- 1 ー

Non-Verbal Communication Patterns of Bowing:

With Reference to Thailand and Japan

Abstract

Matthew ]. Eynon

Nitaya Kanchanawan

Throughout the world ’s various cultures, bowing is a predominant form of non 司

verbal communication between humans. Recent research has even drawn parallels

between behavior patterns in monkeys (averting the gaze) and dogs (submissive

cowering postures) and the bowing patterns of human beings. Be that as it may,

bowing as a form of non-verbal communication between humans is slowly dis-

appearing or “dying ”as one scholar has noted in the case of China. In the West as

well, customs such as curtseying, genuflecting and hat-tipping have given way to

more casual forms of head 町nodding and hand-waving. A simple explanation is that

with the spread of democracy and communism, social class structures have been

leveled as societies strive for more social equality. In contrast, bowing as a form

of respect to deities is one area where a hierarchical structure between humans

and the deities has been maintained even as societies modernize.

However, even with the onslaught of modern social, and political values that

stress equality, some cultures have retained bowing as an important form of

communication. Thailand and Japan are two examples of countries that, while

having achieved a high degree of modernization, still retain elaborate forms of

bowing for communication purposes between humans, and between humans and

the divine.

This present article examines the bowing patterns of these two cultures to not

only try and understand the diversity and complexity of bowing forms and the

messages being conveyed by the bowing patterns, but also to try and identify

some possible reasons why bowing maintains important communicative functions

in these two respective cultures.

Key Words: bowing, non-verbal communication, Thailand & Japan

Introduction

In recent years scholars and language and cross-culture educators have been paying increas-

ing attention to the role of non-verbal communication in the communication process. At the

same time, with the spread of internationalization and modernization, some forms of non-verbal

communication (NVC) are disappearing from cultures while new and universal forms of NVC

are being introduced and adopted by cultures around the world. NVC, like its linguistic

counterpart, is subject to modification and even extinction. Actions and customs are

transformed and become extinct as easily as words and languages are modified and disappear.

And like various forms of verbal communication, this is especially true when the social

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institutions and structures that supported the various forms 9f communication also disappear.

In this respect, the practice of bowing as a traditional (some argue “feudal ”） non-verbal

form of interaction has disappeared, for instance, from the Western world as Western societies

have modernized and thrown off the mantle of feudalism and evolved towards egalitarian and

democratic societies. In many Western societies bowing remains only as a ritualized form of

communication between humans and the divine, or as ritualized actions between humans that,

while recognizable, one may never perform in his or her lifetime. The extinction of bowing

patterns has not been restricted to the West, and a similar pattern of abandonment for this

form of NVC can be also be observed in the case of China as it developed into an egalitarian

communist society within the last fifty years.

With the continued existence of certain traditional values such as a respect for elders, filial

piety, concepts of shame and saving face, it would seem natural that the custom of bowing

would have continued to play an important role in the Chinese communication process where it

existed for millennia. However, changing political systems and associated values accompany-

ing communism have become paramount which have contributed to the demis 巴 of bowing in

China. During the period of the Great Cultural Revolution (1966-76) not only did the written

language undergo radical changes resulting in a simplified writing form, but the ancient NVC

forms of bowing (along with other traditional and feudal practices) were consciously

eli 口出at 号？； Bowing has become a “dead ”form of communication in China in the words of one

researcher. In contrast, bowing in Taiwan continues to perform an important role in the com-

munication process, despite undergoing a great deal more modernization than China. Taiwan,

while joining the ranks of newly industrialized countries has, at the same time remained as a

bastigr of traditional Chinese values such as bowing that is supported by Confucian and Daoist

values.

However, not in every case is the discarding of non 司verbal bowing patterns the standard path

of development as societies make the transition from feudal to modernized societies. Some

societies and cultures maintain 出is practice as an integral and important part of the communi-

cation process of everyday life even as the society modernizes. In this article we examine two

developed countries- Japan and Thailand-where bowing patterns continues to exist as

important forms of communication that are highly diversified and filled with deep and rich

meaning. In these two countries the act of bowing is not merely an accessory that accents the

verbal and linguistic cues of everyday communication, but rather serves as the main medium of

message delivery. The act of bowing in many situations in Japan and Thailand is by itself

powerful enough to stand alone without words. In part, bowing ’s continued existence can be

attributed to social institutions and structures which support its practice in everyday life. Thus,

another area we examine in this article is the supporting social structures or values which have

given rise to the various practices of bowing, and contribute to their continu 巴d existence in

Japanese and Thai societies.

I. The Parameters of Bowing

The term bowing is used to describe a wide variety of physical activities in various cultures

around the world including full prostration of the body, a bending of the knee (genuflection), a

deep bending of the waist or torso, a nodding or tipping of the head, a “bowing ”or downcast

look of the eyes, and even a metaphorical “bowing ”of the fingers (found in Taiwan as an

expression of gratitude). The meanings expressed through the physical acts of bowing also are

Bowing: Non-Verbal Communication Patterns in Thailand and Japan - 3 -

extremely varied including salutation, reverence, submission, shame, recognition, gratitude,

petitioning, supplication, and humility to name but a few. Like its verbal counterpart, bowing

may disappear from a culture as a viable mode of communication or b巴come modified such as ( 3)

the contraction of speech.

Among humans, bowing may function as the main medium of message expression, or it may

be accompanied by other forms of NVC such as hand gestures, or even by verbal forms of

communication. In some situations it may be accompanied by words as when a person kneels

down to pray to the deities in a religious setting. Worshipping is achieved not only through the

audible (or silent) prayers of petition, but also through the posture of the body which signifies

and conveys a worshipper ’s intentions to a higher being. The physical act of bowing alone may

act as the main medium of transmission, for example, in the case of Tibetan monks who

circumambulate holy sites (such as Mt. Kailash) in a series of body prostrations.

In the most formal form of bowing, which is full prostration, the head, as one of the most

vital parts of the human body, is placed on the ground. The head is associated with a strong

sense of self-identity, revealed through terms such as “saving face ”and “loss of face. ”Through

the act of prostrating oneself before an object or person, the self is lowered in relation to the

object of the bow. This is clearly seen in many religious contexts around the world from the

Islam custom of praying five times a day, to Tibetans prostrating themselves across distances,

to Japanese Zen monks practicing 1080 prostrations on a daily basis. This is also very clearly

田 en on a secular level in India where a person pays obeisance to his/her parents by bowing

clown and placing their heads on the feet of their parents, holy persons, or statues of the deities.

Likewise in the West, bowing and genuflecting traditionally signified allegiance to a king or

queen, and in its modified religious form in Christianity, it signified reverence and submission to

a superior being. By and large, the religious form is the only one that remains in the West, (4)

whereas the feudal, submissive form has disappeared as a practice. Social variants of the bow

including curtseying, ballroom bowing, and tipping one ’s hat have also disappeared or have

become highly contracted. From an upright standing position through the action of lowering

some part of the body the person performing the bow is humbled or debased. This, it must be

stressed, is nothing more than an overarching generic interpretation of the action of bowing.

For example, in the case of Thailand and Japan where bowing patterns are quite varied and

complex, there are very culturally-sp 巴cific messages conveyed through bowing as a form of

co 立1mumcat10n.

II. Thai Bowing

One of the required readings for Thai schoolchildren is a book called Sombat Khong Phudii,

literally meaning “Qualities of a Gentleman or Lady." The book is actually a guide to help one

behave like a refined person in Thai society. There are three types of good manners described

in the book: body behavior, verbal behavior, and mind behavior. The general rules for body

behavior introduced in the book are actually an important part of NVC patterns in Thai soci-

ety and are connected to the NVC pattern of bowing.

A) Thai Etiquette

To be a well 叩mannered Thai, one has to follow the rules related to the four postures of

standing, walking, crawling and sitting. It is assumed that all schoolchildr 巴n practice how to

master these four postures. In addition, there are many ways to show respect or to greet some-

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one while being in each of these postures.

In modern Thai society there are four ways to show respect: wai, krap, bowing, and

standing. Bowing and standing in a sense are Westernized behaviors that were adopted recently.

In 1873 King Chulalongkorn (Rama V) made a promulgation to abandon prostration and

crawling in favor of bowing, stating that the performance of the former, w 呂s not only hard for

the elders, but also uncivilized. However, both wai and krap include some forms of bowing,

crawling and standing in the traditional Thai way as well.

Figure l. From left to right: standing wai, sitting wai, standing wai and kra ρ. Adapted from “Thai

Etiquette" poster Siam Gallery, Bangkok.

Wai and k:γ ゆ

Thai bowing patterns are divided into two basic forms-wai and krap. The wai is an act of

salutation performed by bringing the hands together and raising the pressed palms while hold・

ing the fingers upwards. The krap is a more extreme form of salutation and is an act of

prostrating oneself. In a way, the krap is an extended form of wai whereby one bends all the

way forward letting both hands and aロns touch the floor.

The wai is not only a way of greeting without using words, it is also an action of respect.

The posture may be thought of as existing on a respect continuum; the lower the head comes

down to meet the thumbs of both hands, the greater the respect one shows. Wai is performed

towards objects as well as people. In making a wai to a Buddhist statute or the Buddhist

monks, who are considered the Buddha ’s representatives, the procedure is extended into many

phases as described below.

The position of wai shows that the hands are empty of weapons. In this respect it probably

shares a common history with the Western handshake. Wai, however, expresses a different

meaning than the handshake. Whereas handshakes are between equals, wai is an expression of

inequality. When one performs wai to a superior, the inferior places himself at the superior ’s

mercy. The inferior always initiates the wai and the superior may or may not return the wai:

For example, it is not necessary for the King, the Queen, members of the royal family with

high positions, and Buddhist monks to return the wai in normal practice.

The questions of when to wai and how to wai are learned from the earliest childhood days by

the Thai people. At present, although the use of wai to say “thank you ”is a common practice,

there is no “thank-you ＇’ wai from a superior to an inferior.

In short, there are four types of people to receive wai: Buddhist monks, parents and seniors,

teachers, and acquaintances and friends. Based upon differences in social hierarchy there have

evolved four levels of wai:

( 1) The first level wai, towards Buddhist monks-the thumbs are brought up to the

Bowing: N on-V 巴rbal Communication Patterns in Thailand and Japan - 5 -

forehead, according to the belief that they give us the intelligence to end suffering;

( 2) The second level wai, towards parents and seniors-the thumbs are brought up to the

nose, according to the belief that they give us breath;

( 3) The third level wai, towards teachers-the thumbs are brought up to the lips, according

to the belief that they teach us by use of their mouth; and

( 4) The fourth level wai, towards acquaintances and friends-the thumbs are brought up to

the breast, according to the belief that people are friends by heart.

On the occasions when the senior elders accept the wai and/ or return the wai, their thumbs

are also brought up to the breast, meaning that they give their heart out of love and kindness

to the other party.

There are nine ways to perform the acts of wai and krap:

( 1 ) When saluting a standing senior, the young female performs the second or third level

wai by bending the knees slightly while standing.

( 2) When saluting a sitting senior, both young males and females approach and, from a rea-

sonable distance, perform the second or third level wai while sitting and bending the knees on

the floor and keeping the tips of the feet underneath the body.

( 3 ) When saluting a sitting young senior, both young males and females approach and, from

a reasonable distance, kneel down and while sitting on their flexed toes they place both palms

on the floor.

( 4 ) When saluting a person of equal status, both parties do the third or fourth level wai

without bowing or kneeling.

( 5 ) When accepting a salutation from a junior, the senior places both palms together at the

breast level while the fingertips are under the tip of the jaw while the head bends forward

slightly.

( 6 ) The third level wai is used in general to show respect towards people, including persons

of equal status. While placing both palms together, the tips of the thumbs are near the tip of

the jaw, the top of the pointed fingers are near the tip of the nose, and the head bends forward

slightly. One stands straight up and the feet are close together.

( 7 ) The second level wai is used towards grandparents, teachers and other people command-

ing respect. The tips of the thumbs are shifted to a position near the nose tip, and the top of the

pointed fingers near a point between the eyebrows. The male bends the upper part of the body

forward slightly. The female bends the knees at an appropriate level and performs the second

or third level wai.

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( 8 ) The first level wai is used towards Buddhist monks. The tips of the thumbs are shifted to

a point between the eyebrows and the top of the pointed fingers are near the hairline. The

male bends the upper part of the body forward in a deep bow. The female puts the right leg

forward, while bεnding both knees slightly.

( g) 京店en saluting Buddhist statues, one performs the krap called be ηcha ηgkha ρradit from

Pali language meaning “using the five parts. ”Bencha orρ anca in Pali means “five. ”This

means that the forehead, both hands, and both knees must touch the floor. The process is

divided into the following phases:

( a ) The male is in a sitting position called the ρhrom position, the female position is called

the th ψthida position. Phrom or Brahman in Pali means “the practic 巴 of the austere devotion プ

Th ψthida or devadhita means “a female deity. ”

( b) In the ρhrom position, the knees touch the floor and are separated slightly. The male

sits on his heels while the toes of the feet are flexed forward.

( c) In the th ψthida position, both knees are resting on the floor and are close together ..

While sitting on her heels, the female ’s feet lie flat on the floor.

( d ) The first pose of the bengch 仰 :gkhapradit is called anchali. Both palms are placed

together at the breast level, the finger tips bent forward at 45 degrees, and the forearms are

close to the body, but not too tight. Anchali or 仰 ：jali in Pali means “the hollow of the joined

hands .＇’

( e ) The second pose is called wantha. The palms are raised while the head is bent down to

touch them. The thumbs touch a point between the eyebrows, and the points of the fingers

touch the hairline. Wantha or vandati in Pali means “to salute. ” ( f ) The third pose is called aphiwat. This is the real kra ρposition, bending all the way for-

ward letting both hands and arms touch the floor. The two hands are separated approximately

“a palm ’s width" while the forehe 丘d touches the floor. For the male, the elbows touch the

knees. Aphiw αt or abhivadeti in Pali means “to salute respectfully. ”

( g) For the final position of the benchangkhapradit one performs the same as the second

pose. This is done after the third kra ρ

It should be noted that the krap called benchangkh ゆradit, meaning “using the five parts ，＇’ is a

kind of prostration bow that is different from asadangkh ゅradit practiced in India where eight

parts of the body touch the ground. Asada or atth αin Pali means “eight. ”

B) Homage to the Teachers

Apart from Buddhist monks, parents, and the elderly, teachers are also highly respected in

Thai society, and many artistic disciplines taught by teachers, including Thai boxing (Muay ( 5)

Thai), incorporate a respectful form of bowing called wai khru. Khru is a Thai word derived

from the Pali word guru, meaning “teach 巴r. ”Sowαt khru is a form of bow paying homage to

the teachers. Wai khru in Thai boxing also known as Ram Muay （“boxing dance ”） is an

important part of Thai boxing ‘These are ceremonies that are p巴rformed before each Muay

Thai boxing tournament. Sometimes wai khru is brief and basic, but at other times it may be

an eloquent performance that draws praise and applause from the crowd. The Thais take seri-

Bowing: Non-Verbal Communication Patterns in Thailand and Japan - 7 -

ously any insult to wai khru, and would react just 出e same as if someone had insulted their

spiritual beliefs. In this sense it can be compared to the highly ritualistic dohyoiri （“arena

entrance ”） ceremony performed at the beginning of Japanese Sumo tournaments.

In Thai boxing, a fighter prays in each one of the ring ’s corners while performing wai khru

before a fight. This dance, done out of respect and gratitude to one ’s teachers and trainers, is

said to seal off the ring from outside influences.

In a simple version of wai khru, each fighter stands in his own corner and prays. The trainer

places the 抗ong Kon (ceremonial head-band) around the fighter ’s head and prays, and blows

his spirit into the fighter. The fighter goes to the center of the ring and kneels down facing the

direction of his home and places his hands in a wai position. The fighter meditates on his

religion, his parents, teacher and possibly someone who has passed away. Here is roughly what

the fighter performs:

( 1 ) He bows three times in respect, first for the country, the religion and then for the king

and then he resumes the wai position.

( 2 ) He bends over, opening the hands and rolls them down in a circular motion “like an eagle. ”

As the hands come together he extends them straight out in front, the index fingers and

thumbs come together to form a diamond. Then, while maintaining the diamond hand

position, he swoops the hands into the stomach. Then he extends the same formation out and

up over the head to a vertical position as he looks through the diamond.

( 3 ) He finishes the motion by bringing the hands straight down and into a kneeling wai

position. He repeats the above action three times.

( 4) Next, he rises to a kneeling position by picking up the right leg. His hands move into an

overhand guard position.

( 5 ) He rises to a standing position to perform the three-step dance. While performing this

movement, he makes his way to each corner, stopping at each point to pay his respects.

( 6 ) He returns lastly to his own corner to pay respects in that corner.

The Muay Thai Orchestra plays music that accompanies both the wai 劫 ru as well as the actual

Muay Thai fight. The musicians play very aggressively to match the pace and intensity of the

fighters.

強暴Figure 2. Illustration of the wai khru Thai boxing bow.

(From Plaek Panalikun, et al. 2000. Muay T加iSu Sakon (Thai Boxing to The World), pp. 27 28).

In recent times there has also developed a tradition to perform the wai khru ceremony annu-

ally in schools and academic institutions, including universities. However, the performance is

slightly different from that of Thai boxing. In educational institutions usually five, seven, or

nine Buddhist monks chant and give a blessing first. After offering flowers, incense and candles

to the teachers as a token of respect then the students salute them by a sitting wai or krap

depending on the situation and the place. At the end of the ceremony the headmaster, the

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rector, or the president addresses the participating audience and gives a word of advice to the

students.

C) Paying Respect to the Royal Family

Next to the Buddha and the Buddhist monks, the King and his family are treated with the

highest respect in Thailand. Thos 巴 in his audience have to practice how to assume correct

postures while standing, walking, sitting, and saluting. As mentioned above King

Chulalongkorn made a promulgation to abandon prostration and crawling in favor of a stand-

ing bow. This resultant standing bow is a practice one does when in the audience of the King.

If a male is wearing a hat, he first removes the hat, stands straight, and performs a salute

like a soldier. If not, he stands straight and performs a bow by bending the head and the

shoulder slowly, making sure the level of bow is not too low. Both hands stay close to the

body. The bowing is performed only once. Then he returns to a standing upright position.

The female performs an act of thon -sai-bua (female bowing). This is performed by the

female first standing straight, then moving one leg to the back while bending the other leg

slowly. Before going to the lowest point, she places the left hand on the bent knee, the palm is

turned up to receive the palm of the right hand. While doing this, she bows her head and body

slightly while maintaining straight shoulders. Then she lifts the head up, moves the leg back,

and stands straight completing the bow.

Saluting the King may be done in his absence or his presence. The former is done mostly in

front of his portrait, photograph or statue. There are five steps to this action:

( 1 ) Kneeling in the ρhrom position mentioned above, one places the palms down on the

knees,

( 2 ) Raising the hands up to the breast level in wai position, one places the fingertips straight

under the chin,

( 3 ) Moving the wai hands down to the knee while moving the body forward slightly, one

remains in the kneeling position,

( 4) Next, the waihands are raised up until the thumbs touch the forehead. While performing

this, the body above the waist bends backwards a little bit, the face turns up ，出e eyes look

at the thumbs, and the elbows spreads slightly.

( 5 ) The wai hands are lowered while th 巴 body is bent forward. Slowly the wai hands are

moved to the stomach and move straight up the body.

Step ( 4) and step ( 5) are repeated three times, then the body is moved back to the crawl-

ing position.

In the audience of the King, if the King is standing, one may perform the bow described

above. But if he is sitting, one must crawl forward and perform the krap. Unlike the kri ゆ

peformed to the Buddhist statute or Buddhist monk where the palms touch the floor three

times, in this krap touching the floor is peformed only once while the palms are pressed

together. It can be noted here that respect to the royal family is still very strong in Th 丘isoci 匂

ety as reflected in saluting which includes bowing, wai, krap, and crawling. One even lowers

oneself to the floor when talking to a high position member of the royal family on the

telephone.

Bowing: Non-Verbal Communication Patterns in Thailand and Japan - g 一

D) Supporting Cultural Values

In the case of Thailand, when one examines the reasons for the existence of bowing the

strong presence of Buddhism coupled with the monarch system are two factors that may have

created a hierarchical consciousness that nurtures bowing patterns. However, before the spread

of Buddhism to Thailand, people there believed in native spiritual powers. Over the years

Buddhism and spiritual beliefs have been integrated smoothly in Thailand. Buddhism in

Thailand is the Theravada school in which practice of the mind is more important than the

ritualized forms. Thus bowing is more or less a form of homage to the “spiritual ”elders. Like-

wise the King is regarded as the “protector ”or "guiding ”elder. Since respecting the elders is

the norm of Thai people, bowing in the form of wai, kra ρ，and other variations will always b巴

performed as a social ritual in the Thai society.

In other words, seniority, not a class system or a caste system such as in India, plays an

important role in Thai society. This seniority may be divided into three kinds: seniority by

birth (members of the royal family), seniority by age (parents, elders, and teachers), and

seniority by education (educated people). Thus, all Thai people respect not only the young

members of the royal family but, young teachers with a high education are also respected by

elder students as well. One may argue here that today rich people are respected in the Thai

society also. This may appear to be true, however it is only superficial.

Due to changing cultural values, the bowing patterns in Thailand are bound to change in the

future. Although both wai and kra ρare still very much used in Thai everyday life, wai is more

widely performed than krap. Recently there has been an attempt to make the wai a form of

Thai greeting. A recent Thai tennis champion was widely praised by the Thai people when he

ended each of his international tournaments with a wai. People in service business, including

employees in supermarkets have also started p巴rforming the wai to customers. But mostly it is

done without “emotional involvement ，” quickly turning the wai hands somewhere, finishing it

as soon as possible so that he or she can serve another client. Wai, including bowing in Thai

style, is still one of the most effective verbal communications in Thai society. However, wai

fails to carry the meaning of a “pure ”mutually equal greeting, as found in some Western

greeting customs, because of the embedded value of social inequality and an impli 巴d hierarchy

based on seniority that are encoded in the action of the bow.

HI. The Japanese Bow

Bowing has been a custom in Japan since at least the Yayoi period (250 B. C. E. to 200 C. E.)

Figure 3. Clay haniwa figurine from Ko fun period in bowing posture. From Y oshiyuki

Takioto ’s Niho ηshi Handobukku (Japanese History Handbook), p. 31.

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where its presence has been recorded in Chinese history books. In the subsequent Kofun period

(250-552), the prostration bow was captur 巴d for posterity in the clay han 加。 figurines of that

period. Throughout the centuries it has been supported by various political and social

institutions such as the emperor system that started in the Kofun period, and 700 years of feu-

dalism extending from the Kamakura period (1185 …1333) to the end of the Tokugawa period

(1600-1868).

Currently bowing is one of the most important forms of nonverbal communication in Japan

and is found ubiquitous to modern day Japanese life. For example, in schools from

kindergarten to high schools children bow at the beginning and end of class and whenever a

teacher walks into the classroom. In fact, bowing is so pervasive in Japanese culture and so as

a custom that the Japanese even bow to the person on the other end of a telephone line even

though the other party is not visible.

In traditional Japanese sports such as jud ，δ，初rated ，δ，kendo, kyudo, aikid ，δor sum δbowing in

a variety of different situations and ceremonies is an essential element of those sports.

Participants bow to their opponents and to the judges at the beginning and end of a match and

when they enter and leave the training hall or arena. Interestingly this finds a counterpart in

some traditional Western sports such as fencing, but has been replaced by and large by the

handshake (in its variety of manifestations such as “high fives ”） as in tennis, football, and

basketball.

Like any country in the world that has a tradition of bowing, the shape, form and meanings

have been modified throughout history as a result of changing social and cultural values.

However, in contrast to much of the West, and even some countries in Asia such as China,

where it has disappeared in the face of modernization, bowing continues to exist as an

important form of NVC between humans, and between humans and the divine in present-day

Japan. Currently the custom of bowing is closely associated with respect and humility-two

cultural qualities highly valued in Japan.

A) Japanese Bowing Patterns

There are a variety of o -jigi （お辞儀）“bowing ”patterns in Japan that range from a simple

closing of the eyes to full body prostration. One form of “bowing ”in Japan, for example, is one

that is accomplished wi 廿1 only the eyes. Casting the eyes down in deference to one ’s superior or

Figure 4. Examples of ritsurei and zarei. Adapted from

(http://member.nifty.ne.jp/ manner/ 6shou/2setu.html)

Bowing: Non-Verbal Communication Patterns in Thailand and Japan - 11 -

to a higher deity is a sign of resp 巴ct. Up to the beginning of Meiji period (1868) commoners

were not permitted to look directly at the samurai upper class, but were expected to bow both

physically and with their eyes when in the presence of the upper class.

As a general rule, in present-day Japan when people greet each other outside of the house, or

in a Western style room, they exchange bows while standing. In a typical Japanese tatami-

matted room, where people remove their shoes to enter, they sit on the floor and bow to each

other with the palms of their hands placed on the tatami. When performing either one of these

two basic bows one averts his/her eyes from the other person and bends the upper part of the

body forward signifying respect and humility. As a general rule of thumb, the lower the bow

and the longer it is held, the stronger is the indication of respect, gratitude, sincerity, obeisance,

or humility that is displayed. These two main types of bows are referred to as ritsurei (standing (7)

bow) and zarei (prostrating bow).

However, there are many variations of these two basic forms including the following six

patterns:

1. keishu （鶏首） This is a quick nod of the head, or extension of the neck in a “chicken

bobbing" fashion as its name implies. This is an extremely modified form of traditional bowing

that is becoming more prevalent in modern Japanese society as a greeting between friends and

acquaintances.

2. eshaku （会釈） This is an informal, casual form of standing bow. This is the type of bowing

used for a salutation or greeting and the degree of bend is approximately 15 degrees.

3. keirei （敬礼） This is another form of standing bow signifying a bit more respect. It is used

when one is greeting customers or other strangers and the degree of bend is approximately 30

degrees.

4 . saikeirei （最敬礼） This is an even more formal style of standing bow by which the performer

makes a deep obeisance. This is used on ceremonial occasions such as funerals or graduations.

The degree of bend is approximately 45 degrees.

5. gassh σ（合掌） This is a religious form of standing bow whereby one greets people by joining

the hands together as if praying and bowing from the wa ゐt This style of bowing is used often

by Buddhist priests and has undoubtedly been influenced by bowing patterns from other parts

of South or Southeast Asia. It is common to all sects of Buddhism and can be seen in countries

of South, Southeast and East Asia where Buddhism is practiced.

6. dogeza （土下康） This is a full prostration bow in which one kneels on the floor and prostrates

oneself so that the head strikes the ground. Depending upon the situation in which it is used, it

carries different meanings. One situation is to ask for forgiveness for a serious offense. In a

religious context, this form of bow is used at the beginning and end of Zen Buddhist services,

and in this prone position the hands are raised with the palms up. A modified form of this bow

is also used during the formal tea ceremony and assumes different variations that date back

several centuries.

-12- 外国語教育

Approximately 600 years ago, during the Muromachi period (1392 巴1568), the bow and other

rules of good behavior were codified as the Ogasawara style 巴tiquette. At that time, this

Ogasawara Etiquette Rules, which became the basis of modem Japanese manners, was a compul-

sory subject for everyone in high society, including those of the daimy σ(feudal lord) and samu 司

rai (warrior) classes and it became the prescribed form of bowing that continues to the pre-

sent. According to 出OS 巴 rules of etiqurne there are nine forms of the zarei (prostrati 理 bow)

that have been formalized which include:

1) shurei 苦礼 (neck bow) 6) ta 占ushurei 拓子礼 (open hands bow)

2) mokurei 目礼 (eye bow) 7) S，σshurei 双手礼 (both hands bow)

3) shikenrei 指建礼 (locked fingers bow) 8) goshurei 合子礼 (joined hands bow)

4) sokorei 爪甲宇し (fingertip bow) 9) gasshorei 合掌礼 (praying hands bow)

5) sesshurei 折子礼 (bent hands bow)

Several of these styles of “prostration bows" are very formal and used for instance during

the tea ceremony, calligraphy lessons or during other formal occasions such as the beginning

and end of traditional Bunraku puppet theater and Noh dance performances. However, the

kimono-clad hostesses of traditional Japanese inns, who often kneel on the tatami floor and

bow to the ground as they send off customers on their journey, perform another form of

“prostration bow. ”

It is beyond the scope of this present paper to detail all the possible variations of the bows

and accompanying hand gestures, however, it is hoped the reader has an appreciation of the

complexity and diversity of the various forms. Depending on the type and manner of execution

of a particular bow, different meanings are conveyed as will be explain 巴d in the next section.

B) Some Meanings Inherent in Japanese Bowing

At its basis the Japanese bow contrasts sharply with the W estem handshake as a form of

greeting in several areas. First the handshake generally originates from the superior, is

directed to the inferior, and expresses or signifies feelings of equality. The Japanese bow, on

the other hand, begins from the inferior and is directed to the superior, conveying messages of

respect and deference. Whereas the handshake is aiming for equality, the bow is first and fore-

most based on, and reconfirms a hierarchical social construct. Thus, the relativity of a relation 司

ship between two individuals is established and confirmed at the outset through the bowing

order and style. The next main difference is in relation to the eyes. Etiquette in the Japanese

bow dictates that the performer lowers the head and eyes out of deference. Looking directly at

the object of the bow is considered rude. In contrast, when shaking hands in a Western context,

both parties are expected to look directly into the other person ’s eyes, which is an adjunct

NVC pattern that reinforces the handshake ’s sincerity. In addition to the basic meaning of the bow as an affirmation of the hierarchical relationship

between the parties involved in the bowing ritual, the bow is also used as a medium to convey

a variety of conscious messages. They include:

1. Greetings/Salutations. Wh 巴n greeting someone for the first time the bow becomes the

most important NVC for conveying a desire to establish and develop a future relationship. It is

the barometer of first impressions. The performance of the bow follows various rules concern-

Bowing: Non-Verbal Communication Patterns in Thailand and Japan - 13 -

ing length, depth, frequency and direction.

2. Gratitude. The bow is used to convey appreciation for services rendered and is often

accompanied by appropriate verbal expressions of gratitude.

3. Petition. The bow is used to request a favor of someone. It is usually accompanied by

either formal or informal verbal expressions that are also reflected in the degree of the bow.

4. Respect and Reverence. Bowing is the main form of expression of respect that juniors

use to display respect towards seniors, and it is used so frequently throughout any given day

that it is not necessarily accompanied by words. In a religious situation bowing is used in

Shinto shrines and Buddhist temples as a main medium of expressing respect or reverence

towards the deities. Shinto believers resort to the standing bow, referred to as ni rei m ・hakushu

(two bows and two claps of the hands), while Buddhist believers have recourse to the

prostration bow as the means of expressing reverence.

5. Repentance. This is the form of bowing that expresses shame or regret at having done

something that has caused insult to others or a loss of face for oneself. This bow is almost

always accompanied by verbal statements, but it is much longer and deeper than any of the

other bows. This type of bow is common to observe on television or as photographs in the

newspaper when people accused of some crime or wrongdoing ask the public for forgiveness.

Depending on the gravity of the offences and the emotional feelings of guilt, the penitent may

perform dogeza (the full prostration bow).

Since actions can belie words, it is important that rules concerning the bow are carefully

followed. For example it is impolite to bow with the hands in the pocket, and would be like

shaking hands in the West while wearing gloves. Hands should be at the side for men or in the

front with fingertips touching for women. Bowing too shallow as with a mere nod of the head,

or by making an exaggeratedly deep bow are both considered rude. In initial meetings, such as

a business meeting for instance, first impressions are important, and since there is great poten-

tial for mistakes in the performance of the bow, the following points need to be kept in mind.

1) Direction. It is important to always face the other person directly when bowing. It is

rude/incorrect to be facing another direction when bowing to someone. One exception are

the casual bows among friends.

2) Length of Bow. The length of the bow is determined by the status of the other party,

and if one is a junior, the bow is held longer than the senior.

3) Number of Bows. Likewise, this is also determined by the status of the other party, and

the junior is required to “out bow ”the senior, which sometimes results in a bobbing contest.

4) Depth of Bow. The bow depth ranges from a nod of the head to 15, 30, 45 and 90 degree

angles depending on the occasion and the status of the other person. Ninety degrees is

expected of someone bowing to the emperor.

5) Required Acceptance. As a general rule it is considered rude to refuse a bow. Some

exceptions to this rule are the bows received from store employees or bank officials who

bow to the customer in their official capacity as representatives of the store or bank. Also,

when the gap between the junior and senior is large, as in the case of martial arts between a

student and an instructor, the bow does not have to be returned by the senior.

C) Bowing and Martial Arts

In a developmental pattern similar to the long history of traditional Thai boxing (Muay

- 14 ー 外国 語教育

Thai), Japanese martial arts, spawned by the 700-yearlong feudal system, also have a long his-

tory of development that have been nurtured by other social forces. It is within these tradi 匂

tional sports activities that bowing has become a permanent fixture of Japanese society. In

fact, bowing is so closely tied to Japanese martial arts, that wherever the arts have been

exported to foreign countries, the custom of bowing has been imported alongside those sports.

Thus, it is not unusual to see participants in martial arts training halls in America, France,

Germany or elsewhere bowing throughout a night ’s practice. In contrast to this, sports that

have been imported into Japan from the West, such as tennis have taken on a Japanese flavor

and it is a custom for tennis players in Japan to bow to each other before and after matches.

In martial arts, depending on the art form, both styles of bowing, ritsurei (standing bow) and

zarei (prostration bow), are performed. However, due to the nature of the floor of the training

hall, in most cases the standing form is most commonly employed. Some examples of when and

where the martial art disciple (East or West) performs the standing bow include: upon enter 匂

ing or leaving the training hall, at the beginning and end of each class, before and after

sparring, before and after presenting a 初 ta form. The training hall is considered a sacred place

to which one goes to receive instructions from the instructor and to perfect what one has been

taught. In 出at sense the training hall is like a church and is treated as a place of holiness. The

sparring or form contests are an opportunity for the martial artist to demonstrate his/her skills

and etiquette to the public.

D) Supporting Cultural Values

羽Tith a continuous history that extends at least 2,000 years, bowing patterns in Japan have

undoubtedly been influenced by many social, political, and religious institutions that created

their shape and form, and contributed to their continued existence over the centuries. From the

development of a distinctive class system in the Yayoi period over 2000 years ago, to the devel-

opment of the emperor system in the 4th and 5th centuries, to the emergence of an elite political

and literati class during the Heian period (794-1185), to 仕1e beginning of a 700 yearlong his-

tory of a feudalist state in the Kamakura period (1185-1333), through the development of the

rigid four-class tiered system in the Tokugawa period (1600 1868), many social and religious

institutions and political ideologies have contributed to the maintenance of class distinctions

which have been reflected in bowing as a prominent form of NVC.

Over one hundred years ago, Japan also threw off the cloak of feudalism, embraced democ-

racy from the end of the last World War, and has recently assumed a leading role among

industrialized nations in the modern era, and thus it remains an enigma as to the persistent

presence of bowing patterns and their crucial role in the NVC process in modern Japanese

culture. The most readily apparent areas of bowing patterns include certain vestiges of feudal-

ism in Japan, such as martial arts and other traditional arts including flower arrangement and

tea ceremony where bowing is an integral part of these traditional practices ‘In addition, the

continued existence of bowing in religious ceremonies as an unbalanced power relationship

between humans and the divine, is not limited to only Japan and can still be found in most

modernized societies. However, what is unique about Japan is that bowing still occupies a cen-

tral position in the everyday Japanese social life as a medium of NVC on a human-to-human

level.

This enigma becomes more pronounced when one considers that the neighboring culture of

China, that has most likely contributed the strongest influence on the development of Japan

Bowing: Non 『Verbal Communication Patterns in Thailand and Japan - 15 -

bowing patterns through th 巴 Confucian system of human relations, has also discarded the feu-

dalistic cloak of traditional bowing patterns by embracing the egalitarian political system of

communism. Where bowing patterns continue to be performed in modern China, they are either

relics or in a highly contracted form such as the New Year ’s greeting ritual.

One explanation with limited applicability to 号芝plain this anomaly may be found in the High

Context/Low Context theory developed by Hall. According to Hall, a High Context (HC)

message (verbal or nonverbal) has information coded within the message or internalized

within the people receiving them. Many scholars consider Japan and indeed other Far Eastern

countries including China and Korea as HC cultures due to the use of the symbolic writing

system, ambiguous speech patterns and patterns of silence. Included in this explanation is the

use of contextually loaded NVC patterns such as bowing and other gestures. Differences in

angles, length and direction of the bow, and differences in hand gestures create a variety of

different messages for the sender and receiver of the bow.

It also might be argued that the continued existence of the emperor system which, standing

at the apex of Japanese culture, and which undoubtedly had a strong influence on the develop-

ment of bowing patterns throughout Japanese history, is the reason for the continuation of

bowing patterns in present day society. This argument may hold true for England and

’Thailand with their monarchial systems still intact and associated bowing patterns. However,

in the case of Japan the emperor was stripped of most of his political rights and has been little

more 也an a figurehead in the 50 years since the end of the World War II.

Finally, in the discipline of Japanese sociology another paradigm was presented almost 30

years ago that may shed some light on the continued existence of traditional bowing even in

the face of the forces of modernization. Nakane in her analysis of Japanese society has pre-

犯 nted a view of a uniquely Japanese vertical social construct that she feels stands in contrast (13)

to horizontal social constructs found in many other societies. According to this vertical hierarchy

that is apparent in various social constructs including the sem ραi田kohai, oyabun -kobun, instructor-

disciple, senior-junior relations, there is a strong vertical sense of self in communication

patterns in Japan. She argues that even though the feudal system and the distinct social classes

were legally eliminated over one hundred and thirty years ago, the basic social construct

known as ie (household) continues on through the present. She further argues that even though

democracy has been laid on top of Japanese society, it is a transparent veneer under which this

vertical social structuring forms the basis. One might argue that it is due to this vertical

structuring that certain cultural attributes such as honorific language and bowing patterns will

not disappear for quite some time, if ever from Japanese culture.

In this sense, sociologically, Japan shares some similarities to India. Even though India is

considered the largest democratic nation in the world, it is a unique form of democracy where

the caste system still exists as an influential social system. And because of the presence of this

caste system, an ancient and deep-rooted system of vertical relations that extend throughout

the Indian subcontinent, there is also a complex pattern of bowing between junior to senior

members of households and society. The vertical lines are built along different social

paradigms, but the basic concept is similar.

Conclusion

Like many cultures around the world, the cultures of Japan and Thailand retain descriptive

bowing patterns in areas of religion and traditional sports. Buddhism plays a predominant role

-16- 外国語教育

in both cultures and the gassho form of bowing that is accompanied by a prayer 但style hand

gesture, that is most likely influenced by bowing patterns from the Indian subcontinent, is a

standard bowing pattern in both countries. Full body prostrations are another type of religious

bowing that are also influenced by Buddhism in both countries. Of particular note is the fact

that Japanese Shinto does not incorporate a prostration bow, and as such, believers perform

the standing bow only.

In addition, traditional sports have incorporated bowing into their rituals in a variety of

forms. For Thailand, boxing with its rich rituals has a form of bowing that signifies a paying

of respect to teachers and trainers. Likewise in Japan almost all the traditional sports that

have a feudalistic martial art base including sum ιjud ，δ，karatedo, kend ，δ，kyud ，δand aikido have

incorporated bowing as an essential part of their rituals and as symbolic gestures of respect.

This includes prostration bows as well as standing bows.

In this respect, Thailand and Japan do not differ from some Western societies which have

retained vestiges of bowing in religious circumstances such as genuflecting, kneeling, and bow-

ing one ’s head in prayer, and in some traditional Western sports such as fencing. It is the heavy

incorporation of bowing patterns in everyday life that separate Thailand and Japan from other

modern societies both Western and Eastern. On this point India is another Asian country that,

in part due to the existence of the hierarchical caste system, has also retained a very elaborate

bowing system. Further research in this area may reveal similar supporting social structures

that strongly influence bowing patterns in all three cultures as a common form of NVC

communication.

In all cultures there are hierarchical divisions that are inclusive or exclusive based upon the

vertical and horizontal structuring of society. Even in the most egalitarian propounding

cultures, such as democratic America, or communist China, hierarchical social structures exist

in the form of ethnic groups or other class markers. In some obvious cases such as India, soci-

ety is based upon a clearly delineated vertical structuring of society along the lines of 白e caste

system. Sometimes class hierarchy, as in the case of England, is maintained through speech

patterns, and in other societies it may be maintained through dress codes. It is these hierarchi 同

cal divisions in society that support a distinct class-consciousness that reinforces the variety of

bowing patterns. In the case of Thailand and Japan, two modernized countries, there are

social, religious, cultural and linguistic factors 出at continue to support various bowing

patterns in everyday life. Bowing as one pattern of NVC performs many important roles in the

national communication process and as such is closely intertwined with these cultural factors

that support it and guarantee its continued existence.

Endnotes

( 1) See Zhiling Mu, and Guanhui Li ，“Nonv 巴rbal Communication: Chinese Emotion and Gesture ，”

(http://www.ling.gu.se ／～biljana/ gestures2.html) for an explanation of “dead ＇’ forms of NVC

including bowing.

( 2 ) See the following home pages for information on, for example, on th 巴variety of forms of bow-

ing in Taiwan including jugong 鞠拐 shangxiang 上番 sanguijiukou 三脆九日H koutou 口口頭（from

which the English word “kowtow ”derives) as well as the .}ing-yang symbolism of the hand gestures

which accompany some patterns of bowing:

(http://hom 巴.kimo.com.tw/pinguhuang/hand.htm)

(http://home.kimo.com. tw / speechl 995 / 86/ 30 l .htm)

( 3 ) In fact, bowing as an activity is not only limited to humans but can be found in the animal

Bowing: Non-Verbal Communication Patt 巴rns in Thailand and Japan - 17 -

world as well. Among certain species of animals bowing signals the intent to play, and this “play

bow ”indicates a desir 巴 to initiate actions that are similar to aggressive fighting or mating

activities but are differentiated only by the prech,sion of a bow. Se 巴for instance, Marc B巴koff, and

Colin Aller ‘‘I附凶onal Commun ation and Sod al Play: How and Why Animals Negotiate and

Agree to Play .＇’ In Marc Bek off and John A. Byers (eds.), Animal Play: Evolutionary, Com ρarative,

and Ecological Per ψectives. (Cambridge and New York, Cambridge University Press, 1997).

( 4 ) One still bows to the Queen of England who presides at the Wimbledon tennis tournament for

example, and on other courtly occasions. Also bowing on stage in front of an audience is standard

protocol b巴fore and after public performances such as plays, recitals, etc. throughout the W 巴stern

world.

( 5 ) Refer to th 巴 following home page of the Thai Boxing Association of America ’s description of

th 巴 wai kh γu ritual:

(http://www.thaiboxing.com/ceremony.php?SID)

( 6) S巴e th 巴 following home page for a translation of th 巴 Wei Chih Chinese history book that con-

tains referenc 巴s to Japan of the Yayoi period, including some bowing patterns.

(http://sp.uconn.edu ／～gwang/W eiHistory.htm)

( 7 ) See pictures of the two different forms of ritsurei and zarei in karate:

(http://gifu.cool.ne.jp/ anapol/ rei.html)

Also, the following page has excellent diagrams of both forms of ritsurei and zarei bowing

performed by a kimono-clad woman:

(http://member.nifty.ne.jp/ manner/ 6shou/2setu.html)

( 8 ) For the significance of the gassho as a form of Buddhist mudra (symbolic hand gesture) and the

variant forms of this hand postures that accompanies the bow, see the following home page:

(http://www.z 巴ncenter .org/ training/ gassho.htm)

( 9) Se 巴 th 巴 Ogasawara home page for descriptions, pictures and explanations of the standing bow

(ritsurez) and prostration bow (zarei) and the variants of each variety:

(http://www.ogasawara 司ryu.gr.jp/lessons/reihou/manners/basic/bow.html)

See also the following home page for descriptions of nine different forms of prostration bows

(zarei):

(http://www.yomiuri.co.jp/komachi/manner/ma03290l.htm)

(10) For information on the meaning and etiquette of bowing in traditional Japan 巴se sports such as

aikido and judo, refer to the following home pag 巴s:

(http://memb 巴rs.aol.com/koshinage/bowing.htm)

(http://www.aikiweb.com/misc/bowing.html)

(http://www.judo.on.ca/articles/bowing.html)

(11) See for example the following horn 巴 page for kyiido (archery) that includes rules for both

standing and kneeling bows.

(http://www.ecoecoman.com/old.J.<yudo/kihondousa/Rei.html)

(12) Edward T. Hall,

Communicatio 刀： A Reader, (B 巴lmont, CA: Wadsworth Publishing, 1988), pp. 44-54.

(13) Chie N akane, Tate shakai no ningenkankei [Human relations in a vertical society], (Tokyo:

Kodansha, 1967).

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