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NORTHWESTERN UNIVERSITY ORIGINAL ‘CROSSOVER?’ POPULAR BALLAD-TUNES AS ART-MUSIC FOR VIOLS IN SEVENTEENTH-CENTURY ENGLAND A LECTURE-RECITAL SUBMITTED TO THE SCHOOL OF MUSIC IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS for the degree DOCTOR OF MUSIC Program of Music Performance Studies By Phillip Woodrow Serna EVANSTON, ILLINOIS June 2007

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NORTHWESTERN UNIVERSITY

ORIGINAL ‘CROSSOVER?’ POPULAR BALLAD-TUNES AS ART-MUSIC FOR VIOLS IN

SEVENTEENTH-CENTURY ENGLAND

A LECTURE-RECITAL

SUBMITTED TO THE SCHOOL OF MUSIC

IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS

for the degree

DOCTOR OF MUSIC

Program of Music Performance Studies

By

Phillip Woodrow Serna

EVANSTON, ILLINOIS

June 2007

© Phillip Woodrow Serna 2007 All Rights Reserved

ii

ABSTRACT

Original ‘Crossover?’ Popular Ballad-Tunes as Art-Music for Viols in Seventeenth-Century

England

Phillip Woodrow Serna

The modern concept of musical ‘crossover’ or ‘fusion’ often entails a combination or

juxtaposition of evidently incongruous styles, performance techniques and repertoire.

‘Crossover,’ as a concept, is dependent on arbitrary and non-musical definitions, labels and

divisions which might not naturally exist. It implies boundaries between performance media,

styles, and dissemination of music. For the Early Music scholar and performer, this artifice lies

predominantly between printed musical sources and oral musical traditions. Early Music

performers and scholars have always been able to acquire knowledge about performance practice

from manuscripts, treatises, diaries and court records. In order to craft compelling and better

informed performances, scholars and performers now look to living oral traditions. Performers

are exploring intersections between the oral and print music traditions of Europe, between

European and Sephardic music, and between European and music of indigenous peoples with

Western music during the Spanish colonial period. From medieval performers looking to the

traditions of Persia, Morocco and Turkey, to explorations of Chinese music to inform repertoire

from the period of Marco Polo’s explorations, early musicians are exploring more repertoire than

ever before.

This concept of ‘crossover’ between Early Music performance and oral performance

traditions is not an exclusively modern phenomenon. An under explored intersection between

orally transmitted music and art-music exists involving popular music, dance music, ballad-tunes

and the instrumental compositions for lyra-viol and viol consort in seventeenth-century England.

iii

This lecture will explore the dissemination of ballad tunes through the medium of the British

Broadside Ballad, as well as through instrumental music in the form of solo literature for the

lyra-viol and chamber music for viol consort. Regarding instrumental settings of ballad-tunes for

viol, selected ballad-tunes to be examined include Bonny Sweet Robin (Robin is the Greenwood

Gone), Daphne, Fortune My Foe, Go from My Window and Walsingham. Lyra-viol sources

containing ballad-tune settings to be examined include John Playford’s Musick’s Recreation on

the Viol, Lyra-Way, as well as sources for viol in manuscript form, specifically the Manchester

Lyra-Viol Manuscript (c1660).

Additionally, this document will include two transcriptions, adapted specifically for this

lecture-project: Jan Pieterszoon Sweelinck’s Engelsche Fortuyn (Fortune My Foe) and Onder

een Linde Groen (All in a Garden Green) for Viol Consort. Jan Pieterszoon Sweelinck (c1562-

1621) was a Dutch composer and organist who was influenced by English composers for virginal

like Dr. John Bull (c1562-1628), particularly in regards to the variation forms employed with

ballad melodies.

iv

DEDICATION

This work is dedicated to my family: Kathleen, Fred (for whom I owe my introduction to the

viol) and Paul Serna, Bogdan and Sofie Mikołajczyk, Alex, John, Jacob and Amanda Tsang, for

their steadfast support of my endeavors; to Martin Simmons for his creative ideas and support;

and especially to my dearest wife and best friend, Magdalena, for whose example, wisdom,

friendship, love, and encouragement has always sustained and inspired me.

v

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I would like to acknowledge the support from so many individuals: This lecture-recital would not

have been possible without the efforts of my committee chair Dr. Linda Austern, whose advice

and suggestions have proved invaluable. I would also like to thank my doctoral committee for

their guidance, especially DaXun Zhang for seeing me through my final exams. I would also

like to thank Mary Springfels for being an exceptional musician and wonderful mentor, always

inspiring the best in performance. I would like to thank Russell Wagner and Ken Perlow, for all

of their kindness, generosity and thoughtful advice while preparing the recital. I would like to

offer credit to Gary Berkenstock of the Chicago Early Music Consort for the suggestion of the

Walsingham divisions during a concert in 2006. Lastly, I would like to thank my other

colleagues who are performing in my lecture recital: Lynn Donaldson, Katherine Shuldiner and

Constance Strait.

vi

LECTURE-RECITAL PROGRAM

Northwestern University

School of Music

Presents

Original ‘Crossover?’ Popular Ballad-Tunes as Art-Music for Viols in Seventeenth-Century

England

a Doctoral Lecture-Recital

Phillip Woodrow Serna, Double Bass & Viola da Gamba

In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements

for the Degree Doctor of Music

Doctor of Music Major Project Committee:

Dr. Linda Austern PhD, Musicology, Committee Chair

Professor DaXun Zhang, Lecturer, Double Bass

Professor Mary Springfels, Lecturer, Viola da Gamba

Assisted by:

Lynn Donaldson, Viola da Gamba

Ken Perlow, Viola da Gamba

Katherine Shuldiner, Viola da Gamba

Mary Springfels, Viola da Gamba

Constance Strait, Viola da Gamba

THIS RECITAL WILL BE PERFORMED AT A415

1/6th

COMMA MEANTONE TEMPERAMENT

Tuesday, May 22, 2007, 7:00 PM

Jeanne Vail Chapel, Alice S. Millar Religious Center

1870 Sheridan Road, Evanston, Illinois

vii

Original ‘Crossover?’ Popular Ballad-Tunes as Art- Music Phillip W. Serna

for Viols in Seventeenth-Century England

Lyra-Viol Arrangements of Popular Ballad and Dance-Tunes Performed on Bass Viol

From the Cambridge University Manuscript Dd.5.20, fol.19, Published in Musica

Britannica, Volume IX, No.109, 1955

Walsingham Anonymous

From the Manchester Lyra-Viol Manuscript Richard Sumarte

Mid-Seventeenth Century, c1660 (15?? – after 1630)

Fortune [My Foe]

Daphne

Queen Marie’s Dumpe

Monsieur’s Almain

Solus Cum Sola (After Dowland)

What if a Day

[My] Roben to the Greense-Woode Gone

Whoope Doe Me No Harme [Goode Man!]

Lachrymae (After Dowland)

The Nightingale

INTERMISSION

Lyra-Viol Arrangements of Popular Tunes Performed on Tenor Viol

From the Published Collection: Musicks Recreation John Playford

on the Viol, Lyra-Way from the 1651, 1652, 1669 and 1682 Editions (1623 – 1686)

Blew Cap, No. 9, Playford 1652

Parthenia, No. 7, Playford 1669

Franklin, No. 23, Playford 1669

Focky Went to the Wood, No. 27, Playford 1682

Gerards Mistresse, No. 55, Playford 1652

The Merry Milk-Maid, No. 30, Playford 1669

None Shall Plunder But I, No. 21, Playford 1651

Now the Fight’s Done, No. 32, Playford 1682

Farwell Fair Armida, No. 94, Playford 1682

Amarillis, No. 69, Playford 1682

viii

Lyra-Viol Arrangements of Popular Song Performed on Double Bass

From the Published Collection: Musicks Recreation John Playford

on the Viol, Lyra-Way from the 1651, 1652, 1669 and 1682 Editions (1623 – 1686)

Ah Cruel Bloody Fate, No. 28, Playford 1682

Could Man His Wish Obtain, No. 88, Playford 1682

Gather Your Rosebuds, No. 13, Playford 1652

Glory of the West, No. 19, Playford 1651

Hunt is Up, No. 122, Playford 1661

On the Bonny Christ-Church Bells, No. 25, Playford 1682

Over the Mountain, No. 4, Playford 1652

Step Stately, No. 5, Playford 1652

The K[ing] Enjoys [His Own Again], No. 7, Playford 1652

The Hobby-Horse Dance, No. 20, Playford 1682

Vive Lay Roy, No. 40, Playford 1661

BRIEF PAUSE/ TUNING

Music Transcribed for Viol Consort Jan Pieterszoon Sweelinck

Transcribed & Adapted for Viols by Phillip W. Serna (1562 – 1621)

Engelsche Fortuyn (Fortune My Foe) For Consort á 5

Music for Consort – Canzon super ‘O Nachbar Roland’ Samuel Scheidt

For Consort á 5 (1587 – 1654)

Music for Consort – Ricercar ‘Bonny Sweet Robin’ Thomas Simpson

For Consort á 4 (1582 – 1630?)

Music for Consort – Go from my Window Orlando Gibbons

For Consort á 6 (1583 – 1625)

Lynn Donaldson, Viola da Gamba

Ken Perlow, Viola da Gamba

Katherine Shuldiner, Viola da Gamba

Mary Springfels, Viola da Gamba

Constance Strait, Viola da Gamba

THIS RECITAL WILL BE PERFORMED AT A415

1/6th

COMMA MEANTONE TEMPERAMENT

ix

TABLE OF CONTENTS

ABSTRACT.................................................................................................................................... ii

DEDICATION............................................................................................................................... iv

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS.............................................................................................................v

LECTURE RECITAL PROGRAM............................................................................................... vi

INTRODUCTION ...........................................................................................................................1

CHAPTER I: The Circulation of Ballads in Early Modern England...............................................3

CHAPTER II: Rise of the Lyra-Viol and the Viol Consort in Early Modern England .................16

CHAPTER III: Selected Ballad-Tune Settings for Lyra-Viol and Viol Consort...........................22

Walsingham ..........................................................................................................................22

Fortune My Foe.....................................................................................................................28

Daphne or When Daphne from Fair Phoebus Did Fly..........................................................37

Bonny Sweet Robin or Robin is to the Greenwood Gone ....................................................41

Art Song as Ballad: Lachrimae or Flow My Teares .............................................................48

Go from My Window............................................................................................................55

CONCLUSIONS............................................................................................................................58

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY.....................................................................................................59

APPENDIX I: Introduction to Sweelinck Editions for Viol Consort ............................................69

APPENDIX II: Transcription of Sweelinck’s Engelsche Fortuyn for Viol Consort .....................72

APPENDIX III: Transcription of Sweelinck’s Onder een Linde Groen for Viol Consort ............83

1

INTRODUCTION – Original ‘Crossover?’ Popular Ballad-Tunes as Art-Music for Viols in

Seventeenth-Century England

The modern concept of musical ‘crossover’ or ‘fusion’ often entails a combination or

juxtaposition of evidently incongruous styles, performance techniques and repertoire.

‘Crossover,’ as a concept, is dependent on arbitrary and non-musical definitions,1 labels and

divisions which might not naturally exist. It implies boundaries between performance media,

styles, and dissemination of music. For the Early Music scholar and performer, this artifice lies

predominantly between printed musical sources and oral musical traditions. Early Music

performers and scholars have always been able to acquire knowledge about performance practice

from manuscripts, treatises, diaries and court records.2 In order to craft compelling and better

informed performances, scholars and performers now look to living oral traditions. Performers

are exploring intersections between the oral and print music traditions of Europe, between

European and Sephardic music, and between European and music of indigenous peoples with

Western music during the Spanish colonial period.3 From medieval performers looking to the

traditions of Persia, Morocco and Turkey,4 to explorations of Chinese music to inform

performances of music of Marco Polo’s period,5 early musicians are exploring more repertoire

than ever before.

This concept of ‘crossover’ between Early Music performance and oral performance

traditions is not an exclusively modern phenomenon. An under explored intersection between

orally transmitted music and art-music exists involving popular music, dance music, ballad-tunes

1 Robynn J. Stillwell, “ Crossover,” Grove Music Online (accessed [3/25/2007]), <http://www.grovemusic.com/>

2 Tina Chancey, “ Voices from the Cutting Edge – Medieval and Renaissance Groups Challenge Listeners and

Themselves with Innovative Performance Practices,” Early Music America 7, No.2 (Summer 2001): 24. 3 Ibid.

4 Ibid.

5 Ibid, 26.

2

and the instrumental compositions for lyra-viol and viol consort in seventeenth-century England.

This lecture will explore the dissemination of ballad tunes through the medium of the British

Broadside Ballad, as well as through instrumental music in the form of solo literature for the

lyra-viol and chamber music for viol consort. Regarding instrumental settings of ballad-tunes for

viol, selected ballad-tunes to be examined include Bonny Sweet Robin (Robin is the Greenwood

Gone), Daphne, Fortune My Foe, Go from My Window and Walsingham. Lyra-viol sources

containing ballad-tune settings to be examined include John Playford’s Musick’s Recreation on

the Viol, Lyra-Way, as well as sources for viol in manuscript form, specifically the Manchester

Lyra-Viol Manuscript (c1660).

3

CHAPTER I: The Circulation of Ballads in Early Modern England

Reproduced from Save a Thief from the Gallows, and He’ll Hang Thee if He Can, the Early

Modern Center, English Ballad Archive, University of California-Santa Barbara Online, the

Samuel Pepys’ Collection, 2.196-197.

“For a peny you may have all the Newes in England, of Murders, Flouds, Witches, Fires, Tempests, and what not, in one of Martin Parkers Ballads.”

Henry Peacham in The Worth of a Penny (1641)6

Preexisting familiar ballad-tunes, along with print media, coalesced in the literary genre

identified as the British Broadside Ballad. In print, the broadside ballad flourished from the

beginning of the reign of Elizabeth I (1558-1603) to the close of the seventeenth century.7 While

having its origins in medieval oral ballad traditions, the broadside ballad was a print medium that

was “purchased, overheard orally, memorized, or even copied in manuscript form by audiences

6 Tessa Watt, Cheap Print and Popular Piety, 1550-1640 (Cambridge; New York: Cambridge University Press,

1991), 11. 7 Sarah F. Williams, ‘“ Now Rise Infernal Tones”: the Representations of Early Modern English Witchcraft in Sound

and Music.’ (Ph.D. diss., Northwestern University, 2006) 135.

4

representing a wide range of social classes and evincing various degrees of literacy.”8

The English term ballad is derived from the Middle English balade. The English ballad

refers to what was simply a “dancing song,” while the term ballad derives from the Latin “to

dance.”9 A ballad, as a musical and poetic form, is simply a song that contains a strong narrative

element. A distinctly urban and London-based phenomenon,10

the broadside was the print

medium in which ballad texts were transmitted one at a time. “Broadsides”, also referred to as

“broadsheets,” were large uncut sheets of paper printed on one side.11

The advent of printing

allowed for a massive production of rhymed broadsides, so that by the seventeenth century, these

publications “came to be the chief publications of the London press and the works most dear to

the common people.”12

Broadsides were the cheapest form of print media available in

seventeenth-century England.13

Broadside publications encompassed many types of popular

street literature, including handbills, proclamations, advertisements, religious documents, as well

as songs and ballads.14

While the earliest English language newspapers began to appear in the

1620s in Europe, it would take another two centuries for the vast majority of the general public

to receive news from sources other than broadsides.15

Among the most circulated ballad-tunes in early modern England,16

Fortune My Foe was

often set to broadside texts about disasters as in The Lamentable Burning of the Citty of Corke

8 Joshua Fisher, “ He is turned a Ballad-Maker”: Broadside Appropriations in Early Modern England,” Early Modern

Literary Studies 9.2 (September, 2003): 3.1-21 <http://purl.oclc.org/emls/09-2/fishball.html> 9 Bruce R. Smith The Acoustic World of Early Modern England: Attending to the O-Factor (Chicago: University of

Chicago Press, 1999), 170. 10

Pamela Fumerton, “ Not Home: Alehouses, Ballads, and the Vagrant Husband in Early Modern England,” Journal

of Medieval and Early Modern Studies 32, Number 3 (Fall 2002): 497. 11

Watt, 11. 12

Fisher. 13

Watt, 11. 14

Leslie Shepard, The Broadside Ballad: A Study in Origins and Meaning (London: H. Jenkins, 1962), 23. 15

Shepard, 29. 16

Smith, 203.

5

Fig. 1. Reproduced from The Lamentable Burning of the Citty of Corke, the Early Modern

Center, English Ballad Archive, University of California-Santa Barbara Online, the Samuel

Pepys’ Collection, 1.68-69r.

Fig. 2. Reproduced from The Araignement of John Flodder and his Wife, the Early Modern

Center, English Ballad Archive, University of California-Santa Barbara Online, the Samuel

Pepys’ Collection, 1.130-131r.

(see figure 1) on the last of May 1622, complete with religious messages and morals for the

listener. Additionally, Fortune My Foe was also known as a “hanging tune” for its association

with horrific public executions as in The Araignement of John Flooder and His Wife (see figure

2) and Anne Wallens Lamentation (see figure 3).17

The Araignement of John Flooder relays the

news of the execution of John Flodder and his wife by hanging for burning the town of Windham

in Norfolke on the 6th of June, 1615. As political commentary in Protestant England, Flodder and

17

Fisher.

6

Fig. 3. Reproduced from Anne Wallens Lamentation, the Early Modern Center, English Ballad

Archive, University of California-Santa Barbara Online, the Samuel Pepys’ Collection, 1.124-

125.

his wife are portrayed as Papal sympathizers, and were deserving of death. In Anne Wallens

Lamentation, Anne Wallen is burned at the stake for the murder of her husband. The ballad

depicts a drunken John Wallen and an episode of domestic violence which ultimately concludes

with his stabbing by his wife Anne Wallen. It is told from the first person perspective of a

remorseful confession prior to her execution:

My judgement then it was pronounced plaine Because my dearest husband I had slaine:

In burning flames of fire I should fry,

Receive my soule sweet Jesus now I die.

Not all ballads were on such gruesome or libelous subjects. Many moral and religious

ballads survive. As a scholar of popular balladry, Natascha Würzbach writes:

Owing to the preponderance of sad, horrific, and stirring narrative subjects it is

sentimental, scandalized comments together with those of a serous moralizing nature which on the whole predominate in the narrative street ballad.

18

The ballad An Excellent Song, Wherein You Shall Find, Great Consolation for a

Troubled Mind (see figure 4), sung to the tune of Fortune my Foe, states:

18

Natasha Würzbach, The Rise of the English Street Ballad, 1550-1650. trans. by Gayna Walls. (Cambridge; New

York: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 112.

7

Fig. 4. Reproduced from An Excellent Song, Wherein You Shall Find, Great Consolation for a Troubled Mind, the Early Modern Center, English Ballad Archive, University of California-

Santa Barbara Online, the Samuel Pepys’ Collection, 2.63.

Aim not too High in things above thy reach Beware of pride, the Mother of Mishap

Nor be too wise within thy own conceit, Whole sugred snares shall seek to intrap, A thou hat wealth and wit at will Be meek in Heart, and lovely minded still,

So give him thanks that shall increase it still. So shalt though Gods Commandments

fulfill.

Broadside publications covered a variety of subject matter from news, gossip, scandals, criminal

biographies, trials, satirical poems, invectives, lamentations, and godly miracles, to fantastic

monstrous births or witchcraft. 19

The format often limited the size of the narrative to 80 to 120

lines.20

Broadside ballads were distributed in mass quantities in churchyards, inns, fairs21

such as

Bartholomew and Stourbridge,22

marketplaces, taverns, and ale houses.23

Additionally, they were

disseminated in large public spaces such as Westminster Hall, Saint Paul’s Cathedral and the

Royal Exchange.24

The most common method of distributing ballads was through the

employment of ballad-singers (or ‘ballad mongers’), while keeping supplies of printed ballads

19

Würzbach, p.108; Hyder E. Rollins, Rollins, Hyder E. “The Black-Letter Broadside Ballad,” PMLA 34, No. 2 (1919): 258; Williams, p.136. 20

Würzbach, p.108. 21

Ibid. 22

Ibid, 153. 23

Ibid, 136. 24

Smith, 60.

8

fully stocked and displayed in book-stalls.25

This usually occurred on the periphery of events,

since the ballad-singer was not integrated into the festivities. This offered a spectacle in and of

itself since the ballad-singer communicated the text in as lively a way as possible.26

Natascha

Würzbach writes:

The speaker inherent in the text with his highly developed audience relationship has the

features that do with it – of the poseur, market-crier, and salesman – and is characterized

by the intensity of his actions. He poses as joker, reporter of sensational events and

narrator of sentimental stories, and can take on fictitious roles. 27

Würzbach adds that contemporary writers often lamented the ‘inferior’ musical quality of

ballad renditions. These renditions were described as coarse and “the untrained croaking or

sentimental whining of the singers” was dismissed with contempt by men of letters. Ballad

mongers were often discredited on the basis of their social status. 28

They were often described as

idle youths, escaped convicts and swindlers.29

Ballad-singers sold their wares, largely

unmolested until Parliament instructed magistrates “to flog and imprison ballad-singers at sight

and to confiscate their stock.”30

Even with their social status, performance and sale of ballads

was so common that allusions to ballad-singers can be found in the literature of Early Modern

England.31

While printed broadsides were obtained easily, they were quite probably the single most

disposable form of literature. On the topic of the dating of broadside ballads, Würzbach notes,

“frequent reprintings or imitations of previously published texts present a particular

bibliographical problem, appearing as they do without any indication they are not the original.”32

25

Rollins, 323 26

Würzbach, 13. 27

Ibid, 98. 28

Ibid, 251. 29

Ibid. 30

Ibid, 98. 31

Ibid, 15. 32

Ibid, 3.

9

Dating is difficult prior to 1556, the year the Stationers’ Company was incorporated. The

Stationer’s Company required legal registration of all ballads.33

Many ballad-printers ignored

registration, but with over three thousand entries, the Stationers’ Company preserved a large

number of ballad titles for posterity.

Determining the authorship of ballad texts is difficult, particularly later in the seventeenth

century when publishers no longer included the author. Among the two hundred authors who

wrote broadside ballads were Thomas Deloney, Leonard Gibson, Martin Parker, Laurence Price,

Richard Johnson and William Elderton.34

These authors were often characterized as “trivial”

authors who were “bent on making a quick profit.”35

Outside of the feudal system of patronage,

these authors were often socially stigmatized along with “actors, beggars, and street peddlers as

vagabonds.”36

Even worse, a criticism that is often leveled at the street ballad was “its

immorality and obscenity as opposed to the purity and piety expected of literature.”37

Nonetheless, numerous Elizabethan and Jacobean playwrights and poets were known to have

composed ballads.38

Poets and dramatists such as William Shakespeare (1564-1616) and

Christopher Marlowe (1564-1593) appropriated the broadside ballad form sometimes for

mockery, sometimes for celebration of popular pastimes.39

Broadside ballads and ballad-singers

often inspired references and plots in plays. A pick-pocketing ballad monger was featured in Ben

Jonson’s comedy Bartholomew Fair (1614)40

and the character of Autolycus was performing

ballads to the crowd in Shakespeare’s The Winter’s Tale (c1609-1610).41

Christopher Marlow,

33

Shepard, 52. 34

Rollins, 260. 35

Würzbach, 251. 36

Würzbach, 21; Fisher. 37

Würzbach, 246. 38

Ibid. 39

Ibid. 40

Williams, 153. 41

Würzbach, 247.

10

Fig. 5. Reproduced from The Judgment of God Shewed Upon One John Faustus, the Early Modern Center, English Ballad Archive, University of California-Santa Barbara Online, the

Samuel Pepys’ Collection, 2.142.

author of The Tragical History of Doctor Faustus (1604), likely based the play upon the

broadside ballad The Judgment of God Shewed Upon One John Faustus (see figure 5). The

earliest surviving ballad on the Faustus subject probably dates from the 1590s.42

In regards to

music in sixteenth and seventeenth-century dramatic works, especially in Shakespearean plays,

Shakespearean scholar Frederick Sternfeld states, “The tradition of the theatre favoured an

abundance of song and comedy.”43

Furthermore, concerning the appearance of ballads and

popular songs in dramatic works, Shakespearean scholar John Long adds:

While the comedies contain many “ayres,” which may be defined as art songs written and

set to special music by known poets and composers, the songs in the tragedies and

histories are, with one or two doubtful exceptions, ballads, ballad fragments, or bits of popular songs anonymous in authorship and apparently belong to a popular tradition.

44

Expounding on Long’s statement, early music specialist Mary Springfels writes:

In addition to performed vocal music, Shakespeare used all kinds of music and musical instruments referentially. The folk song and ballad tunes he quoted so frequently were

equally well known to the groundlings as to the more distinguished patrons. Scraps of

42

Claude Simpson, The British Broadside Ballad and its Music (New Brunswick; New Jersey: Rutgers University Press, 1966), 225. 43

Frederick W. Sternfeld, Music in Shakespearean Tragedy (London: Routledge and K. Paul; New York, Dover Publications, 1963), 1. 44

John H. Long, Shakespeare’s Use of Music, Volume 1 (Gainesville, FL: University of Florida Press, 1972), 49.

11

these tunes were used to create in-jokes and to evoke other sentiments as well.45

In addition to the printed text, broadside ballads were often embellished by woodcut

illustrations. The degree to which ballads were illustrated changed significantly from the

sixteenth to the seventeenth centuries. Out of the extant sixteenth-century ballads on religious

subjects, only a fifth of published ballads were illustrated at all. Out of these, only one quarter

had woodcut illustrations. In the seventeenth century, particularly from the period of 1600-1640,

more than five-sixths of surviving ballad publications was illustrated.46

This unification among

illustration, printed text, and the sung dissemination, made the broadside ballad an effective

method of communication in early modern England.

In the sixteenth century, ballad tunes were often only named in approximates a quarter to

a third of religious ballads, while the percentage of surviving secular ballads specifying their

ballad tune was between a third and a half.47

Secular ballads without a labeled ballad tune were

less common in the seventeenth century. The most significant collection of print ballads,

consisting of 1376 ballads, was owned by John Selden. Later, this collection was completed by

Samuel Pepys,48

English naval administrator and “gentleman-amateur composer and performer

on the viol.”49

In the Samuel Pepys collection, there are approximately 1800 ballads and only

167 of them have accompanying music printed before the verses.50

Ballad singers often had

hundreds of tunes in their repertory. 51

Many of these melodies survived due to the adaptive

45

Mary Springfels, “ Music in Shakespeare's Plays,” Encyclopedia Britannica’s Guide to Shakespeare Online.

(accessed [3/25/2007]), <http://www.britannica.com/shakespeare/ article-9396030> 46

Watt, 78. 47

Ibid, 79. 48

Rollins, 262 49

McDonald Emslie, “Samuel Pepys,” Grove Music Online (accessed [3/25/2007]), <http://www.grovemusic.com/> 50

Tassie Gniady, “ Ballad Music,” Early Modern Center, English Ballad Archive, University of California-Santa Barbara (Accessed [4/15/2007]),

<http://www.english.ucsb.edu/emc/ballad_project/background_essays/ballad_music.asp> 51

Jeremy Barlow, “Broadside Ballads,” Grove Music Online (accessed [3/25/2007]),

<http://www.grovemusic.com/>

12

nature of the repertory. Lyrics were exchanged, inserted and substituted against easily

identifiable tunes during London daily life.52

A number of other ballad melodies have only

survived through notated instrumental music. Sixteenth and seventeenth-century instrumental

works often employed divisions (variations) on ballad tunes. Composers who set ballad tunes for

instruments included William Byrd (1542-1623), John Bull (c1562-1628), Orlando Gibbons

(1583-1625), and Thomas Morley (1557-1602).53

English instrumental music, as K.F. Booker wrote, “was more often than not based on

folksong, popular song, art song, folk dance, popular dance or courtly dance.”54

This is true in

regards to the connection between popular ballad culture and the learned musical culture in early

modern England. With the decline of the status of the minstrel during the reign of Elizabeth I,55

musical tastes shifted towards different forms of entertainment in the seventeenth century. The

seventeenth century was a period of heightened musical literacy. Balladry, while a populist art

form, drew on learned traditions of the day, and vice versa. The seventeenth century saw the

publication of numerous instrumental tutors on the performance of ballads. John Playford’s

instrumental music publications were immensely popular, recognizing ballad and popular music

as essential to the music student’s repertoire.56

Ballad tunes appear in Playford’s collection The

Dancing Master (1651),57

which grew from one hundred tunes to nine hundred tunes in three

volumes by later publications in the early eighteenth century.58

Some publications by Playford

which contained ballad tunes include The Musicall Banquet (1651) Apollo’s Banquet (1651),

Musick’s Delight on the Cithren (1666), Musick’s Handmaid for keyboard instruments (1678),

52

Williams, 135. 53

Simpson, xii. 54

K. F. Booker, “Folksong in English Instrumental Music,” Music & Letters .52, No.2 (April 1971): 227. 55

Williams, 170. 56

Simpson, xiii. 57

The Dancing Master was published with the original title The English Dancing Master in 1651. 58

Simpson, xiii.

13

Apollo’s Banquet for the Treble Violin (1669), and Musick’s Recreation on the Lyra-Viol

(1652).59

To be a respectable musician in Early Modern England, one was expected to “read music,

to sing music as well as play, to teach wealthy amateurs, and even to compose part-music for

domestic recreation.”60

This would often include the composing of ballad settings and popular

songs. The professional musician would often be apprenticed at an early age to a master, similar

to many other early modern professions. In cities, musicians would often be apprenticed as

choristers at the local church or cathedral. The apprentice would spend hours learning by

example as well as careful and painstaking practice. These musicians might be employed as

waits (musicians who played for civic functions, parades, etc.) or work as theater musicians.

They might work to have apprentices of their own, attain a court appointment, or join a

household as a servant.61

Professional musicians still relied on the system of patronage, which

could take several different forms.62

A musician could serve at court or in households in different

roles: as performer, composer, or music tutor. For the noble amateur, the “lute and viol seem to

have been instruments that anybody could (and did) play, while the keyboard was reserved for

the serious musician.”63

Musicians often were indentured and retained as part of the household’s

servants, allowed to work elsewhere when duties permitted. Patrons often allowed their names to

be used to lend respectability to a side venture. This would typically take the form of a

publication.64

Members of the leisured classes often took up instruments to entertain themselves and

59

Frank Kidson, “John Playford, and 17th-Century Music Publishing,” The Musical Quarterly 4, No.4 (Oct. 1918):

520. 60

Watt, 15. 61

Julia Craig-McFeely, ‘English Lute Manuscripts and Scribes 1530-1630.’ (Ph.D. diss., University of Oxford, 1993) 14. 62

Ibid. 63

Ibid. 64

Ibid

14

obtain a social skill.65

Books comprised of broadside ballads were compiled in manuscript form,

making the ballad familiar to the most elite in English society.66

Often these members of the

elite, noblemen and women, would have manuscripts written to improve their social status

through marriage.67

They often had compilations of works written for them, sometimes by a

single composer, or compilations by various composers. These manuscripts often contained

original works, dances, as well as ballads. Manuscript ballad settings for keyboard instruments

survive in sources such as My Ladye Nevels Booke, a collection of works by William Byrd

(1542-1623), as well as the Fitzwilliam Virginal Book featuring works by William Byrd, John

Bull (c1562-1628), Peter Philips (c1560-c1633), William Inglott (1554-1621), John Munday

(c1550-1630), Edward Johnson (fl1592-1594) and Martin Peerson (1572-1650).68

Some lute

manuscripts contain ballad settings by John Dowland (c1563-1626), John Johnson, Anthony

Holborne (?-1602), and Francis Cutting (fl1595).69

One of the largest surviving lyra-viol manuscripts is the Manchester Lyra-Viola

Manuscript, also known as the Manchester Gamba Book. The Manchester Lyra-Viol Manuscript

(c1660)70

contains 246 solo works for lyra-viol in tablature notation in twenty-two distinct

tunings. It also contains 12 pieces in staff notation.71

It contains original works, ballad settings,

settings of lute works, popular music, dance music, ballad settings in tablature, as well as a

limited number of other works in staff notation. About the origins of the Manchester Lyra-Viol

Manuscript, Paul Furnas writes:

65

Ibid, 16. 66

Watt, 17. 67

Craig-McFeeley, 16. 68

Simpson, xii-xiii. 69

Ibid, xii. 70

Ibid, 60 71

Paul Furnas, “ Introduction to the Manchester Lyra-Viol Manuscript,” The Viola da Gamba Society of America Online (Accessed 3/25/2007), <http://www.vdgsa.org/pgs/mlvms.html>

15

Internal evidence hints at the possible identity of the original compiler of the manuscript.

Nearly every piece in the manuscript is followed by the name (or, in a few rare instances,

the initials) of the composer or arranger of the piece. Half of the thirty-eight names that appear in the manuscript are otherwise unknown. The fact that four of these nineteen

“otherwise unknown” contributors share the surname Read suggests that the manuscript

was compiled in the Read household. The word “finis” appears only once in the entire

manuscript (at the end of the fourth piece in the twenty-first tuning), suggesting that the

compiler expected this to be the end of the collection. Henrie Read’s name as the composer of this “final” piece makes him the prime candidate as the compiler who

modestly put his own piece at the end, or perhaps used it as a symbolic musical signature

at the end of the compilation. Another nine pieces inconveniently follow that “final”

piece, but two of those additional nine are also by Henrie Read, so he remains the prime

candidate.72

Some of the ballad settings in the Manchester Lyra-Viol Manuscript include Daphne,

Fortune My Foe, Robin is to the Greenwood Gone, and The Nightingale. Other popular works

include settings of Dowland’s Lachrymae, Solus cum Sola, and What if a Day, as well as popular

songs and dances including Monsieur’s Almain, Queen Marie’s Dumpe, and Whoope Doe Me No

Harme. All of these settings are by Richard Sumarte (late 1500s-after 1630), for whom little is

known. Paul Furnas speculates that he may have been the resident music tutor in the compiler’s

household.73

72

Ibid. 73

Ibid.

16

CHAPTER II: Rise of the Lyra-Viol and the Viol Consort in Early Modern England

“…the stateful instrument Gambo Violl shall with ease yeelde full various and as devicefull Musicke as the Lute. For here I protest the Trinitie of Musicke, parts, Passion and Division, to

be as gracefully united in the Gambo Violl, as in the most received Instrument that is, which here

with a Souldiers Resolution, I give up to the acceptance of at noble dispositions.”

Captaine Tobias Hume, from the Musicall Humours (1605)74

Although the viol became part of English court music-making during the reign of Henry

VIII (1509-1547), the seventeenth century was the period in which the viola da gamba spread

throughout England.75

At a time of changing tastes in England, it was prophetic that the

insistence by Tobias Hume (c1569-1645) that the viol ‘shall with ease yeelde full various and as

devicefull Musicke as the Lute’ would signal the impending emergence of the viol as a solo,

ensemble and continuo instrument.76

The viol and lute were both instruments that “anybody

could (and did) play, while the keyboard was reserved for the serious musician.”77

The two types

of literature cultivated for the viol in early modern England were solo literature and consort, or

chamber music literature.

The solo literature can be divided into two categories: literature for the division viol, and

literature written for the lyra-viol (or viol played lyra-way). The lyra-viol (or ‘harp viol’)

developed in England during the reign of Elizabeth I (1558-1603).78

According to Viol historian

Nathalie Dolmetsch; the lyra-viol’s origin is an Italian instrument, the Lyra da Gamba. The Lyra

da Gamba instrument had twelve strings, with a bridge that was nearly flat. It was meant for

playing harmonies and accompanying the voice. Italian composer Alfonso Ferrabosco I (1543-

74

Tobias Hume, Hume, Tobias. The First Part of Ayres 1605 (Hebden Bridge, UK: Ruxbury Publications Ltd.,

2002), 2. 75

Ian Woodfield and Lucy Robinson, “ Viol: England,” Grove Music Online (accessed [3/25/2007]),

<http://www.grovemusic.com/> 76

Michael Morrow, Collette Harris, and Frank Traficant e: ‘Tobias Hume’, Grove Music Online (accessed

[3/25/2007]), <http://www.grovemusic.com/> 77

Craig-McFeely, 14. 78

Nathalie Dolmetsch, Viola da Gamba. (London: Robert Stockwell, Ltd., 1975), 74.

17

Variations in the Sizes of Viols79

Body Length String Length (bridge to nut)

PARDESSUS DE VIOLE 31.5 cm.-33.5 cm. 33 cm.-33.5 cm.

(g),c',e',a',d",g"

TREBLE VIOL 35 cm.-39 cm. 35 cm.-35.5 cm. d,g,c',e',a',d"

ALTO VIOL 35 cm.-41 cm. 35 cm.-40.5 cm.

c, f,a,d,g',(c")

TENOR VIOL 47.5 cm.-53 cm. 45 cm.-52 cm.

(G),c,f,a,d,g'

(Note that the smaller Tenors are usually without bottom G)

LYRA VIOL 55.5 cm.-60 cm. 53.5 cm.-60 cm. Variable tuning

DIVISION VIOL 62 cm.-68 cm. 65 cm.-66 cm.

D,G,c,e,a,d'

BASS VIOL or CONSORT BASS 68 cm.-71 cm. 68 cm.-70.5 cm.

(A¹),D,G,c,e,a,d'

VIOLONE 98.5 cm.-105 cm. 97 cm.-105 cm.

D¹,G¹,c,E, A, d

Fig. 6. Reproduced from Nathalie Dolmetsch, “Of the Sizes of Viols,” The Galpin Society

Journal, Hertfordshire, United Kingdom: The Galpin Society, Vol. 17, Feb. 1964, p.27.

1588) was employed by the English court in 1560, and he is credited with bringing the lyra-viol

to England.80

The term ‘lyra-viol’ was occasionally applied to a viol sized between a consort

tenor and bass.81

Through comparison in Christopher Simpson’s publication The Division-Violist

(1659), we can deduce that the lyra-viol weighed less than a consort bass viol, or a division viol

79

Nathalie Dolmetsch, “ Of the Sizes of Viols,” The Galpin Society Journal 17 (Feb.1964): 27. 80

Ibid. 81

Alison Crum, Play the Viol: A Complete Guide to Playing the Treble, Tenor and Bass Viol (London; New York:

Oxford University Press, 1992), 107.

18

(for viol sizes, see figure 6, page 17). The lyra-viol also had a less rounded bridge82

making it

ideal for playing chords. The composer and luthier, Daniel Farrant, experimented with

sympathetic strings behind the fingerboard, similar to a viola d’amore.83

These attempts to

provide the viol with sympathetic strings did not become standardized and had no lasting

influence.84

Later in the seventeenth century, it was common practice to play lyra-viol music on

a standard viol played lyra-way.

The majority of the literature for lyra-viol was printed or written in what is referred to as

French lute tablature notation.85

This would incorporate six lines, representing the strings on a

lute or viol, with rhythm placed above the score. This system used letters to represent the

location of which fret to play. An a represented an open string, b the first fret, c the second, d the

third, e the fourth, f the fifth, and so on.

The lyra-viol was often required to play in a number of different tunings or scordatura,

employing combinations of intervals of thirds, fourths and fifths. These were also represented in

tablature fret lettering. With this system, it is not always easy to determine the pitch names, nor

the pitch names of the strings. Frank Traficante, a researcher on aspects of the lyra-viol and its

literature, suggests it is safe to hold constant the top string at d’.86

This is consistent with John

Playford who states to raise the first string “as high as it will conveniently bear without breaking,

then Tune” the other to it.87

At one point, there were approximately fifty distinct tunings,88

making tablature notation indispensable for the performer of this repertoire. Among the standard

82

Frank Traficante, “ Lyra [leero, leerow, liera, lyro] viol,” Grove Music Online (accessed [3/25/2007]),

<http://www.grovemusic.com/> 83

Nathalie Dolmetsch, Viola da Gamba. (London: Robert Stockwell, Ltd., 1975), 75. 84

Frank Traficante, “ Lyra [leero, leerow, liera, lyro] viol,” Grove Music Online (accessed [3/25/2007]), <http://www.grovemusic.com/> 85

Craig-McFeely, 15. 86

Frank Traficante, “ Introduction,” The First Part of Ayres 1605. Hebden Bridge, UK: Ruxbury Publications Ltd.,

2002. 87

Playford, John. An Introduction to the Skill of Musick (Ridgewood, N.J.: Gregg Press, 1966). 93-94. 88

Crum, 110.

19

tuning systems are the Viol Tuning, the Viol Tuning with a low C, Harpway Sharp, Harpway

Flat, and the Bandora Sett. The viol, or plain tuning, was written as ffeff (consisting of the

intervals of a fourth, fourth, third, fourth and fourth). Fret lettering refers to the highest pitched

string first, and then refers to the intervals downwards in pitch. A variation on this is ffefh in

which the lowest string is lowered by a whole step to C (consisting of the intervals of a fourth,

fourth, third, fourth and fifth). Harpway Sharp is defhf (consisting of the intervals of a second,

third, fourth, fifth and fourth), Harpway Flat is edfhf (consisting of the intervals of a third,

second, fourth, fifth and fourth), and the Bandora Sett is fefhf (consisting of the intervals of a

fourth, third, fourth, fifth, and fourth).89

Among 18 Elizabethan, Jacobean and Stuart era publications for lyra-viol between the

years of 1601 and 168290

, there are Tobias Hume’s First Part of Ayes (1605), followed by

Captaine Hume’s Poeticall Musicke (1607), William Corkine’s First Book of Ayres (1610) and

Second Book of Ayres (1612). Additionally, seventeenth-century publications focusing on the

instruction performance of solo literature included John Playford’s Musick’s Recreation on the

Lyra Viol (1652), Christopher Simpson’s remarkably comprehensive The Division-Violist (1659)

and Benjamin Hely’s The Compleat Violist (1699).91

Over 75 sources exist from various

countries of music for lyra-viol in tablature form. These manuscripts exist in fragments, while

others in larger anthologies.92

In printed and manuscript sources, we find many works for lyra-

viol by such composers as John Coprario (c1575-1626), Simon Ives (1600-1662), John Jenkins

(1592-1678), William Lawes (1602-1645), Christopher Simpson (c1605-1669) and others. One

89

Grace Feldman, Feldman, Grace. The Golden Viol - Method for the Bass Viola da Gamba, Vol. 6: Tablature and

Lyra-Viol (New Haven: Grace Note Press, 1998), 6. 90

Frank Traficante, “ Lyra [leero, leerow, liera, lyro] viol,” Grove Music Online (accessed [3/25/2007]),

<http://www.grovemusic.com/> 91

Ian Woodfield and Lucy Robinson, “ Viol: England,” Grove Music Online (accessed [3/25/2007]),

<http://www.grovemusic.com/> 92

Frank Traficante, “ Lyra [leero, leerow, liera, lyro] viol,” Grove Music Online (accessed [3/25/2007]),

<http://www.grovemusic.com/>

20

of the largest surviving lyra-viol manuscripts is the Manchester Lyra-Viol Manuscript, also

known as the Manchester Gamba Book.

In regards to the sizeable consort literature, two primary forms of seventeenth-century

music are written for the viol consort in England: dance forms and contrapuntal compositions

such as fantasias. Popular dances included the almain, ayre, courante, galliard, pavan, and

sarabande.93

The consort fantasia for viols was a popular medium for composers in seventeenth-

century England. The fantasia, a composition whose form was derived ‘solely from the fantasy

and skill of the author who created it,’94

was a form of composition that varied from

improvisatory works, to strictly contrapuntal works, to works with sectional forms. 95

Not to be

regarded as a species of the fantasia,96

the In nomine was also a very popular composition that

was particular to England. The In nomine, in contrast to the fantasia, used cantus firmus, a

medieval and renaissance term for a pre-existing melody used as the basis of a contrapuntal

work.97

The cantus firmus was derived from the section ‘In nomine Domini’ from John

Taverner’s six-part Mass Gloria tibi Trinitas.98

During the seventeenth century, viol consort literature “was widely cultivated at court, in

cathedral closes and university colleges, and in the homes of many gentlemen and noblemen.”99

Composers who wrote specifically for viol consort include William Byrd (1542-1623), John

Coprario, Thomas Lupo (1571-1627), John Ward (1571-1638), Alfonso Ferrabosco II (c1572-

1628), Orlando Gibbons (1583-1625), John Jenkins, William Lawes and Henry Purcell (c1659-

93

Crum, 83. 94

See quote from Luis de Milán (1535–6) in Christopher D.S. Field, “Fantasia,” Grove Music Online (accessed

[3/25/2007]), <http://www.grovemusic.com/> 95

Christopher D.S. Field, “Fantasia,” Grove Music Online (accessed [3/25/2007]), <http://www.grovemusic.com/> 96

Ibid. 97

M. Jennifer Bloxam, “Cantus Firmus,” Grove Music Online (accessed [3/25/2007]),

<http://www.grovemusic.com/> 98

Warwick Edwards, “ In Nomine,” Grove Music Online (accessed [3/25/2007]), <http://www.grovemusic.com/> 99

Christopher D.S. Field, “Fantasia,” Grove Music Online (accessed [3/25/2007]), <http://www.grovemusic.com/>

21

1695). A variety of different sizes of viols were employed, particularly in chamber music. A viol

consort consisted of a treble viol, alto viol, tenor viol, and bass viol, and occasionally a

contrabass violone (for viol sizes, see figure 6, page 17). A typical English ‘chest of viols’ used

in chamber music would be comprised of six viols: two treble viols, two tenor viols and two bass

viols, or occasionally two treble viols, three tenor viols and one bass viol.100

‘Broken’ consorts

consisted of instruments from different families performed together. These occurred in many

different combinations. Thomas Morley’s Consort Lessons (1599 and 1612) and Rosseter’s

Lessons for Consort (1609) were written for Lute, Bandora, Bass Viol, Cittern, Treble viol, and

Flute.101

Seventeenth-century publications focusing on the performance of consort literature

included Thomas Robinson’s The Schoole of Musicke (1603) and John Playford’s A Breefe

Introduction to the Skill of Musick (1654).102

100

Howard Meyer Brown and Ian Woodfield, “ Chest of Viols,” Grove Music Online (accessed [3/25/2007]),

<http://www.grovemusic.com/> 101

Warwick Edwards, “ Broken Consort,” Grove Music Online (accessed [3/25/2007]),

<http://www.grovemusic.com/> 102

Ian Woodfield and Lucy Robinson, “ Viol: England,” Grove Music Online (accessed [3/25/2007]),

<http://www.grovemusic.com/>

22

CHAPTER III: Selected Ballad-Tune Settings for Lyra-Viol and Viol Consort

WALSINGHAM

The original is unbarred. Reproduced from Claude Simpson’s The British Broadside Ballad and

its Music. Rutgers University Press, 1966, p.741.

As you came from Walsingham

from that holy land,

Met you not with my true love

by the way as you came?

How should I your true love know,

that hath met many a one

As I came from the Holy Land,

that have come, that have gone?

She is neither white nor brown,

but as the heavens fair:

There is none hath a form so divine

on the earth, in the air.

Such a one I did meet, good sir,

with an angel-like face;

Who appear’d like a nymph, like a queen

in her gait, in her grace.

She hath left me here alone,

all alone as unknown:

Who sometimes loved me as her life,

and called me her own.

What is the cause she hath left thee alone,

and a new way doth take,

That sometime did thee love as herself,

and her joy did thee make?

I have loved her all my youth,

but now am old as you see:

Love liketh not the falling fruit,

nor the withered tree.

For love is a careless child

and forgets promise past,

He is blind, he is deaf when he list,

and in faith never fast.

His desire is fickle, fond,

And a trustless joy:

He is won with a word of despair,

And is lost with a toy.

Such is the love of women kind

and the world so abused: Under which many childish desires

and conceits are excused.

Yea but love is a durable fire,

in the mind ever burning: Never sick, never old, never cold,

from itself ever turning.103

103

Text appears in Duffin, 422-423.

23

Fig. 7. Reproduced from Frauncis New Jigge, the Early Modern Center, English Ballad Archive, University of California-Santa Barbara Online, the Samuel Pepys’ Collection, 1.126-127.

According to Ross Duffin in Shakespeare’s Songbook, the Walsingham poem “survives

in several manuscript sources of the late sixteenth century and was probably printed in Thomas

Deloney’s Garland of Good Will (c1592)”.104

In the Walsingham ballad (see page 22), a lover

meets a pilgrim returning from the Shrine of Our Lady of Walsingham. This pilgrim notifies the

lover that the mistress he seeks is ‘dead and far away,’ and the lover then grieves over her

death.105

Along with Go from my Window, Walsingham appears in Frauncis New Jig from

around 1595 (see figure 7, page 23). Ballad-tunes were often used in the Jig (also known as the

104

Duffin, 423. 105

Long, 122.

24

Droll).106

This genre was often performed at the close of a play and symbolized a connection

between ballad and dance. As Diana Poulton writes in her article on the black-letter ballad, “in

this context a short comedy, sung, danced and mimed, that was often played in the theatres of the

times as an after-piece to the serious play. There could be two, three or four characters in the jig,

and several 'acts', each with its own tune.” Other ballad-tunes referenced in Frauncis New Jig

include Jewish Dance and Bugle Boe.107

Shakespeare uses texts from Frauncis New Jigge in Romeo and Juliet, Act I, Scene 5. In

regards to the ballad text for Walsingham, Shakespeare’s appropriation is used in a much

different context. In Act 4, Scene 5 of Shakespeare’s Hamlet, Ophelia sings Walsingham,

followed by Bonny Sweet Robin and the text And Will He Not Come Again to the tune of Go

from my Window:108

OPHELIA: How should I your true love know From another one?

By his cockle hat, and his staff,

And his sandal shoon.

White his shroud as mountain snow,

Larded with sweet flowers, That bewept to the grave did not go

With true lovers showers:

He is dead and gone, Lady, he is dead and gone;

At his head a grass-green turf,

At his heels a stone.109

The first line is a quotation from the Walsingham ballad’s second stanza “How should I your true

love know that hath met many a one?” In this scene, Ophelia’s madness begins to deepen, either

due to the death of her father, by the loss of Hamlet and his love, or both. While Hamlet’s

madness is only feigned, Ophelia’s becomes tangible and apparent.110

It has been interpreted by

106

Simpson, 55. 107

Diana Poulton, “The Black-Letter Broadside Ballad and Its Music,” Early Music 9, No. 4 (Plucked-String Issue

2, October 1981): 428. 108

Duffin, 53. 109

From Q1603, Q1605, F, Hamlet 4.5, Duffin, 422.

25

many scholars that her madness is love madness, a commonly understood and accepted malady

in the sixteenth century.111

As Shakespeare scholar Carroll Camden wrote on the quotation, “first

and third quatrains tell of true love and would naturally be linked in Ophelia's mind with Hamlet.

Shakespearean scholar Frederick Sternfeld writes, “when Ophelia sings consecutive stanzas

Shakespeare portrays her madness by a fickle change of thought which fluctuates between her

concern of Hamlet’s affection and her misery over her father’s death.” Perhaps, then, in her mind

it is Hamlet who is "dead and gone" since he is dead and gone for her.”112

On Shakespeare’s character Ophelia from Hamlet, Frederick Sternfeld summarizes:

The early tragedies of Shakespeare are sparing in the use of song. But with

Ophelia's mad scene in ‘Hamlet’ a new level of the playwright's development is reached: the tragic heroine sings four songs in a single scene. The first of these

begins ‘How should I your true love know’. It is a re-shaping of a lyric that was

particularly popular in text as well as tune during the Elizabethan and Jacobean

periods.113

Additionally, by singing ballad-tunes, Sternfeld surmises that in Ophelia’s distraught

state, “she reverts to the songs a nurse may have taught her.” Where the ‘ayre’ would be seen as

aristocratic in nature, Sternfeld notes that performance of the ‘crude’ ballad would often be

relegated to the servant class instead of the nobility.114

According to John M. Ward, “clearly the heyday of ‘Walsingham’ was in the decades

around 1600.”115

Surviving settings of Walsingham include settings for keyboard by Dr. John

Bull (c1562-1628) and William Byrd (1542-1623), one for orpharion, two for cittern including

one by Anthony Holborne (?-1602), eight for lute including settings by John Dowland (c1563-

110

Carroll Camden, “On Ophelia’s Madness,” Shakespeare Quarterly 15, No.2 (Spring 1964): 249. 111

Harry Morris, “ Ophelia’s ‘Bonny Sweet Robin’,” PMLA 73, No.5, Part 1 (Dec. 1958): 601. 112

Camden, 249. 113

Frederick W. Sternfeld, “ Ophelia's Version of the Walsingham Song,” Music & Letters 45, No. 2 (April 1964):

108. 114

Frederick W. Sternfeld, Music in Shakespearean Traged.( London: Routledge and K. Paul; New York, Dover

Publications, 1963), 64-65. 115

John M. Ward, “ Apropos ‘The British Broadside Ballad and Its Music’,” Journal of the American Musicological

Society 20, No.1 (Spring 1967): 79.

26

Fig. 8. Reproduced from “Jacobean Consort Music,” Musica Britannica, Thurston Dart and

William Coates Eds., Published by the Royal Musical Association, Vol.9, 1955, p.200.

1626), as well as settings for lyra-viol.

116

There are 4 surviving settings of Walsingham for lyra-viol from the 1580s through the

1630s.117

The only published setting of Walsingham is by William Corkine ( fl1610-1629) in his

Second Book of Ayres, Some to Sing and Play to the Base-Violl Alone (1612).118

The three

manuscript lyra-viol settings include an anonymous series of five variations in British Museum

Manuscript MS15118, fol.32,119

six anonymous variations for lyra-viol in Cambridge University

116

Ward, pp.79-80. 117

Ibid, 80. 118

Simpson, 741. 119

Ward, 80.

27

Library Manuscript Nn.6.36, fol.19120

and seven anonymous lyra-viol variations in Cambridge

University Library Manuscripts Nn.6.36, fol.15 and Dd.5.20, fol.19,121

which were later

published in Musica Britannica, Volume IX, 1955, p.200 (see figure 8).122

The Musica Britannica Walsingham variations are set for standard viol tuning,

probably for bass viol (A¹),D,G,c,e,a,d' (see figure 6, page 17). Walsingham was written out in

manuscript in tablature notation, but the modern edition (see figure 8) is in staff notation. Each of

the seven divisions or variations is distinctly different in style. All of the variations consist of an

eight-measure phrase structure that begins firmly in g-minor, moves toward B-flat major and

returns to g. The first variation of the ballad-tune is made up of an eight-measure phrase

following the harmonic motion of g-minor to B-flat major returning to g, but only with an open

fifth. It is only slightly ornamental, with few chords. The second variation demonstrates two

different and opposing styles that will be featured in future variations: virtuosic sixteenth-note

passages, arpeggiations that emphasize extremes of register, and fast chord changes. The third

variation utilizes arpeggiations that emphasize extremes of register, while the fourth variation

focuses on fast chord changes. The fifth variation focuses on fast sixteenth-note passage work

that outlines both the melodic contour of the Walsingham ballad melody as well as the harmonic

underpinning. The sixth variation combines arpeggiations, virtuoso sixteenth-note passagework,

and frequent chord changes. The final variation is less chordal but combines the virtuoso

sixteenth-note passagework with arpeggiated patterns. The extreme changes of register,

passagework, and chord changes make these Walsingham variations a challenging work for solo

lyra-viol.

120

Ibid. 121

Ibid. 122

Simpson, 741.

28

FORTUNE MY FOE

Fortune, my foe, why dost thou frown on

me?

And will my favours never greater be?

Wilt thou, I say, forever breed me pain? And wilt thou ne'er restore my joys again?

Fortune hath wrought me grief and great

annoy,

Fortune has falsely stole my love away. My love and joy, whose sight did make me

glad;

Such great misfortunes never young man

had.

Had fortune took my treasure and my store, Fortune had never griev’d me half so sore,

But taking her whereon my heart did stay,

Fortune thereby hath took my life away.

Far worse than death, my life I lead in woe, With bitter thoughts still tossed to and fro,

O cruel Chance, thou breeder of my pain,

Take life, or else restore my love again.

In vain I sigh, in vain I wail and weep;

In vain mine eyes refrain from quiet sleep; In vain I shed my tears both night and day,

In vain my love, my sorrow do bewray.

My love doth not my piteous plaint espy,

Nor feels my love what gripping grief I try: Full well may I false Fortune’s deeds

reprove,

Fortune, that so unkindly keeps my love.

Where should I seek or search my love to find,

When fortune fleets and wavers as the wind:

Sometimes aloft, sometimes again below,

Thus tottering Fortune tottereth to and fro.

Then I will leave my love in fortune’s

hands,

My dearest love, in most unconstant bands,

And only serve the sorrows due to me,

Sorrow, hereafter though shalt my Mistress be.

And only joy, that sometimes conquers

kings Fortune that rules on earth, and earthly

things,

So that alone I live not in this woe,

For many more hath Fortune served so.

No man alive can Fortune’s spite withstand,

With wisdom, skill, or mighty strength of

hand;

In midst of mirth she bringeth bitter moan,

And woe to me that hath her hatred known.

If wisdom’s eyes blind Fortune had but seen,

Then had my Love, my Love forever been:

Then, love, farewell, though Fortune favor

thee, No Fortune frail shall ever conquer me.

123

123

Text appears Duffin, 152-153.

29

Fig. 9. Reproduced from A Sweet Sonnet, the Early Modern Center, English Ballad Archive,

University of California-Santa Barbara Online, the Samuel Pepys’ Collection, 1.512-513.

Evidently one of the most popular and well-known tunes of the era, Fortune my Foe is

one of the most familiar tunes to which broadside ballads were set.124

The ballad-tune takes its

name from the ballad A Sweet Sonnet, wherein the Lover exclaimeth against Fortune for the loss

of his ladies favor, almost past hope to get again, and in the end receives a comfortable answer,

and attains his desire, as may here appear (see figure 9). The text and ballad-tune to Fortune My

Foe probably appeared in the 1580s, with one of the earliest sources of the music being the

Dallis Lute Book (1583-1585).125

As previously mentioned, Fortune My Foe has been coupled

with texts about disasters as in The Lamentable Burning of the Citty of Corke (see figure 1, page

5). Fortune My Foe has also been associated with public executions as in The Araignement of

John Flooder and His Wife (see figure 2, page 6) and Anne Wallens Lamentation (see figure 3,

124

Simpson, 225. 125

Duffin, 154.

30

page 6).126

It has also been associated with lamentations, crime ballads, trials and tales of

witchcraft. 127

It was sung to texts warning the impious, to deathbed confessions and other dark

126

Fisher, Joshua, “He is turned a Ballad-Maker”: Broadside Appropriations in Early Modern England,” Early Modern Literary Studies 9.2 (September, 2003): 3.1-21 <http://purl.oclc.org/emls/09-2/fishball.html> 127

Williams, 136.

31

Fig. 10. Reproduced from Titus Andronicus Complaint, the Early Modern Center, English Ballad

Archive, University of California-Santa Barbara Online, the Samuel Pepys’ Collection, 1.86.

32

subjects.128

With its connection to the Doctor Faustus subject, many ballads refer to ballad-tune

Fortune My Foe as Doctor Faustus.129

FALSTAFF: I see what thou wert, if Fortune thy foe,

were not Nature thy friend.130

In addition to Falstaff’s quote in William Shakespeare’s The Merry Wives of Windsor, the

ballad Titus Andronicus Complaint (see figure 10), sung to the ballad-tune Fortune My Foe, is an

early example where there is no woodcut. Later ballad printing would refer to the Titus

Andronicus subject as The Lamentable and Tragical History of Titus Andronicus.131

Although it

is uncertain whether the ballad or Shakespeare’s play Titus Andronicus was written before or

after the ballad Titus Andronicus Complaint,132

Shakespeare scholar Richard Louis Levin offers

this information on the ballad:

The ballad was entered in the Stationers’ Register along with Shakespeare’s play on 6

February 1594 and survives in a manuscript written around 1600, in a collection of poems published in 1620, and in a number of sixteenth and seventeenth-century

broadsides. The early editions have no woodcuts, but all the broadsides published after

1656, when the Stationers’ Register records a transfer of rights, have a large woodcut on

the top with the text below it, which is the standard format for ballads at this time.

Most scholars now believe that this ballad derives from Shakespeare’s play, but we

cannot call it a reading of the play. It is an adaptation, where some of the play’s events

are omitted (most notably, the sacrifice of Alarbus, which is also missing from the

German play) and others are modified in accord with the narrative and stylistic

conventions of the ballad genre, which are very different from the dramatic conventions governing Shakespeare’s work.

In regards to musical settings of Fortune My Foe, the ballad-tune is found in numerous

seventeenth-century manuscripts.133

There were settings written for lute including settings by

John Dowland (c1563-1626) and others, as well as keyboard settings by composers such as

128

Simpson, 225. 129

Ibid, 228. 130

From The Merry Wives of Windsor, Act 3, Scene 3, Duffin, 152. 131

Richard Louis Levin, “The Longleat Manuscript and Titus Andronicus,” Shakespeare Quarterly 53, No.3 (Fall

2002): 335. 132

Duffin, 400. 133

Simpson, 226.

33

Reproduced from the Manchester Gamba Book, facsimile courtesy of Mary Springfels

Fig. 11. Richard Sumarte’s lyra-viol setting of Fortune (c1660) is reproduced from the

Manchester Lyra-Viol Manuscript, facsimile published by Peacock Press, Inc., 2003.

William Byrd (1542-1623) and Thomas Tomkins (1572-1656).

In addition to the lyra-viol setting of Fortune My Foe found in Cambridge University

Library Manuscript Nn.6.36, fol.15, a set of variations can be found in William Corkine’s Ayres,

34

to Sing and Play to the Lute and Basse Violl (1610), 134

as well as Richard Sumarte’s setting

Fortune from the Manchester Lyra-Viol Manuscript. Sumarte’s setting is written out in

manuscript in tablature notation (see figure 11). It is written for standard viol tuning,

(G),c,f,a,d,g' for tenor viol and (A¹),D,G,c,e,a,d' for bass viol (see figure 6, page 17). Similar to

his other lyra-viol settings in the Manchester Lyra-Viol Manuscript, Sumarte writes a polyphonic

work with the viol alternating between melodic passages, playing bass passage, implying

harmonies, and filling out harmonies.

Fig. 12. The first statement of Richard Sumarte’s lyra-viol setting of Fortune is reproduced from Paul Furnas’ Transcription into Staff Notation from the Manchester Lyra-Viol

Manuscript, available from the Viola da Gamba Society of America, pp.253-254.

Sumarte composed Fortune as a theme with 3 divisions, or variations. The first statement of the

ballad-tune (see figure 12) is made up of a four-measure phrase that is repeated, followed by an

eight-measure phrase, for a total of sixteen measures. The melody is minimally ornamented with

full chordal accompaniment.

134

Simpson, 227.

35

Fig. 13. First Division from Richard Sumarte’s lyra-viol setting of Fortune is reproduced

from Paul Furnas’ Transcription into Staff Notation from the Manchester Lyra-Viol Manuscript,

available from the Viola da Gamba Society of America, pp.253-254.

The second statement of the ballad-tune (see figure 13) follows the same sixteen measure

scheme. This division contains more thinly voiced chords, while implying harmonies and

melodic shapes of the ballad-tune through arpeggiation and eighth-note rhythmic figurations.

Fig. 14. Second Division from Richard Sumarte’s lyra-viol setting of Fortune is reproduced from Paul Furnas’ Transcription into Staff Notation from the Manchester Lyra-Viol

Manuscript, available from the Viola da Gamba Society of America, pp.253-254.

The third statement of the ballad-tune (see figure 14) follows the same sixteen measure scheme

as before. While this division is mostly without chordal accompaniment, it features virtuoso

passage work and extreme change of register implying simultaneous melodic and bass voice

motion.

36

Fig. 15. Third Division from Richard Sumarte’s lyra-viol setting of Fortune is reproduced from

Paul Furnas’ Transcription into Staff Notation from the Manchester Lyra-Viol Manuscript,

available from the Viola da Gamba Society of America, pp.253-254.

The final statement of the ballad-tune (see figure 15) in Sumarte’s setting of Fortune does not

feature the same virtuoso technical challenge but does exhibit the highest degree of

ornamentation out of the three divisions.

Continental settings of Fortune My Foe were numerous. In Dutch, the melody was

known as Enghelsche Fortuyne or Fortuyn Anglois.135

In addition to keyboard settings by

Samuel Scheidt (1587-1654), there is a setting of Engelsche Fortuyn (English Fortune) by

Scheidt’s teacher, Jan Pieterszoon Sweelinck (1562-1621). Sweelinck’s keyboard setting has

been transcribed for viol consort á 5 by Phillip W. Serna (see appendix 1 and 2). This

transcription is scored for two treble viols, one tenor viol, and one bass viol. All three variations

are 24 measures in length. None of the transcription calls for extremes of registers but the first

treble part and the bass have difficult divisions. This transcription is recommended for

intermediate to advanced performers. In the original keyboard setting, Sweelinck’s variations are

mostly four-voice textures but there are instances of five-voice textures. While preserving the

original voice leading, this transcription alternates the four-voice textures mostly between

interior voices, occasionally with the bass.

135

Simpson, 228.

37

DAPHNE OR WHEN DAPHNE FROM FAIR PHOEBUS DID FLY

Reproduced from Claude Simpson’s The British Broadside Ballad and its Music. Rutgers

University Press, 1966, p.164.

When Daphne from fair Phoebus did fly,

o the west wind most sweetly did blow in

her face.

Her silken skirt scare cover’d her thigh;

the god cried, o pity! and held her in chase. Stay, nymph, stay, nymph, cried Apollo,

tarry, and turn thee, sweet nymph, stay,

Lion or tiger, doth thee follow

turn thy fair eyes and look this way.

O turn, o pretty sweet and let our red lips meet:

Pity, O Daphne, pity me!

She gave no ear unto his cry,

but still did neglect him the more he did moan;

Though he did entreat, she still did deny,

and earnestly prayed him to leave her alone.

Never, never, cried Apollo,

unless to love thou wilt consent, But still, with my voice so hollow

I'll cry to thee while life be spent.

But if thou pity me

‘twill prove thy felicity.

Pity, O Daphne, pity me!

Away, like Venus’ doves she flies,

the red blood her buskins did run all a-down.

His plaintive love she still denies,

and cries: Help Diana, save thy renown!

Wanton, wanton lust is near me, cold and chaste Diana’s aid.

Let the earth a virgin bear me

Or devour me, quick, a maid!

Diana heard her pray

and turned her to a bay. Pity, O Daphne, pity me!

Amazed stood Apollo then

while he beheld Daphne turn’d as she

desir’d. Accursed am I above gods and men,

with grief & laments my senses are tir’d.

Farewell, false Daphne, most unkind,

my love lies buried in thy grave!

Long sought I love, yet love could not find, therefore, this is my epitaph:

This tree doth Daphne cover

that never pitied lover.

Farewell, false Daphne, that would not pity

me: Although not my love, yet art thou my

tree.136

136

Text appears in Duffin, 199-120.

38

Fig. 16. Richard Sumarte’s lyra-viol setting of Daphne (c1660) is reproduced from the

Manchester Lyra-Viol Manuscript, facsimile published by Peacock Press, Inc., 2003.

The story of Daphne originates in Ovid’s Metamorphosis, which was first translated into

English in 1567 by Arthur Goldig.137

An undated and unregistered broadside A pleasant new

Ballad of Daphne: To a New Tune (Roxburghe Ballad Collection, I:388, see p.34) appears in the

early seventeenth century along with two stanzas with empty musical staves in Giles Earle’s

Songbook (c1615).138

Reference to line six of the broadside ballad exists in Rowley, Decker and

Ford’s collaborative play Witch of Edmonton (1621).139

The ballad was published in ballad

collections, called chapbooks, such as the Royal Garland of Love and Delight (1674), The

137

Duffin, 120; Simpson, 163. 138

Simpson, 163-164. 139

Ibid, 163.

39

Fig. 17. Richard Sumarte’s lyra-viol setting of Daphne is reproduced from Paul Furnas’

Transcription into Staff Notation from the Manchester Lyra-Viol Manuscript, available from the

Viola da Gamba Society of America, p.257.

Garland of Delight (1681), and Cupid’s Garland set round about with Guilded Roses.140

Settings of Daphne can be found in the Fitzwilliam Virginal Book as well as the first

eight editions of John Playford’s The Dancing Master (1651-1690). Daphne also appears in an

anonymous instrumental five-part setting in British Museum Manuscript Add.17786, fol.7.141

140

Simpson, 164.

40

Recorder divisions on Daphne can be found in the first volume of Der Fluyten Lust-Hof (1644)

by Jacob Van Eyck (c1589-1657).

Richard Sumarte’s setting of Daphne from the Manchester Lyra-Viol Manuscript is

written out in manuscript in tablature notation (See Fig.16). It is written for standard viol tuning,

(G),c,f,a,d,g' for tenor viol and (A¹),D,G,c,e,a,d' for bass viol (see figure 6, page 17). Similarly to

his other lyra-viol settings in the Manchester Lyra-Viol Manuscript, Sumarte writes two

polyphonic divisions with the viol alternating between melodic passages, playing bass passage,

implying harmonies, and filling out harmonies.

141

Simpson, 164

41

BONNY SWEET ROBIN OR ROBIN IS TO THE GREENWOOD GONE

Reproduced from Claude Simpson’s The British Broadside Ballad and its Music. Rutgers

University Press, 1966, p.60.

Robin is to the greenwood gone They bore him bare-fac’d on the Bier,

Leaving me to sigh all alone. And in his grave rain’d many a tear,

Yet I am resolv’d to have no other boy, Fare you well my Dove, my boy,

For bonny sweet Robin is all my joy. For bonny sweet Robin was all my joy.142

Bonny Sweet Robin was known by numerous names such as Robin, My Robin is to the

Greenwood Gone, and Robin Hode is to the Greenwood Gone. During the late sixteenth and

early seventeenth centuries, the popularity of Bonny Sweet Robin far outweighed that of

Greensleeves. 143

The lost ballad, A Doleful adewe to the last Erle of Darby sung to the tune of

Bonny Sweet Robin, was licensed in 1594.144

One early surviving ballad set to Bonny Sweet

Robin was Henry Gosson’s A Courtly New Ballad of the Princely Wooing of the Fair Maid of

London, by King Edward (see figure 18).145

The first line of that ballad, Fair Angel of England,

became the title of the tune used in many subsequent broadsides.146

Bonny Sweet Robin also

appears in religious publications such as New, Christmas Carols (1642) and New Carolls

(1661).147

142

Text appears Duffin, 72. 143

Frederick W. Sternfeld, Music in Shakespearean Tragedy (London: Routledge and K. Paul; New York, Dover

Publications, 1963), 69. 144

Simpson, 60. 145

Ibid, 61. 146

Ibid. 147

Ibid.

42

Fig. 18. Reproduced from A Courtly New Ballad of the Princely Wooing of the Fair Maid of

London, the Early Modern Center, English Ballad Archive, University of California-Santa

Barbara Online, the Samuel Pepys’ Collection, 3.235.

OPHELIA: They bore him bare-fac’d on the Bier,

Song. And in his grave rain’d many a tear,

Fare you well my Dove. . . . . .

There's fennel for you, and columbines. there's rue

for you; and here's some for me: we may call it

herb-grace o' Sundays: O you must wear your rue with

a difference. There's a daisy: I would give you some violets, but they withered all when my father

died: they say he made a good end,

Song For bonny sweet Robin is all my joy.148

In Act 4, Scene 5 of Shakespeare’s Hamlet, Ophelia sings Bonny Sweet Robin which is

preceded by Walsingham. After Bonny Sweet Robin, Ophelia will sing And Will He Not Come

148

From Q1603, Q1605, F, Hamlet 4.5, Duffin, 72.

43

Again to the tune of Go from my Window. Ophelia has re-entered the scene after her brother

Laertes receives news of their father’s death. Observing Ophelia’s behavior, and being unable to

reason with her, later in the scene, Laertes concludes that “human nature is delicate in matters of

love, and when it is so “it sends some previous instance of itself after the thing it loves.”149

The significance of Shakespeare quoting Bonny Sweet Robin is that, in addition to the

sixteenth century colloquial ‘phallic’ reference,150

it establishes the pivotal reason for Ophelia’s

insanity.151

Shakespearean scholar Harry Morris notes, “there can be little doubt that a partial

cause is the death of her father at the hands of her beloved, but the major cause must be laid to

her loss of Hamlet.”152

In this context, her disease, like that of hysteria later, is sexual frustration

and social helplessness.153

English scholar Leslie Dunn notes that Ophelia’s songs fit into the

genre of the lament, a song form traditionally associated with women.154

As a song of loss, it is

appropriate that Ophelia sings Bonny Sweet Robin over the loss of Hamlet, the death of her father

by Hamlet’s hand, or both. 155

As Frederick Sternfeld states, “the very character of the tune, and

the dramatic exigencies of Ophelia’s mad scene demand that the song of ‘Robin’ be sung.”156

Singing was seen reinforcing gender stereotypes in Early Modern England, where a character

would give into “feminine” excesses of emotions.157

It is a point where, against social standards

of the day, Ophelia is allowed true expression of her feelings and thoughts. Unfortunately, as

literary critic Elaine Showalter states, Ophelia’s moment of unrestrained self-expression is

149

Camden, 252. 150

Leslie C. Dunn, “ Ophelia’s Songs in Hamlet: music, madness, and the feminine,” in Embodied Voices:

Representing Female Vocality in Western Culture. Eds. Leslie C. Dunn and Nancy A. Jones (Cambridge; New York: Cambridge University Press, 1994) 60. 151

Morris, 601. 152

Ibid. 153

Carol Thomas Neely, “‘Documents in Madness’: Reading Madness and Gender in Shakespeare’s Tragedies and Early Modern Culture,” Shakespeare Quarterly 42, No.3 (Autumn 1991): 315-338. 154

Dunn, 62. 155

Camden, 249. 156

Frederick W. Sternfeld, Music in Shakespearean Tragedy (London: Routledge and K. Paul; New York, Dover Publications, 1963), 71. 157

Dunn, 60-61.

44

Fig. 19. Richard Sumarte’s lyra-viol setting of Robin is to the Greens-woode Gone (c1660) is

reproduced from the Manchester Lyra-Viol Manuscript, facsimile published by Peacock Press, Inc., 2003.

followed, “as if in retribution, with her death.”158

The music for Bonny Sweet Robin or Robin is to the Greenwood Gone survives in

approximately thirty sources dating from 1597-1621. While six of these are published settings,

the remainder exists in manuscript form only.159

There are numerous settings of Bonny Sweet

Robin for consort as well as solo settings for bandora, cittern, lute, virginal and viols. Some

composers of settings of Bonny Sweet Robin include Dr. John Bull (c1562-1628), William Byrd

(1542-1623), John Dowland (c1563-1626) and Anthony Holborne (?-1602).160

Two anonymous

settings that survive for lyra-viol include Robin in Cambridge University Manuscript

158

Ibid, 62. 159

Frederick W. Sternfeld, Music in Shakespearean Tragedy (London: Routledge and K. Paul; New York, Dover Publications, 1963), 68. 160

Simpson, 59-60; Ward, 31.

45

Nn.6.36, f.19v,20, and Bonny Sweet Robin from the Dublin Trinity College ‘Ballet’ Book,

D.1.21, p.27.161

Richard Sumarte’s setting of Robin is to the Greens-woode Gone from the Manchester

Lyra-Viol Manuscript is the only surviving lyra-viol setting with a known author. Robin is to the

Greens-woode Gone is written out in manuscript in tablature notation (see figure 19). It is written

for standard viol tuning, (G),c,f,a,d,g' for tenor viol and (A¹),D,G,c,e,a,d' for bass viol (see figure

6, page 17). Similar to his other lyra-viol settings in the Manchester Lyra-Viol Manuscript,

Sumarte writes a polyphonic work with the viol alternating between melodic passages, playing

bass passage, implying harmonies, and filling out harmonies.

Fig. 20. The first statement of Richard Sumarte’s lyra-viol setting of Robin is to the Greens-woode Gone is reproduced from Paul Furnas’ Transcription into Staff Notation from the

Manchester Lyra-Viol Manuscript, available from the Viola da Gamba Society of America,

p.255.

Sumarte’s setting of Robin is to the Greens-woode Gone, while centering on the key area of g-

minor, is a variation set, containing two divisions. The first variation (see figure 20) consists of

twenty-four measures, consisting of a repeated four-measure unit followed by an eight measure

phrase. With an ornamented version of the Robin is to the Greens-woode Gone ballad-tune, the

viol accompanies the melody with occasional chords.

161

Frederick W. Sternfeld, Music in Shakespearean Tragedy (London: Routledge and K. Paul; New York, Dover

Publications, 1963), 76-77.

46

Fig. 21. Division from Richard Sumarte’s lyra-viol setting of Robin is to the Greens-

woode Gone is reproduced from Paul Furnas’ Transcription into Staff Notation from the

Manchester Lyra-Viol Manuscript, available from the Viola da Gamba Society of America,

p.255.

The second variation of the ballad-tune (see figure 21) follows the same twenty-four measure

scheme. This division contains more thinly voiced chords, while implying harmonies and

melodic shapes of the ballad-tune through arpeggiation and eighth-note rhythmic figurations.

Thomas Simpson (b1582-c1628), composer of the Ricercar Bonny Sweet Robin, was a

string player, composer and editor working on the European continent. Along with William

Brade (1560-1630), Simpson is credited with the dissemination of English court music to the

European continent.162

Simpson included the Ricercar in his 1621 collection, the Taffell-Consort.

Simpson compiled this collection while he was employed in the small German court of

Bückberg.163

The Taffell-Consort is unique in that all fifty works take advantage of the

instrumentation of two soprano instruments, a tenor, and a bass stringed instrument, a

configuration that will eventually evolve into the string quartet.164

It was not written specifically

for ‘viols or violins’ as were the consort works of Dowland. Peter Holman, a distinguished

scholar and performer, theorizes “there are pieces in D major and even A major, keys well suited

162

Holman, Peter. Four and Twenty Fiddlers: the Violin at the English Court, 1540-1690 (Oxford; New York:

Oxford University Press, 1993), 155. 163

Ibid, 253. 164

Ibid.

47

to the open strings of the violin but outside the traditional hexachord system” of the viol.165

Simpson also included figured continuo parts in the collection as well. The collection contains

fifty works by English composers ranging from John Dowland (c1563-1626), Robert Bateman

(fl1609-1618), Alfonso Ferrabosco II (c1575-1628), Robert Johnson (c1583-1633), as well as

German composers including Nicolaus Bleyer (1591-1658), Engelmann, Johann Grabbe (1585-

1655), Johann Grosche or Krosch, Christoph or Christian Töpfer, and Maurice Webster.166

Most

of the Taffell-Consort works were most likely arranged by Simpson himself.

The Ricercar Bonny Sweet Robin (Taffell-Consort no.29)167

is a highly polyphonic work

with complex interplay between fragments of the ballad-tune interspersed among the different

voices. A seventeenth-century Ricercar was a complex esoteric instrumental work illustrating a

compositional technique.168

In the case of Simpson’s setting, this Ricercar features imitative

counterpoint. An interesting point is that the only complete statements occur in the bass voice,

both at the beginning of the Ricercar and at the end. Otherwise, Simpson employs fragmentary

aspects of the ballad in imitation among the different voices. Simpson extends the cadential

material at the close of the ballad tune, while alternating harmonic textures from minor to major

at cadence points.

165

Ibid, 254. 166

Ibid. 167

Peter Holman, “Thomas Simpson,” Grove Music Online (accessed [3/25/2007]), <http://www.grovemusic.com/> 168

John Caldwell, “Ricercare,” Grove Music Online (accessed [3/25/2007]), <http://www.grovemusic.com/>

48

ART SONG AS BALLAD: LACHRIMAE OR FLOW MY TEARES

Shepherds, leave your frollicke Layes Gleeful Hymes & Roundelayes,

Sorrow now requires there bee

No songe heard but Lachrimae.

This quote from Pastorall Elegie on ye untimely Death of ye Watchfull and Painful

Pastor's Mr Lawrence Howlet is from an undated manuscript poem, and exemplifies the

popularity of John Dowland’s Lachrimae pavan.169

Lachrimae was disseminated widely in

England and abroad in printed editions and manuscripts. John Dowland’s compositions

combined elements of the broadside ballad, dance music, the consort song and the madrigal.170

There are no surviving ballads written to the tune of Lachrimae. While not a ballad per se,

Lachrimae appears in numerous settings alongside ballads and is referenced in the popular oral

ballad literature. An example can be found in the ballad Wit's never Good til it is Bought, Part

2:171

And I oft like a bird have been cought

In the prison to stay

Where I sung Lachrimae; Thus true wit's never good till 'tis bought.

John Dowland (c1563-1626) was one of the most well known and prolific composers

and performers of the lute.172

Among the number of English publications of Dowland’s works

are The first Booke of Songes (1597), The second Booke of Songs (1600), Lachrimae (1604), A

Pilgrims Solace (1612), and Robert Dowland’s A Musicall Banquet (1610). The Lachrimae

pavan brought Dowland much renown, not only in England, but across Europe.173

This is

169

Diana Poulton, “ Dowland Rehabilitated,” The Musical Times 118, No.1607 (Jan. 1977): 27. 170

Peter Holman and Paul O’Dette, “ John Dowland,” Grove Music Online (accessed [3/25/2007]),

<http://www.grovemusic.com/> 171

Poulton, 27. 172

Ibid, 25. 173

Ibid.

49

FLOW MY TEARES

Flow my tears fall from your springs! From the highest spire of contentment Exilde for ever let me mourn; My fortune is thrown;

Where night’s black bird her sad infamy sings, And fear and grief and pain for my deserts

There let me live forlorn. Are my hopes, since hope is gone.

Down, vain lights, shine you no more! Hark! you shadows that in darkness dwell, No nights are dark enough for those Learn to contemn light.

That in despair their lost fortunes deplore. Happy, happy they that in hell

Light doth but shame disclose. Feel not the world’s despite.

Never may my woes be relieved, Since pity is fled;

And tears and sights and groans my weary days

Of all joys have deprived.

Fig. 22. Reproduced from Musica Britannica, John Dowland’s Flow My Teares from The second Booke of Songs (1600)

primarily due to Dowland’s many travels, as well as to the number of posts he held in German

and Dutch courts.174

According to Dowland researcher Diana Poulton, evidence exists that Dowland’s

Lachrimae was known to the general public. This evidence is shown in the dramas of the early

seventeenth century. Lachrimae is mentioned in at least eight seventeenth-century plays

including Francis Beaumont and John Fletcher’s The Knight of the Burning Pestle (1611),

Thomas Middleton’s No Wit, No Help like a Woman (1613), Fletcher’s The Bloody Brother

(c1617), Philip Massinger’s The Maid of Honour (1621), John Webster’s The Devil's Law Case

(1623), Ben Jonson’s The Masque of Time Vindicated (1622-3), Fletcher and Massinger’s Fair

Maid of the Inne (1626), and Massinger’s The Picture (1629).175

Additionally, more evidence

that Lachrimae was appropriated by English oral tradition can be found in Sir Thomas Overbury

174

Michael Gale and Tim Crawford, “ John Dowland’s ‘Lachrimae’ in its Continental Context” (Accessed [3/25/2007]), <http://www.soi.city.ac.uk/~timc/ECOLMtest/IMSweb/Dow2wd95REV.htm> 175

Diana Poulton, “ Dowland Rehabilitated,” The Musical Times 118, No.1607 (Jan. 1977): 25.

50

His Wife: with Additions of New Newes, and Divers more Characters:176

Does any man desire to learne musique? Every man heere sings Lachrimae at first sight.

Lachrimae first appears in John Dowland’s First Booke of Songes or Ayres (1597)177

as

a setting for solo lute. The second is from The second Booke of Songs (1600) in the form of the

art song Flow My Teares (see figure 22). Dowland’s third setting was the 1604 consort

publication Lachrimae, or Seaven Teares Figured in Seaven Passionate Pavans, with divers

other Pavans, Galiards, and Almands, Set Forth for the Lute, Viols or Violons, in Five Parts.178

The centerpiece of this set is the seven pavans: Lachrimae antiquae (Old Tears),179

Lachrimae

antiquae novae (New-Old or Renewed Tears),180

Lachrimae gementes (Groaning or Wailing

Tears),181

Lachrimae tristes (Sad Tears),182

Lachrimae coactae (Enforced or Insincere Tears),183

Lachrimae amantis (Lover's Tears),184

and Lachrimae verae (True Tears or Tears of Religious

Conviction).185

Lachrimae appears in approximately 100 manuscripts and prints in various solo and

ensemble settings and arrangements.186

There are sixteen copies of Lachrimae in English

sources, seventeen in foreign publications and manuscripts, as well as a setting for three lutes.

Other settings include consort settings, and settings for virginals, recorder, organ, cittern,

176

Ibid, 27. 177

Diana Poulton, “ Dowland Rehabilitated,” The Musical Times 118, No.1607 (Jan. 1977): 25. 178

Peter Holman, Dowland: Lachrimae (1604) (Cambridge Handbooks to the Historical Performance of Music) (Cambridge University Press, UK; New York: Cambridge University Press, 1999), xiii. 179

Ibid, 52. 180

Ibid. 181

Ibid, 53. 182

Ibid, 54. 183

Ibid, 56. 184

Ibid, 57. 185

Ibid, 59. 186

Peter Holman and Paul O’Dette, “John Dowland,” Grove Music Online (accessed [3/25/2007]),

<http://www.grovemusic.com/>

51

Fig. 23. Richard Sumarte’s lyra-viol setting of Lachrymae (c1660) is reproduced from the Manchester Lyra-Viol Manuscript, facsimile published by Peacock Press, Inc., 2003.

52

bandore, and lyra-viol.187

Richard Sumarte’s setting of Lachrimae from the Manchester Lyra-Viol Manuscript is

written out in manuscript in tablature notation (see figure 23). It is written for standard viol

tuning, (G),c,f,a,d,g' for tenor viol and (A¹),D,G,c,e,a,d' for bass viol (see figure 6, page 17).

Similar to his other lyra-viol settings in the Manchester Lyra-Viol Manuscript, Sumarte writes a

polyphonic work with the viol alternating between melodic passages, playing bass passage,

implying harmonies, and filling out harmonies. Unlike Dowland’s lute setting in The first Booke

of Songes (1597), Sumarte’s setting is in d-minor (if performed on a consort bass viol) or g-

minor (if performed on a consort tenor viol). Sumarte does not change any of Dowland’s original

lute part writing but does not write more than two voice counterpoint (see figure 25). Also, this

texture allows for ornamentation by the performer, and room to include cadential flourishes that

exist in Dowland’s lute, consort, and song settings. In addition to Dowland’s Lachrimae, Richard

Sumarte also sets Solus cum Sola (see figure 26) and What if a Day (see figure 27) for lyra-viol

using the same compositional techniques found in his ballad-tune settings.

187

Diana Poulton, “ Dowland Rehabilitated,” The Musical Times 118, No.1607 (Jan. 1977): 27.

53

Fig. 25. Music from Richard Sumarte’s lyra-viol setting of Lachrymae is reproduced

from Paul Furnas’ Transcription into Staff Notation from the Manchester Lyra-Viol Manuscript, available from the Viola da Gamba Society of America, p.115.

54

SOLUS CUM SOLA

Fig. 26. Richard Sumarte’s lyra-viol setting of Solus cum Sola (c1660) is reproduced from the

Manchester Lyra-Viol Manuscript, facsimile published by Peacock Press, Inc., 2003.

WHAT IF A DAY

Fig. 27. Richard Sumarte’s lyra-viol setting of What if a Day (c1660) is reproduced from

the Manchester Lyra-Viol Manuscript, facsimile published by Peacock Press, Inc., 2003.

55

GO FROM MY WINDOW

Go from my window, love go, Begone, my juggy, my puggy,

Go from my window, my dear. Begone, my love, my dear. The wind and the rain The weather is war,

will drive you back again; ‘t will do thee no harm;

You cannot be lodged here. Thou can’st not be lodged here.188

Go from my Window was a widely popular ballad-tune during the sixteenth and

seventeenth centuries, appearing in more than a dozen sources for lute, as well as numerous

settings for virginal. Additionally, it appears in John Playford’s publication The Dancing Master

(1651-1686) as well as several seventeenth-century Dutch sources.189

Go from my Window survives in print form in the fourth section of the broadside ballad

Frauncis New Jig around 1595 (see figure 7, page 23) along with Walsingham. Most likely, Go

from My Window originates from at least a decade later.190

Evidence of this can be found in a

broadside ballad titled Goe from the Window Goe that was licensed March 4,1588, but does not

survive.191

The text for Go from my Window appears in The Knight of the Burning Pestle (1607)

by playwright Francis Beaumont (1584-1616) as well as The Rape of Lucrece (1608) by Thomas

Heywood.192

In Shakespeare’s Hamlet, Go from my Window fits perfectly to the text for Ophelia’s

188

Duffin, 176. 189

Duffin, 176; Simpson, 257. 190

Simpson, 257. 191

Ibid. 192

Ibid.

56

Song And Will He Not Come Again. In Act 4, Scene 5 of Hamlet, Ophelia sings And Will He Not

Come Again directly after singing Bonny Sweet Robin:193

OPHELIA: And will he not come again,

And will he not come again?

No, no, he is dead, go to thy Death-bed:

He never will come again. His Beard was as white as Snow,

All Flaxen was his pole:

He is gone, he is gone,

And we cast away moan:

God ha' mercy on his soul! And of all Christian souls, I pray God.

God buy ye. 194

In Shakespeare’s plays the symbolic role music played was to represent “excessive feminine

passions.”195

The text of And Will He Not Come Again reinforces a strong emotional reaction of

grief and loss, which is seen as a threatening loss of control, excesses that will drive Ophelia to

madness and death.196

Orlando Gibbons (1583-1625) was a well known and respected keyboardist and

composer of religious music, keyboard works, as well as a large output for viol consort.197

Gibbons composed variations on the ballad melody Go from my Window for 2 treble viols, 2

tenor viols, and 2 bass viols. Researcher Richard Nicholson presumes that Go from My Window

was probably composed by Gibbons since a portion of the work being written on the back of a

manuscript was almost exclusively devoted to Gibbons works.198

Go from my Window consists of a series of contrapuntal statements using the ballad as a

cantus firmus. Gibbons passes the ballad-tune around to each part, so that way by the conclusion,

193

Duffin, 53. 194

From Q1603, Q1605, F, Hamlet 4.5, Duffin, 52. 195

Dunn, 59. 196

Ibid, 59-60. 197

John Harper, “ Orlando Gibbons,” Grove Music Online (accessed [3/25/2007]), <http://www.grovemusic.com/> 198

Francis Baines, “The Consort Music of Orlando Gibbons,” Early Music 6, No.4 (Oct. 1978): 543.

57

every performer will have played the ballad melody. While there is evidence in one source that

Go from My Window originally consisted of the first four variations,199

Gibbons setting consists

of 10 complete statements of the ballad melody, plus some additional cadential material at the

close.

During the first variation, the ballad-tune occurs in the second treble viol, while during

the second variation it appears in a slightly ornamented form in the first bass viol. The second

variation features rhythms alternating between the various voices. The third variation

sees the ballad-tune move to the second tenor viol voice, while in the fourth variation, the ballad-

tune is in the first treble part accompanied by syncopated rhythms. After a fermata, the

fifth variation begins with a rhythm in an ornamented statement of the ballad in thirds

alternating between the two treble viols and the first tenor/ first bass viol pair. During the sixth

variation, the ballad-tune appears in the second tenor viol, while in the seventh, it appears in the

lowest voice, the second bass viol. The contrapuntal voices feature syncopations centering on

a . rhythm. The eighth variation, while filled with elaborate four part counterpoint, only has the

harmonic underpinning of the ballad-tune alternating between the first and second bass viols.

The ninth variation features the ballad-tune in the first treble viol part. Below the first treble is a

sequence of five-voice counterpoint and “a terrifyingly difficult passage for the basses”200

in

which they appear to be “dueling”201

virtuosic and “virginalistic”202

divisions. During the tenth

variation, the ballad-tune appears in the second treble viol part, while the other voices alternate

rhythms with the inclusion of extra cadential material at the close of the work.

199

Oliver Neighbour, “ Orlando Gibbons (1583-1625): The Consort Music,” Early Music 11, No.3 (Jul. 1983): 356. 200

Baines, p.543. 201

John Harper, “ Orlando Gibbons,” Grove Music Online (accessed [3/25/2007]), <http://www.grovemusic.com/> 202

David Pinto, “Magic and Mystery in Gibbons and Dowland,” Early Music 33, No.1 (Feb. 2005): 137.

58

CONCLUSIONS

“I love a ballad in print.”

William Shakespeare, The Winter’s Tale, Act 4, Scene 4

The concept of ‘crossover’ between Early Music performance and oral performance

traditions – the intersections between the oral tradition of the British Broadside Ballad, and the

print music of early modern England enrich the performance of seventeenth-century music.

Ballad-tunes reached every level of English society, and the effect that traditional music had

upon art music was profound. For a culture that teetered between an oral and literate culture,

cross pollination of poetry and music was essential to seventeenth-century life. From art-song

such as Dowland’s Lachrimae, to the ballad-seller on the streets of London, oral traditions have

enriched early modern art music and vice versa. From mixed consorts, to ballad-tunes in solo

lyra-viol literature of the Manchester Lyra-Viol Manuscript, to the complex ballad variations for

ensembles by Gibbons, Scheidt and Simpson, the exploration of the musical ‘crossover’ or

‘fusion’ between written and oral musical media will only continue to enrich the performance of

early modern instrumental repertoire.

As the erosion of the permeable frontier between print musical sources and oral musical

traditions continues, performers and researchers will continue the research into manuscripts,

treatises, diaries and court records. Oral traditions such as popular British balladry will continue

to inform historically-informed performances. The continued exploration between printed art

music and orally transmitted music of early modern England will unearth new performance

information to increase our knowledge of improvisatory genres such as the broadside ballad,

dance music, popular music, and to apply that knowledge to the instrumental literature.

59

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY

60

MUSICAL SOURCES

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Viol.” San Carlos, CA: Peter H. Adams Gamba Music Series, 1999.

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Lyra-way.” San Carlos, CA: Peter H. Adams Gamba Music Series, 1999.

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Lyra-way.” San Carlos, CA: Peter H. Adams Gamba Music Series, 1999.

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Corkine, William. Ayres, to Sing and Play to the Lute and Basse Violl, with Pavins, Galliards, Almaines and Corantos for the Lyra Violl. London: W. Stansby, 1610.

________. The Second Book of Ayres, Some to Sing and Play to the Base-Violl alone: others to

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________, “Manchester Lyra-Viol Manuscript – The Third Tuning, Lyra Waye (fefhf),” The

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Dolmetsch, Nathalie. “Of the Sizes of Viols,” The Galpin Society Journal 17 (Feb.1964): 24-27.

________. Viola da Gamba. London: Robert Stockwell, Ltd., 1975.

Edwards, Warwick, “Broken Consort,” Grove Music Online. (accessed [3/25/2007]),

<http://www.grovemusic.com/>

Feldman, Grace. The Golden Viol - Method for the Bass Viola da Gamba, Vol. 6: Tablature and

Lyra-Viol. New Haven: Grace Note Press, 1998.

Harris, Collette. “The Viol Lyra-Way,” Chelys, The Journal of the Viola da Gamba Society 4 (1972): 17-21.

Hughes, Charles W. “The Music for Unaccompanied Bass Viol,” Music & Letters 25, No.3 (July

1944): 149-163.

Meyer Brown, Howard and Ian Woodfield, “Chest of Viols,” Grove Music Online. (accessed

[3/25/2007]), <http://www.grovemusic.com/>

Morrow, Michael, Collette Harris, and Frank Traficante: ‘Tobias Hume’, Grove Music Online.

(accessed [3/25/2007]), <http://www.grovemusic.com/>

Morton, Joëlle Fancher, “Back to the Future,” Earlybass.com. (Accessed [3/25/2007]),

<http://earlybass.com/future.htm>

________. “Baroque Bowed-Bass Instruments,” Earlybass.com. (Accessed [3/25/2007]), <http://earlybass.com/baroque_bowed.htm>

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Earlybass.com. (Accessed [3/25/2007]), <http://earlybass.com/matters.htm>

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<http://earlybass.com/violone.htm>

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Planyavsky, Alfred. The Baroque Double Bass Violone.Translated by Alfred Barket, Lanham,

MD: The Scarecrow Press, Inc., 1998.

Pulver, Jeffrey. “The Viols in England,” Proceedings of the Musical Association, Cambridge:

Oxford University Press, 47th Sess. (1920 - 1921), pp.1-21.

Traficante, Frank. “Introduction,” The First Part of Ayres 1605. Hebden Bridge, UK: Ruxbury

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________, “Lyra [leero, leerow, liera, lyro] viol,” Grove Music Online. (accessed [3/25/2007]),

<http://www.grovemusic.com/>

________. “Lyra Viol Tunings: ‘All Ways Have Been Tryed to Do It’,” Acta Musicologica 42, Fasc.3/4 (July-December 1970): 183-205,256.

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Museum,” Chelys, The Journal of the Viola da Gamba Society 2 (1970): 23-33.

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69

APPENDIX I: Introduction to Sweelinck Edition for Viol Consort

70

APPENDIX I: Introduction to Sweelinck Edition for Viol Consort

Phillip Woodrow Serna

Jan Pieterszoon Sweelinck (c1562-1621) was a Dutch composer and organist. He was

influenced by English composers for virginal like Dr. John Bull (c1562-1628), particularly in

regards to the variation forms employed with ballad melodies. For this reason, it seemed logical

to add continental ballad settings to the lecture-recital Original ‘Crossover?’ Popular Ballad-

Tunes as Art-Music for Viols in Seventeenth-Century England. Consulting Fritz Noske’s edition

of the complete keyboard works by Jan Pieterszoon Sweelinck, I transcribed two of Sweelinck’s

organ settings: Engelsche Fortuyn (Fortune My Foe) and Onder een Linde Groen (All in a

Garden Green) for Viol Consort.

Engelsche Fortuyn (Fortune My Foe), a Transcription for Viol Consort á 5

Sweelinck’s Engelsche Fortuyn (Fortune My Foe) has been scored for two treble viols,

one tenor viol, and one bass viol. This combination would be easily transferable to a modern

string quartet or period instrument violin band. Engelsche Fortuyn is a sectional set of variations.

All three variations are 24 measures in length. None of the transcription calls for extremes of

registers, but the first treble part and the bass have difficult divisions. This transcription is

recommended for intermediate to advanced performers.

Consulting Fritz Noske’s Kritischer Bericht in regards to his editorial decisions, I studied

the work in detail noticing that for the majority of the keyboard variations, Sweelinck only

composed three and four-voice textures. Unfortunately, there are several places where it would

be necessary to split into 5-voices. These particular instances proved far too perilous, with

double stops interfering with the integrity of the original organ registers. The main solution is to

71

alternate material among the five parts. This solution should keep the textures transparent,

preserving the original chord voicing and counterpoint.

Onder een Linde Groen (All in a Garden Green), a Transcription for Viol Consort á 4

Sweelinck’s Onder een Linde Groen (All in a Garden Green) has been scored for one

treble viol, one tenor viol, and two bass viols. The first and second variations are 36 measures in

length, while the fourth is only 35 measures in length. Onder een Linde Groen is a sectional set

of variations. This transcription is significantly more difficult, including complicated rhythms,

and a tempo that is significantly faster than the Engelsche Fortuyn. Divisions in the treble and

second bass voices are similar in nature to the divisions in Orlando Gibbons’ Go From My

Window. This transcription is recommended for advanced performers only.

Consulting Fritz Noske’s Kritischer Bericht in regards to his editorial decisions, I studied

the work in detail noticing that for the majority of the keyboard variations, Sweelinck only

composed three and four-voice textures. For this work, it is not necessary to avoid double stops,

since they were rare and did not affect the integrity of the original counterpoint, chord voicing, or

registers.

72

APPENDIX II: Transcription of Sweelinck’s Engelsche Fortuyn for Viol Consort

&

&

B

B

?

b

b

b

b

b

C

C

C

C

C

Treble Viol I

Treble Viol II

Tenor Viol I

Tenor Viol II

Bass Viol

˙ œ œ

Ó ˙

˙ œ œ

˙ œ œ#

˙ ˙

œ œ ˙

˙ ˙

˙ ˙

œ œ œ œ

œ œ œ œ œ

Ó . œ

œ œ œ œ

w

œ œ ˙#

œ œ# ˙

˙ ˙

˙ œ œ# œ œ

Ó ˙

˙ ˙

w

Engelsche Fortuyn (Fortune My Foe)

Jan Pieterszoon Sweelinck

Transcribed & Adapted for Viols by Phillip W. Serna

© 2007 Phillip W. Serna, Viola da Gamba

&

&

B

B

?

b

b

b

b

b

Tr. I

Tr. II

Ten. I

Ten. II

Bass

6

˙ ˙

œ œ œ œ ˙

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ

˙ ˙

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ

œ Ó œ

œ œ œ œ

w

œ œ œ ˙#

œ œ# ˙

˙ ˙

œ œ œN œ œ œ œ œ

Ó ˙

&

&

B

B

?

b

b

b

b

b

Tr. I

Tr. II

Ten. I

Ten. II

Bass

10

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ

œ œ œ œ

˙ œ œ

˙ Ó

œ œ ˙

œ œ œ œ œ

Ó œ œ œ

.˙ œ œ

œ œ ˙

∑- 2 -

&

&

B

B

?

b

b

b

b

b

Tr. I

Tr. II

Ten. I

Ten. II

Bass

15

w

œ œ# œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ

w

w

œ œ œb œ œ œ œ

˙ œ œ

Ó ˙

Ó ˙

˙ ˙

w

œ œ ˙

œ œ ˙

œ œ ˙

œ œ œ œ œ

Œ œ œ œ œ

Ó œ œ œ

œ œ œ œ œ

&

&

B

B

?

b

b

b

b

b

Tr. I

Tr. II

Ten. I

Ten. II

Bass

20 w

œ œ ˙

Jœ œ Jœ ˙

˙ ˙

œ œ œ œ œ

Ó œ œ œ

œ œ œ œ œ

Ó œ œ œ

˙ œ œ

œ œ ˙

œ œ œ œb œ

˙ Ó

w

œ œ# œ ˙

˙ .œ Jœ

Ó ˙

w

œ œ œ ˙

.œn Jœ ˙

˙ ˙- 3 -

&

&

B

B

?

b

b

b

b

b

Tr. I

Tr. II

Ten. I

Ten. II

Bass

25

˙ œ œ

˙ Ó

˙ œ œ

w

˙ ˙

˙ ˙

˙ ˙

˙ œ# œ œ œ

œ œ œ œ ˙

œ œ œ œ

œ œ œ œ œ œ

˙ œ œ

˙n œ œ

w

w#

‰ œ œ œ œ œ

w

˙ œ œ

˙ œ œ#

œ œ œ œ œ œ

&

&

B

B

?

b

b

b

b

b

Tr. I

Tr. II

Ten. I

Ten. II

Bass

30

˙ ˙

œ .˙

˙ œ# œ œ œ

œ œ œ œ ˙

œ œ œ œ

˙ œ œN œ œ

˙ ˙

œn œ œ œ œ œ

˙ Ó

˙# Ó

œ Ó .

œ œ œ œA œ œ œ# œ

˙ œ œ

˙ œ œ

˙N œ œ

œ œ œ œ œN œb œ œ- 4 -

&

&

B

B

?

b

b

b

b

b

Tr. I

Tr. II

Ten. I

Ten. II

Bass

34

Jœ ‰ Œ Ó

Jœ ‰ Œ Ó

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ

w

w

.œ Jœ œb œ œ œ

.œ‰ Ó

œ œ œb œ œ œ œ œ

Jœ ‰ Œ Ó

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ

w

w

œ œ œ œ œ

Ó ‰ œ œ œ

œ Œ Ó

‰ œ œ œ œ œ

˙ ‰ œ œN œ

&

&

B

B

?

b

b

b

b

b

Tr. I

Tr. II

Ten. I

Ten. II

Bass

38 ˙ œ œ

œ œ œ œ

‰ œ œ œ œb œ

˙ ‰ œ œ œ

‰ œ œ œ œ œ

œ œ œ jœ# œ jœ

œ œ œ œ œ

œ œ ˙

wn

w

‰ œ œN œ# œ œ

w

˙ œ œ

Œ œ œ œ

w

Œ œ œ œ

w

w

Œ œN œ œ

w- 5 -

&

&

B

B

?

b

b

b

b

b

Tr. I

Tr. II

Ten. I

Ten. II

Bass

43

˙ œ œ

˙ Ó

‰ œ œ œ œ œ

˙ ‰ œ œ œ

w

w

w

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ

‰ œ œ œ .œ Jœ

w

˙ ‰ œ œ œ

w

˙ œ œ

˙ œ œ

˙ œ œ

‰ œ œ œ ‰ œ œ œ

œ Œ . œ œ œ

œ ˙ œ#

œ# ˙ œ

w

&

&

B

B

?

b

b

b

b

b

Tr. I

Tr. II

Ten. I

Ten. II

Bass

48

wn

w

w

œ œ œ œ œ œ

˙ œ œ

˙ œ Œ

˙ œ Œ

‰ œ œ œb œ œ œ œ

˙ ˙

˙ ˙#

˙ ˙

œ œ œ œ œ œn œ œ

œ œ œ œ

œ œ œ œ

œ œ œb œ

œ œ œA œ œ œ œb œ œ œ- 6 -

&

&

B

B

?

b

b

b

b

b

Tr. I

Tr. II

Ten. I

Ten. II

Bass

52

w

w#

w

œ œ œ# œ œ œN œ œ œ œ

Œ . jœ œN œ œ œ

‰ œ œ œb œ œ œ œ

w

˙ ˙

œ œ œ œN Jœ# œ Jœ

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ

&

&

B

B

?

b

b

b

b

b

Tr. I

Tr. II

Ten. I

Ten. II

Bass

55

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œb œ œ œ œ œ

œ ˙ œ

œ Œ Ó

w

w

w#

Ó ˙

œ œ œ# œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ

- 7 -

&

&

B

B

?

b

b

b

b

b

Tr. I

Tr. II

Ten. I

Ten. II

Bass

57 ˙ œ œ

˙ œ œ

˙ Ó

œ œ œ œ œN œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œœ œ œ

w

w

Ó ˙

≈ œ œ œ œ œb œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œn

&

&

B

B

?

b

b

b

b

b

Tr. I

Tr. II

Ten. I

Ten. II

Bass

59

≈ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ

Ó ˙

w

w

w

w

Ó ˙

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ

≈ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œœ œ

˙ œ œ

˙ ˙

˙ ˙

- 8 -

&

&

B

B

?

b

b

b

b

b

Tr. I

Tr. II

Ten. I

Ten. II

Bass

62

≈ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œœ œ

˙ Ó

˙ œ œ

˙ ˙

≈ œ œ œ# œ œ œn œ œ œ œ

œ# œ ˙#

w

˙n Ó

˙ Ó

œ Œ Ó

œ œ œ œ# œ œ œn œ œ œ œ œn œ œ œ œ

&

&

B

B

?

b

b

b

b

b

Tr. I

Tr. II

Ten. I

Ten. II

Bass

65

≈ œN œ œ œA œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œb œ œ œ

wA

œ œ ˙

œ œN ˙

Œ . Jœ œN œ œ œb

‰ œ œb œ œ œ

w- 9 -

&

&

B

B

?

b

b

b

b

b

Tr. I

Tr. II

Ten. I

Ten. II

Bass

68 œ Œ Ó

œ Œ Ó

Œ . Jœ œb œ œ œ

‰ œ œb œ œ œ

w

‰ œ œ œN œ œ œb œ

œ ˙ œ

œ Œ Ó

w

Jœ ‰ Œ Ó

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ

˙ Ó

˙ œ œ

˙ ˙

œ ˙ œ#

‰ œ œ œ œ œb œ œ

œ# œ ˙

w

&

&

B

B

?

b

b

b

b

b

Tr. I

Tr. II

Ten. I

Ten. II

Bass

72

œ œ œn œ œ œb œ œ

jœ ‰ Œ Ó

jœn Œ ‰ Œ ‰ ‰

œ ˙ œb

w

wnU

wU

wU

wU

wU

- 10 -

83

APPENDIX III: Transcription of Sweelinck’s Onder een Linde Groen for Viol Consort

&

B

?

?

C

C

C

C

Treble Viol

Tenor Viol

Bass Viol I

Bass Viol II

Variatio

Variatio

Variatio

Variatio

.œ Jœ œ œ

˙ œ œ

˙ œ œ

˙ œ œ œ

˙ Ó

˙ ˙

œ œ œ œ

œ œ œ œ

˙ œ œ

œ ˙ œ œ

w

w

.œ Jœ œ œœ

w

w

&

B

?

?

Tr.

Ten.

Bass I

Bass II

6

.œ ‰ Ó

.œ Jœ œ œœ œ

˙ ˙

˙ ˙

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ

œ Œ Ó

œ ˙ œ#

˙ ˙

.˙ œ œ

˙ ˙

..œœJœ˙

w

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ

˙ œ œ

˙ œ œ

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ

˙ Ó

Onder een Linde GroenJan Pieterszoon Sweelinck

Transcribed & Adapted for Viols by Phillip W. Serna

© 2007 Phillip W. Serna, Viola da Gamba

&

B

?

?

Tr.

Ten.

Bass I

Bass II

11 œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ

œ œ œ œ

œ œ œ œ

œ œ œ œ# œ œ œ

w#

w

œ œ œ œ œ œn œ

œ Œ Ó

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ

œ Œ Ó

œ œ# œ œ œ œ œ œ

œ œ œ œ ˙

Ó œ œ œ œ

&

B

?

?

Tr.

Ten.

Bass I

Bass II

15 œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ

œ œ œ œ Jœ# œ Jœ

˙ œ œ œ œ

w

w

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ

œ œ œ œ œ

œ œ# œ œ œ

œ œ œ œ œ

œ œ œ œ# œ

œ œ# ˙

œ œ ˙

œ œ ˙

œ œ ˙̇

œ œ œ œ œ

œ œ œ œ œ

œ œ œ œ œ

œ œ œ œ œ- 2 -

&

B

?

?

Tr.

Ten.

Bass I

Bass II

20

œ œ œ œ ˙

œ# œ ˙

œ œ ˙

œ œ ˙

.œ jœ œ œ œ

Ó .œ Jœ

˙ Œ œ

w

.œ Jœ œ œ œ#

œ œ œ .œ# Jœ

˙ Œ œ

w

.œ Jœn œ œ œ

œ œ œ# .œ Jœn

˙# Œ œ

w

.œ Jœ œ œ œ

œ œ œ .œ Jœ

˙ Œ œ

w

&

B

?

?

Tr.

Ten.

Bass I

Bass II

25 .œ œ œ œ œ œ œ

œ# ˙ œ

œ œ œ .œJœ

w

œ œ œ œ ˙

w

œ œ œ œ ˙

w

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ

œ œ# œ œ œ œ œ

Jœ œ Jœ# œ œn œ œ œ œ œœ œ œ ˙

∑- 3 -

&

B

?

?

Tr.

Ten.

Bass I

Bass II

29

œ œ œ œ œ

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ

Ó . œ

œ œ ˙

œ œ œ œ ˙

œ œ œ œ œ œ

˙ ‰ œ œ œ

˙ ‰ œ œ œ

‰ œ œ œ ˙

w

˙# ‰ œ œ œ

˙ ‰ œ œ œ

‰ œ œ œ ˙#

w

&

B

?

?

Tr.

Ten.

Bass I

Bass II

33 ˙ ‰ œ œ œ

˙# ‰ œ œ œ

‰ œ# œ# œ# ˙

w

˙ ‰ œ œ œ

˙ ‰ œ œ œ

‰ œ œ œ ˙

w

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ

œ ˙ œ#

œ# œ ˙

w

w

w

.œJœ˙

w

Secunda variatio

Secunda variatio

Secunda variatio

Secunda variatio

.œ Jœ œ œ

- 4 -

&

B

?

?

Tr.

Ten.

Bass I

Bass II

38 .˙ œ

.œ Jœ œ œ

œ œ œ œ

œ œ œ œ

.˙ œ œ

œ œ œ œ œ

.œ Jœ œ œœ

œ .œ œ œ œ

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ

œ Œ Ó

Ó œ œ œ œ

&

B

?

?

Tr.

Ten.

Bass I

Bass II

43

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ# œ œ œ

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ

w

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ

w

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ

w

w

˙ Œ œ

Œ œ .œ œ .œ œ

w

- 5 -

&

B

?

?

Tr.

Ten.

Bass I

Bass II

47 .œ œ .œ œ .œ œ .œ œ

.œ œ .œ œ .œ œ .œ œ

w

œ œ œ œ# œ œ œ œ œ

w#

w

˙̇ Œ œ

œ Œ Ó

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ

˙ Jœ ‰ Œ

Óœ œ œ œ

w

&

B

?

?

Tr.

Ten.

Bass I

Bass II

51 œ œ œ œ œ# œ œ œ

Ó . œ œ

œ œ œ œ Jœ ‰ Œ

œ œ œ œ œ œ

˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ

˙ Ó

Ó ˙

œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙

3

œ œ œ3

œ œ œ3

œ œ œ3

œ œ œ

˙ œ œ

˙ œ œ

˙ œ œ

3

œ œ# œ3

œ œ œ ˙

œ Œ˙

Œ œ ˙

œ œ ˙

- 6 -

&

B

?

?

Tr.

Ten.

Bass I

Bass II

55

˙ œ œ

˙ Ó

3

œ œ œ3

œ œ œ3

œ œ œ3

œ œ œ

œ œ ˙

Œ3

œ œ œ ˙

Œ œ ˙

3

œ# œ œ œ ˙

.œ jœ œ œ œ

Ó .œ Jœ

.œ Jœ œ œ œ

.œ Jœ œ œ œ

œ œ œ .œ Jœ

.œ Jœ œ œ œ

&

B

?

?

Tr.

Ten.

Bass I

Bass II

59 .œ Jœ œ œ œ

œ œ œ .œ Jœ

.œb Jœ œ œ œn

.œ Jœ œ œ œ

œ œ œ .œ Jœ

.œ Jœ œ œ œ

.œ œ œ œ œ œ

œ# œ œ œ œ œ œ œ

w

w

.œ œn œ ˙

w

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ

‰ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ

‰œ œ# œ œ œ œ œ

- 7 -

&

B

?

?

Tr.

Ten.

Bass I

Bass II

64 œ œ œ# œ œn œ œ œ œ œ

œ œ œ œ ˙

œ œ œ ˙

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ

‰ œ# œ# œ œ œ œ œ

‰œ œ# œ œ œ œ œ

œ œ ˙

œ œ# œ œ Jœ ‰

œ# œn œ œ œn œ

.œ jœ œ œ œ

œ œ ˙

.œ Jœ œ œ œ œ

&

B

?

?

Tr.

Ten.

Bass I

Bass II

68 .œ Jœ œ œ œ

œ œ ˙#

œ œ œ œ# œ œ œ

.œ Jœ œ œ œ

œ œ# ˙

œ œ œ œ œn œ œ

.œ Jœ ˙

œ œ .œ Jœ

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ

œ œ ˙

œ# ˙ œ

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œœ œ

- 8 -

&

B

?

?

Tr.

Ten.

Bass I

Bass II

72 .˙ œ

.˙ Œ

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œœ œ œ œ œ# œ

Tertia variatio

Tertia variatio

Tertia variatio

Tertia variatio

œ œ œ œ# œ œ œ œ œ œ œn œ œ œ œ œ

˙ œ œ

˙ œ œ

&

B

?

?

Tr.

Ten.

Bass I

Bass II

74

œ œ œ œ# œ œ œ œ œœ œn œ œ œ œ œ

˙ ˙

˙ Œ œ

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ

˙ Ó

œ œ œ œ

˙ œ œ

œ œ œ# œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ

˙# ˙

.˙ œ

- 9 -

&

B

?

?

Tr.

Ten.

Bass I

Bass II

77 œœ œn œ œ œ œœ œ œ œ œ œœ œ œ

˙ ˙

.˙ œ

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ

˙ Ó

.œ Jœ# œ œ œ œ

œ œ œ œ# œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ

œ œ œ œ œ œ# œ œ

Jœ ‰ Œ Ó

&

B

?

?

Tr.

Ten.

Bass I

Bass II

80 œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙

˙ Ó

˙ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ

.œ Jœ œ œ

˙ ˙

œ œ# œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ

- 10 -

&

B

?

?

Tr.

Ten.

Bass I

Bass II

82

˙ œ œ

˙ œ œ

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ# œ œ œ œn œ œ

œ œ œ œ

œ œ œ œ

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ# œ

.˙ œ œ

.˙# œ# œ

œ œ œ œ# œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ

&

B

?

?

Tr.

Ten.

Bass I

Bass II

85 .˙ œ

.˙n œ

œ œ œn œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ

.˙ œ

.˙ œ

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ

œ œ ˙

œ ˙ œ#

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œœ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ

- 11 -

&

B

?

?

Tr.

Ten.

Bass I

Bass II

88

˙ Œ œ œ œ œ

˙ œ œ œ œ œ ≈ ‰

Œ œ œ œ œ Rœ ≈ ‰ Œ

œ œ œ œ œ ‰ . Ó

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ

˙ œ œ

˙ œ œ

œ œ œ œ œ# œ œ œ œ œ œn œ œ œ œ œ

œ œ ˙

œ œ ˙

&

B

?

?

Tr.

Ten.

Bass I

Bass II

91

œ œ œ œ œ

≈ œ œ œ œ ‰ . Œ œ

Œ œ œ œ œ Rœ ≈ ‰ Œ

Ó œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ

œ œ ˙

œ# œ ˙

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ

Œ œ ˙

w

- 12 -

&

B

?

?

Tr.

Ten.

Bass I

Bass II

94 œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ# œ œ œ œ

˙ ˙#

w

œ œ œ œ œ œ# œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ

˙ ˙

w

œ œ œœ œ œ œn œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ

˙ ˙

w

&

B

?

?

Tr.

Ten.

Bass I

Bass II

97 œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ# œ œ œ

œ# ˙ œ

w

œ œ œ œ œœ œn œ œ œ œ œ œ

w

w

w

˙ œ œ

˙ œ œ

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ

- 13 -

&

B

?

?

Tr.

Ten.

Bass I

Bass II

100 œ œ# ˙

œ œ ˙

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ

˙ œ œ

˙ œ œ

˙ œ œ

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙

œ# œ ˙

œ œ ˙

œ œ ˙

&

B

?

?

Tr.

Ten.

Bass I

Bass II

103

˙ ≈ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ

˙ Ó

Ó ˙

œ œ œ œ# œ œ œ œ ˙

˙ ≈ œ œ œ œ œ# œ œ

˙ Ó

Ó ˙#

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙

˙ ≈ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ

˙ Ó

Ó ˙

œ œ# œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙

- 14 -

&

B

?

?

Tr.

Ten.

Bass I

Bass II

106 ˙ œ œ

˙ œ œ

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œœ œ œ

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ

œ œ œ Jœ# œ Jœ

∑œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ

w

w

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙

&

B

?

?

Tr.

Ten.

Bass I

Bass II

Quarta variatio

Quarta variatio

Quarta variatio

Quarta variatio

109 .œ Jœ œ œ

Œ .œ œ œ œ

˙ ˙

˙ œ œ

˙ ˙

w

.œ Jœ œ œ œ

˙ .œ Jœ

œ œ œ œ

.œ Jœ œ œ œ

œ œ œ œ

œ œ œ œ œ

.œ jœ œ# œ œ œ

.œ# Jœ œ œ œ œ

œ .œ Jœ œ#

w

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ

˙ Ó

˙ œ œ

- 15 -

&

B

?

?

Tr.

Ten.

Bass I

Bass II

114

œ œ# œ œ œ œ œ œ œ

œ œ œ œ# œ œ œ œ œ

œ œ œ œ

œ œ œ œ jœ œ jœ#œ œ œ œ œ# œ œ œ

˙ ˙

˙ œ œ œ œ œ

.œ Jœ œœ Œ

w

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ

˙ œ œ

˙ œ œ

&

B

?

?

Tr.

Ten.

Bass I

Bass II

118

˙ œ œ

˙ œ œ

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ

œ œ œ œ

˙ œ œ

œ œ œœœœ œ œ

.˙ œ

w#

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ

.œ Jœ œ œœ

.œ Jœ œ œœ

.œ‰ Ó

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ

- 16 -

&

B

?

?

Tr.

Ten.

Bass I

Bass II

122

.œ jœ œ œ œ

.œ Jœ œœ œ

‰ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ

œ œ œ œ œ# œ œ

œ œ œ ˙

Œ œ œ œ œ œ

œ œ œ œ œ œ

w

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ

œ œ œ œ œ œ

œ œ œ œ œ

œ œ œ œ œ

œ œ œ œ

‰ œ ‰ œ# ‰ œ ‰ œ

œ œ œ œ

&

B

?

?

Tr.

Ten.

Bass I

Bass II

126 œ œ# ˙

œ œ ˙

‰ œ ‰ œ ≈ œ œ œ œ

œ œ ˙

œ œ œ œ œ

œ œ œ# œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ

Ó ˙œ œ ˙

œ# œ œ# œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ

- 17 -

&

B

?

?

Tr.

Ten.

Bass I

Bass II

129

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ

œ œ œ# œ œ œ œ œ

œ œ œ# œ œ œ œ œ

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ

Ó . œ œ

œ œ œ œ œ# œ œ

Ó ˙

&

B

?

?

Tr.

Ten.

Bass I

Bass II

134

w

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ

‰ œ œ œ œ œ œ

w

œ œ œ œ œ

œ œ œ œ œ# œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ# œ œ œ œ œ œœ œ# œ

œ œ# œ œn œ œ œ œ œ

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ ˙

- 18 -

&

B

?

?

Tr.

Ten.

Bass I

Bass II

137

œ œ œ œ œ

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ# œ œ œ

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ

œ œ ˙

œ œ# œ œ œ# œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ

œ# œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œn œ œ œ# œ œ œ

&

B

?

?

Tr.

Ten.

Bass I

Bass II

139

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ

Rœ ≈ ‰ Œ Ó

Œ œ ˙

˙ Œ œ

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ# œ œ œ œ œ œ

Œ œ ˙

˙ Œ œ#

œ œ# œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ

Œ œ ˙

˙ Œ œ

- 19 -

&

B

?

?

Tr.

Ten.

Bass I

Bass II

142 œ œ œ œ# œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ

Œ ˙ œ

˙ œ œ

œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ œ# œ œ œ œ

Ó . œ#

œ# œ ˙

w

wU

wU

.œJœU̇

wU

- 20 -