Notes

INTRODUCTION

1 Mauss, Marcel. 'A Category of the Human Mind: the Notion of Person; the Notion of Self', in Carrithers, M., Collins, S. and Lukes, S. (eds), 1985, The Category of the Person, p. 3.

2 Ibid., p. 3. 3 See Mauss, M., 1950, Sociologie et anthropologie; Dumont, L., 1966

(1980), Homo Hierarchicus; idem 1986 (1992), Essays on Individualism. 4 Mauss, M., 1985, op. cit., p. 22. 5 Dumont, L., 1986 (1992), op. cit., p. 62. 6 Dumont, L., 1966 (1980), op. cit., p. 9. 7 Conformity in the sense employed in this book has been used by

some influential students of the Islamic civilization such as S.D. Goi­tein, A. Banani, F. Rosenthal, John F. Benton, R. Ettinghausen (see Banani, A. and Vryonis, S., 1977, Individualism and Conformity in Classical Islam).

8 Taylor, Charles, 'The Politics of Recognition', in Gutman, Amy (ed.), 1994, Multiculturalism: Examining the Politics of Recognition, p. 28.

9 Ibid., p. 28. 10 Ibid., p. 29. 11 For example, Louis Dumont, by analysing the German idea of liberty

and by studying individualism and racism in Adolf Hitler's representa­tions, tries to show the existence of some kind of individualism in collectively oriented ideas. We will come back to this point later. (See Dumont, L., 1986 (1992), op. cit., pp. 133-79.)

12 Ibid., p. 40. 13 It is indeed very different from the collectivism dominating in 'holistic

societies' such as India, where, because of the caste system, individuals are completely neglected and even subordinated by the society which is exclusively valorized (Dumont, L., 1966 (1980), op. cit., pp. 1-20; and 1986 (1992), op. cit., p. 279).

14 For instance Nakamura, who defines a 'system of thought' as a well­organized, coherent theological or philosophical system (Nakamura, Hajime, 1964 (1971), Ways of Thinking of Eastern Peoples: India, China, Tibet, Japan, p. 5).

15 Gerth, H.H and Mills, C. Wright (eds), 1948 (1970), From Max Weber, p. 267.

16 Ibid. 17 Nakamura, H., 1964 (1971), op. cit., p. 21. 18 Ibid., pp. 44-52 and 185-204. 19 Ibid., pp. 434-49. 20 Ibid., p. 5.

232

Notes 233

21 See Zavalloni, M., 'Social Identity: Perspectives and Prospects' in Social Sciences Infonnation, 12, 1973, pp. 65-91; Magnusson, K., 1986, Juga­slaver i Sverige (Yugoslavians in Sweden), p. 169.

22 Magnusson, K., 1986, op. cit., p. 169. (The text of the table is our translation.)

23 See Westin, C. and Lange, 1981, Etnisk diskriminering och social identi­tet (Ethnic Discrimination and Social Identity); Liebkind, K., 1984, Minority Identity and Identification Processes.

24 Erikson, Erik H., 1968, Identity: Youth and Crisis, p. 50. 25 Westin, Charles, 1973, Existens och Identitet (Existence and Identity),

p. 26. 26 Erikson, 1968, op. cit., p. 109. 27 Berreman, Gerard D., 'Identity Definition, Assertion and Politicization

in the Central Himalayas', in Jacobson-Widding, A. (ed.), 1983, Identity: Personal and Socio-Cultural, p. 289.

28 Jacobson-Widding, A., 'Introduction', in Jacobson-Widding, A. (ed.), 1983, op. cit., p. 14.

29 Douglas, M., 'How Identity Problems Disappear', in Jacobson-Widding (ed.), 1983, op. cit., p. 36.

1 SHORT INTRODUCfiON TO THE FOUNDATION OF THE CONCEPT OF THE INDIVIDUAL IN WESTERN THOUGHT

1 This term refers to the form of Sufism that was prevalent among Persian-speaking peoples and among some peoples of those lands where Persian was the language of polite culture or the lingua franca. A. Schimmel refers to Turkey, Iran, Central Asia, and India (see Schimmel, A., 1975 (1986), Mystical Dimensions of Islam, p. 74). Indeed, we are focusing on Persian Sufi literature, which as Nasr mentions is even today shared to some extent by the vast population living in the large area stretching from Iraq through present-day Iran and all the way to the Chinese Wall. (See, Nasr, S.H. 'Persian Sufi Literature: Its Spiritual and Cultural Significance', in Lewisohn, L. (ed.), 1992a, The Legacy of Medieval Persian Sufism, p. 1. For more discussions see also Utas, Bo, 'New Persian as an Inter-Ethnic Med­ium', in Ingvar Svanberg (ed.), 1991, Ethnicity, Minorities and Cultural Encounters.) This form of Sufism became the main current in Islamic mysticism in Iran especially from the thirteenth century onwards. Hence, when referring to Persian Sufism in this work we thereby mean mainly what is referred to in some books as Iranian Sufism. Besides, we do not differentiate between Sufis and arifs (the gnostic mystics) as some scholars do. We will come to this issue in Chapter 4 where we thoroughly discuss Persian Sufism.

2 Parsons, Talcott, 'Introduction', in Weber, Max, 1922 (1964), The Sociology of Religion, p. xxxii.

3 Ibid. 4 See Spinoza, B., 1981, Ethics.

234 Notes

5 Vemant, J.P., 1974, Mythe et pensee chez les Grecs, vol. II, p. 88. 6 Green, R. L., 1958 (1979), Tales of the Greek Heroes, p. 37. 7 Vemant, J.P., 1974, op. cit., p. 90. 8 Schmid, Wilhelm, 'Foucault: Ia forme de l'individu', in Magazine litter­

aire, 264, 1989, p. 56. 9 Foucault, M., 1986, The Care of the Self: The History of Sexuality, vol.3, p.43.

10 Ibid., p. 42. 11 Ibid. 12 Ibid., p. 51. 13 Ibid., pp. 52-3. 14 See, for example, Ketcham, Ralph, 1987, Individualism and Public Life,

pp. 33-7. 15 Mauss, M., 1985, op. cit., p. 14. 16 Ketcham, Ralph, 1987, op. cit., p. 35. 17 W. Sheldon, quoted in Ketcham, R., 1987, op. cit., p. 36. 18 Ketcham, R., 1987, op. cit., p. 36. 19 Ibid. 20 Mauss, M., 1958, op. cit., pp. 14-23. 21 Ibid., p. 18. 22 Russell, Bertrand, 1961, History of Western Philosophy, p. 263. 23 Weber, Max, 1958 (1976), The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Cap-

italism, p. 107. 24 Mauss, M., 1958, op. cit., p. 18. 25 Ibid. 26 Vemant, J.P., 1974, op. cit., p. 93. 27 Weinberg, J.R. 1964 (1974), A Short History of Medieval Philosophy,

p. 13. 28 Ibid. 29 Ibid., pp. 40-5. 30 Ibid., p. 22. 31 Roth, G. and Schluchter, W, 1979, Max Weber's Vision of History: Ethics

and Methods, pp. 25-6. 32 Almqvist, Kurt, 1994, Ordet iir dig niira (The Word is Close to You),

p. 29. 33 Ibid., p. 30. 34 Ibid., p. 56. 35 Weber, Max, 1968 (1978), Economy and Society, vol. I, p. 551. 36 Ibid. 37 Weber, Max, 1948 (1970b), 'Religious Rejections of the World and their

Directions', in Gerth, H.H. and Mills, C.W (eds), From Max Weber: Essays in Sociology, p. 325, and Weber, Max, 1968 (1978), Economy and Society, vol. 1., p. 625.

38 See Weber, M., 1948 (1970b), op. cit., p. 325. 39 Turner, B.S., 1992, Max Weber: From History to Modernity, p. 66. 40 Bowker, J., 1970, Problems of Suffering in Religions of the World, pp.

116-17. 41 Turner, B.S., 1992, op. cit., p. 66. 42 It must be mentioned that these two ideas can hardly be found in

Eastern religions. The Indian 'Trinity' and the doctrine of Karma are

Notes 235

not at all the Oriental versions of the Christian Trinity or the 'idea of sinfulness'. The three important Indian gods - Brahman, Vishnu and Shiva - are regarded as principally one and the same. In other words, they represent three faces of one god; or rather, each of them repre­sents symbolically one of the three principles of reality- the principle of creation (Brahma ), the principle of solidarity of being (Vishnu), and the principle of destruction of the cosmos (Shiva). This being the case, the three characters of God presented by three different 'faces' cannot be conceived as a real Trinity. Besides, the essential difference between the Christian understanding of incarnation and that of Hinduism (here we have in mind the inclination to see the Christian idea of incarnation as an analogy to the Hindu concept of the avatara) is that while incarna­tion in Christianity has a historical characteristic, in Hinduism it is meta-historical. This point is explained as follows in the New Encyclo­pedia Britannica, 1975, vol. 4, p. 487: 'The incarnation is not the special instance of a cyclic descent of God, always occurring afresh in con­stantly new veils. Instead, it is the unique intervention of God in the history of mankind in which God betakes himself in the figure of a single historical person into man's historical conditions of being and overcomes in himself the root of their corruption - the misuse of freedom.' The other issue is that the god-man or the god-animal character of Indian gods has only a symbolic significance. In Indian thought, which is extremely abstract, a symbol is a representation of one level of reality on another level, parallel to our using words in order to express ideas. Thus, as words cannot be taken as realities, nor can the Indian gods, symbolized as humans or animals, be compared with the man-God Jesus. In Christianity, despite different views of Jesus among divergent trends, he is not a symbol of God but is the son of God. He is God, just like Heracles, the son of Zeus, whose mother was a human being - Alcmene - and who after bearing a lot of suffering - as in the case of Jesus- finally became a God. Nor is the doctrine of Karma a counterpart to the Christian idea of man's original sin. Christianity regards original sin as a part of man's inheritance, but according to the doctrine of Karma it is the sum of the good and evil deeds of a man performed during his life in this world that determine his fate in the next world. In Islam, also, there is no trace of the idea of Trinity, or, as we will see when studying the lrano-Islamic mysticism, of the 'sinfulness of man'. Man, according to Islam, is created pure and without any sin. (See Turner, B.S., 1992, op. cit., pp. 69-71.) On non-dualism in Indian thought see, for instance, Almqvist, Kurt, 1994, op. cit., pp. 53-63, Nakamura, H. 1964 (1971), op. cit., pp. 39-172; Radhakrishnan, S. 1939 (1991), Eastern Religions and Western Thought, pp. 35-114; Shaye­gan, D., (1966 (1977), part translation into French, 1984), Adyan v maktabhaye falsafe-e Hend dar Hend (Religions and Philosophies of India), vols I and II.

43 Almqvist, K., 1994, op. cit., p. 65.

236 Notes

2 THE IMPORTANCE OF SUFISM IN THE STUDY OF THE CONCEPT OF THE INDIVIDUAL IN IRANIAN WAYS OF THINKING

1 Corbin, H., 1964 (1993), History of Islamic Philosophy, p. 250. 2 Ibid., p. 221. 3 In this respect, Durand holds the view that in contrast to those theolog­

ians - such as Thomas Aquinas - who separate 'Ia function toute humaine de Connaissance et Revelation', for a mystic - especially an Islamic mystic - 'l'ange Gabriel, l'ange de I'Humanite est indissoluble­ment "ange de Ia Connaissance et de Ia Revelation"' (Durand, 1972, op. cit. pp. 51-2). What Durand singles out here is precisely the dis­tinction between a view that separates philosophy from religion from the one that sees no contradiction between philosophy and religion. This latter view was, as we will see later, dominant in Iran. For detailed information about the relation between Sufism and philosophy in Iran, see, for example, Nasr, S.H., 'The Relation between Sufism and Philo­sophy in Persian Culture', in Hamdard Is/amicus, vol. IV, number 4, Winter, 1983.

4 Corbin, H. (1964) 1993, op. cit, pp. 205-20. About the interrelation between philosophy and religion in Iran, see also Corbin, H., 1990, L'Iran et Ia philosophic.

5 Shehabuddin Sohravardi, the master of the philosophy of illumination, was born in 1153 in northwestern Iran. He was one of the most important figures in the development of mystical ideas in the Islamic world. His teachings are laid down in nearly fifty Arabic and Persian books. He was murdered in prison when he was only 38 years old. We will later come back to his philosophy.

6 Avicenna, or Ibn Sina, was born in eastern Iran in 980. Although 'this Iranian from Transoxiana was never to cross the borders of the Iranian world' (Corbin, H., 1964 (1993), op. cit., p. 168), his encyclopedia of medical sciences, as Houben says, 'was the leading handbook of med­icine both in the East and the West, for Muslims, Jews, and Christians alike up till the 16th century, but his metaphysical doctrine of the Kitab al-Shifa, a real encyclopedia of all philosophical learning, of physics and metaphysics holds till this day the greatest attention in spite of the partial refutation by al-Ghazali and by the schools of orthodox, tradi­tional theological teaching of Islam' (Houben, J., ~vicenna and Mysti­cism', in Indo-Iranica, 6iii (1952-3), p. 1). Avicenna's philosophy is a synthesis of Aristotelianism, of Platonic and neo-Platonic teachings adapted to the Qur'an. Avicenna is regarded in Muslim philosophy as StThomas of Aquinas in Christian philosophy (ibid.).

7 See Corbin, H., 1964 (1993), op. cit., pp. 167-74; Houben, J., (1952-3), op. cit., pp. 1-17; Schimmel, A., 1975 (1986), op. cit., p. 19.

8 It is noteworthy that if Avicennism in the Occidental world 'flourished only at the price of a radical alteration in its structure and meanjng (the '~ugustinian Avicenism" so well described and analysed by Eti­enne Gilson)' and then 'the tide of Averroism was to submerge the

Notes 237

effects of Avicennism in Christianity' (Corbin, H., 1964 (1993), op. cit., p. 174) and if Ghazzali's critique of philosophy caused the degeneration of Avicennism in the Islamic world, then in Iran Avicenna's 'Oriental philosophy' flourished to the extent that it became one of the foundations of the Philosophy of Light and Iranian philosophy in general.

9 Corbin, H., 1964 (1993), op. cit., pp. 174-5. 10 Ibid. 11 Indeed, Averroism, which was regarded as the only source for under­

standing Islamic thought, had a tremendous impact on Occidental thought regarding the relationship between philosophy and religion. In this respect, Durand stresses the difference between Averroism and Avicennism which is reflected in Occidental philosophy and 'Islam oriental', respectively. He says: 'De meme que !'Islam avait fait un premier - et benefique - contresens en croyant que Ia "Theologie d'Aristote", livre de Ia plus pure inspiration neo-platonicienne, etait oeuvre du Stagirite, !'Occident, par un contresens plus ou moins dirige, croira- et ceci jusqu'a nos modernes historiens de Ia philosophie- que Ie message islamique de Ia sagesse antique est celui vehicule par le cordouan Averroes bien plus que par !'Islam "oriental" du migrateur Ibn Arabi ou d'Avicenne le Pers. Ce "contresens", cette substitution d'Averrroes de l'Avicennisme, non seulement va permettre a Ia physi­que d' Aristote de s'imposer comme connaissance pre-scientifique d'un monde des "res" coupe du monde des "voces" . .. mais encore et surtout l'adaption par !'Occident du modele averroist va couper Ia reflexion sur l'homme - c'est-a-dire le "connais toi toi-meme" de Ia tradition platon­icienne- de tout acces direct a Ia transcendence' (Durand, G., 1972, op. cit. pp. 50-1).

12 Corbin, H., 1964 (1993), op. cit., p. 205. 13 Nasr, S.H., 1964, Three Muslim Sages, p. 69. 14 Izutsu, T., 'The Paradox of Light and Darkness in the Garden of

Mystery of Shabasteri', in Strelka, J.P. (ed.), 1971, Anagogic Qualities of Literature, p. 299. For more discussions about the Theosophical Sufism or the Philosophy of Light, see in addition to the above men­tioned sources, Sohrravardi, Shahaboddin Yahya, 1986, Le Livre de la Sagesse Orientale (Kitab Hikmat al-Ishraq), translation and notes by Henry Corbin; Corbin, H., 1964 (1993), op. cit.; Corbin, 1939, Sohra­wardi d'Alep, fondateur de la doctorine illuminative (ishraqi); Corbin, H., 1971 (1991b), op. cit.; Schimmel, A., 1975 (1986), op. cit.; Geels, A., 1990, 'Extatisk Religion'; Netton, I.R., 'The Neoplatonic Substrate of Suhrawardi's Philosophy of Illumination: Falsafa as Tasawwuf', in Lewi­sohn, L. (ed.), 1992a, op. cit.

15 This critique, which by Western philosophers and theologians is con­sidered as one of the most important discussions to have 'dealt philo­sophy in the Islamic East a blow from which it was unable to recover', has hardly influenced Iranian philosophical and spiritual thought. In this respect Corbin says that 'Great astonishment is expressed when, for example, one describes to certain Iranian shaykhs the importance which Western historians have accorded to al-Ghazzali's critique of

238 Notes

philosophy' (Corbin, H., 1964 (1993), op. cit., pp. 180-1). For more information about Ghazzali's critique of philosophy see ibid., pp. 179-86 and pp. 242-51; Hogga, Mustapha, 1993, Orthodoxie, subversion et refonne en Islam: Gazali et les seljuqides; Boer, T.J. de, 1967, The History of Philosophy in Islam, pp. 154-68; Fakhry, M., 1983, A History of Islamic Philosophy, pp. 217-33.

16 Corbin, H., 1964 (1993), op. cit., p. 186. 17 See Corbin, H., 1939, op. cit and 1971 (1991b), op. cit; Schimmel, A.,

1975, op. cit., pp. 259-79. 18 Corbin, H., 1964 (1993), op. cit., p. 209. 19 As Corbin explains: 'we can also understand this term as meaning the

theosophy of the Orientals (ishraqiyun= mashriqiyun), the theosophy, that is, of the Sages of ancient Persia - not only because of their position on the earth's surface, but because their knowledge was Orien­tal in the sense that it was based on inner revelation (kashf) and mystical vision (mushahadah)' (Corbin, H., 1964 (1993), op. cit., p. 209).

20 Schimmel, A., 1975, op. cit., pp. 262-3. 21 Corbin, H., 1971 (1991b), op. cit., p. v, and 1964 (1993), op. cit., p. 218. 22 This doctrine is, William C. Chittick maintains, 'an intellectual synthesis

within which rational, philosophical speculation is combined with the mystical intuition of the Sufis, the Koranic exegesis of the theologians, and a thorough familiarity with the Shi'ite hadith literature, which discusses the Divine Unity in technical terms peculiar to itself' (Chit­tick, W.C., 'Mysticism Versus Philosophy in Earlier Islamic History: The al-Tusi, al-Qunawi Correspondence', in Religious Studies, volume 17, number 1, March 1981, p. 88). For additional discussions about the philosophy of Mulla Sadra, see, besides the preceding books mentioned in this respect, Mulla Sadra, Muhammad ibn Ibrahim, 1976, Al-Mabda' wal ma'ad (The Beginning and the End), and 1981, The Wisdom of the Throne: An Introduction to the Philosophy of Mulla Sadra; Amin, S. Hasan, 1987, Afkar-i falsafi-yi Mulla Sadra (The Philosophy of Mulla Sadra Shirazi 1572-1640); Corbin, Henry, 1988, Mol/a Sadra Shirazi: le livre des penetrations metaphysiques.

23 Corbin, H., 1964 (1993), op. cit., p. 342. 24 Chittick, William C., 1981, op. cit., p. 88. 25 Shayegan, D., 1989 (1992), Cultural Schizophrenia, p. 39. 26 Durand, G., 1969 (1972), op. cit., p. 62. 27 Mulla Sadra's conception of the idea of the Unity of Existence differs

from that of certain Sufis whose conception has a strong 'pantheistic' character. (See Mansouri, Z., 1993, Mulla Sadra - a translation and interpretation of Corbin's and other scholars' studies of Mulla Sadra -pp. 302-15.)

28 See Spinoza, B., 1981, op. cit. 29 According to Spinoza, God as an absolutely infinite being is the most

fundamental being. Yet Spinoza's God is neither a personal, creative agent nor is he separate from the Universe. All things then are in a sense in God. Conceiving God in this way, Spinoza promoted a world­view which in some of its aspects was very close to the idea of the unity of existence, called the logical Unity of Existence.

Notes 239

30 For additional discussions about the similarity and differences between the philosophy of Mulla Sadra and that of Spinoza, see Mansouri, Z., 1993, op. cit., pp. 211-24.

31 We will discuss this issue thoroughly in the next chapter. 32 Mansouri, Z., 1993, op. cit., p. 202. 33 Shayegan, D., 1989 (1992), op. cit., p. 39. 34 Mansouri, Z., 1993, op. cit., p. 321. 35 Arjomand, S.A., 1984, The Shadow of God and the Hidden Imam,

p. 149. 36 Shayegan, D., 1989 (1992), op. cit., p. 39. 37 Corbin, H., 1964 (1993), op. cit., p. 2. 38 Ibid., pp. 2-3. 39 Ibid., p. 3. 40 See The Koran: The First Tafsir in English, translated by Mufassir

Mohammad Ahmad, 1979, p. 179. 41 Corbin, H., 1964 (1993), op. cit., pp. 4-5. 42 Ibid., p. 5. 43 Dumont, L., 1986 (1992), op. cit., p. 247. 44 Durand, G., 1969 (1972), op. cit., p. 52. 45 See Schimmel, A., 1975 (1986), op. cit., p. 25. 46 The Qur'an confirms, for example, that: 'They do not fear the

blame ... and He loves them, and they love Him' (Sura 5: 59). (See Schimmel, A., 1975 (1986), op. cit., p. 25.)

47 Trimingham, J. Spencer, 1971 (1973), The Sufi Orders in Islam, p. 133. 48 In Iranian literature the words 'friend' and 'beloved' are used constantly

in order to refer to God. Indeed, the relation of man to God in Iranian poems is described in such a way that, as Schimmel points out: 'One of the questions that has been discussed frequently in connection with Persian lyrical poetry is whether this literature should be interpreted as mystical or as erotic.' (Schimmel, A., 1975, op. cit., p. 287).

49 Corbin, H., 1964 (1993), op. cit., p. 252, and 1976, Falsafeye Irani v falsafeye tatbighi (Philosophie iranienne et philosophie comparee), p. 12.

50 Nasr, S.H., 1972, op. cit., p. 19. 51 Lewisohn, L., 1992b, 'Overview: Iranian Islam and Persianate Sufism',

in Lewisohn, L., 1992a, op. cit., p. 12. 52 Danner, V., 1988, The Islamic Tradition, p. 95. 53 See Binyon, Laurence, 'Art in Persian', in Binyon, L. (ed.), 1935, The

Spirit of Man in Asian Art, pp. 123-32; Nasr, S.H., 1968, Science and Civilization in Islam.

54 See for example, Corbin, H., 1964 (1993), op. cit., pp. 205-20, and 1971 (1991b), op. cit.; also Schimmel, A., 1975, op. cit., pp. 259-79. Some aspects of the impact of Sufism on Iranian social and cultural life will be discussed later.

55 This is one of the factors that indicate the different destiny of mysticism in Islam from that of mysticism in Christianity.

56 Lewisohn, L., 1992b, op. cit., pp. 37-8. 57 Zarrinkub, Abdol Hossien, 1978, Justuju-yi dar tasawwuf-e Iran (In

Search of Iranian Sufism), pp. 1-29. It should be mentioned that

240 Notes

Zarrinkub, one of the most prominant Iranian Sufi researchers, stresses the innate predisposition to mysticism in the Iranian psyche, not merely the Persian one. We feel obliged to point this out because sometimes the use of the word Persian instead of Iranian by some scholars may be understood as a means of distinguishing Persians from the other peo­ples living in Iran. At any rate, neither Zarrinkub nor the writers of this book approve such a distinction between Persian and Iranian.

58 Corbin, H., 1971 (1991a), op. cit., p. x. 59 In this regard, G.M. Wickens remarks also that 'in Sufism we have what

is generally regarded, and not without much justice, as the supreme manifestation of the Persian mind in the religious sphere' (quoted in Lewisohn, 1992b, op. cit., pp. 26-7).

60 Lewisohn, L., 1992b, op. cit., p. 38. 61 See Arberry, A.J. (ed.), 1963, The Legacy of Persia. 62 Rig-Vt?da is regarded as the oldest samhita or collection of hymns,

sacrificial formulas, and so on. It is one of the most important docu­ments concerning Indian mythology.

63 Here we are talking about the original text of Avesta, especially the oldest part of it, Gathas, which is considered one of the best sources for the study of Iranian mythology.

64 See Moulton, J.H., 1913, Early Zoroastrianism, p. 19, and Ashtiani, J., 1988, Zartosht, Mazd-e Ytlsna va hokumat (Zoroaster, Mazda-e Yasna and Government), p. 123.

65 Here it must be mentioned that the ancient Iranian view of dualism can hardly be considered as ontological as is the case in Greek philosophy. It indicates rather ideas about existence as a combination of two prin­ciples, namely good and evil or light and darkness. We will discuss this issue later.

66 See Schimmel, A., 1975, op. cit., p. 9. 67 Nicholson, Reynold A., 1914 (1989), The Mystics of Islam, p. 8. 68 Schimmel, A., 1975, op. cit., p. 10. 69 See Zarrinkub, A.H., 1978, op. cit., pp. 1-29; Zanjani, A.A., 1987,

Pazhoheshi dar peydayesh v tahawolat-e tasawuf and arfan (An Inquiry into the Origin and Development of Sufism and Irfan), pp. 56-61.

70 Zoroaster (seventh-sixth century BC) was the prophet of the Zoroas­trian religion in Iran, the official religion in this country during the Sasanian Period.

71 See Ashtiani, J., 1988, op. cit., p. 129. 72 Ibid., p. 137. 73 Ibid. 74 Corbin, H., 1986, Temple and Contemplation, p. 50. (For more discus­

sions about this issue see also Corbin, H., 1971 (1978), The Man of Light in Iranian Sufism.)

75 Ibid., pp. 50-1. 76 Ibid. 77 Ibid. 78 Regarding the preceding discussion, in agreement with Corbin we

regard the commitment of such a perversion as the first episode of the 'philosophical disfiguration of man' in the West (Corbin, H., 1986,

Notes 241

op. cit., p. 51), but we can equally well understand why, as we will see later, there can hardly be any trace of such a 'disfiguration' regarding the concept of man in Persian Sufism. It is noteworthy that the 'philo­sophical disfiguration of man' means indeed the 'descendent' of man from a sacred being to an individual-in-the world, that is, the growth of concern for the individual self in Western ways of thinking.

79 Corbin, H., 1986, op. cit., p.51. 80 About the mystical elements in the doctrine of Zoroaster, Gherardo

Gnoli says that Zoroaster proclaimed a doctrine that was noticeably mystico-philosophical. According to him, the reason is that this doctrine had its roots in a psychic and mental experience that, notwithstanding its striking originality, was related to the Indo-Iranian conceptions of inner vision (Gnoli, G., 1980, Zoroaster's Time and Homeland: A Study of the Origins of Mazdaism and Related Problems, p. 228).

81 Corbin, H., 1964 (1993), op. cit., p. 207. For more detailed information about the impact of Zoroaster on Theosophical Sufism, see Corbin, H., 1971 (1991b), op. cit.

82 There are many different interpretations of the teachings of Mani, partly because of the fact that a great part of Manichaean literature was not discovered until the beginning of this century. Knowledge of the teachings of Mani increased enormously in the early 20th century 'by discovery of many fragments of Manichaean literature in eastern Turkistan. Subsequently, a large part of the Kephalaia, a collection of the religious injunctions of Mani, was recovered in a Coptic version, found in Egypt. These texts can now be collated with the versions of Manichaean doctrines as reported by the Church Fathers, including St. Augustine' (The New Encyclopedia Britannica, 1975, vol. 9, p. 849).

83 'There is evidence of some degree of syncretism between Buddhism and Manichaeism, an Iranian dualistic religion that was founded in the 3rd century AD' (ibid., p. 407).

84 So, for example, has Manichaeism influenced the Ismaili gnostics. As Corbin maintains: 'Nous avons revele ailleurs les traces indeniables et profondes de Ia gnose manicheenne sur Ia gnose ismaelienne; seule­ment, le nom de Mani n'y est pas prononce' (Corbin, H., 1971 (1991b), op. cit., p. 58). For more information about the mystical dimensions of Mani's teachings, see Zarrinkub, A.H., op. cit., pp. 13-15; Zanjani, A.A., 1987, op. cit., pp. 57-9.

85 In this respect Corbin says: 'En effet ... si theosophie des Orientaux revient a dire theosophie orientale, c'est parce que Ia sagesse des anciens Perses etait precisement Ia haute theosophie mystique ... ' (Cor­bin, H., 1971 (1991b), op. cit., p. 49).

86 Although many scholars, such as Nasr and Corbin, regard the integra­tion of Sufism with Shi'ism as positive for the development of philoso­phical thought in Iran, there are others, such as S.J. Tabataba'i, who consider it harmful (see Thbataba'i, Seyyed Javad, 1994, Zaval-i andishah-'i siyasi-i dar Iran (The Decline of Political Thought in Iran), pp. 257-90).

87 See Nicholson, R.A., 1921 (1967), Studies in Islamic Mysticism, p. vi; Schimmel, A., 1975 (1986), op. cit., pp. 42, 56, 83, 200, 223, 338, 339;

242 Notes

Corbin, H., 1964 (1992), op. cit., pp. 51-61, 102-105, 187-203. Henri Corbin throughout his books Philosophie iranienne et philosophie com­paree (1967) and En Islam iranien (vols. II and III) tries to show the spiritual aspect of Shi'ism and its close relationship with Sufism and the Philosophy of Light.

88 Schimmel, A., 1975, op. cit., pp. 82-3. 89 Corbin, H., 1964 (1993), op. cit., p. 103. 90 Nasr, S.H., 1972, op. cit., p. 105. 91 Nasr tries with the help of some examples to show how vast and

complicated the relationship between Shi'ism and Sufism has been. The doctrine of walayah (saintship, esoteric aspect of prophecy), the practice of wearing a khirqah (cloak) and passing it on from the master to the disciple as a symbol of the transmission of a spiritual teaching as well as the similarity between the Shi'i concept of Imam and Sufi concept of Qutb (highest member in the hierarchy of the saints) are among these examples. (See Nasr, S.H., 1972, op. cit., pp. 104-19.)

92 Corbin, H., 1964 (1993), op. cit., p. 188. 93 Ibid., p. 106. 94 Al-Shaibi, M. Kamal, 1991, Sufism and Shi'ism, p. 12. 95 Nasr, S.N., 1972, op. cit., p. 114. 96 Shah Ismail and the other Safavid rulers are often called by Arabs and

early Europeans 'Sufi' or 'Grand Sophi' (Schimmel, A., 1975, op. cit. p. 83).

97 Nasr, S.N., 1972, op. cit., pp. 117-18. 98 See Arjomand, S.A., 1984, op. cit., pp. 147-9. 99 Nasr, S.H., 1972, op. cit., p. 118.

100 Twelver Shi'ism will be discussed later. Here, it is enough to mention that it is the official and dominant form of Shi'ism in Iran.

101 For more information about the suppression of Sufism during the Safavid period see Arjomand, S.A., 1984, op. cit., pp. 112-21, and Mahdi, M., 'The Book and the Master as Poles of Cultural Changes in Islam', inS. Vyronis, Jr (ed.), 1975, Islam and Cultural Change in the Middle Ages.

102 Lewisohn, L., 1992(b), pp. 18-19. 103 Ibid., p. 36. 104 Hodgson, M., 1977, The venture of Islam, p. 203. 105 For instance, Ibn Arabi says about exoteric scholars: 'God created no

one more onerous and troublesome for the folk of Allah than the exoteric scholars (ulama al-rasum) ... In relation to the folk of Allah the exoteric scholars are like the pharaohs in relation to God's messen­gers' (Futuhat al-makkiyya, vol. 1., p. 279, quoted by Lewisohn, L. 1992b, op. cit., p. 19).

106 Hodgson, M., 1977, op. cit. 107 Mansouri, Z., 1993, op. cit., pp. 189-93. 108 Some scholars, such as Petrushevsky, express the possibility of a 90

per cent extermination rate among the population of Khurasan (see Petrushevsky, J.P. 'The Consequences of the Mongol Invasion', in The Cambridge History of Iran, vol. 5. 1968, pp. 484-8).

Notes 243

109 Ali Raja'i Bokhara'i, 'Farhang-i ash'ar-i Hafiz', cited in Lewisohn, L., 1992b, op. cit., p. 32.

110 Lewisohn, L., 1992b, op. cit., p. 35. 111 Khadduri, M., 1984, The Islamic Conception of Justice, pp. 70-1. 112 Ibid., p. 71. 113 Although the writing of short stories and novels had become popular as

late as the beginning of this century, it was never successful in compet­ing with poetry. There is an explanation for this phenomenon: one of the most essential characteristics of short stories and novels is their individualistic view of man. In other words, in both short stories and novels individual characters are centrally placed because the main objective is to give a picture of the different aspects of divergent individual lives. Now, if we take into account this point and the fact that - as we will see later - the Iranian world-image does not leave any significant space for individuality, it may not be difficult to understand why Iranian literature has only dealt with prose and poetry, but not with short stories and novels until modern times.

114 Schimmel, A., 1975, op. cit., p. 8. 115 Nicholson, R.A., 1914 (1989), op. cit., p. 106. 116 Gabrieli, F., 'Literary Tendencies', in Grunebaun, G.E. von (ed.), 1955,

Unity and Vtzriety in Muslim Civilization, p.100. 117 Nasr, S.H., 1992, op. cit., in Lewisohn, L. (ed.), 1992a, op. cit., p. 5. 118 Ibid. 119 Nicholson, R.A., 1914 (1989), op. cit., p. 96. 120 Concerning this issue Schimmel is of the opinion that 'Persian lyrics

would never have acquired their peculiar charm without the Sufi the­ories; these are the background upon which this poetry develops, and the tension between the worldly and the religious interpretation of life is resolved, in the poems of the outstanding masters of this art, in a perfect harmony of the spiritual, psychic, and sensual components.' (Schimmel, A., 1975, op. cit., p. 288).

121 Lewisohn, L. (ed.), 1992b, op. cit., p. 15. 122 Ghani, Qasim, quoted ibid., p. 16. 123 Ibid., p. 11. 124 Zarrinkub, A.H., 1970, 'Persian Sufism in its Historical Perspective', in

Iranian Studies, vol. 3, numbers 3-4, pp. 139-40. 125 See Utas, Bo, 1991, op. cit., p. 109. 126 New Persian developed under the Samanid Dynasty (875-998), three

centuries after the Arab invasion. It embraces a composite vocabulary of Middle Persian or Pahlavi and Arabic.

127 Lewisohn, L., 1992b, op. cit., p. 28. In addition, Persian was an import­ant language in India. It inspired also the development of Urdu and a part of Ottoman-Turkish literature.

128 Utas, Bo, 1991, op. cit., p. 103. 129 Ibid., p. 43. 130 Nakamura, H., 1964 (1971), op. cit., p. 38.

244 Notes

3 THE DISSOLUTION OF INDIVIDUALITY IN PERSIAN SUFISM

1 See Nicholson, R.A., 1914 (1989), op. cit., p. 3; Corbin, H., 1964 (1993), op. cit., p. 187; Schimmel, A., 1975 (1986), op. cit., p. 14; Geels, Antoon, 1990, op. cit., p. 39.

2 Corbin, H., 1964 (1993), op.cit., p. 187. 3 Schimmel, A. 1975 (1986), op. cit., p. 17. 4 Attar, Farid al-Din, 'Tadhkirat al-awliya', cited in Nasr, S.H., 1972, op.

cit., p. 69. 5 Nicholson, R.A., 1914 (1989), op.cit., p. 27. 6 See Schimmel, A., 1975 (1989), op. cit., p. 10. For more information

about the relationship between Sufism and Christianity, see also Andrae, Tor, 1947 (1987), In the Garden of Myrtles, pp. 7-32.

7 See, for instance, the study of Roderic Vassie regarding the impact of Indian religions on the Sufi idea of the Unity of Religion (Vassie, R., 'Abd al-Rahman Chishti and the Bhagavadgita: "Unity of Religion" Theory in Practice', in Lewisohn, L. (ed.), 1992(a), op. cit., pp. 367-405).

8 Nicholson, R.A., 1914 (1989), op. cit., p. 16. 9 See ibid., pp. 17-19; Schimmel, A., 1975 (1986), op. cit., pp. 47-8;

Zanjani, A.A., 1987. op. cit., pp. 36-7. 10 Nicholson, R.A., 1914 (1989), op. cit., pp. 17-19. 11 See Palmer, E. H., 1867 (1969), Oriental Mysticism: A Treatise on the

Sufistic and Unitarian Theosophy of the Persians. 12 Schimmel, A., 1975 (1989), op.cit., p. 10. See also Nasr, S.H., 1983.

op.cit. 13 For more discussions about this issue see Zarrinkub, A.H., 1978, op.

cit., pp. 1-29; Zarrinkub, 1970, op. cit.; Zanjani, A.A., 1987, op. cit., pp. 56-68.

14 According to Stoddart, 'Sufism has sometimes borrowed formulations deriving from Neoplatonic and other spiritual doctrines which coincide with its own view of reality, but this has always been for convenience of expression, and does not constitute any syncretism' (Stoddart, W., 1976 (1986), Sufism, p. 43).

15 Stoddart, W., 1976 (1986), op. cit., p. 19. Tor Andrae has the same view regarding the origin of Sufism (see Andrae, T., 1947 (1987), op. cit., p. 7).

16 Nicholson, R.A., 1914 (1989), op. cit., p. 20. 17 One can trace the footprints of pantheistic ideas in Sufism. For exam­

ple, the 'Legend of the Moslem Saints' records the wildest excesses of Oriental pantheism (Nicholson, R.A., 1914 (1989), op.cit., p. 108). In this regard D.B. Macdonald says 'all thinking, religious Moslems are mystics .... All, too, are pantheists, but some do not know it' (quoted ibid., p. 23).

18 Schimmel, A., 1975 (1986), op. cit., p. 24. 19 Nicholson, R.A., 1914 (1989), op. cit., p. 22. 20 Schimmel, A., 1975 (1986), op. cit., p. 25.

Notes 245

21 'The name Mutazilites designates a group of Muslim thinkers which was formed in the town of Basrah during the first half of the second century AH. Their movement expanded so rapidly that the name came to designate a considerable proportion of the cultured Muslim elite.' (Corbin, H., 1964 (1993), op. cit., p. 106).

22 See Lewisohn, L., 1992b, op. cit., pp. 19-24. 23 Ibid., p. 21. 24 It should be pointed out that for Kremer the turning point was the

appearance of the doctrine of Hallej's in the tenth century. Yet, as Nicholson and some other scholars point out, a manifest sign of the new current in Sufism could be perceived early, from the end of the seventh century. See Nicholson, R.A., 1923, The Idea of Personality in Sufism, p. 7; Geels, A., 1990, op.cit., p. 40; Andrae, T., 1947 (1987), op. cit., pp. 4-5.

25 Alfred von Kremer, cited by Nicholson, R. A., 1923, op. cit., p. 26. 26 Actually, according to Nicholson this ascetic movement was inspired

mainly by Christian ideas (see Nicholson, R.A., 1914 (1989), op. cit., pp. 10-11).

27 Nicholson, R.A., 1923, op. cit., pp. 26-7. 28 Ibid., p. 27. 29 See Hodgson, M., 1977, op. cit; Arberry, A.J. (ed.), 1963, op. cit;

Bausani, A., 1971, The Persians: From the Earliest Days to the Rventieth Century; Gabrieli, F., 1955, op. cit.; Lewisohn, L., 1992b, op. cit.; Corbin, H., 1964 (1993), op. cit.; 1971 (1991a), op. cit. 1971 (1991b), En Islam iranien, II; Corbin, H., 1972 (1991), En Islam iranien, III.

30 The increasing influence of Hellenistic ideas also played an important role in this respect (see Nicholson, R.A., 1923, op.cit., p. 8).

31 See Lewisohn, L., 1992b, op.cit., pp. 11-29. Although Ibn Arabi was not an Iranian, he was probably acquainted with Persian Sufism through his wife who was a Persian Sufi (Fakhry, M., 1983, op. cit., p. 251.) It is noteworthy that his essays have nowhere been commented on as much as in Iran (see Nasr, S.H., 1972, op.cit., p. 101).

32 Weber, M., 1968 (1978), op. cit., vol. 1. pp. 555-6. 33 See, for instance, Houben, S.J., 1952-3, op. cit., p. 10; Boer, T.J. de,

1967, op. cit., p. 63. 34 See Corbin, Henry, 'Imagination creatrice et priere creatrice dans le

soufisme d'lbn Arabi', in Eranos-Jahrbuch, vol. 25, 1957, p. 182. 35 Arasteh, A. Reza, 1980, Growth to Selfhood, p. 8. 36 See Schimmel, A., 1975 (1986), op. cit., p. 256 and p. 496 in the index of

subjects; Lewisohn, L., 1992b, op. cit., p. 42; Nicholson, R., 1914 (1989), op. cit., p. 29; Boas, Roger and Sahnoun, F., 'Excerpts from the Epistle on the Spirit of Holiness (Risalah Rub al-Quds)' in Hirtenstein, S. and Tieman, M. (eds), 1993, Muhyiddin Ibn Arabi, p. 45; Nasr, S.H., 1972, op. cit., p. 160.

37 See Nasr, S.H., 1972, op. cit., p. 160. 38 See for instance, Mansouri. Z., 1993. op.cit., pp. 205-10. 39 Ibid., p. 205. 40 See Nicholson, R., 1914 (1989), op.cit.; Lewisohn, L., 1992b, op. cit.;

Hodgson, M., 1974 (1977), op. cit.; Schimmel, A., 1975 (1986), op. cit.;

246 Notes

Stoddart, W, 1976 (1986), op. cit.; Nasr, S.H., 1972, op. cit.; Bausani, A., 1971, op. cit.; Arberry, A.J., 1963, op. cit; Zarrinkub, A.H., 1978, op. cit.; 1970, op. cit.; 1963 (1983), Arzesh-e mirase Suffiyye (The Legacy of Sufism); Ghani, Qasim, 1977, Bahth dar athar wa afkar wa ahwal-i Hafiz: Tarikh-i tasawwuf dar eslam wa tatawwurat wa tahawwulat-i mukhtalifa-i an az sadr-i islam ta asr-i Hafiz (A Discussion on the Works of Hafiz: The Sufi Path in Islam and its Development From the Beginning of Islam to the Time of Hafiz).

41 A. Reza Arasteh, Director of the Institute for Psycho-Cultural Analysis and formerly a member of the faculty Department of Psychiatry at George Washington University and one of the founding members of the Organization for Asian Psychology, is the author of many books in English, Persian and Spanish. He is regarded as one of the most important figures in the development of a new perspective on the development of the concept of self in the shadow of spiritual evolution in Sufism and in general in religious tradition.

42 Arasteh, A.R., 1980 (1990), op.cit., p. 9. 43 See Schimmel, A., 1975 (1986), op. cit., pp. 305-6. 44 Arasteh, A.R., 1980 (1990), op.cit., p. 9. 45 Ibid. 46 Ibid., p. 50. 47 Ibid., p. x. 48 Ibid., p. 93. 49 Rosenthal, Franz,' "I Am You": Individual Piety and Society in Islam',

in Banani, A. and Vryonis, S., Jr, 1977a, Individualism and Conformity in Classical Islam, p. 33.

50 Arasteh, A.R., 1980 (1990), op.cit., p. 93. 51 For further discussions about the spiritual guidance system and the

relationship between master and disciple in Persian Sufism, see Nasr, S.H., 1972, op. cit., p. 57-67.

52 For further discussions about the relations of Rumi with Shams see Nicholson, R.A. (ed. and trans.) 1898 (1977), Selected Poems from the Divani Shamsi Tabriz; and Schimmel, A., 1975, op.cit., pp. 309-15.

53 In one of his poems, Rumi expresses his love to Shams as follows: When I search the heart he is the beloved, When I write a letter to the beloved he is the ink, the inkwell and the

paper; When I awaken he is my intelligence. When I go to sleep, he is my

dream, Go, leave speech and book, for it is far better that he be the book. Be silent, for all six sides are his light. And when you pass these six

sides, there is he the Judge. (Quoted in Arasteh, A.R., 1974, Rumi the Persian, the Sufi, pp. 63-4.)

54 See Rumi, M.J., 1959, Diwan-i Kabir ya Kulliat-i Shams (The Great Divan of Shams).

55 Nasr, S.H., 1972, op. cit., p. 57. 56 Ibid., p. 58. 57 Nicholson, R.A., 1914 (1989), op.cit., p. 25. 58 Arasteh, A.R., 1980 (1990), op.cit., p. 135.

Notes 247

59 Ibid., p. 51. 60 Nicholson, R.A., 1914 (1989), op. cit., p. 19. 61 According to some scholars, e.g. Nicholson (1914 (1989), op.cit., p. 18), if

the concept of Nirvana is based on a pure and absolute negation of the individual, then fana is associated with another concept - baqa ('eternal life', reintegration into the positive waves of life)- meaning the ever­lasting life of man in God or 'remaining' in God after annihilation.

62 In this regard Nasr points out that 'Islam is the religion of unity (tawhid) and all veritable aspects of Islamic doctrine and practice reflect this central and cardinal principle' (Nasr, S.H., 1972, op. cit., p. 43). See also Stapa, Z.B., 'A Discussion on Tawhid: The View of the Sufis', in Hamdard Islamicus, vol XIV, number 1, Spring 1991.

63 Nasr, S.H., 1972, op. cit., p. 43. 64 Shabistari, Mahmud, 1880, The Rose-Garden of Mysteries (Gulshan-i

raz), ed. and trans. Edward Henry Whinfield, pp. 84-5. 65 Nasr, S.H., 1972, op. cit., p. 105. 66 Islam is also divided into Sunnism and Shi'ism. Such a division repres­

ents Islam's 'horizontal' structure (ibid.). 67 See Attar, F., 1954 (1971), Mantiq al-tayr (The Conference of the

Birds); Rumi, M.J., 1925-40, Mathnawi-e manawi; Jami, M.A., 1906, Lawa'ih.

68 Arasteh, A.R., 1980 (1990), op. cit., p. 38. 69 Here it must be mentioned that although the state of Union is con­

sidered as the final state of mystical education in every kind of mysti­cism, Oriental mysticism, including Sufism, insists, as Evelyn Underhill maintains, 'upon a further stage beyond that of union' (Underhill, Evelyn, 1912, Mysticism, p. 207). This stage is 'the total annihilation or absorption of the individual soul in the Infinite' (ibid.). Hesitating as to whether European researchers' interpretations upon this issue are correct, Underhill insists that 'The doctrine of annihilation as the end of the soul's ascents, whatever the truth may be as to the Moslem attitude concerning it, is rejected by all European mystics' (ibid., p. 208).

70 Arasteh, A.R., 1980 (1990), op. cit., p. 98. 71 Ibid. 72 About this issue see, Ansari, A.H., 'Abu Yazid AI- Bastami's Descrip­

tion of the Mystical Experience', in Hamdard Islamicus, vol. VI, number 2, Summer 1983.

73 Schimmel, A., 1975 (1986), op. cit., p. 47. The interesting point about Bastami is that he became popular among Sufis and the wider public despite the fact that he was one of the first opponents of dogmatic clericalism in Iranian Islam, and despite the fact that his teachings and poetry had been criticized by many clerical figures. For instance, he claimed 'to have visited the Almighty's court and to have found it empty of all members of the clergy (ulama) and devoid of any jurisprudents (fuqaha )' (A.H. Zarrinkub, quoted in Lewisohn, L., 1992b, op. cit., p. 20).

74 The concept offana is very similar to the Indian concept of atman (the innermost self). Indeed, Bayezid's understanding of the concept of self is so close to that of Indian thinkers that some researchers talk about an influence of Indian thought. See Abdur Rabb, M., 'The Problem of

248 Notes

Possible Indian Influence on Abu Yazid al-Bastami', in Journal of the Pakistan Historical Society, January 1972.

75 See Schimmel, A., 1975 (1986), op. cit., p. 49. 76 Ibid., p. 48. 77 Ibid., p. 49. 78 Ibid., p. 50. 79 Izutsu, Toshihiko, 'The Structure of Selfhood in Zen Buddhism', in

Eranos-Jahrbuch 1969, vol. 38. 1972, p. 96. 80 Ibid. 81 Although there are many points distinguishing Zen Buddhism and

other philosophies of East Asia from Sufism, on the functional relation­ship between subject and object there is a similarity between them. See Izutsu, Toshihiko, 1983, Sufism and Taoism.

82 Durand, G., 1972, op. cit., p. 81. 83 Alfred von Kremer believes that Hallaj's sentence 'I am the Absolute

Truth' comes from Indian sources; cf. also Max Horton, who compares this sentence with that of the aham brahmasmi of the Upanishads (Schimmel, A., 1975 (1986), op. cit., p. 64).

84 Schimmel, A., 1975 (1986), op. cit., p. 75. 85 Nicholson, R.A., 1914 (1989), op. cit., p. 96. 86 Ibid., p. 168. 87 Ibid. 88 Ibid., p. 167. 89 See Nicholson, R.A., 1922, Translation of Eastern Poetry and Prose,

p. 101. 90 Jami, M.A., quoted in Schimmel, A., 1975 (1986), op. cit., p. 283. 91 Arasteh, A.R., 1980 (1990), op.cit., p. 137. 92 Ibid., p. 104. 93 Ibid., p. 139. 94 For more detailed discussions about this issue, see Nasr, S.H., 1983, op.

95 96 97 98 99

100 101

102 103 104

cit.; Chittick, William C., 1981, op. cit.; Corbin, H., 1964 (1993) op.cit., pp. 187-218 and pp. 283-316. Schimmel, A., 1975 (1986), op. cit., p. 263. Nasr, S.H., 1972, op.cit., pp. 97-103. See Schimmel, A., 1975 (1986), op.cit., pp. 279-86. Fusus al-hikam is the famous book of Ibn Arabi. Nasr, S.H., 1972, op.cit., p. 101. Ibid., p. 102. Since Toshihiko Izutsu is one of the few who, in studying the ideas of Ibn Arabi, stresses his conception of the relationship between the individual self and the Universal Self - something that is essential for our study - and since in doing this he explains the gist of the Sufi understanding of the Absolute and the Unity of the Existence in a way that is also understandable to those who are not familiar with the theosophical texts, in analysing these two pivots, we have based a great deal of our study on his book Sufism and Taoism. Izutsu, T., 1983, op. cit., p. 221. Nicholson, R.A., 1914 (1989), op. cit., p. 81. Ibid., p. 96.

Notes 249

105 Lewisohn, L., 1992c, 'The Transcendental Unity of Polytheism and Monotheism in the Sufism of Shabistari', in Lewisohn, L., 1992a, op. cit., p. 391. For additional discussions about this issue, see also Bous­field, J., 'Good, Evil and Spiritual Power: Reflections on Sufi Teachings', in Parkin, D. (ed.). 1985, The Anthropology of Evil.

106 For more discussion of Shabistari see Corbin, H., 'Le poeme de Mamud Shabestari et ses commetateurs', in Trilogie Jsmaelienne, 1961.

107 Lewisohn, L., 1992c, op. cit., p. 391. 108 Ibid., p. 392. 109 Ibid. 110 Ibid., p. 393. In the following verses of Maghribi, the Iranian poet, we

can find traces of Sufi ideas of the Relativity of Evil: What to men is infidelity and sin For me is Faith and true doctrine. All the world's gall and bitterness To my taste seems sweet, delicious An eye which sees the Truth For lies has no sight at all: For all 'untruth' that is conceived Or what is perceived as lies, mendacity Lies in the eyes themselves deceived -The vantage-point of men without veracity For in the briar-patch of pride and envy, Deceit, hypocrisy, polytheism and jealousy, The blossom of Unity cannot flourish.

(Maghribi, M.S., 'Divan-i Muhammad Shirin Maghribi', quoted in Lewisohn, L., 1992c, op. cit., p. 394.)

111 Underhill, Evelyn, 1912, op. cit., p. 208 112 Lewisohn, L., 1992c, op. cit., p. 392. 113 Ibid., p. 394. 114 Turner, B.S., 1992, op. cit., p. 67. 115 Ibid. 116 Gilsenan, 'Saint and Sufi in Modern Egypt', quoted in Turner, B.S,

1992, op. cit., p. 70. 117 Turner, B.S., 1992, op. cit., p. 66. 118 Ibid., p. 196. 119 Andrae, T., 1947 (1987), op. cit., p. 91. 120 Schimmel, A., 1975 (1986), op. cit., p. 194. 121 Ibid., p. 195. 122 Ibid., p. 194. Simurgh is a legendary bird in Persian mythology. Literally

it means thirty birds (si murq) in Persian. Attar, the famous Sufi, used the metaphor of Simurgh in his well-known book Mantiq al-tayr to express the idea of the Unity of Existence.

123 Ibid., p. 195. 124 Ibid., p. 194. 125 Andrae, T., 1947 (1987), op. cit., p. 93. 126 Taylor, D., 'Theological Thoughts about Evil', in Parkin, D. (ed.), 1985.

op. cit., p. 34. 127 Ibid., p. 35.

250 Notes

128 Ibid. 129 Ibid., p. 38. 130 Ibid., pp. 35-6. 131 See Bousfield, J., 1985, op. cit., p. 195. 132 Nasr, S.H., 'Sufism and the Spiritual Needs of Contemporary Man', in

Needleman, J. and Lewis, D. (ed.), 1975, Sacred Tradition and Present Need, p. 89.

133 Ibid. 134 Ibid., p.81. 135 For more discussion of this issue, see Avens, R., 'The Idea of Subtle

Embodiment in Henry Corbin', in Hamdard Is/amicus, vol. VI, number 4, Winter 1983.

136 For additional discussion of this issue, see Chittick, W.C., 1989, The Sufi Path of Knowledge: Ibn at-Arabi's Metaphysics of Imagination.

137 Nasr, S.H., 1975, op.cit., p. 83. 138 Ibid., p. 89. 139 Ibid. 140 Izutsu, T., 1983, op. cit., p. 80 141 Nicholson, R.A., 1914 (1989), op. cit., p. 154 142 Izutsu, T., 1983, op. cit., p. 473 143 Weber, M., 1948 (1970a), 'The Sociology of Charismatic Authority', in

Gerth, H.H. and Mills, W. (eds), op. cit., p. 325. 144 Weber, M., 1968 (1978), op. cit., vol. I, p. 552 145 Ibid., p. 546 146 Ibid., p. 553. 147 Ibid., p. 546. 148 See Roth, G. and Schluchter, W., 1979 (1984), op. cit., pp. 39-40; Weber,

M., 1948 (1970a), op. cit., pp. 324-5; and 1968 (1978), op. cit., vol I, p. 522. 149 Nasr, S.H., 'Self-Awareness and Ultimate Selfhood', in Religious Stu­

dies, vol. 13, number 1, March 1977, p. 319. 150 Schimmel, A., 1975 (1986), op. cit., p. 279. 151 In general, as Annemarie Schimmel maintains, 'Every history of Per­

sian ... literature contains information about Sufi poetry' (Schimmel, A., 1975 (1986), op. cit., p. 187). For information about the reflection of the Mysticism of Unity on Iranian poetry, beside the above men­tioned book, see the following books in English: Nicholson, R.A., 1914 (1989), op. cit.; Browne, Edward G., 1969, A Literary History of Persia; Arberry, A.J., 1958, Classical Persian Literature; Rypka, Jan, 1968, History of Iranian Literature; Ghomi, Haideh, 1993, The Fragrance of the Rose: The Transmission of Religion, Culture, and Tradition through the Translation of Persian Poetry.

152 Schimmel, A., 1975 (1986), op. cit., p. 280.

4 THE SOCIOCULTURAL EFFECTS OF SUFISM ON THE SOCIAL LIFE OF IRANIANS

1 See Ashtiani, J., 1988, op. cit., pp. 141-50.

Notes 251

2 Corbin, H., 1964 (1993), op. cit., p. 306. 3 See Ashtiani, J., 1988, op. cit., p. 145. 4 See Gnoli, G., 1980, op. cit., pp. 199-231. 5 Weber, M., 1948 (1970), op. cit., p. 358. 6 The subjective social identity implies the view of oneself as a member in

different categories, that is, what one has in common with others. See Magnusson, K., 1986, op. cit., p. 169. In other words, when the indivi­dual recognizes the categorization of himself as a member of a social group we are faced with a subjective social identity.

7 Nakamura, H., 1964 (1971), op. cit., p. 19. 8 Ibid. (the emphasis is ours). 9 It may be convenient to mention here that the Sufi idea of tolerance

does not only touch the mutual concession between different religions but concerns the freedom of ideas in general. Homa Nateq, a famous contemporary Iranian historian, studying Iranian political history between 1834 and 1848 - a period named by her 'the Dervishes' state' - remarks that this was a period of toleration and a flourishing of different ideas, a period characterized by abolition of torture and death-sentences, and by freedom of all religions and beliefs (see Nateq, Homa, 1988, Iran dar rah yabi-e farhangi (Iran in Cultural Path-finding), p. 6).

10 See Nasr, S.H., 1972, op. cit., p. 123. 11 Lewisohn, L., 1992b, op. cit., p. 32. 12 Bausani, A., 1971, op. cit., p. 116. 13 For additional discussions about this doctrine, see Lewisohn, L., 1992c,

op. cit., pp. 367-405. 14 Ibid., p. 33. 15 Lewisohn, L., 1992c, op. cit., p. 395. 16 Lahiji is the one of the most important commentators of the Gulshan-i

raz. 17 Lewisohn, L., 1992c, op. cit., p. 397. 18 Ibid. 19 Lahiji, Mohammad, 'Mafatih al-i'jaz fi sharah-i Gulistan-i raz', quoted

in Lewisohn, L., 1992c, op. cit., p. 395. 20 Shabistari, M., quoted in Lewisohn, L., 1992c, op. cit., p. 405. 21 Lewisohn, L., 1992c, op. cit., p. 395. For more information about

Shabistari's Doctrine of Esoteric Idolatry, see Lewisohn, L., 1989, 'Sha­bistari's Garden of Mysteries: The Aesthetics and Hermeneutics of Sufi Poetry', in Temenos: A Review Devoted to the Arts of the Imagination, 10, pp. 177-207; Arberry, A.J., 1958, op. cit.

22 Corbin, H., 1969, Creative Imagination in the Sufism of Ibn Arabi, p. 180. 23 Schimmel, A., 1975 (1986), op. cit., pp. 271-2. 24 'Those who adore God in the sun', says Ibn al-Arabi, 'behold the sun,

and those who adore Him in living things see a living thing, and those who adore Him in lifeless things see a lifeless thing, and those who adore Him as a being unique and unparalleled see that which has no like. Do not attach yourself', he continues, 'to any particular creed exclusively, so that you disbelieve in all the rest; otherwise, you will

252 Notes

lose much good, nay, you will fail to recognize the real truth of the matter .. .' (Nicholson, R.A., 1914 (1989), op. cit., pp. 87-8).

25 Stoddart, W., 1976 (1986), op. cit., p. 34. 26 Nasr, S.H., 1972, op. cit., p. 131. 27 Ibid. 28 For example the 'prayer of Abraham' among Sunnis and the Du'a-yi

warith among Shi'is. For further information about Islam and the encounter of religions, see Nasr, S.H., 1972, op. cit., pp. 123-51.

29 For example, in the following Suras we can find traces of such an attitude: 'The believers, the Jews, the Sabians and the Christians who believe in Allah and in the Last Day will have nothing to fear. They shall have no anguish in the world hereafter' (The Koran, translated by M.M. Ahmad, 1979, Sura 5:69, p. 122); 'Use no force in making people accept His religion. Guidance and progress have become clear and distinguished from deceit and backwardness. He who rejects Satan and the Path of rebellion, and who believes in Allah, is held by a bond that will not be severed. Allah hears and knows everything' (Ibid., Sura 2:256, pp. 43-4); ~lah does not forbid you to show good­will and kindness towards those rejectors of the faith who do not fight you in matters of the faith, and who do not evict you from your homes. Deal with them justly and remember that Allah loves people who act justly' (ibid., Sura 60:8, p. 595).

30 Hodgson, Marshall G.S., 1974 (1977), op. cit., vol. II, p. 220. 31 Lewisohn, L., 1992c, op. cit., p. 379. 32 Lewisohn, L., 1992b, op. cit., p. 38. 33 Ibid., pp. 39-40. 34 See Zarrinkub, A.H., 1978, op. cit., pp. 323-4; Lewisohn, L., 1992c, op.

cit., p. 381. 35 See Zarrinkub, A.H., 1978, op. cit., pp. 325 and 415. 36 Corbin, H., 1964 (1993), op. cit., p. 305. 37 Lewisohn, L., 1992b, op. cit., p. 38, footnote. 38 Choubine, B., 1985. Tashayyu'va siyasat dar Iran (Shi'ism and Politics in

Iran), vol. I, p. 293. 39 Nicholson, R.A., 1914 (1989), op. cit., p. 88. 40 Ibid., p. 90. 41 Schimmel, A., 1975 (1986), op. cit., p. 291. 42 Nurbakhsh, J., 'Sufi Symbolism', in The Nurbakhsh Encyclopedia of Sufi

Terminology, 1986, v. III, Religious Terminology, p. 230. 43 Ibid., p. 231. 44 Ibid., p. 226. 45 Ibid., p. 224. 46 In general, as W. Stoddart mentions, 'Islam accepts and incorporates

into itself all antecedent prophets of abrahamic lineage, up to and including Jesus and Mary. There are more references in Qur'an to the Virgin Mary (Sayyidat-na Maryam) than in the New Testament .. .' (Stoddart, W., 1976 (1986), op. cit., p. 34).

47 Almqvist, K., 1994, op. cit., p. 74. 48 See The Koran, translated by Mufassir Mohammad Ahmad, 1979, Sura

19: Maryam, p. 321.

Notes 253

49 Nasr, S.H., 'Foreword' in Ardalan, N. and Bakhtiar, L., 1973, The Sense of Unity: The Sufi Tradition in Persian Architecture, p. xii.

50 Nasr, S.H., 1987, Traditional Islam in the Modern World, p. 230. 51 Ardalan, N. and Bakhtiar, L., 1973, op. cit., p. 3. 52 In this respect, Ghazzali says: 'The beauty of a thing lies in the appear­

ance of that perfection which is realizable and in accord with its nature. When all possible traits of perfection appear in an object, it presents the higher degree of beauty ... ' (quoted in Ettinghausen, Richard, 'Originality and Conformity in Islamic Art', in Banani, A. and Vryonis, S. (eds), 1977, op. cit., p. 111).

53 Ardalan, N. and Bakhtiar, L., 1973, op. cit., p. 6. 54 Ettinghausen, R., 1977, op. cit., p. 88. 55 Nasr, S.H., 1973. op. cit., p. xii. 56 Nasr, S.H., 1987, op. cit., p. 243. 57 Ibid., p. 241. 58 We can trace such an attitude even among contemporary Iranian artists,

especially those who are occupied with the traditional arts such as carpet-making, engraving, tile-work, woodwork and calligraphy.

59 Ardalan and Bakhtiar, 1973, op. cit., p. 10. 60 Ettinghausen, R., 1977, op. cit., pp. 106-7. 61 Michael Craig Hillmann is Professor of Persian at the University of

Texas at Austin. He is editor of the world- and comparative-literature journal Literature East and West, and the author and editor of a dozen volumes and scores of articles about the ancient and modern Persian literature.

62 Hillmann, M.C., 1987, A Lonely Woman, p. 109. 63 Ibid., p. 149. 64 Ibid. 65 Ibid., p. 152. 66 Ibid. 67 Sykes, E.C., 1901, Through Persia on a Side Saddle, vol. I, p. 150, quoted

in Ensafpoor, G.R., 1984, Iran va Irani be tahqiq dar sad safarnamey-e khareji (Iran and Iranians According to a Hundred Travel Accounts of Europeans), p. 87.

68 Hillmann, M.C., 1987, op. cit., p. 152. 69 See Khomeini, R.A., 1989, Sabuye eshq: Ghazal haye arefane-ye emam

Khomeini (The Vessel of Love: Mystical Poems of Imam Khomeini). 70 Durand, G., 1972, op. cit., p. 67. 71 Jung, C. G., 1966, Two Essays on Analytical Psychology, p. 173. 72 Abegg, L., 1952, The Mind of East Asia, p. 142. 73 Dumont, L., 1986 (1992), op. cit., p. 25. 74 This difference is clearly shown in Durand's interesting essay, 'Defig­

uration philosophique et figure traditionelle de l'homme en Occident', to which reference has already been made. Comparing two divergent 'epistemes' referring to the modern individual and the traditional man respectively, Durand writes: 'Le champ, Ia strate qui coincide avec "l'epoque" moderne ... dans sa visee positiviste ne voit dans l'univers qu'un ensemble disparate qu'unifie seule Ia methode, c'est-a-dire les relations logiques. ~autre strate, celle de l'homme traditionel ... se veut

254 Notes

plus, avec une dignite sans complexe, une gnose unifiante ou l'homme n'est pas qu'un principe methodologique, mais une figure de Ia creation (ou du cosmos, de l'ordre universe!) toute entiere parce qu'il est l'image de Dieu. Pour Ia science l'homme n'est qu'un epicentre fragile et vide, pour Ia tradition, l'homme est un lieu de "passage" ou se comprend et se concretise Je secret qui lie Ia Creation au Createur, "le secret de Dieu"' (Durand, G., 1969 (1972), op. cit., p. 86).

75 This view has strongly influenced Iranian literature to the extent that we can find hundreds of verses urging individuals to regard others as an integrated part of themselves. One such verse, found in school-books and known to many Iranians, is the famous Persian verse by Sa' di (d. 1292), which says that 'human beings are the organs of one and the same body, because they are created from one Essence.' This verse is written as a graffito on one of the walls of the headquarters of the United Nations. It is taken from Sa'di's book Gulistan, which, as Schimmel (1975 (1986), op. cit., p. 8) maintains, has been a favourite work of European intellectuals. Much information about Oriental spirituality can be gained from its translation.

76 Dumont, L., 1986 (1992), op. cit., p. 106. 77 Tocqueville, Alexis de, 1966 (1968), Democracy in America, vol. II,

p. 563.

5 INDIVIDUALITY AND SOCIAL REALITY

1 Mauss, M., 1985, op. cit., p. 20. 2 Dumont, L., 1986 (1992), op. cit., p. 73. 3 Hampton, Jean, 1986, Hobbes and the Social Contract Tradition, p. 6. 4 Ibid., p. 9. 5 Ibid., p. 272. 6 Rousseau, J.J., quoted in Jones, W.T. (ed.), 1947, Masters of Political

Thought, p. 264. 7 Tocqueville, Alexis de, L 'Ancien Regime et Ia Revolution, cited in Aron,

Raymond, 1965, Main Currents in Sociological Thought, p. 273. 8 Ibid., p. 272. 9 Gierke, 0., 1957, Natural Law and the Theory of Society, 1500 to 1800,

§14, I. 4, p. 40. 10 Hampton, J., 1986, op. cit., p. 270. 11 Ibid., p. 276. 12 Van Nieuwenhuijze, C.A.O., 1985, The Lifestyles of Islam, p. 76. 13 Although both Islam and Christianity have many features in common,

due to their origin as Abrahamian religions, they are severely dissimilar when it comes to their view of man. The following remark by Van Nieuwenhuijze may to some degree explain the reason for this diver­gence. He maintains that 'Humanism in the West is a feature ensuing from the pagan rather than the Christian root of Western civilization. It is based upon secularism as inherent in Christian doctrine and then again upon secularization as its historical corollary. In the last resort, it pivots

Notes 255

around the postulate that man is the measure of all things: the central tenet of Western modernity' (Van Nieuwenhuijze, 1985, op. cit., p. 72).

14 As L. Rosen maintains, for Muslims 'who live subject to a legal system touched by the Islamic precepts the role and importance of law are inseparable from its connections to a wide range of social and cultural practices' (Rosen, Lawrence, 1989, The Anthropology of Justice, p. xv).

15 Schacht, Joseph, 1964, An Introduction to Islamic Law, p. 200. 16 In order to obtain an idea about the actuality of the history for the

Muslims, see Nordberg, Micha~l, 1988, Profetens Folic: Stat, Samhiille och Kultur i Islam under Tusen Ar (Prophet's People: State, Society and Culture in Islam over One Thousand Years), p. 9. Also see Arkoun, Mohammed, 1984, Pour une critique de Ia raison islamique, and 1989, Overtures sur ['Islam; Ensafpoor, G.R., 1984, op. cit.

17 It is common for the participants of such mourning ceremonies to beat themselves and some go even further and injure themselves with poniards in order to show compassion for the victims.

18 Kapuscinski, Ryszard, 1982, Shahemas Shah (Shah of Shahs), p. 85. 19 Rosen, L., 1989, op. cit., pp. 14-15. 20 Ibid. 21 Davary, Reza, 1977, Maqam-e falsafe dar tarikh-e doreye eslami-e Iran

(The Place of Philosophy in the Islamic History of Iran), p. 18. 22 Nasr, S.H., 1968 (1987), op. cit., p. 21.

6 INDIVIDUALITY AND POLITICS

1 Although the institution of caliphate and the political theories con­cerned with it mostly fall within the framework of Sunni Islam, they are of significance for our discussion because of the fact that Iranian society and, therefore, Iranian ways of thinking were for centuries subject to the influences of the Islamic caliphate. As many researchers, like S.A. Aljomand, maintain, both 'the Sunni and Shi'ite Muslims shared the idea of the legitimate Caliph as the "Imam of guidance" (to salvation] in the first two centuries' (Aljomand, Said Amir (ed.), 1988a, Authority and Political Culture in Shi'ism., p. 3). Besides, to study the institution of caliphate can be elucidating for understanding the way Iranians understood the relationship between ruler and ruled, since many Iranian thinkers have both practically and theoretically contri­buted to the development of this institution.

2 Ayubi, Nazih, 1991, Political Islam, p. 7. 3 Cavalli, Luciano, 'Charisma and 1Wentieth-Century Politics', in Whim­

ster, S. and Scott, L. (eds), 1987, Max Weber, Rationality and Modernity, p. 318.

4 Weber, M., 1922 (1964), op. cit., p. 78. 5 Weber, M., 1948 (1970b), 'The Sociology of Charismatic Authority', in

Gerth, H.H. and Mills, W (ed.), op.cit., pp. 247-8. 6 Ibid., p. 248. 7 Weber, Max, 1951, Religion of China, Confucianism and Taoism.

256 Notes

8 Max Weber, quoted in Cavalli, Luciano, 1987, op. cit., p. 317. 9 Gellner, Ernest, 1981, Muslim Society, p. 14.

10 Maceoin, D.M., 'Changes in Charismatic Authority in Qajar Shi'ism', in Bosworth, E. and Hillenbrand, C., 1983, Qajar Iran: Political, Social and Cultural Change 1800-1925, pp. 151-2.

11 Ibid., p. 152. Qa'im refers to the 1Welfth Shi'i Imam who, according to this tradition, will return to earth in order to establish the reign of justice. We will return to the impact of this idea on Iranian ways of thinking later. Khuruj means to rebel, to revolt.

12 Hill, Michael, 1973, A Sociology of Religion. 13 Ibid., p. 172. 14 Maceoin, D.M., 1983, op. cit., p. 154. 15 Maceoin, D.M., 1983, op. cit., p. 162. 16 Widengren, G., 1946, Mesopotamian Elements in Manichaeism (King

and Saviour II); Frye, R.N., 'The Charisma of Kingship in Ancient Iran', in Iranica Antiqua, 4, 1964, pp. 37-42.

17 In this kind of cosmology, the king, as S.A. Arjomand remarks, 'is equivalent to the cosmos ... identified with the sky ... ' (Arjomand, S.A., 1984, op. cit., p. 85).

18 Ashtiani, J., 1988, op. cit., p. 411. 19 Crone, Patricia and Cook, Michael, 1977, Hagarism: The Making of the

Islamic World, p. 43. 20 Cf. translation of this text: Boyce, M., 1968, The Letter of Tansar. 21 Crone, P. and Cook, M., 1977, op. cit., p. 109. 22 Ashtiani, J, 1988, op. cit., pp. 412-13. 23 Cf. Arjomand, S.A., 1984, op. cit., p. 88. 24 Ashtiani, J., 1988, op. cit., p. 414. 25 Ibid., p. 430. 26 Zaehner, R.C., 1961, The Dawn and Twilight of Zoroastrianism. 27 Ashtiani, J., 1988, op. cit., pp. 428-9. 28 Aneer, Gudmar, 'Shah, ulama och deras fOregangare: Nagra tankar kring

politiska och religiosa ledare i Iran' (Shah, Ulama and their Predeces­sors. Some Thoughts about Political and Religious Leaders in Iran), in Hjarpe, J. and Blichfeldt, J.O. (eds), 1985, Religion och Samhiille i Mellanostem (Religion and Society in the Middle East), pp. 38-40.

29 Examples of such an attitude can be found in the pre-Islamic dynasty of Parthians as well as in the Muslim Buyids, who came to power almost one millennium later. See Crone, P. and Cook, M., 1977, op cit., pp. 109-10.

30 Crone, P. and Cook, M., 1977, op. cit., p.43. Ahura Mazda is the name of the Zoroastrian god who represents good. Evil in this tradition is characterized by the Lie.

31 Mole, M., 1963, Culte, myth et cosmologie dans /'Iran ancien, p. 14. 32 It should be mentioned here that according to the Shi'i tradition there

is such a statement, in which the Prophet designates Ali as his succes­sor.

33 The Hanafi school has the largest following among Muslims. It is worth mentioning that Abu Hanifah's followers ascribed to him a genealogy which made him a descendant of the ancient Persian Kings (The Con-

Notes 257

cise Encyclopedia of Islam, 1989). This, and other examples of this kind, shows how resorting to the ancient Iranian kingship has been a means of justification of the legitimacy of the Muslim leadership and reveals explicitly the profundity of the influence of ancient Iranian thought on Islamic civilization.

34 Busse, H., 'The revival of Persian Kingship under the Buyids', in Richards, D.S. (ed.), 1973, Islamic Civilization 950-1150.

35 Lambton, Ann K.S., 1981, State and Government in Medieval Islam, p. 45.

36 Ibid., p.47. 37 Ayubi, N., 1991, op. cit., p. 153. 38 Aijomand writes in this respect: 'Like the imperial crown, the influence

of the Sasanian ethos of universal monarchy penetrated into Islam as early as the eighth/second century through the work of Ibn Muqaffa' ... ' (Arjomand, 1984, op. cit., p. 93).

39 Crone, P. and Hinds, M., 1986, God's Caliph, pp. 4-23. 40 Arnold, T.W, 1965, The Caliphate; Aijomand, S.A., 1984, op. cit.

Although Arjomand admits that 'The widely held view [is] that any Islamic polity is, in theory, a theocracy' (p. 32), he put forward the idea that a kind of separation of religion from government occurred after the rule of the four 'rightly guided' caliphs 632-61 AD (p. 33). As concerns the Imami Shi'i religion, he asserts that 'For the Imamis, there was no explicit recognition of the separation of temporal and religious author­ity, and de jure, the Imam was considered the supreme political and religious leader of the community' (p. 34). Nevertheless, he claims that de facto, even within the Shi'a, a 'depoliticization' of the imamat occurred, especially with the concealment of the 1Welfth Imam. Con­trary to this view, we believe that the idea of the ever present Imam, who is considered as the 'Imam of the Age', the Messiah and the true leader of the Shi'a, in Shi'i ideology has prevented a depoliticization such as the one claimed by Arjomand. Below, when discussing the conception of leadership according to the Shi'a, we will return to this issue.

41 Sourdel, D., 'I:autorite califienne dans le monde sunnite', in Makdisi, G., Sourdel, D. and Sourdel-Thomine, J. (eds) 1982, La notion d'autorite au moyen fige: Islam, Byzance, Occident.

42 Crone, P. and Hinds, M., 1986, op. cit., p. 5. 43 As Crone and Hinds remark (1986, op. cit., pp. 17-19), this conception

of the caliphate continued to exist during the two dynasties of the Islamic caliphate, the Umayyads and Abbasids, as well as in the Persian dynasty of Buyids, the Egyptian Mamluks, Seljuqs of both East and West and the Ottomans. As the most recent example of such a view of the conception of rulership, they mention the case of the Sudanian President Numayri who, in 1984, claimed himself to be Allah's repres­entative on earth.

44 Ibid., p. 27. 45 Ibid., p. 28. 46 Ibid., p. 80.

258 Notes

47 It should be mentioned that there is another Sura in the Qur'an, Soorat-ul-Shoora, in which people are encouraged to rise against injust­ice. Nevertheless, if the authorities who are unjust are at the same time considered as the deputy of God or His Shadow on earth, then it is difficult to justify a rebellion against them.

48 Arjomand, S.A., 1988, op. cit., p. 1. 49 Crone, P. and Hinds, M., 1986, op. cit., pp. 15-16. 50 Ibid., p. 97. 51 Among semi-independent states governing in different parts of Iran

before the dissolution of the Islamic caliphate one can mention: the Tahirids (east Persia, 820-72); the Alavids (Tabaristan, 864-928); the Saffarids (east Persia, 868-903); the Samanids (east Persia, 874-999); the Ziyarids (Gurgan, 928-1042); and the Buyids (south Persia and Iraq, 932-1055).

52 Arjomand, S.A., 1984., op. cit., p. 94. 53 Regarding the Sunni tradition, it is sometimes maintained that its

political theory, influenced by the tribal traditions of ancient Arabia, is based, in contrast to the Shi'i theory of government, on democratic principles. Evidence generally referred to support this claim is the Sunni principle of choosing the caliph through consensus - ijma'. According to Sunni doctrine the caliph may be chosen by election, nomination or designation. Nevertheless, the majority of Sunni jurists hold the view that it is not the task of the community of believers to choose the caliph, but of a handful of the most prominent and respect­ful Muslims, namely the ulama. Once the nominee had been elected, he must gain ratification through bay'a, that is, the act of recognition of the authority of the caliph by the most influential members of the commun­ity, such as emirs and governors. However, according to many influen­tial jurists, like the eleventh century jurist al-Mawardi, it is enough to have one elector to be able to carry out the act of election. In the same way, ratification, bay' a, of only one person is sufficient for an election to be legally valid.

In addition, as the practice of the Islamic State, supported by the Tradition of the Prophet as the religious and political leader of the Muslim community, shows, the prevailing political principle of this state was charismatic leadership. This, in fact, is enough to exclude any element of democracy from a political system, because charismatic leadership is incompatible with a democratic tradition. One point should be explained here, namely that when we put forward the idea that the conception of democracy is missing in Islamic political thought, we do not refer to democracy as a form of government, but as a specific way of conceiving of human beings and their place in society. In this respect, what is our concern is not democracy versus dictatorship but the essence of the idea of democracy as an ideology inseparable from the concept of the individual. In other words, the important issue for our study is the existence of the idea of democracy as the manifestation of the will of the individual members of the society in the minds of the people. By assigning to the person of the leader an element of super­naturality - or at least extraordinariness - the way is paved for conced-

Notes 259

ing all authority to the charismatic leader and thus excluding other members of the community from participation in the process of law­making and decision-making.

It should be mentioned here that the only signs of what today might be interpreted as a semi-democratic view of government in Islam belong to the period immediately following the death of the Prophet. These signs are related to the situation in which the first caliph, Abu Bakr, held office (632-4). He was elected by an assembly of influential Muslims and his election became, although without any succession, one of the reference points in the theory of government in Sunni Islam. Apart from this case the Sunni version of Islam, too, is as far from the concept of democracy as the Shi'i version.

54 Lambton, Ann K.S., 1981, op. cit., p. 229. 55 See Arjomand, S.A, 1984, op. cit., p. 38. 56 Ibid. 57 Maceoin, D.M., 1983, op. cit., p. 154. 58 Kohlberg, Etan, 'Imam and Community in the Pre-Ghayba Period', in

Arjomand, S.A. (ed.), 1988a, op. cit., p. 25. 59 Ibid., p. 26. 60 Ibid., p. 27. 61 'He [the Imam] was infallible [ma'sum] in all his acts and words ...

Whoever obeyed the Imam was a true believer, and whoever opposed or rejected him, an infidel [kafir]' (quoted in Arjomand, S.A., 1984, op. cit., p. 35).

62 Ibid., p. 42. 63 Vaziri, Mostafa, 1992, The Emergence of Islam, p. 90. 64 In fact, the dispute between the Shi'i and Sunni was not so much

concerned with how the Muslim community should be led as with who was to lead it.

65 See Crone and Hinds, 1986, op. cit., pp. 99-104. 66 AI-Qazwini, Ali, 'Min al-mahd il al-lahd', quoted in Vaziri, M., 1992, op.

cit., p. 91. 67 For discussions about the view of the Shi'a of their imams, see also

Mahdjoub, Mohammad-Dja'far, 'The Evolution of Popular Eulogy of the Imams among the Shi'a', in Arjomand, S.A. (ed.), 1988a, op. cit., pp. 54-79.

68 Crone and Hinds remark in this respect: 'where all aspects of life are covered by a single sacred law, such a solution is impossible. God's law was indivisible' (1986, op. cit., p. 110).

69 See for example, Savory, R., 1980, Iran under the Safavids, p. 27: 'by asserting that Ali's younger son, Husayn, married the daughter of Yazdigird III, the last of the Sasanid kings, Shi'is had linked the family of Ali with the ancient Iranian monarchial tradition, and the divine right of the Iranian kings, deriving from their possession of the 'kingly glory'.

70 Boyce, Mary, 'Bibi Shahrbanu and the Lady of Pars', in Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, 30, 1967, pp. 30-44.

71 Lambton, Ann K.S., 1988, Continuity and Change in Medieval Persia, p. 1. 72 Ibid., p. 309.

260 Notes

73 Lambton, A.K.S, 1981, op. cit., p. 280. 74 Bosworth, C.E., 1963, The Ghaznavids, their Empire in Afghanistan and

Eastern Iran 994-1040, p. 48. 75 Ibid., p. 49. 76 Cited in Bosworth, C.E., 1963, op. cit., p. 49. 77 Lambton, A.K.S., 1981, op. cit., p. 280. 78 Bosworth, C.E., 1963, op. cit., p. 51. 79 Lambton, A.K.S., 1988, op. cit., p. 221. 80 Ibid., pp. 221-2. 81 Dumont, L., 1966 (1980), op. cit., p. 9. 82 Lambton, Ann K.S., 1988, op. cit. 83 Savory, R., 1980, op. cit., p. 23. 84 Ibid., pp. 2-3. 85 On the issue of the charismatic leadership of the Safavid kings and their

claim to be the vicegerents of the Hidden Imam, see also: Arjomand, S.A., 'The Mujtahid of the Age and the Mulla-bashi: An Intermediate Stage in the Institutionalization of Religious Authority in Shi'ite Iran', in Arjomand, S.A. (ed.), 1988a, op. cit., pp. 80-97.

86 Savory, R., 1980., op. cit., p. 33. 87 Ibid., p. 38. 88 Ibid., p. 13. 89 Ibid., p. 51. 90 Ibid., p. 14. 91 Damavandi, M.H.N., 'Tohfat al-Nasseriya', quoted in Nateq and Ada­

miyat, 1989, op. cit., p. 13 (our translation). 92 Ibid., pp. 13-14. 93 Nateq, Homa and Adamiyat, F., 1989, Afkar-e ijtema'i va siyasi va

eqtesadi dar athar-e montasher nashodeye doran-e Qajar (Political, Social and Economic ideas in the unpublished works of the Qajar period), p. 12 (our translation).

94 Ibid., p. 17. 95 Arjomand, S.A., 1984, op. cit. 96 Chardin, John, 1927, op. cit., p. 11. 97 It is worth mentioning that in the case of the Kaveh, the throne was

finally granted to Fereydoon, a descendant of the kings, and thus a person in possession of farr-e izadi; also after the assassination of both the kings mentioned above, it was their sons who substituted them as the Shadow of God. In the same way, with most social revolts, it was the head of the rebellion who was supposed to hold this office.

98 See in this respect, Martin, Vanessa, 1989, Islam and Modernism: The Iranian Revolution of 1906.

99 Bayat, Mango!, 'The Cultural Implications of the Constitutional Revo­lution', in Bosworth, E. and Hillenbrand C. (eds), 1983, op. cit., p. 66. Many Iranian intellectuals, who conceived the modernization of the West as partly due to the Western conception of man, advocated a new view of man in Iranian thought based on individualism. For exam­ple, the message which Dihkhuda carried out was that 'there can be no limit to knowledge men can acquire ... Man's knowledge is perfectible and ignorance can never succeed in obstructing his path to progress.

Notes 261

Neither the temporal ruler's stick nor the religious leader's order can prevent him from seeking perfection in total freedom' (quoted in M. Bayat, 1983, op. cit., p. 67).

100 Ibid. 101 Quoted in ibid., pp. 67-8. 102 The immensity and the large extension of the influence of religious

leaders in this period is manifested in the absolutely crucial role played by them in the events following the Regie concession. In 1891-2, in protest at the concession of the exclusive rights of import, export, planta­tion and pricing of tobacco to the English company Regie, the ulama prohibited the use of tobacco in Iran. This prohibition was unanimously respected. Even within the court, the Queen joined the protesters and the Shah was refused tobacco by his servants. See, in this respect, Amanat, Abbas, 'In Between the Madrasa and the Marketplace: The Designation of Clerical Leadership in Modern Shi'ism', in Arjomand, S.A. (ed.), 1988a, op. cit., pp. 117-19, 121, 124.

103 See, for example: Algar, Hamid, 'Religious Forces in 1\ventieth-Cen-tury Iran', in The Cambridge History of Iran, vol. 7, 1991, p. 732.

104 Ibid., p. 733. 105 Bayat, M., 1983, op. cit., p. 67. 106 Mohebbi, M.K., 1958, L'influence religieuse sur le droit constitutionnel de

/'Iran, p. 35. 107 As the role played by the religious leadership and especially the posi­

tion of Ayatollah Khomeini as the deputy of the Imam in the revolution of 1979 shows, this process of rejection of the metaphysical view of the leadership was limited to the earthly domain. Religious leaders were still regarded as God's representatives on earth and thus possessing all those attributes that distinguished them from ordinary people, such as infallibility, knowledge, justice, and so on.

108 We shall return to this question in Chapter 7. 109 Sanghvi, Ramesh, 1968, Aryamehr: The Shah of Iran, p. 290. 110 For example, in all Iranian universities, which were supposed to sym­

bolize the endeavours of the regime for modernization, mosques were built and prayers were carried out.

111 Zonis, Marvin, 1991, Majestic Failure: The Fall of the Shah, p. 151. 112 For example, the Shah had survived the crash of his single-engined plane

in the mountains of western Iran (1948), several gunshots in the face fired by a man who had planned a murder attempt during the Shah's visit to Teheran University (1949), an attempted assassination by one of his guardians who opened machine-gun fire on him (1965), and so on.

113 Zonis, M., 1991, op. cit., p. 151. 114 Fallaci, Oriana, 'The Mystically Divine Shah of Iran', an interview in

Chicago Tribune quoted in Zonis, M., 1991, op. cit., p. 150. 115 Ibid. 116 For further discussions in this respect, see: Aneer, Gudmar, 1985b,

Imam Ruhullah Khumaini, Sah Muhammad Riza Pahlavi and the Reli­gious Traditions of Iran; Arjomand, Said Amir, 1988c, The Thrban for the Crown; Abrahamian, Ervand, 1993, Khomeinism; Salehi, M.M., 1988, Insurgency Through Culture and Religion: The Islamic Revolution of Iran.

262 Notes

117 For additional discussions, see: Fischer, M.M., Iran, From Religious Dispute to Revolution; Munson, Henry, Jr, 1988, Islam and Revolution in the Middle East.

118 The Concise Encyclopedia of Islam, 1989, p. 411. 119 Ibid., p. 30. 120 Ibid., p. 411. 121 Ibid. 122 Arjomand, S.A., 1984, op. cit., p. 138. 123 Ibid. 124 Khomeini, Ruhollah, 1978, velayat-e faqih: hukumat-e eslami (Islamic

Government: Guardianship of the Imam), pp. 46-8 (our translation). 125 Arjomand, S.A. (ed.), 1988b, op. cit., p. 84. 126 Arjomand, S.A., 1984, op. cit., p. 143. 127 Ibid. 128 Maceoin, D.M., 1983, op. cit., p. 162. 129 Ibid., p. 163. 130 Ibid., p. 53. 131 Beheshti, Ahmad, 1981, Hukumat dar Qur'an (Government in the

Qur'an), p. 123. 132 Lambton, A.S.K., 1981, op. cit., p. 313. 133 Ibid., p. 20. 134 Khomeini, R.A., 1978, op. cit., p. 65 (our translation). 135 Ibid., p. 49. 136 Ibid., p. 64 (our translation). 137 Ali Shariati, although himself using this conventional translation of the

term, stresses that the real meaning of the terms shahid and martyr are antonyms, since according to the Shi'i conception the shahid is always alive and a present witness (Shariati, Ali, 1986, 'A discussion of Shahid', in Abedi and Legenhausen (eds), 1986, Jihad and Shahadat: Struggle and Martyrdom in Islam, p. 230).

138 Ahmadi, Kasra, 1982, Dar bareye jahad va shahadat (On Holy War and Martyrdom), pp. 53-4.

139 Shariati, Ali, 1979, Shahadat (Martyrdom), pp. 64-8. 140 Vaziri, Mostafa, 1992, op. cit., p. 108. 141 Abedi and Legenhausen, too, have referred to shahadat for the sake of

communism among Iranian leftists (1986 op. cit., p. 29). We are aware that the idea of sacrificing oneself for the sake of an ideology, a religion or a cause, like liberating the fatherland from occupation, can be found in other cultures, too. Yet, the cardinality of this idea in Iranian ways of thinking can be understood better if we remember our point that for many Iranians, whether they are leftists or ardent Shi'i Muslims, becoming a martyr is not a means of achieving a goal but the goal itself. In this respect, it is worth mentioning that many contemporary political parties or organizations, regardless of their political ideology, identify themselves with their martyrs. The political literature of Iranian parties is, in fact, a phenomenal example of the cult of martyr.

142 One can trace the existential basis of this idea back to the Sufi concep­tions of the phenomenal world, as a non-real state, and unity as a stage where life and death lose their meaning. See our discussion in Part I.

Notes

143 Shariati, Ali, 1986, op. cit., p. 233. 144 Ibid. 145 Ibid., p. 234.

263

146 Mutahhari, Mortada, 'Shahid', in Abedi and Legenhausen (eds), 1986, op. cit., p. 126.

147 Taleqani, S.M., 'Jihad and Shahadat', in Abedi and Legenhausen (ed.), 1986, op. cit., p. 68.

148 See, in this respect, the discussions on the notion of mardom in Chapter 4.

149 The quietistic aspects of the expectation of a Mahdi have even been exploited as a neutralizing factor against jihad - Muslims' holy war - by European colonialists. See Abedi and Legenhausen (eds), 1986, op. cit., p. 19.

150 Vaziri, M., 1992, op. cit., p. 146. 151 Ibid., pp. 142-6. 152 Quoted in Hussain, Jassim M., 1982, The Occultation of the Twelfth

Imam, p. 17. 153 Vaziri, M., 1992, op. cit., p. 141. 154 Ibid., p. 144. 155 Atjomand, S.A., 1984, op. cit., p. 70. 156 Hussain, Jassim M., 1982, op. cit., p. 23. 157 Ibid., p. 140.

7 INDIVIDUALITY AND THE SYSTEM OF LAW

1. Timasheff, N.S., 1939, An Introduction to the Sociology of Law, p. 4. 2. Ibid., p. 341. 3. Ibid., p. 342. 4. Literally meaning the 'way', or as H.A.R. Gibb defines it, 'the "High­

way" of divine command and guidance' (see Gibb, H.A.R., 1949, Mohammedanism: An Historical Survey, p. 64).

5. Khadduri, M., 1984, op. cit., p. 87. 6. Gibb, H.A.R., 1949, op. cit., p. 61. 7. Schacht, J., 1964, op. cit., p. 207. 8. Schacht, J., 'Law and Justice' in Holt, P.M., Lambton, A.K.S. and Lewis,

B. (eds), 1970, The Cambridge History of Islam, vol. 2, p. 539. 9. Schacht, J., 1964, op. cit., p. 201.

10. Shaltout, M., 'Islamic Beliefs and Code of Laws', in Morgan, K.W (ed.), 1958, Islam: The Straight Path, p. 118.

11. Turner, BryanS., 1974, Weber and Islam, p. 108. 12. Weber, Max, 1968 (1978), op. cit., vol.II, p. 667. 13. Ibid., p. 668. 14. Ibid., p. 764. 15. Rheinstein, Max, (ed.), 1954, Max Weber on Law in Economy and

Society, p. 63; Turner, Bryan S., 1974, op. cit., p. 109. 16. Rheinstein, M., 1954, op. cit., pp. 63-4.

264 Notes

17. Milovanovic, D., 1989, Weberian and Marxian Analysis of Law: Development and Functions of Law in a Capitalist Mode of Production, p. 67.

18. Thrner, B., 1974, op. cit., p. 108. 19. In this respect, Weber considers formal rational law as 'a necessary

prerequisite of rational capitalism' (Turner, Bryan S., 1992, op. cit., p. 49).

20. See, for instance, Turner, B.S., 1992, op. cit., pp. 42 and 51. 21. Ibid. 22. Turner, B.S., 1992, op. cit., p. 48; Milovanovic, D., 1989, op. cit., p. 66. 23. Turner, B.S., 1992, op. cit., p. 48. 24. Turner, B.S., 1974, op. cit., p. 109. 25. Ibid. 26. Gurvitch, George, 1942, Sociology of Law, p. 277. 27. Ibid., p. 278. 28. Weber sums up all authorities that exist outside the household as

belonging to the domain of imperium. By this, he stresses the signific­ance of the separation of private and public domains regarding the question of the regulation of individuals' patterns of conduct. In this respect, he stresses that the emergence of, among others, a civil or penal law as the object of scientific examination depends on the exist­ence of an independent system of concrete binding norms. (Weber, Max, 1985, Ekonomi och Samhiille (Swedish translation of Economy and Society), vol. 2, pp. 188-9).

29. See Gurvitch, G., 1942, op. cit., pp. 280-3. 30. The incomplete differentiation between the normative and the cognitive

spheres of knowledge can thus be regarded as a contributory factor to the partial differentiation within the society. See Luhmann, Niklas, 1985, A Sociological Theory of Law, p. 144.

31. Luhmann, N., 1985, op. cit., p. 130. 32. Weber, M., 1968 (1978), op. cit., vol. II, p. 818. 33. Schacht, J., 1964, op. cit., p. 113. 34. In a classical sociological text, law is defined as follows: 'law represents

an attempt to realize in a given social environment the idea of justice ... through multilateral imperative-attributive regulation based on a determined link between claims and duties' (Gurvitch, G., 1942, op. cit., p. 59).

35. Rosen, L., 1989, op. cit., p. 13. 36. Dumont, L., 1966 (1980), op. cit., p. 9. 37. Rosen, L., 1989, op. cit., p. 53. 38. Ibid., p. 54. 39. Plato says: 'to do one's own business and not to be a busybody is

justice ... this then, my friend, if taken in a certain sense appears to be justice, this principle of doing one's own business ... The interfer­ence with one another's business, then, of three existent classes and the substitution of one for the other is the greatest injury to a state ... And the thing that works the greatest harm to one's own state, will you not pronounce to be injustice (Plato, 1930, Republic, book IV, pp. 369-73).

40. Khadduri, M., 1984, op. cit., pp. 1-2.

Notes 265

41. In fact, in addition to the three principles of the Islamic creed, accepted by all Muslims (the oneness of God, the prophethood of Mohammad, and Judgement day) Shi'a believe in two additional principles: imamat and justice. By the last principle, Shi'a aim to stress God's attribute of justice. Shia belief in the principality of justice has had immediate social and political consequences for this group.

42. It should be mentioned here that the Shi'i conception of justice has given rise to an egalitarian trend within this religion. Nevertheless, one must bear in mind that the egalitarian character of Shi'ism is not based on the idea of equality of men at the social level, a concept based on the idea of individualism. Islamic egalitarianism connotes, rather, worldly brother­hood between Muslims - a principle that by itself does not necessarily question the existence of class distinctions in the Islamic community- and other-worldly equality of Muslim individuals in front of God.

43. Schacht, J., 1964, op. cit., p. 206. 44. Ibid., p. 207. 45. Khadduri, M., 1984, op. cit., p. 175. 46. Ibid., p. 20. 47. The cardinality of the notion of justice in the ways of thinking of

Iranians can best be proved by referring to the fact that the point of departure of revolutionary movements has been, for the most part, justice and not the constitutional rights of the individuals. The last example of this can be found in the Iranian revolution of 1979. Despite Iranian intellectuals' acquaintance with modern Western conceptions of democracy and human rights, the main goal of the revolutionaries -irrespective of whether they were inspired by Western ideas such as Marxism or liberalism, or rather, by Islamic thought - was the accom­plishment of edalat. No political party even hit upon the idea of devising a programme about the necessity of safeguarding the rights of man as an individual and a citizen. Justice was the centre of attention. Con­sequently, when a reliable authority, that is, the religious clergy, appeared and declared its willingness to render justice to the oppressed people - mostaz'afin -both the masses and the intellectuals gave it their support and made it the leader of the revolution. The fact that the term mostaz'afin was revived and came into daily use as a means of gaining legitimacy by the Islamic government of Iran is strong evidence for our proposition of the cardinality of the notion of justice in Iranian ways of thinking. Gavahi maintains that Ayatollah Khomeini has addressed the issue of mostaz'afin in more than one hundred passages. See Gavahi, A., 1987, The Islamic Revolution of Iran: Conceptual Aspects and Reli­gious Dimensions, pp. 211-13.

48. Mutahhari, Murtada, 'Understanding the Uniqueness of the Qur'an', in Nasr, S.H. et al. (eds), 1988, Shi'ism: Doctrines, Thought, and Spirituality, p. 33.

49. Tabataba'i, S.M.H., 1975, Shi'ite Islam, p. 94. 50. I will return to this issue in the next section. 51. Hjarpe, Jan, 1983 (1992), Politisk Islam (Political Islam), p. 74. 52. Gibb, H.A.R., 1949, op. cit., p. 62. 53. Nasr, S.H. et al. (eds), 1988, op. cit., p. 34.

266 Notes

54. Gibb, H.A.R., 1949, op. cit., p. 63. 55. 'A hadith heard directly from the mouth of the Prophet or one of the

Imams is accepted as in the Qur'an' (Tabataba'i, S.M.H., 1975, op. cit., p. 103.)

56. Many leading Sunni scholars, for instance Ghazali, conceive of the ijma' as the consensus of the community in general. This conception is based on a narration according to which the Prophet has declared that 'My community will never agree in error'. In fact, as Enayat remarks, the Sunnis claim by recourse to this narration that the Prophet has 'con­ferred on his community the very infallibility that the Shi'is ascribe to their Imams' (Enayat, Hamid, 1982, Modem Islamic Political Thought, p. 19).

57. Gibb, H.A.R., 1949, op. cit., p. 64. 58. Ibid., p. 67. 59. Fyzee, Asaf A.A., 1964 (1993), Outlines of Muhammadan Law, p. 47. 60. Enayat, H., 1982, op. cit., p. 20. 61. Khadduri, M., 1984, op. cit., p. 239. 62. Ibid. 63. Quoted in Nasr, S.H. et al. (eds), 1988, op. cit., p. 128. 64. Schacht, J., 1964, op. cit., p. 203. 65. Lambton, Ann K.S., 1981, op. cit., p. xiv. 66. As we saw in the previous section, the only possibility left to men

concerning the matter of legislation in Islam is the right of mujtahidin - the most proficient scholars of each age - to interpret the laws of Shari'a so that they become applicable to new exigencies which occur with time.

67. Nordberg, Michael, 1988, op. cit., p. 90. 68. Lambton, Ann K.S., 1981, op. cit., p. 1. 69. Gurvitch, G., 1942, op. cit., p. 266. 70. Gibb, H.A.R., 1949, op. cit., p. 67. 71. Ibid., p. 68. 72. Some researchers of Islamic law, for instance J. Schacht, claim that

Shari'a is not universal. What they suggest by this proposition is that Islamic law is binding only for Muslims who live in the territories of an Islamic State. We have to point out here that, according to its premises, Islamic law is sent by God in order to regulate the life of mankind regardless of whether they belong to an Islamic State. However, by universality we are referring here to the all-embracing character of Islamic law, which makes it penetrate into practically all spheres of private and public life of the Muslims.

73. Macdonald, D.B., 1903, Muslim Theology, Jurisprudence and Constitu-tional Theory, pp. 66-7.

74. Lambton, Ann K.S., 1981, op. cit. 75. Schacht, Joseph, 1964, op. cit., p. 125. 76. Lambton, Ann K.S., 1981, op. cit., p. 63. 77. Schacht, J., 1964, op. cit., p. 121. 78. Gibb, H.A.R., 1949, op. cit., p. 63. 79. Mohebbi, M.K., 1958, op. cit., p. 27.

Notes 267

80. Lahidji, A.K., 'Constitutionalism and Clerical Authority', in Arjomand, S.A. (ed.), 1988a, op. cit., p. 140.

81. Quoted in Lahidji, A.K., 1988, op. cit., p. 141. 82. Mohebbi, M.K., 1958, op. cit., p. 32. 83. Martin, V, 1989, op. cit., p. 117. 84. Ibid., p. 125. 85. Legislative note following Article 247, cited in Arjomand, S.A. (ed.),

1988a, op. cit., p. 155. 86. Ibid., p. 129. 87. Algar, H., 1991, op. cit., p. 739. 88. Arjomand, S.A., 1988a, op. cit., p. 156. 89. Quoted in Arjomand, S.A., (ed.), 1988a, op. cit., pp. 371-82. 90. Ibid. 91. Lambton, A.K.S., 'Land Tenure and Revenue Administration in the

Nineteenth Century', in The Cambridge History of Iran, vol. 7, 1991, p. 504.

92. Gardet, Louis, 1961, La cite musulmane, vie sociale et politique, p. 79. 93. Dumont, L., 1986 (1992), op. cit., pp. 60-103. 94. Gardet, L., 1961, op. cit. 95. Quoted by Gardet, L., 1961, op. cit., p. 79. 96. Ibid., pp. 79-80. 97. Ibid., p. 80. 98. Mannan, M.A., 1986, Islamic Economics: Theory and Practice, p. 19. 99. Ibid., p. 22.

100. Ibid., p. 60. 101. Ibid., p. 59. 102. Lambton, A, 1991, op. cit., p. 459. 103. Manann, M.A., 1986, op. cit., p. 62. 104. Ibid., p. 64. 105. Ibid., p. 66. 106. Ibid., p. 67. 107. Ibid., pp. 65-8; 73; 334; 339. 108. Ibid., p. 334. 109. Cited in ibid., p. 349. 110. Ibid., p. 349. 111. Lambton, A, 1991, op. cit., p. 461. 112. Lambton refers in this respect to some of the writings concerning the

Qajars ruling Iran in the nineteenth century. See Lambton, A, 1991, op. cit., p. 465.

EPILOGUE

1 Goitein, S.D., 'Individualism and Conformity in Classical Islam', in Banani, A and Vryonis, S. (eds), 1977a, op. cit., p. 13.

2 See Rosenthal, F., 1977, op. cit., p. 33. 3 Dumont, L., 1966 (1980), op. cit., pp. 9-10. 4 Ibid., p. 9.

268 Notes

5 Ibid. 6 Ibid., p. 10. 7 Liebkind, K., 'Dimensions of Identity in Multiple Group Allegiance', in

Jacobson-Widding (ed.), 1983, op. cit., p. 188. 8 Westin, C., 1973, op. cit., p. 25. 9 Ibid., p. 40.

10 Kolm, Serge-Christophe, 1982, Le bonheur-Liberte, p. 131. 11 La Fontaine, J.S., 'Person and Individual in Anthropology', in Carrith­

ers, M. et al. (ed.), 1985, op. cit., p. 129. 12 Fortes, M., 'On the Concept of the Person among the Tallensi', quoted

in La Fontaine, J.S., 1985, op. cit., p. 123. 13 See Shayegan, D., 1989 (1992), op. cit. 14 Ibid., p. vii. 15 Ibid., p. 50. 16 Ibid., p. 51. 17 Nakamura, H., 1971, op. cit. 18 It should be mentioned here that since we are talking about the process

of the formation of identity among Iranian immigrants, a process that was already going on in their own society, the 'other' here does not refer to the Western people whom they meet in their daily life in Western countries, but to those whose acquaintance they made in their own country. The reason is simply that the immigration of Iran­ians is a recent phenomenon, not stretching over a period of more than 15 years. This means that the process of the formation of the identity of the majority of Iranians had already been accomplished when they came to the Western countries.

19 When talking about family in Iran, one has to bear in mind that it can be misleading to draw a parallel between the nuclear family, as it is conceived of in the West, and the 'extended' family that exists in Iran. The term khanevadeh, which is sometimes used when dealing with the basic family unit, has actually a broader meaning including not only married or unmarried children, who may live separately but are still considered a part of the basic unit, but also grandparents, uncles, aunts and cousins. For more information about the institution of the family in Iran, see for example Rudolph, J.T., 'Marriage and the Family in Iran', in Das, M.S. and Bardis, P.D. (eds), 1979, The Family in Asia, pp. 208-24; or Fathi, A. (ed.), 1985, Woman and the Family in Iran.

20 Rosenthal, F., 1977, op. cit., p. 39. 21 Wallin, UIIa and Kamyab, Sharock, 1987, I viintan pa frihet (Awaiting

Freedom), p. 33. 22 Ibid., p. 34.

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Index

Abu Said (Ibn Aby 1-Khyayr), 99 Ahriman, 40 Ahura Mazda, 135 Akhbari, 162 arif, 59, 61, 62 Attar, 50, 60, 63, 64, 67, 72, 78, 88 Averroism, 28, 29 Avicenna (Ibn Sina), 29, 61, 137

Baba Kuhi, 71 baqa, 66, 74 Bayezid, 47, 57, 64, 68, 69

caliphate, 125, 137, 138, 139, 140, 141, 142, 145, 149, 150, 169, 175, 210

cartesian dualism, 31, 81, 91

edalat, 188, 191

fana, 43, 57, 66, 68, 74, 172 Ferdowsi, 122 fiqh, 130, 195, 196

hadith, hadiths, 174, 195 Hafiz, 47, 50, 60, 88, 98, 122 Hallaj, 69, 70, 71, 78 Haqq,48,55, 70, 74, 75,96, 108,166,

188, 189

ijma' 194, 196, 197 ijtihad, 154, 162, 197 inworldly individual, 86, 107, 192, 211 irfan, 45, 61 ishq, 51 ishraq, 29, 30, 91

Jami, 50, 67, 72 Junayd,56, 152

Khayyam, 47, 122

ma'ad, 34 mabda', 34 majlis, 159

Mani, 42 martyr (martyrs), 71, 164, 168, 169,

170, 175 Mathnawi, 50, 67, 88 mithaq, 34, 59 Mu'tazila, 192 Mulla Sadra, 31, 32, 33, 46 mutid, 65

nafs, 81 nafs ammani, 63 natural law, 116, 117, 154

outworldly individual, 107, 120, 190, 211

Qhazzali (Abu Hamid), 30, 46, 137 Qhazzali (Ahmad), 78

Razi, 137 res cogitans, 31, 81 res extensa, 31, 81 Roman Law, 20, 119, 186, 188, 189 ruh, 81 Rumi, 32, 47, 50, 60, 62, 63, 64, 65,

67, 71, 73, 75, 76, 88, 97, 98, 122

Sa'di, 122 Sana'i, 76, 78 Sohravardi (Suhrawardi), 29, 30, 31,

58,60

taqiyya, 176 tasawwuf, 45 tauhid (tawhid), 56, 78 Tusi (Mohammad Hasan), 208 Tusi (Nasir al-Din), 61, 143

Unity of Religions, 89, 94 Usulii, 162

velayat-e faqih, 161, 164, 166, 167

wahdat al-wujud, 84, 107 wujud, 30

281