on LA 68379 with her husband Vincent Peshlakai. May's daughter, Rose, lived there with her mother and stepfather until she married and moved into her own home fairly close by, Rose Roanhorse Wilson has lived in various hogans or houses on Tsit'najinnie Clan land for most of her married life. Later, after leaving LA 68379, May and Vincent moved to other nearby locations still on George Tsit'najinnie's land. Another of May's daughters, Clara, moved into the log house on LA 68379 after her parents had moved out. She and her family lived there periodically until one of her children became ill and eventually died. Then Clara left the area to move with her husband to his family's territory near Sawmill, Arizona. Rose Roanhorse Wilson had eight children, and most of them still live on the Tsit'najinnie Clan land near Crystal. A daughter, Betty Wilson, and two of her sons currently live in the last house that May Peshlakai lived in, very near Rose and Sam Wilson's present house.

George Tsit'najinnie Taylor and his first wife, Axhintba Kin Lichini Nez, from Teec Nas Pas, who was a member of the Ta'ch'ini Clan, lived about one and a half miles southeast of LA 68379. They had a large log hogan and a log house, both of which are still standing. The hogan is now

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used just for storage, but the house is occupied. Elsie Taylor Chee, daughter of George Tsit'najinnie Taylor and Axhintba, was given this land and these structures by her father. She and her husband, Tom Chee, lived there for many years until her death in 1965, Now her husband lives alone in the house which, along with the rest of Elsie's property, will go eventually to the Chee children.

Another of George Tsit'najinnie's sisters, Na'a gleh'eybah, and her husband, Arthur Chester (who were Pauline Clark's maternal grandparents: see genealogical chart), lived on Tsit'najinnie Clan land initially, but when asked by Chee Dodge to work for hiin, this young couple moved and lived for many years on his land down by Tanner Springs, west of Wide Ruins, Arizona. Their daughter, Mary Agnes Chester (later Parker), was born near Tanner Springs but eventually moved back to Crystal with her husband in the late 1940s and built a log cabin on Tsit'najinnie Clan land, near her uncle, George Tsit'najinnie Taylor. He told her she could do this, so she built a log cabin with a dirt roof. This house was eventually abandoned and torn down after she and her husband died. One of Mary Agnes's daughters, Pauline Parker Clark, moved back to Crystal with her husband in 1965, but by this time, most of the Tsit'najinnie land had been given to other family and clan members. Her cousin, Rose Wilson, when asked, gave Pauline a small piece of land on which she could build a house, This was near the old hogan where Ahienabah had died many years before, but Pauline and her husband did not mind. Before they could build their new house, however; they had to remove the remains of yet another Tsit'najinnie Clan hogan, on the exact spot where they planned to build. Since no one had died in this particular hogan, they felt it was acceptable to remove it and build their house there. They have lived in this house since 1970 and have never had any problems due to its location.

George Tsit'najinnie Taylor also provided land for his son, Din Taylor, and for Dan's children and grandchildren, even though they are not Tsit'najinnie Clan members (due to the rules of matrilineal descent). It is not unusual for sons to inherit property from their fathers, even though this is not part of the traditional matrilineal pattern (Kluckhohn and highton 1962: 107). Dan decided not to live with his wife's family near Ganado, choosing instead to return with his wife and children to his father's place near Crystal. Dan Taylor's land is approximately a half to three- quarters of a mile northwest of his father, George Taylor's, old residence. Direct descendants who continue to live on Dan's land today include his daughter, Effie Taylor Curtis; her daughter, Val Curtis Santos; Effie's sister, Doris Taylor Spinney; and their families. Later in life, Dan Taylor built a house for himself and his wife right on the location of a former forked-stick hogan. He took down the remains of this older structure and then built his house there--the one that now belongs to his daughter, Doris. Another of his daughters, Leah, also has a house nearby where she used to live, but presently she rents it and lives in California. All of these women and their children are members of the Tabahah Clan through their mother, Anna McClure, who came originally from an area a little south of Ganado, Arizona. Two of Effie's other sisters have died, another lives in Utah, and her one brother lives in Albuquerque.

It appears then, that both clan relatives and lineal blood relatives of George Tsit'najinnie Taylor inherited pieces of his land, have continued to live on them, and have passed them on to their children, Current living arrangements on the land continue to reflect and maintain clan and kinship relationships established long ago. Even though some relatives have moved away, most continue to live on the clan land. Another pattern is also apparent: many who moved away when young have returned later in life. The land and the kinship relationships remain powerful magnets pulling people back, sooner or later. The log house on LA 68379 was one of the numerous habitations on the Tsit'najinnie Clan land, which was occupied for a number of years and then

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abandoned. Abandonment probably occurred when old grandmother Ahienabah Roanhorse, who lived in a nearby hogan to the north, died inside her hogan, sometime probably in the early to mid 1940s. All the Roanhorse relatives who lived near her abandoned their dwellings after her death and moved to other locations, some still on Tsit'najinnie Clan land, others much farther away. Thus, the house on LA 68379, even though not a traditional hogan, still fits easily into the local residential and kinship patterns, both during the time of its use and in the manner of its abandonment. Since no one died inside it, the materials of which it was built were later scavenged and reused. None of the people interviewed considered it a sacred site.

Summary and Conclusions

LA 68379 functioned primarily as a Navajo habitation site, occupied approximately between 1920 and the mid-1940s. Located on Tsit'najinnie Clan land, the log cabin that formerly stood here was first inhabited by May Roanhorse Peshlakai, her husband, Vincent Peshlakai, and May's daughter, Rose Roanhorse Wilson. After Rose's marriage and subsequent departure, her parents continued to live in LA 68379 for a number of years. Later, another of May's daughters, Clara Damon, and her husband and children occupied this log house. It is not known whether other family and/or clan members lived in it at various times and whether it was only seasonally occupied or occupied on a permanent, year-round basis. The final abandonment of LA 68379 probably occurred shortly after the death of grandmother Ahienabah Roanhorse, the family matriarch, who lived in a nearby hogan where she passed away sometime in the early to mid- 1940s. Her death precipitated the departure of all the relatives living around her and the abandonment of their dwellings. Interviewees stated that LA 68379 had been abandoned long before the BIA-maintained road (Navajo 32, now NM 134) was constructed in 1952. This site is one unit of a much larger Roanhorse extended family and Tsit'najinnie Clan residential cornunity that included numerous hogans, ashpiles, shades, several other log houses, storage cellars, several corrals, and garden plots, Former occupants were primarily sheepherders and farmers, although several of the women worked as weavers, and several male relatives had been medicine men. Interviewees did not know of any sacred sites or burials at or near LA 68379.

Addendum: People Interviewed for the LA 68379 Ethnohistory Project

Interviewees included an elderly former resident of LA 68379, Rose Wilson, who was SO years old in 1989, and two of her cousins, Pauline Clark, 68, and Effie Taylor Curtis, 59. They and/or their relatives had lived in or had specific knowledge about the log house at LA 68379, Since Rose Wilson did not speak English, Pauline Clark served as interpreter during discussions concerning the site. The ethnohistorian spoke with Doreen Mose, the Head Start teacher in 1989 in Crystal, and with Ross Begay, patriarch of another of the large families living in the Crystal area. The latter two individuals, not part of the Roanhorse or Taylor families or the Tsit'najinnie Clan, did not know the details that Rose, Pauline, and Effie were able to supply but still were able to add useful information, (Ross is a distant relative of Effie Taylor Clark, related through the Ta'chi'ni Clan). People in the Crystal Chapter House and in the Crystal Trading Post were informed of this project but had no information to add about the log house. All of those interviewed knew about this report and agreed to being cited in it.

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Endnotes

1. In regard to new rug designs for his weavers, Moore introduced variants of the Greek fret, used both in borders and as interior design elements; a heavy cross form, often found in connection with a diamond pattern; and an elongated, angular "hook, " usually repeated four times within the outer border. Red was the predominant color, with black secondary, as well as blue, tan, brown, natural grays, and whites (McNitt 1962:254).

2. In 1910-11, Moore stated that he paid his weavers $13,000 for their blankets, while during the same time period, he only paid his silversmiths $1,000 (McNitt U962:254). This provides a clear indication of the buying public's greater desire for blankets over jewelry at that time.

3. Time and funds were not available to examine medical records at Fort Defiance that might be helpful in discovering relevant dates.

4. Rose's father was Sos Arviso, from Crownpoint, New Mexico, but since her parents never married, she was given her grandfather's name and was called Rose Roanhorse until she married.

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DISCUSSION

LA 68377 is a multicomponent site with a calibrated 1 sigma date of 421 1 to 3690 B.C. and intercept dates of 3942,3850, or 3820 B.C. The Navajo component was dated by Dinetah ceramics (A.D. 1500 to 1800) and an Athabaskan projectile point associated with the hearth, contemporaneous with the Dinetah sherds.

LA 68378 is an Archaic rockshelter with a carbon-14 calibrated 1 sigma date of 1253 to 810 B.C. and an intercept date of 926 B.C. The rockshelter has collapsed, and extensive testing was difficult. Any further excavation of the rockshelter will take heavy equipment to remove the collapsed rock.

LA 68379 is the remains of a stone foundation and trash dump dating from the late 1920s to 1940s. Archival research and interviews indicate that the structure was occupied in the late 1920s and abandoned in about the 1940s.

LA 68380 is a multicomponent site with a calibrated 1 sigma date of A.D. 81 1 to 1012 derived from a carbon-14 sample taken from a deflated hearth, placing it in the Pueblo I period. The ceramics, however, dated the site to the Pueblo II/Pueblo I11 period.

LA 68381 consists of redeposited artifacts, The site materials had been moved here to fill the low area and raise the roadbed.

LA 68382 is a lithic artifact scatter, 70 cm deep, However, two Gallup Black-on-white and one indeterminate Cibola white ware ceramics were on the surface, suggesting a date of about A.D, 1 100 (Late Pueblo II/Early Pueblo 111).

LA 68383 is an undated procurement and lithic artifact manufacturing area. This area produced numerous surface artifacts, including many cores. No features were present on the site, which sits just above the natural bedrock.

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RECOMMENDATIONS

LA 68379, a historic site, has been tested; interviews were held with the inhabitants of the house; and research was conducted at the county courthouse. The resources have been adequately documented, and no additional investigations are recommended.

LA 68381, a redeposited site, requires no further archaeological work because the artifacts were brought in from elsewhere.

LA 68383, a quarry site, extends into the right-of-way. The artifacts on the surface have been analyzed, and results show that only selected materials of good quality were used in tool manufacture. Because of the shallowness of the site, no additional investigations are recommended.

LA 68377 has an Archaic component (3942-3820 B.C.) and a Navajo component (A.D. 1500 to 1800). An Athabaskan projectile point associated and the Dinetah sherds was found on the site. The Archaic component yielded a carbon-14 date of 5070 f 190 B.P.

LA 68378 is a collapsed an Archaic rockshelter dating to 2790 f170 B.P. (926 B.C.). If the rockshelter is further excavated, heavy equipment will have to be used to remove the collapsed rock.

LA 68380 is a multicomponent site with a calibrated Pueblo I date of 1110 k90 B.P. (A.D. 900, 902, and 953). However, the ceramics date the site to the Pueblo IX/Pueblo 111 period.

LA 68382 is a lithic artifact scatter with 70 cm of depth. However, two Gallup Black-on-white and one indeterminate Cibola white ware ceramics were on the surface, suggesting a date of A.D. 1 100 (Late Pueblo II/Early Pueblo 111).

LA 68377, LA 68378, LA 68380, and LA 68382 are likely to yield information that is important to the prehistory of the area. It is recommended that a data recovery plan be implemented at these four sites construction will affect the extent or integrity of the remains.

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74

APPENDIX 2: RESULTS OF MACROBOTANICAL ANALYSIS FOR THE WASHINGTON PASS TESTING PROGRAM: LA 68377, LA 68378, AND LA 68380

Meredith H. Matthews

The following report describes the results of analysis of seven flotation samples collected from three sites tested in conjunction with the Washington Pass Testing Project. Samples analyzed were collected from LA 68377, a multioccupational (ArchaidNavajo) campsite; LA 68378, a rockshelter dating to the Archaic period; and LA 68380, an Anasazi Basketmaker 11-Pueblo lithic scatter. Analyzed samples were from features or cultural strata identified during testing procedures. Macrobotanical analysis was conducted primarily to provide ancillary data useful in interpreting feature or site function. In addition, analysis was carried out to ascertain a range of botanical resources utilized by the occupants of the sites.

Methodology

The seven samples were processed with a water-separation technique by Office of Archaeological Studies personnel and separated into light and heavy fractions. The heavy fraction was analyzed by quickly scanning it for botanical remains that had not floated, as well as for bone or inorganic cultural material. To facilitate analysis of the light fraction, it was first poured through graduated screens (5.6 mm, 2.0 mm, 1.0 mm, 0.5 m, catch pan) and analyzed by size grades. Botanical remains were sorted and identified with the aid of a binocular microscope with magnification power of lox-7Ox. Botanical remains were identified and separated to the finest taxonomic level possible, and information such as quantity, plant part, and condition (e.g., charred, fragmented) was recorded for each taxon.

Results of Analysis

Nine taxa were identified during analysis (Table 32), representing five families, six genera, and one species. The macrobotanical assemblage consists of seeds and fragments of wood. Wood predominated the assemblage. In this report, the term seed is used in the generic sense and is intended to include such specific terms as achene and caryopsis and so forth.

The taxa identified can be segregated into three categories of plant types, which can also be regarded as potential plant resource categories. The categories are based on the ecological habits of the plants and, to some degree, on the plant part recovered. Pioneerplants (Chenopodium) are usually herbaceous, weedy annuals that occupy disturbed habitats and therefore benefit from human activity, which inadvertently perpetuates an early successional sere. Wild plants (Gramineae, Sporobolus), on the other hand, usually are perennial, do not necessarily benefit from human disturbance, and tend to proliferate in an ecozone during the more advanced stages of succession. Woodyplunts (Juniperus, Pinus, Pinus edulis, Quercus) have ecological characteristics similar to those of wild plants, but it is assumed they were used primarily for their wood, while wild plants were sought for their seeds, fruits, fiber, and so forth. The division between wild and woody is based upon the plant part represented in macrobotanical assemblage and also upon ethnographic documentation of plant use.

81

The majority of botanical remains retrieved are charred. The charred or uncharred condition of seeds is often used as a criterion to differentiate between cultural debris and postoccupational contamination. A charred condition is assumed to indicate direct or indirect association with cultural activity and occupation of the site, The interpretation of uncharred seeds from cultural deposits has been a point of discussion in the literature (Gasser 1982; Keepax 1977; Lopinot and Brussel 1982; Minnis 1981). It is the consensus that uncharred seeds, especially pioneer species, retrieved from open prolific seed producers can advantageously remain in the soil bank for an indeterminate amount of time until proper germinating conditions hre present. The three uncharred Chenopodium seeds and the single Sporabolus seed appear to be relatively recent, based upon intact seed coats and the presence of an embzyo, and therefore are considered to be postoccupational contaminants.

I

LA 68377

Three samples were analyzed from LA 68377 (see Table 32), a multicomponent sherd and lithic scatter. Two of the samples are from Feature 1, a hearth that yielded an Archaic period date (5070 k190 B.P.). Botanical remains from the hearth included charred wood fragments identified as juniper, an indeterminate gymnosperm. It is assumed that the wood represents various fuel resources. Several uncharred goosefoot seeds and a single uncharred seed of dropseed grass were also recovered, but these seeds are considered contaminants. In addition to botanical remains, a fragment of indeterminate animal bone and one flake were noted.

The third sample is from Feature 2, an indeterminate pit that dated to the Middle Archaic period. Numerous charred goosefoot seeds and a few fragments of charred juniper and pikn wood were recovered from the feature. Goosefoot is an edible plant (Elmore 1944: Robbins et al. 1916; Whiting, 1939; Yanovsky 1936) as a valuable food or medicinal resource (Reinhard et al. 1985). The plant is most frequently procured for the greens or seeds. Given the contents and the condition of remains, it is possible that Feature 2 served as another hearth or possibly an ash pit.

LA 68378

Two samples were analyzed from LA 68378 (see Table 32), a collapsed rockshelter that, based on the results of the radiocarbon sample (2790 f170 B.P.), appears to be associated with the Archaic period. Both samples were collected from a cultural level, Stratum 2, defined in the soil profile in the shelter. The combined samples produced several hundred charred goosefoot seeds, a single charred indeterminate grass seed, and wood fragments of juniper, piiion, oak, and indeterminate dicot and gymnospermae genera. Also, numerous small fragments of animal bone and eight flakes were recovered from the samples. The wood fragments are probably remains of fuel resources, and the goosefoot seeds may represent the by-product of plant processing. Numerous genera of grass are documented as economic resources, exploited for a variety of purposes. However, much information can be extrapolated from a single seed, Furthermore, it is possible that the seed does not represent an economic resource but was incidentally or naturally transported into the shelter and incorporated into the cultural stratum.

82

LA 68380

Two samples were analyzed from an indeterminate pit feature (Featurel) excavated at LA 68380 (see Table 32). Based on the results of a radiocarbon sample (1 110 +90 B.P.), this lithic scatter dates to between the late Basketmaker I1 and early Pueblo I1 periods, although artifacts collected on the site indicate a Basketmaker I1 occupation (Dorothy Zamora, personal communication, October 1990). Macrobotanical remains from Feature 1 consist of charred fragments of juniper and piiion wood. Although the feature was not defined as a hearth or firepit, the charred wood fragments may be remains of fuel resources.

Summary

Analysis of the flotation samples resulted in identification of a limited array of economic plant resources. Pioneer, wild, and woody resources are represented in the combined macrobotanical assemblage, and wood predominates the assemblage. However, given the small number of samples analyzed, the interpretative value of the results is not very high. Nonetheless, results of macrobotanical analysis has provided some information concerning potential resources exploited by the prehistoric occupants of the various sites. Furthermore, the results of analysis also indicate that the three sites have the capacity to provide additional botanical information, especially LA 68378.

83

APPENDIX 3: TABLES

Table 1. Sites within the project area

(on file at the Archeological Records Management Section)

Table 2. Test pit results, LA 68377

I I I Grid I Depth (cm) I Type of Fill I Artifacts

89N/46E I Level 1 (0-10) I brownish silty sand I 5 debitage, 1 nonhuman bone

Level 2 (10-20) sand 2 debitage

I Level 3 (20-30) I sterile sandstone bedrock I I I

90N/40E Level 1 (0-10) reddish brown silty sand I flake

Level 2 (10-20) light brown homogeneous sand 3 flakes with small gravel

Level 3 (20-30) compact silty sand with charcoal 3 flakes and soil staining

Level 4 (30-40) mottled gray silty sand with 4 flakes charcoal and charcoal-stained soil

Level 5 (40-50) mottled dark sand with charcoal flecking

Level 6 (50-60) mottled dark sand decreasing toward the bottom of the feature

91N/70E I Level 1 (0-10) I reddish brown sand I I flake

X5

93N121E

94Nl IOOE

Level 2 (10-20) charcoal compact sand with small flecks of

Level 3 (20-30)

4 flakes compact sand with charcoal and Level 3 (20-30)

1 flake sand with charcoal Level 2 (10-20)

2 flakes sand Level 1 (0-10)

sandstone bedrock

burned cobbles

Level 4 (30-40) 2 flakes . compact sand with charcoal and root activity

Level 5 (40-50) compact sand with charcoal and root activity

Level 6 (50-60)

mottled fine sand Level 1 (0-10)

sterile

1 flake fine mottled sand with flecks of Level 3 (20-30)

fine mottled sand Level 2 (10-20)

charcoal

Level 4 (30-40) sterile

Table 3. Auger test results, LA 68377

sand to 5YR 313

86

Table 4. Calibrated radiocarbon date, LA 68377

Unit Context Calibrated Date Calibrated 2 Calibrated 1 Radiocarbon Beta Sample

pit fill 3942, 3850, 4340-3382 421 1-3690 5070f 190 34169 89N/50E

(B.C.) Sigma (B.C.) Sigma (B.C.) Age (B.P.)

3820

Table 5. Lithic artifacts, LA 68377

Table 6. Platform types of subsurface flakes

87

Table 7. Test pit Results, LA 68378

Grid

103N/98E

100N/94E

Cultural Depth (cm)

Level 1 (0-10)

Level 2 (10-20)

Level 3 (20-30)

Level 1 (0-10)

Level 2 (10-20)

Level 3 (20-30)

Type of Fill

red-brown silty loam

red-brown silty loam

red-brown slightly compact sandy silt

mottled sand with charcoal stain and sandstone

dark brown red sand with charcoal

light brown sand with charcoal

Artifacts

historic glass clear and brown piiion shells

c lpr glass, piiion shells

nd artifacts I

burned bone and lithic artifacts

lichic artifacts

no artifacts

Table 8. Auger Tests, LA 68378

Table 9. Lithic Artifacts, LA 68378

Artifact Type Row Total Material Type

Undifferentiated Washington Pass Chert Chert

Core flakes

14.3% 17.6% 100.0% 100.0%

3 3

Biface flakes I1 2 13 84.6%

61.9% 50.0% 64.7% lOo,O% 15.4%

Angular debris 3 2 5 60.0% 40.0 % 100.0% 17.6% 50.0% 23.8%

Column total 17 4 21 81.0% 19.0% 100.0%

100.0% lOO.d)% 100.0%

88

Table 10. Faunal taxa, LA 68378

Taxon Percentage Frequency

Small mammal

6.4 3 Thomomys bottae

6.4 3 Large mammal

78.7 37

(Botta's pocket gopher)

Canis sp. (dog, coyote, wolf) 1 2.1

Artiodactyla I 2.1 (even-toed hoofed mammals)

Odocoileus sp. (deer) 1 2.1

Aves (birds) 1 I 2.1

I Total I 47 I 99.9 I


Unit Context Calibrated Calibrated 2 Calibrated 1 Radiocarbon Beta Sample

ash lens 926 B.C. 1420-530 B.C. 1253-810 B.C. 2790 1 I70 34168 101N/97E

Date* Sigma Sigma Age (B.P.)

* Calibrated dates to nearest ten years

Table 12. Test grid results, LA 68379

Artifacts

89

Table 13. Functional classification of artifacts, LA 68

Category Percent Number

Foodstuff

.4 1 EntertainmentILeisure

2.0 8 Personal effects

31.2 I23 ConstructiodMaintenance

~ 3.8 15 Domestic routine

~ 4.3 17 Indulgences

31.8 125

3

Arms

StablelBarn

.o 0

100.0 393 Total

26.5 104 Indeterminate

.o 0

Table 14. Site artifacts, LA 68379

79

ost-1914 to resent

Hole-in-to can 3 1814 to resent

Indulgences

1930 to present 9 Crown caps

1 Tobacco can lid

1880 to present 6 Beer bottle fragments

17

90

1 '

Personal Effects 8

i

1

1

3

Galoshes buckle 1

I 1950 to present

91

. . ." "

Grid

48Nl56E

55Nl70E

56Nl34E

89Nl208E

91Nl197E

92Nl209E

I I

Table 15. Faunal taxa identified at LA 168379

Ca ra hircus (domestic oat)

Gallus allus (chicken)

Total 100.0


Cultural Depth (cm) Type of Fill

Level 1 (0-10) sandy topsoil, bedrock was encwntered at 10 cm

Level I (0-7) sandy topsoil, bedrock at 7 cm

Level 1 (0-10)

charcoal-stained mottled sand with oxidation Level 2 (10-20)

charcoal-stained sand

Level 3 (20-30) compact stained sand with two stains present

Level 4 (30-40) compact sand; one of the stains was a Dosthole I

Level 1 (0-70) profile of the south wall of road; reddish brown sand dowh to 70 cm; no stratigraphic change

Level 2 (10-201 red sand

Level 3 (20-30) mottled red sand with organic material

92

Artifacts

sherd

no artifacts

no artifacts

flake

flake

flake

no artifacts

no artifacts

no artifacts

no artifacts

no artifacts

no artifacts

Grid

92N1240E

96N/259E

98Nl35E

IOON/80E

1OON/120E

lOON/155E

102N/105E

I

Cultural Depth (cm) Type of Fill

Level 4 (30-40) mottled red sand with decaying root: augered down to I .70 m to bedrock

Level I (0-10)

semicompact sand with charcoal Level 2 (10-20)

sandy loam

compact sandy silt with staining in a small Level 3 (20-30)

stained sand with charcoal Level 2 (10-20)

sandy silt Level I (0-10)

compact sand with charcoal; possible feature Level 3 (20-30)

natural depression

Level 4 (30-40)

compact platey dark reddish brown soil; Level 5 (40-50)

sandy silt

augered down 1.30 m

Level 1 (0-10) sandy loam with staining and small charcoal flecks

Level 2 (10-20)

dark stained sand with charcoal: possible Level 5 (40-50)

stained soil with minute charcoal flecks Level 4 (30-40)

brown sandy silt with charcoal flecks Level 3 (20-30)

brown sand silt Level 2 (10-20)

brown sandy silt Level 1 (0-10)

sterile compact sand Level 3 (20-30)

sterile compact sand

burned tree root

Level 6 (50-60) burned wood or root; augered down I .20 m, and soil was sterile

Level 1 (0-10)

dark reddish brown compact sand with Level 2 (10-20)

yellowish red sand

charcoal flecks

Level 3 (20-30) charcoal and modern glass

Level 4 (30-40) compact platey soil with modern glass

Level 1 (0-10)

yellowish red sand Level 2 (10-20)

sandy soil

reddish brown compact sand with minute Level 3 (20-30)

compact sand with root activity Level 2 (10-20)

reddish brown sandy loam Level 1 (0-10)

compact sand with minute charcoal flecks Level 3 (20-30)

charcoal flecks

93

Artifacts

no artifacts

no artifacts

no artifacts

no artifacts

no artifacts

no artifacts

flake

flakes

no artifacts

no artifacts

no artifacts

no artifacts

no artifacts

no artifacts

no artifacts

no artifacts

no artifacts

no artifacts

no artifacts

no artifacts

clear glass fragment

clear glass fragment

no artifacts

no artifacts

no artifacts

no artifacts

flake

flakes

Grid

lOON/17E

Level 2 (10- 20 cm)

Level 7 (60-70)

Level 8 (70-80)

flakes soft silty sand

flakes soft siltv sand

Level 9 (80-90) no artifacts silty sand with nodules; sterile

Level 1 (0-10) no artifacts reddish brown sandy silt

Level 2 (10-20)

Level 3 (20-30)

no artifacts reddish brown sandy silt

flakes reddish brown sand silt

Level 4 (30-40) I reddish brown sand silt; augered down to I flake II Level 1 (0-10) flakes, pollen, deflated hearth

and flotation

94

Table 17. Auger test results, LA 68380

8-14 sterile bedrock

1 1 5YR 414 silty sand 0-10

10-29 5YR 514 sand

29-38

5YR 414 sand 38-60

5YR 414 clayey sand

95

Auger Test

17

19

20

21

22

23

24

25

26

Depth (cm)

30-78

0-1 I

11-15

15-56

56- I08

108-170

0- 10

10-30

30-46

46-75

75-108

108-180

0-26

26-35

35-9s

95-96

0-35

35-120

0-50

50-1 10

0-20

20-70

70-1 15

0-20

20-80

80-90

0-20

20-40

0-20

0-26

26-76

t

Soil Description

7.5YR 414 compact sand with large roots

5YR 412 silty loam

5YR 414 silty sand

5YR 416 slightly compacta sand

5YR 414 sand

5YR 414 sand down to extent of auger

5YR 412 loamy silt

5YR 313 sandy silt

5YR 314 silty sand

5YR 416 sand

2.5YR 416 slightly compacted sand

2.5YR 416 slightly compacted sand down to extent of auger.

7.5YR 514 loose sand

7.5YR 514 very compact sand

5YR 514 fine sand

5YR 514 sterile bedrock

7.5YR314 sandy loam

5YR 416 sand to sterile bedrock

7.5YR 414 silty loam

7.5YR 416 sandy silt

5YR 314 sandy loam

5YR 314 compact sand

5YR 516 clayey sand to bedrock

5YR 314 sandy loam

5YR 416 compact sand

5YR 416 fine sand to bedrock

5YR 413 sand loam

5YR 416 sand down to bedrock

5YR 414 sandy loam down to bedrock

5YR 516 sandy loam

, 5YR 416 sand

'7

Auger Test Soil Description Depth (cm) I t

27

76- 160 5YR 516 fine sand to extent of auger

0-20 5YR 416 sandy loam

20-60 5YR 416 sand

60- 125 7.5YR 514 sandy silt to extent of auger

28 7.5YR 514 sandy loam 0-20

20-30

30-50

7.5YR 514 compact sand

7.5YR 314 dark silt with charcoal

50-100 7.5YR 414 semicompact silty sand with charcoal

100-160 7.5YR 414 fine sand with charcoal

160-161 7.5YR 414 bedrock

29 2.5YR 518 sandy loam 0- 10

10-50 2.5YR 518 sand

50-60

60-70

2.5YR 414 silty sand

5YR 514 sand down to bedrock

30 7.5YR 514 sandy loam 0- 14

14-147 7.5YR 514 sand

147-190 2.5YR 314 sandy silty clay with root rot

31 7.5YR 614 sandy loam 0- 10

10-35 7.5YR 614 sand

35-40 7.5YR 614 sand to sterile sand

32 5YR 416 sandy loam 0-25

25-26 5YR 416 bedrock

33 5YR 518 sandv loam 0-25

25-40 5YR 414 sand with charcoal

40-69 5YR 612 sand


34 5YR 416 sandy loam 0-10


35 7.5YR 514 silty s d 0-43

43-7 1 7.5YR 514 bedrock,

98

II I I II 11 Auger Test I Depth (cm) I Soil Description I I ll

ll 36 0-8 I SYR 514 silty sand

I 8-30 5YR 514 clayey sand

30-72 5YR 713 sand

72- 106 5YR 614 sand with sandstone fragments

106- 180 5YR 614 sand to extent of auger

II 37 I II 0-20 5YR 412 silty sand

20-60 5YR 413 sand

60-90

5YR 4/3 semicompact sand with 90-105

5YR 413 semicompact sand

sandstone

105-1 15 5YR4a/3 bedrock


I I I I I II Beta Context Calibrated Calibrated 2 Calibrated 1 Radiocarbon

Sample Date* Sigma Sigma Age B.P.

34167 Feature I A.D. 900, A.D. 680- A.D. 81 I- 1110f90

* Calibrated dates to nearest 10 years

Table 19. Artifact material type, LA 68380

Debitage Type

Core flakes

Biface flakes

Angular debris

Cores

Column total

Undifferentiated Silicified Chalcedony Chert Wood

9 27 1 6.8% 20.5% .8%

64.3 % 61.4% 100.0%

2 10 6.3% 31.3%

14.3 % 22.7%

3 5 9.4% 15.6% 21. % 11.4%

2 100.0%

4.5%

Quartzitic Sandstone

1 .8%

100.0%

1 .5 %

100.0%

Washington Pass Chert

94 71.2% 68.1%

20 62.5 % 14.5%

24 75.0% 17.4%

138 69.7%

100.0%

Row Total

132 100.0% 66.7%

32 100.0% 16.2%

32 100.0% 16.2%

2 100.0%

1 .O%

198 100.0% 100.0%

99

Table 20. Percentage of subsurface flakes in each reduction stage, LA 68380

Table 21. Platform types of subsurface flakes, LA 68380

Table 22. Platform types of subsurface flakes, LA 68380

Reduction Stage

6.1 7i Primarv

Percent of Total Quantity ~

Second

Tertia

Total 113 100.0

Table 23. Test units1 LA 68381 ~

100

. ..

Level 4 (30-40) no artifacts base coarsinp and large rocks

101N/96E

2 flakes large rocks with brown sand and base Level 2 (10-20)

7 flakes coarse sand Level 1 (0-10)

coarsine

Level 3 (20-30) no artifacts large rock with base coarsing

Table 24. Lithic artifact material type, LA 68381

Debitage Type Row Total Material Type

Washington Pass Chert

Core flakes

49.4% 49.4 100.0% 100.0%

78 78

Biface flakes 13 13 100.0% 100.0%

8.2% 8.2%

Angular debris 64 64 100.0% 100.0% 40.5% 40.5%

Cores 2 2 100.0% 100.0%

1.3% 1.3%

Undifferentiated 1 1 biface 100.0% 100.0%

.6 % .6%

Column Total 158 158 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% IOO.O%


Grid Artifacts Type of Fill Cultural Depth

1 5 1 N/205E

3 flakes, 1 sandy loam Level 3 (20-30)

3 flakes sandy loam Level 2 (10-20)

2 flakes sandy loam Level 1 (0-10)

nonhuman bone

Level 4 (30-40) 1 flake slightly compact sand with caliche flecks

Level 5 (40-50)

brown compact sand Level 6 (50-60)

2 flakes compact sand with caliche

6 flakes dark brown very compact Level 7 60-70

9 flakes

sand, possible surface

170N/250E I flake sandy clay Level 1 (0-10)

101

Grid Cultural Depth

Level 2 (10-20)

Level 3 (20-30)

Level 4 (30-40)

Level 5 (40-50)

Level 6 (50-60)

Level 7 (60-70)

182N/308E Level 1 (0-10)

Level 2 (10-20)

Type of Fill

dark brown sandy clay


compact sandy clay

compact sandy clay

compact sandy clay

mottled brown sandy clay with caliche, possible surface

dark brown to black sandy clay

dark brown and gray sandy clav

Level 3 (20-30)

Level 4 (30-40)

Level 5 (40-50)

Level 6 (50-60)

202N/250E Level I (0-10)

Level 2 (10-20)

platey compact sandy clay

very dark gray sandy clay

very compact silty clay, just above bedrock

bedrock


dark brown sand

I Level 3 (20-30)

Level 5 (40-50)

Level 2 f 10-20)

semicompact dark brown sandy clay

sandy clay with caliche

compact sandy clay with caliche

clayey loam

sandv clav

Level 3 (20-30)

Level 4 (30-40)

Level 5 (40-50)

Level 7 60-70

Level 8 70-80

214N/252E Level 1 (0-10)

Level 2 (10-20)

Level 3 (20-30)

Level 4 (30-40)

sandy clay

sandy clay

sandy clay

yellow silt with rocks

large rocks with sand

large rocks with sand

dark brown clayey silt



dark brown clavev silt ~

Artifacts

17 flakes

17 flakes

15 flakes

7 flakes

23 flakes

44 flakes, 1 bone

no artifacts

no artifacts

17 flakes

28 flakes

10 flakes

no artifacts

I ceramic, 10 flakes

8 flakes, 1 ceramic

3 flakes, I ceramic

1 flake

no artifacts

no artifacts

1 flake

2 thinning flakes

3 flakes

3 flakes

6 flakes

no artifacts

no artifacts

no artifacts

3 flakes

4 flakes

4 flakes

102

c Grid Artifacts Type of Fill Cultural Depth

Level 5 (40-50)

no artifacts dark brown clayey silt Level 6 (50-60)

4 flakes dark brown clayey silt

227N/309E 19 flakes dark brown silty loam Level (0-10)

Level 2 (10-20)

1 flake dark brown silty loam Level 3 (20-30)

2 flakes dark brown silty loam

Level 2 1-20 no artifacts sandy loam with roots

284N/25 1 E

no artifacts compact sandy clay Level 3 (20-30)

no artifacts sandy clay Level 2 (10-20)

no artifacts sandy clay Level 1 (0-10)

300N/302E Level 1 (0-10) sandy loam no artifacts

Level 2 (10-20)

no artifacts sandy clay with rocks Level 1 (0-10) 304Nl245E

no artifacts sand with rocks

Level 2 (10-20) bedrock no artifacts

103

Table 26. Auger Tests, LA 68382

5YR 311 sand, to bedrock

0-10

0-5 5YR 311 sand. to bedrock

5YR 311 san , to bedrock

lOYR 313 cla e loam

10-15 lOYR 313 si1 cla to bedr ck

0-10 lOYR S/3 clavev loam

10-13 lOYR 6/2 silty clay, to bedrock

15 lOYR 5/3 clayey loam 0-60

60-70 clay to bedrock lOYR 612 silly

16 clayey loam lOYR 513 0-60

60-75 lOYR 612 silty clay to bedrock

17 10YR 313 clayey loam 0-35

35-70

IOYR 6/2 silty clay to bedrock 70-75

IOYR 513 silty clay

18 7.5YR 312 clayey loam 0-25

25-35 7.5YR 412 clayey loam

35-47 7.5YR 414 silty clay to bedrock

19 ,yey loam 7.5YR 312 cl, 0-60

60-70 sapdy clay to decomposiw root 7.5YR 312

20 7.5YR 312 sandy clay 0-20

20-30 7.5YR 514 sandy clay to bedrock

21

7.5YR 514 sandv clav 0-70 22

7.5YR 514 sandy clay to bedrock 0-10

104

27

7.SYR 3/2 clayey loam to bedrock 0-34 28

7.SYR 314 clayey loam to bedrock 0-34

29

7.5YR 3/2 clayey loam with large rocks to 0-13 30

7.5YR 312 clayey loam to bedrock 0-2s

bedrock

105

Table 27. Lithic Artifact Material Type, LA 68382

Debitage Type Row Total Material Type

Undifferentiated Pass Chert Chert Washington ' Chalcedony Silicified Wood

Core flakes

65.4% 64.9% 75.0% 50.0% 100.0% 100.0% 97.0% 1 .O% .2% 1.8%

596 578 6 1 11

Biface flakes 2 137 140 1.4%

15.4% 15.5% 25.0% 100.0% 98.6%

Angular debris 169 I69 100.0% 100.0% 19.0% 18.6%

Tools 1 2 3 33.3% 66.7% 100.0% 50.0% .2 % 18.6%

Cores 1 1 100.0% 100.0%

. l% .3 %

Column Total 11 2 8 890 91 I 1.2% .2 % .9% 97.7% 100.0%

100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0% 100.0%

Table 28. Percentage of surface flakes in each reduction stage, LA 68382

11 Reduction Stage Quantity ~ Percent of Total 1 I I II

Primary

95. I 506 Tertiarv

3.2 17 Secondary

1.7 9

I Total I $32 I 100.0 I Table 29. Percentage of subsurface flakes each reduction stage, LA 68382 in

106

Table 30. Platform type of subsurface flakes, LA 68382

Reduction Stage

Cortical

Percent of Total Quantity

39.58 57 Single-faceted

6.95 10 Collapsed

2.08 3

Multifaceted 9 6.25

Batteredcrushed 3 2.08

Abraded

42.36 61 Missing

.70 1

Total I 144 I 100.00

Table 31. Core analysis, LA 68383

Provenience Exhausted Cortex Core Type

Subsurface (16)

no (1 7) absent (10) bidirectional (3) Surface (3)

yes (13) present (20) unidirectional (16)

multidirectional (1 1) -

107

Table 32. Results of Macrobotanical Analysis

Taxon

Pit Stram 2 Stratum 2 Pit Hearth Feature 1 Auger Feature 2 Feature 1 107N/24E 10 1N/97E 102N/97E 90N/40E 89N/50E

LA 68380 LA 68378 LA 68377 Part

Sample 2

Chenopodium

(Dicot) Dicotyledoneae wood

(Goosefoot) 3+ seed

Gramineae (Grass family)

Sporobolus seed (Dropseed)

t

II Other

SampIe 5 I Sample 4 I Sample 1 I Sample 3 I Sample 6

I 21 I 2oo I 131 I

1 fragment 31 fragments

1 8

0.1 g

Note: AH remains are charred unless otherwise noted; * noncharred.

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