News from the NorthernAmerican Southwest: Prehistoryon the Edge of ChaosTimothy A. Kohler

SFI WORKING PAPER: 1993-04-021

SFI Working Papers contain accounts of scientific work of the author(s) and do not necessarily represent theviews of the Santa Fe Institute. We accept papers intended for publication in peer-reviewed journals or proceedings volumes, but not papers that have already appeared in print. Except for papers by our externalfaculty, papers must be based on work done at SFI, inspired by an invited visit to or collaboration at SFI, orfunded by an SFI grant.©NOTICE: This working paper is included by permission of the contributing author(s) as a means to ensuretimely distribution of the scholarly and technical work on a non-commercial basis. Copyright and all rightstherein are maintained by the author(s). It is understood that all persons copying this information willadhere to the terms and constraints invoked by each author's copyright. These works may be reposted onlywith the explicit permission of the copyright holder.www.santafe.edu

SANTA FE INSTITUTE

INTRODUCTION

This article is intended for those who had some passing familiarity with the prehistory ofthe northern American Southwest but who, inexplicably, have not read anything emanatingfrom this area since about 1988. What has changed? What then-nascent trends have becomewell-established research directions? What new empirical findings have come to light thatmight significantly constrain our interpretations of the local prehistoric record? And whatold, almost-dishonored areas of inquiry have been rehabilitated by changing theoretical per­spectives and research opportunities?

These questions are approached here with emphasis on prehistoric societies in what be­comes, after about A.D. 500, the Anasazi and northern Mogollon area. I try to cite as muchrelevant literature as possible to provide entries into this vast but fragmented body of infor­mation and interpretation. Recent publication of several extensive symposia volumes treatingthis area-including Cordell and Gumerman (1989), Crown and Judge, eds. (1991),Gumerman (1988), Lipe and Hegmon, eds., (1989), Minnis and Redman (1990), andSpielmann (1991 )-has complicated my task, but should help the inquiring reader enor­mously. Given the emphasis in most of these volumes on the late prehistoric period, I havechosen to emphasize the state of research in the pre-A.D. 1150 period. The varied literatureusing the high-resolution contexts of the Southwest primarily to build middle-range theory(e.g., Kent 1992b; Schlanger 1991) has been largely ignored. Alan Simmons and others(1989) provide a lengthy overview of the pre-1988 literature for the New Mexican portions ofthis area, plus Trans-Pecos West Texas and the mountains of South-central Colorado.

BACKGROUND: THE GREAT DEBATE OF THE 1980s

The article that thematically opened the decade of the 1980s for southwestern archaeol­ogy was Cordell and Plog's (1979) "Escaping the Confines of Normative Thought: AReevaluation of Puebloan Prehistory." Among the many issues raised by this essay, severalturned out to orient discourse about the southwestern archaeological record in the comingdecade, and remain important research issues today. The authors attacked the applicability ofanalogy from contemporary or historic Pueblos to prehistoric Pueblos, and belittled the"overemphasis of population-limiting strategies ... in recent archaeological ... literature." Inthe wide spread of the Kana'a design style they saw extensive alliances among local groupsappearing as early as the period between A.D. 700 and 1000, in part to buffer risks among in­creasingly agricultural populations living in areas depleted of wild resources. And, of course,the authors argued for greater variability than had normally been admitted in contemporane­ous settlement systems, architectural form, "strategies," and especially in kind and degree ofsociopolitical organization among later Puebloan groups.

A significant subset of the dialog over this bundle of challenges to traditional interpreta­tion became known as the "Grasshopper-Chavez Pass" controversy, after the two large, lateprehistoric sites along the Mogollon Rim in the northwestern reaches (Forestdale Branch) ofthe Mogollon area, around which the debate crystallized. The most obvious point of differ­ence between the rival camps had to do with the how late prehistoric Puebloan polities wereorganized (Wilcox 1991a). Also controversial, however, were the primacy of excavation vs.survey data (Lightfoot and Upham 1989b:592); the degree to which theory generation andtesting should be privileged over exhaustive search for the effects of cultural and nonculturalformation processes when matching models to data (Cordell and Upham 1989; Reid, Schifferet al. 1989; Reid and Whittlesey 1990); the appropriate roles of both general and specificethnographic inference based on recent societies (Levy 1991; Lightfoot and Upham 1989a;Upham 1987) and the influence of historical trajectories of interpretation-and their contex­tual biases-on current interpretation (CordellI989a; Feinman 1989).

-1-

As we enter the period of interest here, the portions of the debate specific to theGrasshopper-Chavez impasse have begun to die down, perhaps, as Wilcox (l991a:128)notes, because "neither side has yet adequately published the data that ostensibly form thebasis of their positions." What the southwestern archaeologist is left with is an increasingopenness to the possibility of hierarchical sociopolitical organizations in Puebloan prehistory;an increased reluctance to accept the ethnographic models available for current and historicsouthwestern peoples as the only plausible models for prehistoric puebloans; and consider­able confusion about how specific models of prehistory might be validated, given the va­garies of archaeological data and the ease with which three archaeologists -

can look at the same 2,000-room pueblo and conclude variously that it was (a) theseasonally occupied home of a highly mobile Puebloan population over a 250-yearperiod, (b) a major population center whose affairs were managed by a hierarchicallystructured decision-making organization, or (c) a settlement exactly like Walpi(Upham and Reed 1989a:58).

This, then, is one of the two meanings of "chaos" that I intend in the title. If ever therewas in the Southwest a unanimity about what problems are important to address, and howthey should be approached, that agreement proved brittle to the assaults of the 1980s. LindaCordell (1992) enumerates a dozen or so active theoretical orientations in prehistoric archae­ology as a whole; echoes of most of these can be found in varying interpretative stances andresearch agendas in the Southwest. However, the effectiveness of various ecological ap­proaches for understanding culture change in these environments (which, on a large scale ofcomparison, are marginal for agriculture and sensitive to climatically induced change andhuman impact) has allowed these positions to remain more dominant than they are, for ex­ample, in Europe. Towards the end of this paper, another meaning for the title will be sug­gested.

Instead of trying to address separately the questions posed in the first paragraph, I will at­tempt to weave selected empirical findings and comments on emerging research directionsinto a largely chronological framework. Although at base this article is topically oriented, thetopics of interest manifest themselves slightly differently in various periods. I hope that thefreedom with which I move through space and time will be clarified somewhat by Figure 1,in which most major sites and areas referenced can be located, and Table 1, which presentsseveral alternative ways of dividing up the prehistoric sequences in these areas.

PALEO-INDIAN, EARLY, AND MIDDLE ARCHAIC

In the Southwest, the transition from glacial to post-glacial vegetation and climate oc­curred between 14,000 and 12,000 years ago and woodland vegetation continued to decreaseuntil some 5,000 years ago (Hall 1985:95). Parry and Smiley (1990:50-51) attribute the"apparently spotty and ephemeral Paleoindian occupation" of the Four Corners area to theundesirability for Pleistocene megafauna of the coniferous forest, interspersed withgrass/sage parklands, that appears to have dominated the Plateau at this time. Conditions inthe early Holocene were cooler and moister than present climates in the same areas, whereasthe maximum warm/dry conditions generally reached between 7,000 and 5,000 years agowere warmer and dryer than present climates (Hall 1985:118). The pinon-juniper forests socommon on the Plateau today between about 2,100 m and 1,600 m appear to be well estab­lished around 8000 B.P. (Betancourt 1990; Parry and Smiley 1990:51). Dry-farming and run­off farming in this pinon-juniper zone on the Colorado Plateau later provide the context thatwill separate "Anasazi" adaptations from the Sonoran desert-dwelling, canal-building"Hohokam" and from the diverse area in between, with complex vertical zonation, abundantwild resources, but generally poor prospects for dry farming, the "Mogollon"; I agree with

-2-

Lekson (1992a; see also Reid 1989:65-66) that these are most usefully regarded as names forbroad adaptations, not for ethnic groups or, in most periods, political entities.

The earliest Archaic in this area is recognizable through projectile points resemblingBajada, Pinto, or San Jose types, and is poorly represented. What is known of the slightlylater portions of the early Archaic in the western section of our area is, still, due to the 1960sexcavations in Desha Complex sites of Sand Dune and Dust Devil Caves of southeasternUtah (Parry and Smiley 1990:53-54). For northwestern New Mexico, Vierra (1990:62) re­views more recent excavations in transitional Paleoindian/early Archaic Jay sites which sug­gest that a "broad-spectrum economy" making great use of lagomorphs, with a significantamount of ground stone in the lithic assemblage, was in place by at least 7500 years ago. W.H. Wills (1988b:88) finds Early Archaic projectile points throughout West-central NewMexico to be "astonishingly similar," perhaps reflecting low populations and low socialboundary maintenance; Middle Archaic forms were more distinctive along what Wills takesto be nonfunctional dimensions (but see Preucel 1990).

Archaic subsistence, in general, is not terribly well understood. Evidence for Archaic useof pinon, for example, is curiously slight (Matson 1991), and it has been suggested that pinonremains are subject to systematic deterioration biases (Toll 1992:51). In her examination ofArchaic plant use in the San Juan Basin, Toll (1988) emphasizes dependence on a few eco­nomic taxa, especially rice grass among the grasses and goosefoot (Chenopodium) amongannual weeds (however, the relatively small sample sizes at such sites may be influencing ourview of niche breadth; see Leonard [1989a] for extended discussion of such problems).Analysis of Desha Complex coprolites (6000-8000 B.P.;Van Ness 1986) underlines the di­etary importance of Sporobolus (dropseed), prickly pear, and Chenopodium. Until the LateArchaic (and even then, away from riverine settings in the Basin and Range of southeasternArizona [HuckeIl1990] and, possibly, along portions of the Rio Grande) high group mobil­ity, small groups, short-term occupations (Toll 1988), and large territories apparently charac­terized Archaic land-use systems (Matson 1991:202). Such considerations help explain thehuge spatial distribution of the "Archaic-Abstract" rock art tradition, mapped by Cole(1990:42) as extending from southern Wyoming to the Little Colorado, and east almost to theRio Grande; inclusion of the similar Chihuahuan Polychrome Abstract Style (Schaafsma1980) in this tradition would extend its boundaries even further south. Such may be the ap­propriate scale for thinking about Archaic and even early horticultural adaptations; Lekson,after all, reminds us that the summer/fall and winter/spring homes of the Warm SpringChiricahua Apache were 650 km apart (Lekson 1992c).

Later we will be reviewing evidence for declining nutritional status with increasing agri­cultural commitment. John Speth (1990), however, draws our attention to current worldwideresearch among hunter-gatherers, noting the presence of chronic resource inadequaciesamong these members of the original affluent society, and stressing the probability thatSouthwestern foragers, too, were heavily exposed to selection during stressful periods or"adaptive bottlenecks." R. G. Matson, who has summarized evidence for Archaic occupa­tions all over the Southwest (1991 :129-202; for other broad reviews see Vivian [1990:79­100] and Wills [1988b:49-89]), concludes that during the Middle Archaic (roughly 6,000­4,000 B.P.), the Colorado Plateau was either largely depopulated, or that earlier land-use sys­tems were heavily disrupted by the Altithermal; evidence for this period on the Plateau tendsto be scanty and variable in nature. For the Mogollon Highlands, however, Wills argues forincreasing population during the Middle Archaic, and in the more general context of theMogollon Highlands, Plateau, Rio Grande, and Trans-Pecos sees heaviest emphasis on use ofvalley and basin areas during the Early and Middle Archaic, with increased usage of uplandenvironments during the Late Archaic (Wills 1988b:67) .

-3-

THE LATE ARCHAIC AND THE INTRODUCTION OF CULTIVATED PLANTS

Atfirst their crops set lightly upon them ....-Kidder 1962 [1924]:326

What may be the oldest maize in MacNeish's Tehuacan valley collections has recentlybeen redated using direct AMS techniques to no earlier than 4700 B.P. (calibrating to about3600 B.C.; Long et aI. 1989). These ages are some 2,000 years younger than previously ac­cepted and put a firm upper bound on the age of maize in the Southwest. If this redating issustained by future work, the spread of maize into the Southwest was relatively more rapid,and the domesticating societies in Mesoamerica, relatively more sedentary and populous thanpreviously believed.

The specific pathways by which maize, beans, and squash were introduced to theSouthwest and the reasons why they were accepted into the forager regime when and wherethey were remain contentious, even though the timing of these events is better understoodnow than a decade ago. An aggressive 14C dating program at Three Fir Shelter and else­where on and near Black Mesa in northeastern Arizona has yielded an earliest determinationon maize of 361O±170 B.P. (Smiley 1993) calibrating to 2232 B.C., suggesting that only1,000 to 1,400 years was needed for maize to spread from the highlands of Mexico almost tothe San Juan River. Early 1980s reexcavation of Bat Cave in the Mogollon Highlands ofEast-central New Mexico yielded direct ages on maize no earlier than 3120±70 B.P. (Wills1988b:108-109) calibrating to 1491-1320 B.C. (Wills 1992:154); Wills considers one 600­year earlier date possibly contaminated, but it is not be out-of-Iine with the earliest Three Firmaize age. Along with a calibrated date of 1733-1112 B.C. on maize from TornilloRockshelter in the Organ Mountains near Las Cruces (Upham et al. 1987), the determinationsfrom Three Fir Shelter and Bat Cave are the earliest reliable ages for maize (Matson1991:245-265; Smiley 1993; Wills 1988a:454, 1992:154; Wills and Huckell 1991). Centraltendencies for earliest direct dates on squash (Cucurbita pepo) are slightly later, but havestandard deviations (and calibrated ages) that overlap with those of the early maize from BatCave (discounting the possible outlier) and Tornillo. Beans (Phaseolus vulgaris), on the otherhand, have earliest dates in the mid-first-millenium B.C., and probably arrive later than eithermaize or squash. The Three Fir dates, as well as later but still early determinations on maizeof 770 B.C. from a small open site east of Chaco Canyon, and another on squash at 950 B.C.(calibrated to 1430-830 B.C.) from nearby Sheep Camp Shelter, document some centralPlateau horticulture at least as early as the earliest dates from the northern Mogollon(Simmons et al. 1989:59-60). Until 200 B.C. or so, most evidence for early cultigens in ourarea comes from rockshelters.

First use of cultigens had no profound effect on settlement or subsistence strategies for atleast several hundred years following their introduction (Wills 1992); according to Wills andHuckell (1991), agricultural production served primarily to enhance foraging efficiency. Ifso, it is undoubtedly due in part to the difficulties of coupling a highly mobile lifestyle witheffective cultivation; Welch (1991) has demonstrated the dramatic yield reductions that resultfrom predator damage in untended Apache fields near Grasshopper. As Matson (1991:241­243) suggests, maize cultivation may have fit more readily into the existing seasonal round(possibly featuring a summer base camp) in riverine portions of the Basin and Range than itwould have on either the Plateau, or in the Mogollon Highlands. Wills reconstructs the roleof Bat Cave as a storage and processing site to which mobile Late Archaic populations wouldrepair in the early spring to utilize maize stored in a previous autumn, and links this behaviorto a "desire or need to be in this area prior to the availability of wild foods...probably...to as­sess the distribution and abundance of key resources that would not be available until fall"(Wills 1992:158).

-4-

Perhaps influenced by work at Guihi Naquitz (Flannery 1986), Wills appears reluctant toconsider this earlier-than-expected use of the uplands in the spring as a subsistence intensifi­cation, or to link the general adoption of agriculture with any possible regional imbalancebetween population and wild resources. It seems, however, too early to rule out "populationpressure" as playing some role in this transition (Nelson, Kohler, and Kintigh 1992). StevenJames (1990), for example, interprets the rapidly increasing diversity of archaeofauna inVentana Cave deposits that just pre-date agriculture, vs. the pattern of slow increase in di­versity after that time, as indicating just such regional imbalances, and laments the absence ofpublished data on bone breakage for marrow extraction in sites of this age, as a possibly moresensitive index of subsistence stress. Matson (1991:183) concludes that there is widespreadevidence for increased importance of Sporobolus (dropseed) in pre-maize Late Archaic diets,possibly to be interpreted as a sign of economic intensification. Finally, Wills (l988b:60)presents histograms of uncalibrated 14C determinations from preceramic southwestern sites(excluding the Basin and Range) that show a slow but apparent increase in numbers of datesbeginning about 4500 B.P., which increase more rapidly after about 2900 B.P. Earliest in­creases occur in the south, and at low elevations; frequencies increase later in the north, andat higher elevations. Of course, these trends in frequencies of 14C deteiminations may be in­fluenced by many factors, including sampling variance, nonrepresentative research agendas,differential site preservation, diversifying Archaic land-use patterns, a late development ofcomplex vegetation zonation in the highlands that would be attractive to foragers (Wills1988b:64), or increasing numbers of people trending from south to north, and from lowlandsinto uplands, through time.

R. G. Matson (1991) has proposed a three-stage model for integration of maize intoSouthwestern economies that posits slow selection from a primitive Chapalote-like ancestortowards forms with increased tolerance for drought, deep planting, and short growing sea­sons. In the first stage, by 100D-800 B.C., floodwater farming (it might be better to think ofthis as water-table farming [Huckelll992]) was practiced in a more-than-desultory fashionby somewhat sedentary populations in riverine Basin and Range settings; by around 500B.C., coincident with the inception of the earliest, "White Dog" Phase of Baskettnaker II,similar cultivation practices became important on lowland portions of the Colorado Plateau;Gumerman and Dean (1989: III) likewise argue for a "substantial committnent to maize" onBlack Mesa by about 600 B.C. Finally, by A.D. 200 or shortly thereafter, dry farming onhigher elevations in the Plateau became significant (however, for the western Anasazi areaGumerman and Dean [1989: 114] emphasize the continuing importance through BasketmakerIII times of farming in lowland alluvial floodplains).

Bruce Huckell (1992) criticizes Matson's model for its explanatory emphasis on maizecultivation practices (which are difficult for archaeologists to reconstruct, although site[Matson et al. 1988] and storage cist locations provide some assistance); its emphasis onmodern Chapalote to reconstruct the requirements of primitive southwestern maize; and thenear-contemporaneity of earliest dates for maize across the Southwest that we have alreadydiscussed. Wills (1992) also emphasizes the apparent rapid spread of cultigens after their ini­tial appearance, and the lack of diversity in cultigen morphology in early southwestern col­lections (presumably due either to lack of human selection, or to high mobility preventingisolation of incipient varieties). For his part, Matson, who appears less interested in explain­ing the earliest appearance of maize in any area than in modeling when and where it becomessignificant in the economy, would minimize the subsistence contribution of maize in earlyhighland settings such as at Bat Cave, and in pre-500 B.C. settings on the Plateau.

-5-

THE GREAT DRY-FARMING MILLENIUM: CA. A.D. 30G-CA. A.D. 1300

Accepting in principle Matson's developmental outline (see also Kohler 1992), dry­farming and simple run-offfarming become the major (though usually not the sole) strategiesfor maize production early in the fIrst millenium A.D. Some canal irrigation was practiced inthe Mimbres area by perhaps A.D. 1000, and various water-control strategies develop inChaco Canyon at roughly the same time. Intensive and varied water-harvesting techniquessuch as those practiced in the northern Rio Grande region (Anscheutz 1992), however, do notcome to dominate production strategies until late in prehistory.

During the dry-farming millenium farmers are triply sensitive to environmental factors.Seeking adequate precipitation, they occupy higher elevations susceptible to shortenedgrowing seasons. All suitable elevations, however, are subject to relatively unpredictablecombinations of 10w- and high-frequency climatic fluctuations that not infrequently lead toinadequate precipitation. Finally, mesa-top plots are most productive early in their life cycles,and since their expanse is vast, they are used unsustainably. The relatively large emphasisthat many Anasazi students place on environmental factors in understanding demographicchange, and the emphasis in many quarters on prehistoric "risk management" in explainingchanges in social, political, and settlement structure, seem therefore better suited to thesetimes than to earlier and later periods. Even during this period, some careful analyses indicateimportant departures from trends based on environmental expectations, at least when thoseexpectations are based on narrow considerations of high-frequency climate change (e.g., Plogand Hantman 1990).

Increasingly Sedentary Occupations and the Development of Potten'

Anasazi and Mogollon ceramics diversify after about A.D. 500 or 550 from an initiallyunified base recently defIned as the "Early Brown Ware Tradition" (Wilson, Blinman et al.1992). In portions of both areas (from at least Pine Lawn Valley in the south to the NavajoReservoir in the north, and west at least to Petrified Forest National Park [Burton 1991) andthe Prayer Rock District of northeastern Arizona), ceramics locally known by names such asAlma Plain, Los Pinos Brown, and Adamana Brown share great similarities in "resource se­lection [for self-tempered pedogenic and alluvial clays), vessel form [necked jars, seed jars,and bowls], and forming and fIring technology" (Wilson, B1inman et al. 1992). Among theearliest Plateau populations using these brown wares are those with, perhaps, the greatestcommitment to horticulture; for the period following 100 B.C. in the eastern portions of ourarea Vivian (1990:92-94) reconstructs substantial differences between the relatively highagricultural commitment of "Los Pinos variant" Basketmaker II populations (in the NavajoReservoir area) and the more mixed, mobile patterns of "Late En Medio Variant"Basketmakers throughout the central and southern San Juan Basin.

Only after about A.D. 550 did Anasazi potters begin to use local geologic clays, thusfounding the famous Gray Ware tradition (Wilson, Blinman et al. 1992). These clays weresuperior to the local alluvial or pedogenic clays, but temper would have had to be added.Even after that time, as Wilson and Blinman have recently demonstrated (Wilson 1992), fIr­ing practices remained similar in both areas (achieving a neutral to slightly oxidizing atmo­sphere) and, therefore, the classic distinction between the Anasazi and Mogollon gray andbrown ware traditions--erected on the basis of differing fIring atmosphere-now appears tobe due only to selecting the best available local clay resources. Also underlining early histor­ical connections between the Anasazi and Mogollon areas (which, like "tribe," may soonhave to be placed within quotation marks) is Matson's (1991: 13-124) rethinking of theBasketmaker II period, in which similarities with the Mogollon range from the obvious rampentryways coming into pithouses from the south or southeast, to more subtle similarities inthe chipped and ground stone assemblages (Matson 1991:55).

-6-

The interconnected factors which by the mid-frrst-millenium A.D. lead to increased re­gional differentiation probably include range restriction with increasing population, increasedcommitment to horticulture, increased use of storage, and increasingly sedentary occupation(Gumerman 1993). (Most archaeologists who are unwilling to attribute any causal role todemographic factors in the local adoption of agriculture do recognize population increase as aresult of, or as a coevolution with, its successful prosecution; see for example Leonard[1989b]). Jonathan Haas et al. (1991) also mention closing off of social networks, increasedinteraction within regions, decreased interaction between regions, and historical, contingentfactors-such as the relative proximity of the Hohokam to the northern borders ofMesoamerica-as important to this process. Stephen Plog attributes the increasingly smallgeographic extent of style zones (in the last part of this millenium) to a change fromisochrestic to symbolic variation; that is, towards messages that convey a particular socialidentity (plog 1990:187).

There are probably regional differences in degree of sedentism and reliance on maize.Wills (1991) contrasts Shabik'eschee Village (overlooking Chaco Canyon, and part ofVivian's En Medio variant) and the SU Site, some 200 km to the southwest in the MogollonMountains; both date to the mid-first-millenium A.D. and are classic examples of earlySouthwestern villages in their areas. As characterized by Wills, Shabik'eschee has small pit­houses (probably not occupied by "families or households"), relatively low wild resourceproductivity, putative low agricultural productivity for dry farming, small internal storage ca­pacity (but some antechambers, and some possible storage behind wingwalls), obvious over­sized pitstructures, lots of obvious external storage cists, and few in-pithouse burials. Willssuggests that these features diagnose a communal economic system prevalent among hunter­gatherers "wherein households do not occupy individual pithouses or exclusively controlstorage" (Wills 1991:173; see also Plog 1990:185). The SU Site has opposite characteristicson these dimensions, and is suggested to be closer in economic organization to Flannery's(1972) rectangular-house settlement type, wherein the basic economic unit is the family con­trolling its own storage. Wills hypothesizes that the shift from one to the other is associatedwith efforts to maintain resource control through a hereditary claim symbolized by the in­creased level of capital investment, and mortuary practices.

Linked to this model is the claim that the SU villagers were more reliant on agriculture,with Shabik'eschee forming primarily around periodic large pinon masts (Wills and Windes1989). (Alan Sullivan [1992] also argues that the importance of pinon in "agricultural" dietshas been consistently underestimated, at least in the Grand Canyon area, and perhaps in theAnasazi world in general.) This is in contrast to Matson's (1991) vision-based on analysisof settlement patterns, coprolites, flotation samples, and, most contentiously, stable carbonisotope determinations on human and animal bone from the Cedar Mesa area (Matson andChisholm 1991)-of quite agriculturally involved adaptations on the Plateau by pre­Shabik'eschee, Basketmaker II times. The estimated percentage of C4 plants in the diet forBasketmaker II populations on Cedar Mesa is nearly as high as for local Pueblo II/lII popu­lations, and much higher than for a control Archaic (Desha Complex) individual; in fact,these Cedar Mesa Basketmaker II populations have some of the highest estimated C4 contri­butions ever found in the Southwest.

Unlike Matson, Wills interprets these high estimates from Cedar Mesa as reflecting inten­sive use of "relatively low return resources, such as grasses and desert succulents [many ofthese are C4 or CAM, which can give values similar to C4 pathways in dry environments] aswell as rabbits and small mammals that feed extensively on C4 plants" (Wills 1992:159).This argument, however, does not explain the high Basketmaker II values relative to theDesha individual, who would probably have had a diet rich in Sporobolus (C4), followed byprickly pear (CAM), Chenopodium (C4), and Helianthus (C3) (Van Ness 1986). Further­more, Hard (1990:143) has noted that average mano length (a proxy for agricultural

-7-

intensification) is greater in Chaco at this time than in the Pine Lawn area. Moreover, Deckerand Tieszen (1989) calculate similarly high percentages of dietary C4 for a long series fromMesa Verde that begins in Basketmaker ill times; unfortunately, their sample depth for theearliest period is only one individual. Coprolite analysis corroborates this high and relativelyconstant maize intake from Basketmaker III times on for the larger Four Comers area(Minnis 1989b), and Vivian (1990:112) (who to be fair does not ascribe great agriculturalcommitment to any En Medio population) reconstructs San Juan Basin climates from A.D.400 to 700 as being "good for horticulture." Finally, review of packrat midden macrofossils,pollen, alluvial pollen, and hearth contents has suggested to Hall (1988) that pinon was neverabundant in Chaco Canyon. Following Lekson (1992b), I suspect, that "the uniform paucityof hunter-gatherer resources led to early and wide-spread adoption of corn agriculture on thePlateau: corn is both bountiful and reliable."

In sum it seems likely that Plateau Basketmaker populations (including those atShabik'eschee) were more reliant on maize than were contemporaneous Mogollon high­landers (see also the discussion of the Late Pithouse period under the Mimbres section, be­low); explanation of the possible differences in household organization between the two,therefore, remains unsolved. The problem, I think, is that the equation between foraging so­cieties and communal storage/production, vs. agriculturists and household stor­age/production, is too coarse. Even in foraging societies where food sharing is important,there tends to be variability in sharing according to resource type. Gathered resources (oftenthe products of women's work) are typically things coming in small "packages," and haverelatively low variance; these tend not to be shared as widely as meat and fish, especiallywhere these come in large packages (see, for example, the Ache [Kaplan and Hill 1985] andthe Machiguenga [Baksh and Johnson 1990]; Hames [1990] documents the extremely lowsharing rate for garden produce among the Yanomamo). If horticulture creeps intoSouthwestern economies as an extension of women's gathering, its products may not bewidely shared among households, particularly if production variance was low. Perhaps thefirst "communal" storage of maize in the Southwest-if in fact such storage ever occurs-isin late Chacoan contexts (see below) when surplus production may have been extracted fromhouseholds.

The First True Villages, and Some Hints of Regional Systems

Although sites such as SU (with 30-35 pitstructures) and Shabik'eschee (with perhapstwice that many) are frequently called sedentary villages, it is not apparent that all (or evenmost) of the structures were occupied contemporaneously, or that the occupation was year­round. Patricia Gilman (1987) has argued that pithouses in general represent winter-only oc­cupations, and I have found some possible support for Gilman's position in the Dolores area,where ceramic deposition rates for households living in pithouses are lower than for thoseliving in later pueblos in the same area (Nelson, Kohler, and Kintigh 1992). Of course, thiseffect could be due to any number of causes, including shorter use-life for pithouses than forpueblos, unsuspected variability in household size, changes in cooking patterns, breakagerates or household ceramic inventories, Of-as proposed-more seasonal usage of pithousesthan surface structures.

The first settlements in the Southwest which clearly correspond to Flannery's rectangu­lar-house type appear in the northern Southwest about A.D. 760. By this time, pitstructureswere still used, but increasingly appear to be shared by two or three households living pri­marily in surface structures (perhaps representing extended families; Lightfoot [1992], how­ever, suggests that pitstructures remain the focal point for individual households). Accordingto the standard interpretation, storage by this time is clearly associated with the household.The literature that has grown up about these Pueblo I villages--due in great part to the

-8-

Dolores Archaeological Project (Breternitz et al. 1986}---is too vast to be summarized in de­tail, but a few provocative details may be noted:

• villages in the Dolores area (at least) form in times of above-average precipitation andusually, but not always (Wilshusen and Blinman 1992) collapse in periods of low pre­cipitation, sometimes accompanied by signs of personal violence (Orcutt et al. 1990;Schlanger and Wilshusen 1990). Increases in local population density accompany ag­gregation, although regional population may still be relatively low (Wilshusen 1991). Inthe western Anasazi area, Pueblo I villages are relatively later, smaller, and more oftenfound in floodplain settings (Gumerman and Dean 1989:116);

• the apparent crowding of PI populations into better-watered portions of the Southwestis probably related to responses of dry-farmers to patterns of low-frequency dessication,which bottomed out around A.D. 900 (Petersen 1988) or slightly earlier (Plog et al.1988:235). Sarah Schlanger (1988) and Schlanger and Wilshusen (1990) have alsolinked movements of dry farmers within this area to patterns of high-frequency climaticfluctuations;

• wild resource depletion, especially of wood for fuel and construction (Kohler andMatthews 1988) and pinon seeds (Floyd and Kohler 1990) accompanies and on finertime scales may precede village formation (for related discussion see Kohler [1992b];Speth and Scott [1989]);

• aggregation entrained greatly increased distance to fields and the pattern of villagegrowth suggests that reducing overlap among agricultural catchments of villages was ahigh priority (Kohler, Orcutt et al. 1986; Orcutt, Blinman et al. 1990). I have interpretedthe pattern and timing of fieldhouse construction around Dolores villages as indicatingthat agricultural lands were a scarce commodity against which visible claims weremade at an atomistic level (by individuals or households) although fields may have re­mained communal (village-level) property in theory (Kohler 1992a);

• early villages were short-lived and may be little different in terms of sociopolitical or­ganization from the preceding dispersed pattern (Wilshusen 1991), although there aresome slight hints for a simultaneous, two-tiered decision-making hierarchy in thelargest Dolores village (McPhee) during the A.D. 860-880 period (Kane 1989;Wilshusen 1991). One kind of evidence for this inference lies in scales of ritual integra­tion, which seems to have been centered around Great Kivas in times of dispersion. Onaggregation, however, Great Kivas may be replaced by (1) very large pitstructures(within large, semi-circular roomblocks) with rare, ritual floor features that perhapsserve to "integrate" roomblocks within a community (Wilshusen's [1989] ceremonialrankings 1 and 2); and (2) smaller but still oversized pitstructures with less elaboratefloor features, which appear to integrate groups of households within a roomblock(Wilshusen's [1989] ceremonial rankings 3 and 4). Eric Blinman (1989) has shown thatnonlocal redware bowl sherds are differentially associated with the first group, and hasargued that this represents a form of feasting in which residents of roomblocks withoutsuch structures would bring food (in redware bowls) for "potluck" consumption (butsee Lekson 1989a);

• villages generally occur in clusters (Wilshusen and Blinman 1992). On the basis of theDolores experience, villages within a cluster may be largely contemporaneous, but atleast some of the clusters were not simultaneously occupied; all those in the MesaVerde region appear to date to either A.D. 760-800 or 830-880. The relative strength ofresource availability and social considerations in determining locations and spacing ofthe clusters is unknown;

-9-

• evidence for a regional system linking the clusters comes mostly from the distributionof red wares, made in southeastern Utah but occurring in the Dolores area at maximumlevels of about 8.5% of sherds in refuse collections from the early ninth century(Blinman 1989:117). However, if Blinman is correct about the processes by whichthese red wares moved through all the households in a village to become slightly con­centrated in the largest roomblocks with the most elaborate ceremonial facilities, itwould be misleading to think of this as an alliance in the sense of Upham and Reed(l989a:69), who consider "the differential distribution of specialized commodities thatmay not have been available to all members of the community" to be a defining feature.Moreover, the broad distribution of Kana'a-like designs on the white wares of this pe­riod should not be explained solely by exchange of these vessels; in the Mesa Verdearea, at least, whitewares appear to be locally manufactured (Blinman 1988), eventhough their production was probably not undertaken by all households. Some combi­nation of village- or cluster-level mobility, intermarriage, and relatively low-level ex­change seems adequate to explain the white ware design distributions and the generallysynchronous character of change in this period. In sum, the evidence for this periodseems in accord with the assertions of Gumerman and Dean (1989) that trade networksdo not necessarily imply nonegalitarian organization, and that differential distributionof materials does not necessarily imply restricted access.

Regional Systems: Chaco. Mimbres, and Casas Grandes

There is an expanding archaeological entity in the Southwest that may soon rival the world'slargest organism, the huge fungus recently discovered in several counties ofa mid-western

state- Lekson (1992c)

Some Background

The concepts ofregional system and alliance (Plog 1983; Upham and Reed 1989a) havebeen invoked with increasing frequency over the last decade to characterize various supralo­cality similarities present at least intermittently for at least the last 700 years of Southwesternprehistory. For later prehistory, when they are most obvious, Upham and Reed (1989a:59)define alliances as "coherent organizational units with formal interactive ties to other compa­rable units" and claim that "the articulation of large populations at regional scales gives riseto ... increased organizational complexity" (emphasis original). Therefore, "restricted accessto labor-intensive commodities, the intensification of agriculture, moves toward craft special­ization, and other such processes may be considered epiphenomenal to the process of re­gional system formation" (Upham and Reed 1989a:59).

In discussing such larger networks of interaction, the lowest interesting level of analysisis the settlement cluster (Upham and Reed 1989a:61-64; see also the discussion of Pueblo Ivillages above). For the central and northern Southwest during the late prehistoric period,Upham and Reed (see also Jewett [1989]) define some 20 clusters, averaging 50-70 km apartand encompassing areas of some 2,500 sq km.

These local clusters, at least in some times and places, may have interacted with eachother to define "provinces," "alliances," or regional systems. Upham and Reed (1989a) em­phasize the importance (both for the operation of regional systems, and for their identificationin the archaeological record) of restricted zones of production coupled with widespread ex­change. Wilcox (199Ia) focuses on the development of no-man's lands between regionalsystems -apparently due to inter-regional competition-as key identifying features (see alsoUpham 1992). The nature of the political and economic organization within regions is ofcourse controversial and may, in fact, have been very fluid. It would not surprise me if, atvarious times and places, intraregional ties ranged from loose links of identification to

-10-

stronger links of coordination and perhaps centralization (using all three terms in the sense ofAdams 1975). Wilcox (l99Ia:13I), for example, has proposed that the late prehistoric north­ern Tewa and Piro systems were governed by councils, which if present were presumablymore coordinative than centralized in nature.Chaco

The Chaco regional system began to crystallize in the early tenth millenium, just after thedemise of the Pueblo I villages further north. Due in great part to survey and excavation inthe 1970s and early 1980s by the National Park Service's Chaco Center, recent publicationson the phenomenon fill a small bookshelf (Crown and Judge 1991a; Judge 1989; Mathien1991; Mathien and Windes 1987; Sebastian 1992; Vivian 1990; Windes 1987b; Judge 1991presents a concise summary of Chaco research as of 1987). Underlying most recent work isthe tendency to enlarge the size of the system centered on Chaco. Steve Lekson (1991 :46)uses "community pattern-[presence of] great house, great kiva, unit houses, and (often) roadsegments" to define a Chaco region (of some 112,500 sq km, excluding a problematic site onthe Rio Grande) stretching deeply into eastern Arizona, and slightly into southeastern Utahand southwestern Colorado. (See Toll [1991] for a less expansive view.) Recent models forthe rise and decline of the Chacoan system are thereby cast in large terms (Neitzel 1989).Key issues include how and why the system emerged; the nature of the economic and politi­cal linkages between communities in the region and between the "great" and "small"houses-in other words, how the system functioned; and why it collapsed.

Gwinn Vivian (1990) presents a coherent but complicated view that takes as a basic strat­egy the identification of various subregional groups within the San Juan Basin, derived origi­nally from the adaptational/geographic split between "Los Pinos" and "Late En Medio" pop­ulations introduced above. A key element in his explanatory strategy is the belief that a dualdivision (as preserved by the Tewa moieties) arose among the more complex (northern)groups in the Basin very early, perhaps initially developing among Los Pinos populations aswithin-community specializations in hunting versus horticulture. Dualistic organizationscontinued to define sociopolitical relations in later phases within this "San Juan Tradition"­La Plata (A.D. 400--700); Piedra (700--850); Early Bonito and Ackmen (850--1000); ClassicBonito and Mancos (l000--1080); and Late Bonito and McElmo (1080--1170). On the otherhand, the Late En Medio variant founds a "Cibola Tradition" with simpler, lineage-based or­ganizational tendencies. In the San Juan tradition, dual divisions are architecturally visible,Vivian contends, from at least A.D. 850 in Chacoan-San Juan residential structures whichwere "consistently characterized by a two-cycled duplication of social residential units froman original core" (Vivian 1990:491-492). Within great houses (founded as residences of SanJuan Tradition-Piedra enclaves within local dispersed Cibola Tradition-White Mound­Kiatuthlana populations) in Chaco Canyon, political complexity never moved beyond the"rotating sequential hierarchy" provided by the moiety system; the nine great houses withinthe canyon were not politically united; and their marked "vertical nucleation" can be inter­preted, at least in origin, as serving to make a highly visible claim on prime agriculturallands. (By his choice of Tewa ethnographic models, Vivian wishes to emphasize the rela­tively egalitarian nature of Chacoan society. Ironically, Upham [1989] has recently inter­preted these same Tewa social forms as containing marked asymmetries of opportunity, es­pecially in degree of access to esoteric knowledge. Still, many observers consider the Tewapractice wherein subgroups jealousy guard their own esoteric information as a way of requir­ing community-wide ritual participation and impeding centralization [W. D. Lipe, personalcommunication 1993].)

Some degree of greater political control, however, may later arise between the greathouses in the Core (a rectangle of some 1,040 sq km centered on Chaco Canyon) and theirdaughter settlements. Indeed, for Vivian (1990), what used to be called "outliers" are best re­garded as daughter settlements that fissioned from great houses in the core to form San Juan

-11-

enclaves within various local populations. This interpretation is generally in line with that ofWarburton and Graves (1992) for Navajo Springs (ca. A.D. 975-1125) which they considerto be a "frontier outpost" founded within a Wingate community on the Rio Puerco of theWest because of the intrusion of the architectural form and a Chacoan road into an area withan established population. The various local populations outside as well as within the Core­the occupants of the small-houses-were not incorporated within the "span of control" of thegreat house organizational systems.

The interactions between these two organizational systems, between the mother anddaughter communities, and the climatic events of the period between A.D. 900 and 1200form the defining dynamics of the Chaco system as Vivian depicts it. Favorable climaticconditions in the 900s permitted Early Bonito populations to found great houses such asPueblo Alto and Kin Bineola outside the canyon but within the core, in areas already occu­pied by Cibola-Red Mesa populations. Expansion into the Basin continued with a secondgeneration of San Juan Tradition (now Classic Bonito variant) enclaving, from the core out­wards, under the relatively favorable climatic regimes of the 11th century (Vivian 1990:479),many linked by roads to the core (see Mathien [1991] for a summary of Chaco road re­search.) These enclaves may have facilitated local access to highly desirable commoditiessuch as turquoise, but for Vivian (as for Toll 1991:83) such exchanges probably exerted littleleverage in defining the system. (Toll [1991] makes the important point that the system didmove large quantities of utilitarian goods, including stone, ceramic vessels, and wood.)Large-scale water systems were developed in the core during this period, from earlier, sim­pler roots. However, these developments were not sufficient to shield populations from 50years of dry conditions beginning about A.D. 1130, and an exodus from the Core that hadperhaps begun in the late 1000s was completed by around A.D. 1150.

The other recent book-length treatment of Chaco is in many ways complementary to thatof Vivian, without accepting his dual-culture model. Lynne Sebastian (1992; see alsoSebastian 1991) provides much less cultural-historical detail than Vivian, but works harder toidentify the general problems (segmentation, legitimation, competition, and succession) thatleaders must solve in institutionalizing their control, and to suggest how, specifically, theseproblems were addressed at Chaco. Following Antonio Gilman (1981), Sebastian argues thatsocieties frequently maintain themselves as egalitarian by using segmentation (or fissioning)as a control on the aspirations of potential leaders. For Chaco, however, the investment inwater-control technology (if indeed this is an early tenth-century development, as would berequired for Sebastian's model) would make leaving a costly option, especially in view ofthefact that with its side canyons, in an otherwise barren landscape, Chaco represents an oasis ofhigh potential productivity under water-control technology that could not easily be recreatedelsewhere in the Basin (see also Crown and Judge 1991b:294).

Interestingly for her argument, major early tenth century construction of great houses inthe canyon (at Penasco Blanco, Pueblo Bonito, and Una Vida) takes place near the mouths ofmajor side canyons where water control would be productive, as if to stake a claim on thoseresources (see also Judge 1989:218, 223). (Small houses, in this model, serve populations in­volved in a land-extensive agriculture; the probable existence of a two-story great house atPueblo Bonito by the mid-ninth century [Wilcox 1991b] is not addressed.) Moreover, earlytenth-century great house construction coincides, albeit imperfectly, with times when dryfarming was somewhat unproductive, according to Sebastian's simulation of corn productionbased on retrodicted annual precipitation patterns. In the relatively small-scale political pro­cesses from A.D. 900 and 1020, leaders legitimized themselves through generosity to theirfollowers and through the appearance (assuming high productivity) of special access to thedivine. From the episodic nature of early construction at these great houses, Sebastian arguesthat the problem of succession had not been solved during this period.

-12-

A different pattern obtains during the period from 1020-1100. With the exception of itsfinal decade, this period was generally favorable for dry farming (and, presumably, forfarming under the water-control technologies as well; not all Chaco scholars, however, are asenthusiastic as Sebastian about the productivity of these water-control systems [Judge1989:227-228]). This period in general, but especially its last half, "was a time of multiple,continuous, overlapping construction events" (Sebastian 1992:120, relying on Lekson[1984]). The power base for leaders during this period was, ultimately, the surplus generatedby continued overproduction under these favorable conditions. Sebastian argues that by, orduring, this period, by virtue of their long domination and success, leaders had come to beviewed as having a hereditary link to the supernatural, and could now legitimately serve asmediators to these powers (using the increasingly formalized great kivas which appear in thisperiod as a theater?) in return for the right to some portion of the continued household-levelsurplus. Competition among leaders (and great houses) during this period contributed greatlyto the overbuilt look of Chaco, and extended into the Basin as leaders in canyon great housesfunded construction of roads, great kivas, and great houses among outlying client popula­tions, using work groups of clients paying their labor obligations. (Jill Neitzel [1989:532­535] interprets the settlement pattern data for this period as showing a four-tiered, highly cen­tralized settlement hierarchy, with Pueblo Bonito and the surrounding great houses in thecanyon functioning as a unified, primate, urban core.) With the institutionalization of leader­ship the succession problem would have been solved, as is implied by the nearly continuousconstruction at canyon great houses, especially during the latter half of this period.

Sebastian identifies a third pattern for the final, A.D. 1100-1130 period of Chacoan de­velopment, for which she reconstructs the highest and most continuous social surpluses ofproduction. Among the obvious changes in this period are shifts to carbon-painted ceramicswith new design motifs; construction of lines of rooms that enclose plazas at great houses;appearance of bi- and tri-wall structures; and construction of many small "McElmo phase"structures which Lekson (1984:269) considered to be separate, specialized storage facilities.The periodic deposition of large quantities of trash in the mounds fronting some of the greathouses-which suggested to Judge (1989:241-242) the operation of something like a pil­grimage fair attended by populations throughout the Basin-now ceased. Although Lekson(1984)'considers this period to represent the acme of Chacoan complexity, Sebastian slightlyfavors the view that great house leaders "lost face" during the downturn in production in the1090s. Thereafter, the center of new competition for followers switched to outliers on theedges of the Basin, such as the Aztec complex, which now appears to have been the focus ofa much larger-than-suspected community in Late Bonito times (Stein and McKenna 1988;see also Judge 1989:247-248).

Whatever the case for this mysterious period of the early 1100s, the dramatic downturn inproductive potential between A.D. 1130-1180 resulted in demographic and system collapsewithin the canyon that cascaded down the client chain to the outliers as well (Sebastian1992). The 1150s can also be thought of as marking the end of the Pueblo II period in thewestern Anasazi area, which between 1000 and 1150 had extended dramatically into thecountry north of the San Juan, the Grand Canyon, and beyond into southern Nevada; theCohonina, Virgin Anasazi, and Fremont largely collapse around A.D. 1150 (Gumerman andDean 1989:118, 121). Larson and Michaelson (1990) view the depopulation of the VirginBranch area at this time as due to low runoff, fluvial degradation, and drought; Rafferty(1989b:579) acknowledges a possible contributory role for such processes, but gives causalprimacy to the collapse of the Chacoan trade system, which he believes to have been suppliedwith turquoise and shell by the Lost City system (but see Wilcox 1991b:6). Chaco itself wasnot, apparently, occupied in an important way after the mid-lIDOs, although Wilcox (1991b)believes that we have consistently overestimated the extent of depopulation and system col­lapse in 12th-century Chaco, and argues for the existence of some form of polity centered onChaco throughout the 1100s.

-13-

In this same paper, Wilcox sketches a model for the political evolution of the Chacoanpolity that differs dramatically from the views of Vivian, Sebastian, and most other Chacoanscholars. If the resident population in Chaco was beyond the local carrying capacity (andgiven the uncertainties surrounding population and productivity estimation at Chaco, this ispossible but far from proven [Vivian 1991]), and if earlier models for Basin-wide redistribu­tion in support of the core population are discredited, then one way to explain this populationanomaly is through coerced tribute. For Wilcox, the famous sub-floor burials in Old Bonitobecome war leaders; the highly disarticulated human remains above them, and in neighboringareas of the oldest portion of the site-always or nearly always associated with the otherwiserare cylindrical jar-the remains of periodic sacrifices of war captives or tributary victims;and the state that originates from a (somewhat putative) 10th-century network of great housescentered on Chaco, and stretching from Skunk Springs to the northwest to San Mateo on thesoutheast, a device for capturing a portion of the production of neighboring populations. Thegreat house/small house dichotomy indicates the emergence of a two-class system by theearly 900s. Roads are interpreted as mechanisms for moving small armies to rebellious areasof the domain quickly (or, more economically, for symbolizing the possibility of interven­tion), and for channeling tribute (carried by the outlying populations) into Chaco. The line­of-sight communication system, which for Judge (Crown and Judge I99Ib:295) served tosignal "simultaneous commencement of ceremonies" from the "central archive of esotericknowledge" that was Chaco Canyon, for Wilcox would carry military intelligence; the"aureoles" (Fowler, Stein et al. 1987) that surround several sites in the fertile Rio Puerco ofthe West area were stockades. By the mid-II th century, Chaco's "threat radius" extendedsome four days travel (~ 88 miles) to the south and west, and by the 1080s or 1090s, had in­corporated the middle San Juan-Animas-La Plata area through conquest. Chimney RockPueblo, and other great houses, served in part as barracks.

Presented in these bare outlines, and juxtaposed with Vivian's and Sebastian's moretraditional treatments, Wilcox's thesis may appear unlikely at best. However, when read inthe context of Wilcox and Haas' (1993) compelling summary of the widespread evidence forcompetition and conflict in the Southwest, it is apparent that this model deserves careful em­pirical evaluation. Fortunately, it is open to testing at several points, for example by deter­mining with greater precision the timing of outlier construction (on which Wilcox and Viviandiffer dramatically) and road building (Windes [1991], for example, presents ceramic seri­ations suggesting that formal roads do not appear in the central canyon until the mid-II thcentury [see also Judge 1989:225,243], although a few roads outside the canyon may be con­structed in the 10th century); the character of the "aureoles"; the plausibility of great housesfunctioning in part as barracks; and so forth. Different as they seem, the three Chaco modelspresented here do share several points, including the view that the regional system emergedout of developments within the canyon, rather than vice versa, and the identification of reli­gion as an important legitimizing force in the emergence of leaders (although, for Wilcox atleast, religion was but a thin veil for coercion).Mimbres and Casas Grandes

The Mimbres regional system, marked by finely made black-on-white ceramics with dis­tinctive naturalistic and geometric designs, and a fairly unified architectural style of contigu­ous cobble-walled surface structures, became visible along the southern border of theMogollon Highlands around A.D. 1000 and covered an area of some 56,000 sq km (Haas etal. 1991). According to Dean et al. (1993), population in the Mimbres area increased fairlyslowly until about AD. 800, and then more rapidly, peaking shortly after A.D. 1100, andthen declining radically by shortly after A.D. 1200 (to pre-A.D. 600 levels in the MimbresValley, although population in the nearby Cliff-Gila area probably increased). Depopulationwas complete by A.D. 1450. Lekson (I990a:90) emphasizes the insecurity of Mimbres pale­odemography relative to many portions of the Anasazi area.

-14-

The apparent population peak, of course, corresponds to the Mimbres phase (also knownas the Classic Mimbres period; see Table 1). Changes in two-handed mano area in theMogollon Highlands suggest marked agricultural intensification by around A.D. 1100(Mauldin 1991) but relatively low agricultural intensity before that time, a scenario in agree­ment with Lekson's (1989b) view of the Pithouse Period as "basically hunter-gatherer" inorientation. Robert Hard (1990) also views the Mimbres phase as heavily agricultural, butsees intensification taking place earlier, a position in line with that taken by LeBlanc (1989)and Nelson (1992a). Prehistoric agricultural terraces above the Mimbres and nearby streamscontain only sherds datable to the Mimbres phase (Sandor 1990); their soils, incidentally, re­tain degradative effects (relative to adjoining soils) more than 800 years after their apparentlast use for agriculture. As is true for the Chaco florescence, the rise of the Mimbres systemcoincided with, and perhaps depended upon, the particularly favorable rainfall patterns of the1000s (Minnis 1985).

The Mimbres phase did not spring up without precedents. Some Late Pithouse periodvillages such as Galaz had up to 60 contemporaneously-occupied pithouses (seemingly onthe high end for "hunter-gatherers," and also too large according to Lekson [1993]), andmoderate and large villages typically had Great Kivas and plaza areas (LeBlanc 1989). Incontrast to some earlier interpretations (e.g., Lightfoot and Feinman 1982), LeBlanc (1989)sees no evidence for nonegalitarian structure in these villages. Michael Diehl generally con­curs with this position on the basis of his reanalysis of materials from another large site, theLee Site, although he notes that one household in his analysis presents evidence for"entreprenurial activities" in its accumulation of shell, larger than expected on the basis offloor area (Diehl 1992). The shell beads, pendants and necklaces that are fairly common inthe larger villages appear to have been manufactured in the Hohokam area, and similarities inceramic design and in some stone tool types (including palettes) with the Hohokam are strik­ing, especially towards the end of this period (LeBlanc 1989). After about A.D. 900, how­ever, the Hohokam influence on Mimbres-area development is less obvious, although thelarge Mimbres phase towns were supported primarily by canal systems, as in the Hohokamarea (Lekson 1992a).

LeBlanc (1989:189) points out that the surface structures which were one innovation ofthe Mimbres phase provided "large areas dedicated to food storage" and characterizes the lo­cal pithouse-to-pueblo transition as a fundamentally economic process, in response to "foodprovisioning stress." Lynne Sebastian (1992) similarly argues that surface structures in truevillages appear (at a slightly earlier time, in the Anasazi area) as part of a strategy of attempt­ing to produce more than one year's requirements each year- "overproduction" - usingstorage as the principal hedge against poor years. On a more speculative note, LeBlanc sug­gests that the shift may also have been accompanied by a movement from households basedon nuclear patrilocal families to households based on extended matrilocal families (see alsoHam 1989). In partial contrast with the Anasazi area at this time, architectural layout ofMimbres phase towns-which may have up to 300 rooms-seems relaxed and informal, andLeBlanc (1989) sees little evidence for either social stratification within villages or formacrovillage organization; there is, for example, no obvious site size hierarchy and canalsserved the lands of single villages only.

There were about a dozen large towns in the Mimbres valley during this period. In heranalysis of burials from one of these-the Mattocks site---Gilman (1990) notes the conspicu­ous absence of the sorts of large, showy items (such as shell trumpets, turquoise-encrusted"baskets," and so forth) considered emblematic of elites in Chaco (Akins 1986). Most burialscontain one of the famous Mimbres Black-on-white bowls, inverted over the head. About1.5% of burials are cremations (Creel 1989), and these, while they are more likely to containrare items such as projectile points, jewelry, and multiple vessels, also lack "emblems" of sta-

-15-

tus by Gilman's criteria. Gilman interprets variability in burial treatment as reflecting hori­zontal (achieved) social differences, perhaps based on relative wealth.

As is also the case for the decline of the Chaco system, the collapse of the Mimbres sys­tem in the mid-IIOOs is correlated with both decreasingly favorable climates for agriculture,and the development of the "Casas Grandes Interaction Sphere" centered on Paquime (Deanand Ravesloot 1993; LeBlanc 1989). Paquime is usually considered to have been the mostpolitically complex and centralized organization in the greater prehistoric Southwest, a pre­sumption with which Minnis (1989a) agrees, although he questions Di Pesos' original identi­fication of a market at Paquime. In the 1200s the Casas Grandes system expands to a size (bysome accounts) of 100,000 sq km, slightly less than the largest estimates for the Chacoan re­gional system, and by other accounts (Minnis 1989a), to 53,000 sq km, equal to minimal es­timates for the Chacoan system. Casas Grandes-related sites and materials, which contrastsharply in ceramics and architecture with earlier materials where they appear in the U.S.Southwest, are referred to the Black Mountain phase in the Mimbres area; the EI Paso phaseto the east, in the Jornada Mogollon; and the Animas phase in Hidalgo County (LeBlanc1989:194). Margaret Nelson (1992b) suggests that with the abandonment of the largeMimbres valley villages between about A.D. 1130 and 1150, some former villagers, movingin small groups, may have settled in the eastern Mimbres region, boosting its population andresidential stability. By LeBlanc's (1989) reading, the Paquime system grew to incorporatethe area that was formerly part of the Mimbres system, displacing Chaco as the primary sup­plier of Southwestern goods to Mesoamerica.

Among these goods, turquoise presumably was preeminent. Harbottle and Weigand(1992) note that in Mesoamerica demand for turquoise (much of it from Southwesternsources, especially the Cerillos sources near Santa Fe) apparently increases after the 12thcentury "when Chaco seems to have lost its monopoly." James Judge emphasizes the rolethat turquoise played in the initialization of the Chaco system, even suggesting that beyondits role as a commodity of ritual importance, by the 11 th century turquoise had "acquired theadditional function of informally regulating exchange of other material items" (Judge1989:236). Harbottle and Weigand (1992) link the rise of Casas Grandes to its service as aturquoise entrepot and its success in opening many new turquoise sources. Paul Minnis(1989a), on the other hand, tends to minimize both interaction between Paquime and even themost northern Mesoamerican polities, and the evidence at Paquime for turquoise trade orspecialized production. Instead, he suggests that peer-polity models which stress interactionwith the Hohokam to the north and west, and with the Salado in between, will be most usefulin understanding the rise of the Paquime polity. As was the case for Chaco, most basic ques­tions about how the regional system arose, operated, and declined are in debate for thePaquime system, but the data base for understanding these southern developments is poorer.

After Chaco: Reorganization, and Abandonment of the Four Corners

After a few decades of restabilization, the apparent depopulation of the old center of theeastern Anasazi world around A.D. 1150 brought population and development to the formerperipheries of the Chacoan system. In the western Anasazi area, the northern San Juan-MesaVerde area, and the Cibola area, a relatively even distribution of unit pueblos (sometimes,outside the Kayenta region, accompanying great houses) metamorphosed into a pattern oftowns separated by nearly empty areas (Adler 1992; Fowler, Stein et al. 1987; Gumermanand Dean 1989:121; Kintigh 1990a, 1992; Rohn 1989b:158). Lekson (1992c) attributes thisto the decline of the Pax Chaco that had allowed villages (in pre-Chaco times, the basic unitof Anasazi adaptation and mobility) to safely decompose into their smaller constituents.Other areas that had had little previous occupation (e.g., the northern Rio Grande [Cordell1989b; Crown et al. 1990] and portions of the western Mogollon [Reid 1989]), are first col­onized at this time by populations with serious agricultural intentions.

-16-

Due to space limitations, I shall be cruelly restrictive in my coverage of this period andthe next. Two issues seem to me to be of general interest in this period: the nature of "kivas",and the continuing controversy over the causes for the abandonment of the Four Corners re­gion around A.D. 1275.

It has always been doctrine in the Southwest that, from Pueblo II times, the relativelysmall, usually circular, masonry-lined, underground chambers in Anasazi sites were primarilyceremonial spaces, with domestic activities concentrated in adjacent (usually masonry) sur­face rooms (see Hegmon 1989 and Lipe and Hegmon 1989 for background). RichardWilshusen (1989:103) proposes that kivas appear in late Pueblo I times, when he can differ­entiate two classes of pitstructures: a small size, serving two to eight households as a"common place for special economic activities, as well as a place for group rituals" and con­taining simple or complex sipapus; and a larger "community" kiva, serving at least 20-30households, with floor vaults. The size distinction between "corporate" and "community" ki­vas does not appear to carry over into Pueblo III times (Lipe 1992); Lipe (1989) argues thatmost Pueblo I-III protokivas and kivas probably integrated small groups, on the order of anextended family. Cater and Chenault (1988) and Lekson (1988, 1989a) have challenged theview that any pre-Pueblo IV kiva smaller than a great kiva is purely or primarily devoted toceremonial activities, arguing, in essence, that kivas remain an important locus of residenceuntil Pueblo IV times. In response to this challenge, there has been a renewed attempt toclosely examine the role of the pitstructure. Within the small, Pueblo I Duckfoot site, for ex­ample, Varien and Lightfoot (1989) find evidence for both ritual and domestic use of pitstructures, but identify only domestic features and artifacts in surface rooms. Bruce Bradley(1992) suggests that some kiva units (kivas integrated with suites of surface rooms) at thelarge, late Pueblo III Sand Canyon Pueblo are domestic, whereas others may be specializedand nonresidential. If these specialized kiva suites were used by sodalities-and it is not clearthat Bradley would endorse this suggestion-then some of the social reorganization that isusually believed to have begun around A.D. 1275 may, in fact, have commenced earlier andfarther north.

Michael Adler (1989; Adler and Wilshusen 1990) addresses the issue of kiva function bynoting that in a cross-cultural sample of nonstratified societies, integrative facilities tend to benonspecialized (that is, they are used for domestic activities as often as for ritual activities)when they serve only a portion of the community, and when community size is relativelysmall (less than about 200). Most pre-Pueblo IV, non-great kivas would belong to this class.The size of the group using these facilities increases as community size increases, presum­ably explaining some of the size-class differences in pit structures noted by Wilshusen inPueblo I contexts. Specialized ritual facilities, on the other hand, tend to be devoted to inte­grating entire communities, or groups of communities, and are more common in communitysizes above about 200; great kivas and post-A.D. 1300 kivas fall into this group. The cross­cultural regularities are probably explainable through scalar stress theory (Johnson 1989).Clearly, the days are gone when it was possible to make a facile equation between small ki­vas and exclusively ceremonial space. The implications of this for paleodemographic estima­tion have yet to be worked through, although Lekson (1988) has made some provocatiovesuggestions here as well.

Somewhat less consensus appears to be developing on the ever-popular issue of the"abandonment" of the Four Corners; in the past few years we have seen the gamut of expla­nations ranging from the purely climatic, to the purely social. Ken Petersen (1988, 1992) ar­gues that low-frequency climate trends made the northern Southwest uninhabitable by horti­cillturalists by virtue of the cold, dry conditions that began in the late 1200s with the onset ofthe Little Ice Age and prevailed for some 600 years. Fred Plog and colleagues (1988:260­261) similarly argue that the great abandonment (and in fact most of the other, smaller aban-

-17-

donments in the Anasazi record) was linked to low-frequency trends towards low effectivemoisture.

Carla Van West (1990) reviews the position that the (high frequency) "Great Drought"reconstructed for the late 1200s on the basis of tree-rings was the cause for the depopulation,but presents detailed agricultural production data, also based ultimately on tree-ring records,indicating that-even during this period-her 1,470 sq km study area in Southwest Coloradocould have supported some 20,000-30,000 people through dry farming (see also Van Westand Lipe 1992). This would, probably, have been sufficient for the population in the samearea. However, she points out that if mobility were limited (say, by prior community claimsto reliably productive lands, as argued by Adler 1990), or if no region-wide "redistribution"systems were in place, then locally serious shortfalls could have surfaced at various times butparticularly towards the end of the occupation. Arthur Rohn (1989b) is inclined to the viewthat the late 1200s immigration from the northem San Juan area was due to "purely social,political, or religious factors", although he does not develop his argument in any detail. Tocomplete the explanatory spectrum, the old hypothesis that hostile nomads precipitated theabandonment has recently been revived, with the nomads now identified as Numic speakers(Ambler and Sutton 1989; but see Rafferty 1989a). Jay Palmer (1992) argues for a very earlyimmigration of Apachean Dineh (Southern Athapaskans) into the Southwest, whereas Wilcox(1988) restates the case for a ca. 1500 (or slightly earlier [Hogan (1989]) entry.

At a more abstract level, Lipe (1992) suggests that we may err in attempting to findcauses for this depopulation that are proportional to the effects. Drawing on a branch ofcomplex adaptive systems theory developed by Bak and Chen (1991), Lipe suggests that thelarge communities in southwestern Colorado had evolved towards a state of "self-organizedcriticality" in which-as in a pile of sand to which no more may be added without causingsome kind of avalanche-all subsystems are sufficiently interconnected that any minor per­turbation may ramify through the entire system. One interesting characteristic of systems atcriticality (or "at the edge of chaos") is that it cannot be predicted whether a minor perturba­tion will cause a minor or a major avalanche. Therefore, this famous depopulation, which ap­pears to have had major consequences for the remainder of Puebloan prehistory, could havebeen the result of some relatively minor perturbation.

Van West and I have recently developed a unified theory to explain both the aggregation,and the disaggregation and abandonment, visible in Van West's study area between A.D. 900and 1300 (Kohler and Van West 1992; Van West and Kohler 1992). We use microeconomicprinciples to argue that it will be in the best economic interests of households to aggregate intimes ofrelatively high production coupled with high spatial and temporal variability (seePlog et al. 1988:273 for a partially contrastive prediction). Conversely, households should"defect" from village life (and its attendant sharing obligations) in times of low average pro­duction coupled with high temporal and spatial variability; such defection may entail someagricultural disintensification, although probably not so dramatic as that discussed by Upham(1984). These predictions are generally borne out in the record, although aggregation seemssomewhat more probable (and defection somewhat less probable) than predicted when popu­lation levels are high, probably because of the relatively unattractive nature of the landscapefor disintensification under such conditions, or perhaps due to the danger of disaggregation inconditions of endemic warfare.

According to these microeconomic principles, the period from A.D. 1272-1288 duringwhich the Four Corners was depopulated was found to be the least attractive time for aggre­gation in the entire 400-year sequence. We contend that the depleted nature of the landscapeby this time precluded defection into the surrounding area, and that long-distance immigra­tion (predicted as taking place in small groups) was the logical response. It is interesting tonote that Ezzo (1992:269), on the basis of excavation data, reconstructs a similarly "low level

-18-

of community inclusiveness" in responses to food stress during the latest occupation ofGrasshopper. Slightly similar also is Haas' (1989:507) argument that the Kayenta region wasdepopulated when an increasingly defensive posture in the mid-1300s prevented the villagemobility on a generational scale that had previously served to prevent local resource deple­tion. Haas reasons that this effect, coupled with regional environmental deterioration, wassufficient to force region-wide abandonments.

The probability that social organization at this time linked like units together onlythrough upwards chaining (Le., families are linked to other families through extended fami­lies or lineages, which are in turn linked to like units through clans, which are in turn linkedto like units through villages) also enhanced the ease with which high-order entities (such asvillages) could disintegrate along the lines of their lower-order components. Later social andreligious organization almost certainly enhanced lateral chaining (e.g., linkage of householdsthrough fraternities, kivas, priesthoods, and so forth) in addition to their linkage through ahigh-order, more or less kinship-based entity. In the first form, households are directly linkedonly to very closely related households. In the second case, households have many directlinks to nonrelated households as well as to some closely-related households. Exactly howthis putative reorganization was accomplished remains an important research problem.

THE PROTOHISTORIC: THE FOURTEENTH AND FlFrEENTH CENTURIES

Whatever its causes, the depopulation of the Four Corners ushers in the last major era ofsouthwestern prehistory. Between A.D. 1275 and 1350, new social forms, religious practices,and large-scale interactive systems become established throughout our area. Among thesechanges are a possible increase in household size and composition (Crown and Kohler 1990);a dramatic increase in the ratio of rooms to kivas and the appearance of new kiva forms (Lipe1989; Adams 1989b); the general disappearance of great kivas and their replacement byplazas (Adams 1989b); widespread aggregation, fueled in part by rapid population growth inrefugia and areas where water-control systems were productive (Adams 1989c; Kohler1989); broad population dislocation, recognizable in part through rapid local ceramic change(Montgomery and Reid 1990); and the emergence of widely-shared ceramic design styles inpolychrome and bichrome, coupled with the appearance of new ceramic technologies (Crown1992) and of the katsina cult, which by the mid-1300s was practiced throughout the PuebloanSouthwest with the possible exception of the Taos area (Adams 1991 :3). Most of thesechanges appear to be interrelated. A continued retrenchment in the total area of occupation,that by the mid-1400s had resulted in depopulation of the Verde Valley, the central LittleColorado, the White Mountains, the Gila-Salt Basin, and the Casas Grandes region(Gumerman and Gell-Mann 1992) has received much less attention than the earlier, northernabandonments.

A macroeconomy featuring exchange of maize, cotton products, obsidian, turquoise, andpottery for buffalo products was in place by the mid-to-late 1300s between the Rio Grandepueblos and peoples of the southern Plains (Spielmann, ed., 1991), although Spielmann andothers (1990), using bone strontium concentrations and stable isotopes, were unable todemonstrate that bison replaced mule deer in the later human diet at Pecos Pueblo. For thefifteenth century, Riley identifies seven large provinces in the Greater Southwest withinwhich he reconstructs dense economic, cultural, political, and religious interaction(1990:230). In our area, these provinces are the Pecos, the Rio Grande, and the LittleColorado; in contrast to the Serrana province of the Upper Sonora, Riley considers thepuebloan provinces to be basically egalitarian; high religious offices conferred high prestigebut did not constitute an elite class. Wilcox (1990, 1991a), however, considers constructs likethe "Rio Grande Province" to obscure important internal "ethnic alliances" such as the Piroand the northern Tewa. There was considerable production for trade purposes, and consider­able warfare, "mainly defense against the threat of marauding nomads" (Riley 1990:234). In

-19-

general, the cultural landscape seems similar enough to that at contact that without great ex­aggeration the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries can be termed the Protohistoric period.

Patricia Crown (1992) associates the origins of the Pinedale decorative style in East-cen­tral Arizona in the late 1200s with immigration of populations from the Tusayan-Kayenta re­gion. Many other local populations soon "converged" on this style and it spread rapidly onglazes of various traditions, associated (in Crown's analysis) with a regional cUlt-presum­ably linked to, if not isomorphic with, the katsina cult-that probably enhanced stable coop­erative relationships in a time of general upheaval. Charles Adams (1991:185) likewiseplaces the development of the katsina cult in the Upper Little Colorado Valley in the earlyBOOs, with roots, ultimately, in northern Mexico, and argues that its widespread adoption"stemmed from the social, political, and economic roles [it] played in the structure of eachvillage." The public nature of most ceremonies, coupled with restricted access to the mostesoteric knowledge, served the needs of village leaders to simultaneously bind their diversepopulations together, and to enhance their own prestige (Adams 1991:185-186). Cult mem­bership and practice, which cross-cut kin networks, may have added an important stabilizingelement to post-A.D. 1300 villages that made the sort of village fissioning just discussed forthe Mesa Verde region less practical (Ferguson 1989); it should be pointed out that frequentwarfare might have had a similar effect. If the extremely poor health and short life ex­pectancy inferred from the Arroyo Hondo skeletal series (Palkovich 1980) is generally appli­cable to the early portions of this period, biological disruption may have played some role inthe broad and rapid acceptance of the cult.

Because the protohistoric is close to our own in time our interpretations ought to be char­acterized by great clarity. Unfortunately this has not been the case, because of the great sizeand complexity of most settlements of this period; because the most ambitious excavations ofthese sites were carried out during the birth of our discipline; and because of a host of theo­retical and methodological problems (including basic chronological control) touched on inthe Background section, above. Acrimonious debates continue over the linked issues of lateprehistoric population size, sociopolitical organization, and the role of European-introduceddiseases. There is a vague polar opposition between scholars who reconstruct high prehistoricpopulation levels, incline towards relatively complex sociopolitical forms, see an importantrole for European diseases in very early history, and distrust specific ethnographic analogy(e.g., Dobyns 1990; Upham 1982) and those with generally opposed views (e.g., Kintigh1990b; Schroeder 1992). (Other positions are possible: Wilcox [1991a, 1992] combines a dis­trust of "extreme disease hypotheses" with a vision of sociopolitically complex protohistoricsocieties, and a dislike for specific ethnographic analogy.) Large-scale projects, such as thatenvisioned by Haas and Creamer (1992), would be desirable to make progress on these is­sues.

Rather than dwelling on this period in detail, I prefer to move on to summarizing a fewemerging research programs. Here again, I will need to skip over many interesting develop­ments such as the increasing and often productive tendency to incorporate analyses oficonography (especially from rock art) into interpretation of prehistory (e.g., Cole 1989;Kodack 1990; Matson and Cole 1992; Rohn 1989a; Schaafsma 1989; Turpin 1990; Young1988), a task that will be abetted by recent direct age determinations on pictographs (e.g.,Geib and Fairley 1992; Farrell and Burton 1992). Also notable is an increasing reflexivity inexamining the development of our own discipline (e.g., Christenson 1990; Downum 1990;Haury 1989; Lekson 1990b; Wills 1990). The new directions I discuss are most visible inpublications dealing with the late prehistoric/protohistoric period, but the interpretive issuesraised apply across the spectrum of prehistoric occupation.

-20-

RECENT TRENDS, PROMISING FUTURE DIRECTIONS

Life, Death, and Disease

I can envision an Anasazi historian, writing (petroglyphing) in the 12th century AD.,"Our numbers continue to grow, but we do not feel very well"

- Swedlund (1992)

A few years ago, McGuire (1989b) criticized Minnis' (1985) study for (among manyother things) being unable to demonstrate that food stress actually occurred in the Mimbresarea "in the absence of skeletal evidence." As if in response to such objections, several re­markable studies on skeletal materials have recently appeared, using many new methods.Among these are stable carbon and nitrogen isotope analyses of bone collagen (for amethodological overview, see Katzenberg 1992); analysis of trace, minor, and major ele­ments, and detailed osteological analyses to reconstruct mortality curves, survivorshipcurves, and prevalence of conditions such as enamel hypoplasias, porotic hyperostosis, dentalattrition, caries, abscessing, and tooth-loss rates that inform on various dimensions of healthand well-being (e.g., Martin et al. 1991; Stodder 1987, 1990).

Of the recent overviews taking such data into account (Merbs 1989; Stodder and Martin1991; Swedlund 1992) that of Nelson, Martin, Swedlund, Fish, and Armelagos (1992) is par­ticularly useful for summary purposes because it aggregates many indices of demographicand physiological insults to form a general impression of degree of "biological disruption."Except in the Mesa Verde sequence, they conclude that there is not a notable increase in bio­logical disruption in local sequences through time (but Martin [1993] sees an increase insome pathologies in the protohistoric). For Chaco Canyon there are indications of better nu­tritional status and higher life expectancy for individuals buried in Pueblo Bonito than forthose buried in other contemporaneous sites, but the rarity of such situations in the prehistoricSouthwest is underscored by Ezzo's (1992) finding of no bone chemistry or stable isotopedifferences at Grasshopper that he attributes to better nutritional status for an elite group.Nelson, Martin, Swedlund, Fish" and Armelagos (1992) also conclude that (except for theChacoan and Paquime elites) wellness generally declines with increasing population density,which in turn is often accompanied by agricultural intensification.

In general, recent overviews stress that---contrary to the myth that the Native American"lived a basically healthy and happy existence largely devoid of illness" (Merbs 1989:41)­infant mortality was very high, intestinal and body parasites were rampant, and communica­ble diseases such as tuberculosis and venereal syphilis were present at low rates whereas in­fectious diarrhea was probably very common (Martin 1993; Merbs 1989). Susan Kent (1986;see also Reinhard 1988) argues that the porotic hyperostosis seen in many southwesternpopulations should usually be attributed to sedentism and aggregation leading to bacterial, vi­ral, and parasitic infections, rather than to diets high in maize but low in meat, and citesstudies showing that a decrease in circulating iron can be induced "as a nonspecific defensethe body employs against invading pathogens, neoplasia [cancer], and inflammation" (Kent1992a:7). Although such findings call into question the automatic assumption that symptomsof anemia are due to diet rather than to disease, most scholars still reconstruct dietary stressas both common in the southwestern record, and variable in intensity at different times andplaces and under different organizational scenarios (otherwise, it would be difficult to explainthe apparently healthier status of elites at Chaco and Paquime, who after all live in aggre­gated, sedentary settings). Presumably diet, disease, and anemia are all linked within a singlesystem. A definitive breaking of the linkage between anemia and diet would somewhat limitthe application of strictly subsistence-oriented economic approaches to southwestern prehis­tory, although such explanations might retain their force at a more distant causal remove ifthey succeeded in explaining sedentism and aggregation.

-21-

Competition and ConflictThe Indian tribes ofthe Southwest were peace-loving...through their reverence for their

sources ofsustenance, these Indian people showed us their belief in community- Acatos (1990:24)

Long dominated by ethnographic models of socially cooperative, ecosystemically sus­tainable forms (which live on in coffee-table books), views of southwestern prehistory arebroadening to include an important role for resource depletion, and for competition and war­fare in social process (e.g., Adams 1989a; Haas 1990; Kohler 1992b; Upham and Reed1989b; Wilcox and Haas 1993). Aggregation is increasingly viewed as a defensive tactic inmany times and places (Lowell 1991 :62-63; but see Stone 1992 for the Zuni area) or, alter­natively, as a strategy to minimize inter-village conflict in the context of competition forarable land (Orcutt and others 1990). Wilcox and Haas (1993) present evidence that religiouspractices included human sacrifice in times and places as diverse as the Mimbres phase, theChacoan florescence, and the Rio Grande Classic.

Cannibalism-identified on bones through cut marks, pot polish, percussion marks,breakage, burning, and archaeological context-seems more prevalent than could have beenimagined only a few years ago (see Turner 1989; Turner and Turner 1990, 1992; White 1991,1992, and references therein). Peter Bullock (1991) has argued that many of these claims forcannibalism in fact represent cases of violent death and corpse mutilation; Villa (1992: 102­103) counters that in at least some cases, the high degree of fragmentation, rarity of articularends, breakage following burning, and so forth are more consistent with the cannibalism hy­pothesis. Despite the accumulating numbers of claims for cannibalism, it was probably a rel­atively rare act with little nutritional importance. Van West and 1 (Kohler and Van West1992) have suggested that most cannibalism in the Mesa Verde area between A.D. 900 and1300 takes place in times when villages are falling apart as households defect from sharingobligations; perhaps defection was not acceptable to all parties.

One implication of an increased role for conflict in the Southwest is the probability thatcooperation on one level is, in part at least, a response to conflict or competition on a moreinclusive social level. For example, cooperation among kin groups in a village is undoubtedlypromoted by conflict between villages; regional systems, or alliances-if they represent co­operation among villages or clusters of villages--could be strengthened by conflict betweenregions (or alliances). The original direction of causality is less clear, however, and it seemslikely to me that cooperation originally emerges at a given social level because of structuralfactors and system dynamism, and only then does the existence of these more inclusive socialentities promote the formation of others through competitive processes.

Models. Global and Local

Although most archaeologists agree that spatial scales larger than a river valley are essen­tial to understanding southwestern prehistory, there has been less agreement on what a pro­ductive framework for large-scale analysis might look like. Randall McGuire (1989a; seealso McGuire et al. 1993) provides a perceptive critique of the limits of world systems andpeer polity theory for these purposes in the prehistoric Southwest. In their place he advocatesan eclectic Marxism that has the great advantage of linking processes on the household levelto processes in increasingly broader theaters. The structure of the model also provides a use­ful way for thinking about how environmental, social, and ideological processes are intercon­nected.

These linkages are achieved, first, by defining a kin-ordered mode of production at thehousehold level (McGuire argues that tributary modes never characterized the Southwest).This mode of production "limits the extent of inequalities that can exist" but does accomo-

-22-

date potential differential ranking of lineages (McGuire 1989a:47). The next step is to definean economic system in which modes of production and societies are linked; McGuire arguesthat by the end of the first millenium A.D. important segments of the Southwest are partici­pating in a "prestige-goods economy" in which political power is associated with non-locallyproduced social valuables. Individuals able to obtain and control access to these items, whichare required for validating "major social and religious transitions" in the human and sociallife cycle, can create dependencies by supplying them to subordinate individuals in return forsurplus production (McGuire 1989a:49). At the highest levels, superordinate individuals linkregion to region "so that any disruption in the supply or flow [in] one affects the other." Theobvious example of such a system in our area is that of Chaco, which from this perspectivelinked an Anasazi prestige-goods economy to the older and more complex prestige-goodseconomy of Mesoamerica. Social valuables flowing north included macaws, copper bells,"and a handful of pseudo-cloisonne items" (McGuire 1989a:55). These appear to have beenprestige goods retained at the paramount level in the Chacoan system; items more amenableto passing down within the system included marine shell, turquoise, painted wood, and per­haps cylinder jars. As indicated above, turquoise passed into the Mesoamerican system fromthe Southwest.

Given this model, it is easy to see how environmental (or social) disruption in either re­gion, or disruption of long-distance exchange networks between them, could threaten leader­ship status in either region (but particularly in the less developed); the macroregional systemis hyperconnected. Dessication in the San Juan Basin, for example, could diminish the sur­plus flow on which lineage heads depended to obtain prestige goods, thereby diminishingtheir power. To the extent that their power is connected with symbolic and ritual items andacts, the prevailing ideology is threatened as well.

I find such a framework extremely helpful in understanding the demise of the Chacoansystem. McGuire tries to extend the logic to the depopulation of the Four Corners area, butthe applicability of the model there is undermined by the apparent paucity of nonlocal goodsin Pueblo III Mesa Verde contexts. In a more general sense, however, the model helps us un­derstand how a "demystification" of the ideology that legitimized the Chacoan (and perhapsthe later Mesa Verdean) system caused by leaders' loss of symbols of power would have laidbare the "contradictions in the existing moral order...for all to see" (McGuire 1989a:57), set­ting the stage for rapid spread of a new ideology (i.e., the katsina religion) which McGuireinterprets as a crisis cult. In Pueblo IV Rio Grande contexts, "the wealth of the past, nolonger attainable because of the collapse of the earlier prestige-goods economy, lives on onkiva walls, on ceramic vessels, and in clay copies-imitative magic to recover the glories ofthe past and ensure the cycle of the universe" (McGuire 1989a:59).

Complex systems of the sort that McGuire describes often behave in ways that are notintuitively predictable. Moreover, in any verbal model there are endless possibilities forfuzziness in definition of terms and logic. Finally, it is not always clear from such descrip­tions how systems add hierarchical levels or increase in complexity; in general, how struc­tural change is accomplished and why it is---or is not-promulgated through the system re­main uncertain. It may be time to return to formal models of culture change that can be putinto motion, on the computer, to study their dynamics. Important advances outside of anthro­pology in modeling complex systems give us the beginnings of tools that might enable us torevisit simulation with the enthusiasm shown in the 1970s but with, I think, more useful re­sults.

As practiced particularly in the 1970s in archaeology, systems theory featured large flowcharts characterizing entire societies or even larger regions, replete with arrows from onecompartment to the next. Because these systems were rarely in fact simulated the boxes hadto be given names that indicated the direction of change, such as "Population Increase" or

-23-

"Increased Redistribution of Foodstuffs." What was wrong with this approach---other thanthe impossibility of morphological change-and why has it gone out of style? ElizabethBrurnfiel (1992:551) has argued that analysis of social change in archaeology was "hamperedby ecosystem theory's insistence upon whole populations and whole behavioral systems asthe units of analysis" (emphasis added) which had the effect of ignoring the "dynamics ofsocial change arising from intemal social negotiation." Likewise, Barbara Bender(1990:248) has noted that "the small-time, small-scale actions and interactions of people try­ing to maintain and enhance the status quo have their own, often unintended consequences."A related but even more far-reaching conclusion has been advanced by Shennan (1991):

I would surmise that what regularities there are in social life, and therefore inhistory and prehistory, are at the level of microscale mechanisms (cf. Elster1989; Turner 1987). Long-term patterns may emerge when particularly stableequilibria develop and result in a process of 'chreodisation' (Friedman andRowlands 1978; Waddington 1977).

("Chreod" is a C. H. Waddington neologism meant to mean a necessary path, or canaliza­tion, for change [Thorn 1989; Waddington 1977:106-114]; the stable equilibria correspond towhat complex system theorists call attractors.) In general, then, a focus on individuals, withgender and class identities and interests, who can form coalitions and alliances-in otherwords, on "agent-centered" rather than "system-centered" models-(Brurnfiel 1992:558) isessential for understanding social change and cultural evolution.

This theoretical impulse finds potential methodological underpinning in an interdisci­plinary branch of inquiry often referred to as complex adaptive systems (CAS), which hasmade progress in developing agent-oriented systems in the last few years (for popularoverviews, see Lewin [1992] and Waldrop [1992]; for semipopular discussions focusing onparticular topics, see Arthur [1990], Holland [1992] and Kauffman [1991]; for generalthoughts on the sciences of complexity, see Gell-Mann 1992). Several areas of overlap be­tween archaeological inquiry and CAS have obvious and immediate applicability, includingthe idea that global (Le., high-order) organization can emerge from the interaction of manylocal entities (e.g., individuals, households) without high-order control, and that CAS tend toevolve toward the boundary between order and disorder, more popularly termed the "edge ofchaos." This is not the place to layout a program of CAS research for Southwestern archae­ology, but the demonstration that villages (in some times and places) probably emerge out ofthe economic self-interest of households, without the need to invoke the "global control" of asurplus-extracting incipient leader (Kohler and Van West 1992) is an example of an analyti­cal model that could be examined using one of the computational tools under development inCAS research. Discussion of possible CAS applications in Southwestern prehistory can alsobe found in Upham et al. (1991) and Wills et al. (1991). Because CAS approaches to datehave concentrated on problems of physical and biological evolution (but see Hutchins andHazelhurst 1991), anthropologists have an important role to play in bringing "cultural evolu­tion" to such systems. The long-term importance of these approaches may be that we willcome to see principles of self-organization to have at least as great a role as selection in form­ing the structure and dynamics of social systems (Kauffman 1992).

CONCLUSIONS: THE EDGE OF CHAOS AS A (GOOD?) PLACE TO BE

For the first half of this century, southwestern archaeology was a discipline in a"periodic" or highly ordered regime (I use this term, as well as "complex" and "chaotic" fol­lowing Langton's [1991] descriptions of classes of cellular automata rule space) wherein rel­atively little change took place in methods, questions, and interpretations. The processual re­volt of the 1960s, and the postprocessual backlash of the 1980s, added considerable complex­ity to the practice of archaeology. If we accept a basic conjecture of much CAS work, that

-24-

dynamical systems at the critical transition between order and disorder are those capable ofthe most complex behaviors, including universal computation (Langton 1991; but seeMitchell 1993), then this progression may be useful for our discipline so long as we canavoid stepping into the chaotic regime, wherein no useful work is accomplished.

Perhaps the prehistoric cultures of the Southwest likewise moved through highly ordered,relatively unchanging states in the long sweeps of the Early and Middle Archaic periods, withgradual increases in complexity (increased numbers of extractive and social roles, increasedfluxes of energy, more actors in less mobile conditions; in general, more "computation") be­ginning in the Late Archaic. By about Pueblo I times, roughly when McGuire sees the ap­pearance of prestige-goods economies, and others see the inception of regional systems,southwestern societies possibly approached something akin to a "phase transition" in whichlocal societies rapidly became increasingly complex and increasingly interconnected; infor­mation and change could be promulgated through systems at this phase transition at unprece­dented rates. Some of this interconnection may have been of low archaeological visibility,including intercommunity marriage, intracommunity reciprocity, and regional warfare.Pueblo II-IV times may represent fluctuations around that transition, in which societies ex­plore some of the various possible organizational states near the edge of chaos, until thecatastrophe of European contact moved these societies back towards a less complex,"periodic" phase in the l500s. It will be a long time before we understand the dynamics ofthese transitions in any detail, and before we can specify the deeper mechanisms that makesuch large-scale analogies between physical, biological and social systems superficially at­tractive, but it is time to start looking.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I'd like to thank the following individuals for advice or access to unpublished materials:Kurt Ansheutz, Eric Blinman, Patty Crown, Jerry Fetterman, George Gumerman, Pat Hogan,R. G. Matson, Keith Kintigh, Jane Kepp, Angela Lee, Steve Lekson, W. D. Lipe, R. G.Matson, James Moore, Peggy Nelson, Curt Schaafsma, Lynne Sebastian, David Wilcox, andChip Wills. For review of early drafts and editorial suggestions I am indebted to GaryFeinman, Murray Gell-Mann, George Gumerman, W. D. Lipe, Steve Lekson, and Steve Plog.Figure 1 was drafted by Sarah Moore. Finally, I thank the Santa Fe Institute for hosting mewhile I was writing this, and the Graduate School and Department of Anthropology,Washington State University, Pullman, for professional leave support.

-25-

Table 1. Selected Chronological Classifications for the Post-Archaic Prehistoric Period.

ePan-

PecosClass­

'fi ti

"Revised"Chaco

dRio Grande

cMimbres Valleyb

P . d PhCasas GrandesaP . d Pheno ase eno ase ValleY' Phases 1 lea on Southwest

1500 Tardio Robles I I I1450 I Diablo I I Middle I I1400 I I I Cliff Classic Pueblo I1350 Medio Pa- I E. Classic IV Polychrome1300 I auime I I Late I Traditions1250 I Buena Pueblo Black Coalition Mesa I I1200 I Fe I Mountain Early Verde Pueblo I1150 I I I I Coalition McEimo 1lI I1100 I Perros I Mimbres I Late Bonito I Chaco1050 I Bravos I I I Cl. Bonito I Mimbres1000 I I I I I I Pueblo &950 Viejo Pilon I I I Early II Hohokam900 I I I Three I Bonito I I850 I I Late Circle Develop- I I I800 I Con- Pit I mental White Pueblo I750 I vento House San I Mound I Develop-700 I I I Francisco I I I mentof650 I I I I Basket- Regional600 I Georgetown I La Maker Traditions550 I I I Plata 1lI I500 Early I I I I I400 Pit Cumbre I I I Early300 House I I I Basket- Brown ware200 I I I Brown ware maker Tradition100 Late I IIA.D. 1 Archaic I I

aafter Dean and Ravesloot (1993) for the Medio Period and the late Viejo Periodbafter Lekson (1990a:3):cafter Hill and Trierweiler (1986)dafter Windes (1987a)eafter Haas et al. (1991) with modifications for the A.D. 200--500 period from Wilson et al. (1992) for theAnasazi/Mogollon areas

-26-

T E X AS

G'r~"00

~

..Santa Fe;:-­6 tJ. Pecos

Arroyo ~Hondo -;:...

.6. TornilloRockshelter-:;:::

Albuquerque-~

--::::.

Socorro

-Rio

.......

6. Paquime

........ c H I HU AH U A~ --:>--

'­

'"~"......:----- ....~ .,~ ~ Q.~ -

Skunk Springs.r-- .6. Chaco Canyon

~ 6 """Kin BineoJa

!')}i-611" Aztec 6.

Sand Canyon 7-.....--.......Pueblo Mesa Verde .r-

I Nat. Park ~

Dotores /' Chimneyl! ...... / .. 6 Rock

... Durango

/J. WalpiRio Puercoof the West -r..

\ManueliloPetrified Forest .' A

Nat. Park /' .••'__~1f:-i>J:Vajo /'.. • ""Y--~

River .", Springs ."

1~~\/

/J. Three Fir Shelter

Black Mesa

/J.Grasshopper

/J.Chavez Pass

100 mi

... Tucson

"­~

~-~

;",, ~A~R~t~:.:ZO:..::N_A ~/'_;S~~:_----:::. SONORA-:=::::.

'>-.

Gila

NEW MEXICO

100 km

Phoenix

50

50

/J.Ventana Cave

..

WupatkiNational Monument C0-0;

~r.r-...-- 'QIdo,-....-- ~

--0-- : ...

". Flagstaff

o

UTAH

o

REFERENCES CITED

Acatos, S.1990 Pueblos: Prehistoric Indian Cultures of the Southwest (translated by Barbara

Fritzemeier). Facts on File, New York.Adams,E. C.

1989a The Case for Conflict During the Late Prehistoric and Protohistoric Periods in theWestern Pueblo Area of the American Southwest. In Cultures in Conflict: CurrentAnthropological Perspectives, edited by D. C. Tkaczuk and B. C. Vivian, pp. 103-111.Archaeological Association of the University of Calgary, Calgary.

1989b Changing Form and Function in Western Pueblo Ceremonial Architecture fromA.D. 1000 to A.D. 1500. In The Architecture ofSocial Integration in PrehistoricPueblos, edited by W. D. Lipe and M. Hegmon, pp. 155-160. Occasional Paper No.1,Crow Canyon Archaeological Center, Cortez, CO.

1989c The Homol'ovi Research Program. The Kiva 54:175-194.1991 The Origin and Development of the Pueblo Katsina Cult. University of Arizona

Press, Tucson.Adams,R. N.

1975 Energy and Structure: A Theory ofSocial Power. University of Texas, Austin.Adler, M. A.

1989 Ritual Facilities and Social Integration in Nonranked Societies. In TheArchitecture ofSocial Integration in Prehistoric Pueblos, edited by W. D. Lipe and M.Hegmon, pp. 35-52. Occasional Paper No. I, Crow Canyon Archaeological Center,Cortez, CO.

1990 Communities ofSoil and Stone: An Archaeological Investigation ofPopulationAggregation Among the Mesa Verde Region Anasazi. Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation,Department of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor.

1992 The Upland Survey. In The Sand Canyon Archaeological Project: A ProgressReport, edited by W. D. Lipe, pp. 11-23. Occasional Paper No.2, Crow CanyonArchaeological Center, Cortez, CO.

Adler, M. A., and R. H. Wilshusen1990 Large-scale Integrative Facilities in Tribal Societies: Cross-cultural and

Southwestern US Examples. World Archaeology 22: 133-144.Akins, N. J.

1986 A Biocultural Approach to Human Burials from Chaco Canyon, New Mexico.National Park Service, Santa Fe.

Ambler, J. R., and M. Q. Sutton1989 The Anasazi Abandonment of the San Juan Drainage and the Numic Expansion.

North American Archaeologist 10:39-53.Anscheutz, K. F.

1992 Saving a Rainy Day: The Integration of Diverse Agricultyural Technologies toHarvest and Conserve Water in the Lower Rio Chama Valley, New Mexico. Paper pre­sented at the New Mexico Archaeological Council Agricultural Symposium, October,Santa Fe.

Arthur, W. B.1990 Positive Feedbacks in the Economy. Scientific American 263 (February):92-99.

Bak, P., and K. Chen1991 Self-Organized Criticality. Scientific American 264 (January):46-53.

Baksh, M., and A. Johnson1990 Insurance Policies Among the Machiguenga: An Ethnographic Analysis of Risk

Management in a Non-Western Society. In Risk and Uncertainty in Tribal and PeasantEconomies, edited by E. Cashdan, pp. 193-227. Westview Press, Boulder, CO.

Bender, B.

-27-

1990 The Dynamics of Nonhierarchical Societies. In The Evolution ofPolitical Systems:Sociopolitics in Small-Scale Sedentary Societies, edited by S. Upham, pp. 247-263.Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.

Betancourt, J. L.1990 Late Quaternary Biogeography of the Colorado Plateau. In Packrat Middens: The

Last 40,000 Years ofBiotic Change, edited by 1. L. Betancourt, T. R. Van Devenderand P. S. Martin, pp. 259-292. University of Arizona Press, Tucson.

Blinman,E.1988 The Interpretation ofCeramic Variability: A Case Study from the Dolores Anasazi.

Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation, Department of Anthropology, Washington StateUniversity, Pullman.

1989 Potluck in the Protokiva: Ceramics and Ceremonialism in Pueblo I Villages. InThe Architecture ofSocial Integration in Prehistoric Pueblos, edited by W. D. Lipe andM. Hegmon, pp. 113-124. Occasional Paper No.1, Crow Canyon ArchaeologicalCenter, Cortez, CO.

Bradley, B. A.1992 Excavations at Sand Canyon Pueblo. In The Sand Canyon Archaeological Project:

A Progress Report, edited by W. D. Lipe, pp. 79-99. Occasional Paper No.2, CrowCanyon Archaeological Center, Cortez, CO.

Breternitz, D. A., C. K. Robinson, and T. G. Gross (editors)1986 Dolores Archaeological Program: Final Synthetic Report. Bureau of Reclamation,

Engineering and Research Center, Denver.Brumfiel, E. M.

1992 Distinguished Lecture in Archaeology: Breaking and Entering the Ecosystem­Gender, Class, and Faction Steal the Show. American Anthropologist 94:551-567.

Bullock, P. Y.1991 A Reappraisal of Anasazi Cannibalism. The Kiva 57:5-16.

Burton, J. F.1991 The Archeology ofSivu' ovi: The Archaic to Basketmaker Transition at Petrified

Forest National Park. Publications in Anthropology 55, National Park Service, WesternArcheological and Conservation Center, Tucson.

Cater, J. D., and M. L. Chenault1988 Kiva Use Reinterpreted. Southwestern Lore 54(3):19-32.

Christenson, A. L.1990 Population Growth and Mobility in Southern Colorado Plateau Archaeology. In

Perspectives on Southwestern Prehistory, edited by P. E. Minnis and C. L. Redman, pp.341-350. Westview Press, Boulder, CO.

Cole, S. J.1989 Iconography and Symbolism in Basketmaker Rock Art. In Rock Art ofthe Western

Canyons, edited by 1. S. Day, P. D. Freidman and M. J. Tate, pp. 58-85. DenverMuseum of Natural History and the Colorado Archaeological Society, Denver.

1990 Legacy on Stone: Rock Art of the Colorado Plateau and Four Corners Region.Johnson Books, Boulder, CO.

Cordell, L. S.1989a History and Theory in Reconstructing Southwestern Sociopolitical Organization.

In The Sociopolitical Structure ofPrehistoric Southwestern Societies, edited by S.Upham, K. G. Lightfoot and R. A. Jewett, pp. 33-54. Westview Press, Boulder, CO.

1989b Northern and Central Rio Grande. In Dynamics ofSouthwest Prehistory, editedby L. S. Cordell and G. J. Gumerman, pp. 293-335. Smithsonian Institution Press,Washington, D.C.

1992 The Nature of Explanation in Archaeology: A Position Statement. Revised versionof paper presented at Santa Fe Institute Workshop entitled "The Organization andEvolution of Prehistoric Southwestern Society", September, 1989. Ms. on file, Santa FeInstitute, Santa Fe.

-28-

Cordell, L. S., and G. J. Gumerman (editors)1989 Dynamics ofSouthwest Prehistory. School of American Research Advanced

Seminar Book. Smithsonian Institution Press, Washington D.C.Cordell, L. S., and F. Plog

1979 Escaping the Confines of Normative Thought: A Reevaluation of PuebloanPrehistory. American Antiquity 44:405-429.

Cordell, L. S., and S. Upham1989 Culture and Cultural Behavior: One More Time, Please. American Antiquity

54:815-819.Creel, D.

1989 A Primary Cremation at the NAN Ranch Ruin, with Comparative Data on OtherCremations in the Mimbres Area, New Mexico. Journal ofField Archaeology 16:309­329.

Crown, P. L.1992 Change in Ceramic Technology in the 13th to 14th Century Southwest. Paper pre­

sented at the 3rd Southwest Symposium, Tucson, January.Crown, P. L., and W. J. Judge (editors)

1991 Chaco & Hohokam: Prehistoric Regional Systems in the American Southwest.School of American Research Press, Santa Fe.

Crown, P. L., and W. J. Judge1991 Synthesis and Conclusions. In Chaco & Hohokam: Prehistoric Regional Systems

in the American Southwest, edited by P. L. Crown and W. J. Judge, pp. 293-308.School of American Research Press, Santa Fe.

Crown, P. L., and T. A. Kohler1990 Community Dynamics, Site Structure and Aggregation in the Northern Rio Grande.

Paper Presented at the Second Southwest Symposium, Albuquerque, January.Crown, P. L., J. D. Orcutt, and T. A. Kohler

1990 Pueblo Cultures in Transition: The Northern Rio Grande. Paper presented at theCrow Canyon Archaeological Center Conference entitled "Pueblo Cultures inTransition." Cortez, CO. Ms. on file, Crow Canyon Archaeological Center.

Dean, J. S., W. H. Doelle, and J. D. Orcutt1993 Adaptive Stress, Environment, and Demography. In Themes in Southwestern

Prehistory, edited by G. J. Gumerman, School of American Research Press, Santa Fe,in press. Ms. 1992.

Dean, J. S., and 1. C. Ravesloot1993 The Chronology of Cultural Interaction in the Gran Chichimeca. In Culture and

Contact: Charles C. Di Pesos' Gran Chichimec, edited by A. I. Woosley and J. C.Ravesloot. University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque, in press. Ms. 1992

Decker, K. W., and L. L. Tieszen1989 Isotopic Reconstruction of Mesa Verde Diet from Basketmaker III to Pueblo III.

Kiva 55:33-47.Diehl,M. W.

1992 Heterogeneity of the Interhousehold Distribution of Potentially Prestige-MarkingArtifacts at the Lee (LA 5779) Site, Grant County, N.M. Paper presented at the 7thMogollon Archaeology Conference, Las Cruces, NM, September.

Dobyns, H. F.1990 Comments: Prehistoric to Historic Transitions: Chronological Considerations. In

Perspectives on Southwestern Prehistory, edited by P. E. Minnis and C. L. Redman, pp.301-307. Westview Press, Boulder, CO.

Downum, C. E.1990 From Myths to Methods: Intellectual Transitions in Flagstaff Archaeology, 1883­

1930. In Perspectives on Southwestern Archaeology, edited by P. E. Minnis and C. L.Redman, pp. 351-366. Westview Press, Boulder, CO.

Elster, J.

-29-

1989 Nuts and Boltsfor the Social Sciences. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.Ezzo, J. A.

1992 Dietary Change and Variability at Grasshopper Pueblo, Arizona. Journal ofAnthropological Archaeology 11:219-289.

Farrell, M. M., and Burton, J. F.1992 Dating Tom Ketchum: The Role of Chronometric Determinations in Rock Art

Analysis. North American Archaeologist 13:219-247.Feinman, G. M.

1989 Structuring Debate and Debating Structure: A Mesoamerican Perspective onPrehistoric Social Organization in the American Southwest. In The SociopoliticalStructure ofPrehistoric Southwestern Societies, edited by S. Upham, K. G. Lightfootand R. A. Jewett, pp. 55-75. Westview Press, Boulder, CO.

Ferguson, T. J.1989 Comment on Social Integration and Anasazi Architecture. In The Architecture of

Social Integration in Prehistoric Pueblos, edited by W. D. Lipe and M. Hegmon, pp.169-173. Occasional Paper No.1, Crow Canyon Archaeological Center, Cortez, CO.

Flannery, K. V.1972 The Origins of the Village as a Settlement Type in Mesoamerica and the Near East:

A Comparative Study. In Man, Settlement, and Urbanism, edited by P. Ucko, R.Tringham and P. Dimbleby, pp. 1-31. Duckworth, London.

1986 Guild Naquitz: Archaic Foraging and Early Agriculture in Oaxaca, Mexico.Academic Press, Orlando.

Floyd, M. L., and T. A. Kohler1990 Current Productivity and Prehistoric Use of Pinon (Pinus edulis, Pinaceae) in the

Dolores Archaeological Project Area, Southwest Colorado. Economic Botany 44:142­156.

Fowler, A. P., J. R. Stein, and R. Anyon1987 An Archaeological Reconnaissance of West-central New Mexico: The Anasazi

Monuments Project. Ms. on file, Office of Cultural Affairs, Historic PreservationDivision, Santa Fe.

Friedman, J., and M. J. Rowlands1978 Notes Towards an Epigenetic Model of the Evolution of 'Civilization'. In The

Evolution ofSocial Systems, edited by J. Friedman and M. J. Rowlands, pp. 201-276.Duckworth, London.

Geib, P. R., and H. C. Fairley1992 Radiocarbon Dating of Fremont Anthropomorphic Rock Art in Glen Canyon,

South-central Utah. Journal ofField Archaeology 19:155-168.Gell-Mann, M.

1992 Complexity and Complex Adaptive Systems. In The Evolution ofHumanLanguages, edited by J. A. Hawkins and M. Gell-Mann, pp. 3--18. Proceedings Vol. XI,Santa Fe Institute Studies in the Sciences of Complexity. Addison-Wesley, RedwoodCity, CA.

Gilman,A.1981 The Development of Social Stratification in Bronze Age Europe. Current

Anthropology 22:1-23.Gilman, P. A.

1987 Architecture as Artifact: Pit Structures and Pueblos in the American Southwest.American Antiquity 52:538-564.

1990 Social Organization and Classic Mimbres Period Burials in the SW United States.Journal ofField Archaeology 17:469-457.

Gumerman, G. J. (editor)1988 The Anasazi in a Changing Environment. School of American Research Advanced

Seminar Series. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.Gumerman, G. J.

-30-

1993 Introduction. In Themes in Southwestern Prehistory, edited by G. J. Gumennan.School of American Research Press, Santa Fe, in press. Ms. 1992.

Gumennan, G. J., and J. S. Dean1989 Prehistoric Cooperation and Competition in the Western Anasazi Area. In

Dynamics ofSouthwestern Prehistory, edited by L. S. Cordell and G. J. Gumennan, pp.99-148. Smithsonian Institution Press, Washington, D.C.

Gumennan, G. J., and M. Gell-Mann1992 Cultural Evolution in the Prehistoric Southwest. Revised version of paper presented

at Santa Fe Institute Workshop entitled "The Organization and Evolution of PrehistoricSouthwestern Society", September, 1989. Ms. on file, Santa Fe Institute, Santa Fe.

Haas, J.1989 The Evolution of the Kayenta Regional System. In The Sociopolitical Structure of

Prehistoric Southwestern Societies, edited by S. Upham, K. G. Lightfoot and R. A.Jewett, pp. 491-508. Westview Press, Boulder, CO.

1990 Warfare and the Evolution of Tribal Polities in the Prehistoric Southwest. In TheAnthropology ofWar, edited by J. Haas, pp. 171-189. Cambridge University Press,Cambridge.

Haas, J., and W. Creamer1992 Demography of the Protohistoric Pueblos of the Northern Rio Grande, A.D. 1450­

1680. In Current Research on the Late Prehistory and Early History ofNew Mexico,edited by B. J. Vierra, pp. 21-27. New Mexico Archaeological Council, Albuquerque.

Haas, J., E. Ladd, J. E. Levy, R. H. McGuire, and N. Yoffee1991 Historical Processes in the Prehistoric Southwest. Revised version of paper pre­

sented at Santa Fe Institute Workshop entitled "The Organization and Evolution ofPrehistoric Southwestern Society", September, 1989. Ms. on file, Santa Fe Institute,Santa Fe.

Hall, S. A.1985 Quaternary Pollen Analysis and Vegetation History of the Southwest. In Pollen

Records ofLate-Quaternary North American Sediments, edited by V. M. Bryant Jr. andR. G. Holloway, pp. 95-123. American Association of Stratigraphic PalynologistsFoundation, Dallas, TX.

1988 Prehistoric Vegetation and Environment at Chaco Canyon. American Antiquity53:582-592.

Ham,E. J.1989 Analysis ofNAN Ranch (LA15049) Burial Patterns: An Examination ofMimbres

Social Structure. Unpublished M. A. Thesis. Texas A & M University, College Station.Hames,R.

1990 Sharing Among the Yanomamo: Part I, The Effects of Risk. In Risk andUncertainty in Tribal and Peasant Economies, edited by E. Cashdan, pp. 89-105.Westview Press, Boulder, CO.

Harbottle, G., and P. C. Weigand1992 Turquoise in Pre-Columbian America. Scientific American 266(February):78-85.

Hard, R. J.1990 Agriculture Dependence in the Mountain Mogollon. In Perspectives on

Southwestern Prehistory, edited by P. E. Minnis and C. L. Redman, pp. 135-149.Westview Press, Boulder, CO.

Haury,E. W.1989 Point ofPines, Arizona: A History of the University ofArizona Archaeological

Field School. Anthropological Papers of the University of Arizona 50. The Universityof Arizona Press, Tucson.

Hegmon,M.1989 Social Integration and Architecture. In The Architecture ofSocial Integration in

Prehistoric Pueblos, edited by W. D. Lipe and M. Hegmon, pp. 5-14. Occasional PaperNo. 1., Crow Canyon Archaeological Center, Cortez, CO.

-31-

Hill, J. N., and W. N. Trierweiler1986 Prehistoric Responses to Food Stress on the Pajarito Plateau, New Mexico:

Technical Report and Results of the Pajarito Archaeological Research Project, 1977­1985. Report submitted to the National Science Foundation. Department ofAnthropology, University of California, Los Angeles.

Hogan,P.1989 Dinetah: A Reevaluation of Pre-Revolt Navajo Occupation in Northwest New

Mexico. Journal ofAnthropological Research 45:309-317.Holland, J. H.

1992 Genetic Algorithms. Scientific American July 1992:66-72.Huckell, B. B.

1990 Late Preceramic Farmers-Foragers in Southeastern Arizona: A Cultural andEcological Consideration of the Spread ofAgriculture into the Arid SouthwesternUnited States. Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Department of Arid Lands ResourceSciences, University of Arizona, Tucson.

1992 Review of The Origins ofSouthwestern Agriculture, by R. G. Matson. Science257:1571-1572.

Hutchins, E., and B. Hazelhurst1991 Learning in the Cultural Process. In Artificial Life II: Proceedings of the Workshop

on Artificial Life Held February, 1990 in Santa Fe, New Mexico, edited by C. G.Langton, C. Taylor, J. D. Farmer, and S. Rasmussen, pp. 689-706. Addison-Wesley,Reading, MA.

James, S. R.1990 Monitoring Archaeofaunal Changes During the Transition to Agriculture in the

American Southwest. The Kiva 56:25-43.Jewett, R. A.

1989 Distance, Integration, and Complexity: The Spatial Organization of Pan-RegionalSettlement Clusters in the American Southwest. In The Sociopolitical Structure ofPrehistoric Southwestern Societies, edited by S. Upham, K. G. Lightfoot and R. A.Jewett, pp. 363-388. Westview Press, Boulder, CO.

Johnson, G. A.1989 Dynamics of Southwestern Prehistory: Far Outside-Looking In. In Dynamics of

Southwestern Prehistory, edited by L. S. Cordell and G. J. Gumerman, pp. 371-389.Smithsonian Institution Press, Washington, D.C.

Judge, W. J.1989 Chaco Canyon-San Juan Basin. In Dynamics ofSouthwestern Prehistory, edited by

L. S. Cordell and G. J. Gumerman, pp. 209-261. Smithsonian Institution Press,Washington, D.C.

1991 Chaco: Current Views of Prehistory and the Regional System. In Chaco andHohokam: Prehistoric Regional Systems in the American Southwest., edited by P. L.Crown and W. J. Judge, pp. 11-30. School of American Research Press, Santa Fe.

Kane,A.E.1989 Did the Sheep Look Up? Sociopolitical Complexity in Ninth Century Dolores

Society. In The Sociopolitical Structure ofPrehistoric Southwestern Societies, edited byS. Upham, K. G. Lightfoot and R. A. Jewett, pp. 307-362. Westview Press, Boulder,CO.

Kaplan, H., and K. R. Hill1985 Food Sharing Among Ache Hunter-Gatherers of Eastern Paraguay. Current

Anthropology 25:113-115.Katzenberg, M. A.

1992 Advances in Stable Isotope Analysis of Prehistoric Bones. In Skeletal Biology ofPast Peoples: Research Methods, edited by S. R. Saunders and M. A. Katzenberg, pp.105-119. Wily-Lisps, New York.

Kauffman, S.

-32-

1991 Antichaos and Adaptation. Scientific American August:78-84.1992 The Sciences of Complexity and the "Origins of Order." In The Principles of

Organization in Organisms, edited by J. E. Mittenthal and A. B. Baskin, pp. 303-319.Addison-Wesley, Reading, MA.

Kent, S.1986 The Influence of Sedentism and Aggregation on Porotic Hyperostosis and Anemia.

Man (N.S.) 21:605-636.1992a Anemia Through the Ages: Changing Perspectives and Their Implications. In

Diet, Demography, and Disease: Changing Perspectives on Anemia, edited by P.Stuart-Macadam and S. Kent, pp. 1-30. Aldine de Gruyter, New York.

1992b Studying Variability in the Archaeological Record: An EthnoarchaeologicalModel for Distinguishing Mobility Patterns. American Antiquity 57:635-660.

Kidder, A. V.1962 [1924] An Introduction to the Study ofSouthwestern Archaeology with a

Preliminary Account ofthe Excavations at Pecos, and a Summary ofSouthwesternArchaeology Today, by Irving Rouse. Yale University Press, New Haven.

Kintigh, K.1990a Chaco, Communal Architecture, and Cibolan Aggregation. Revised version of

paper presented at the Second Southwest Symposium, Albuquerque, January.1990b Protohistoric Transitions in the Western Pueblo Area. In Perspectives on

Southwestern Prehistory, edited by P. E. Minnis and C. L. Redman, pp. 258-275.Westview Press, Boulder, CO.

1992 Post-Chacoan Organizational Developments as Evidenced at the Hinkson Site,New Mexico. Paper presented in the symposium "Historic and Prehistoric Changes inZuni Social Organization" at the 57th Annual Meeting of the Society for AmericanArchaeology, Pittsburgh, April.

Kodack,M.1990 A Discussion of Element Pools and an Application using Late Prehistoric Rock Art

from the Zuni and Hopi area. North American Archaeologist 11:107-119.Kohler, T. A.

1989 Introduction. In Bandelier Archaeological Excavation Project: Research Designand Summer 1988 Sampling, edited by T. A. Kohler, pp. 1-12. Reports ofInvestigations 61. Department of Anthropology, Washington State University, Pullman.

1992a Fieldhouses, Villages, and the Tragedy of the Commons in the Early NorthernAnasazi Southwest. American Antiquity 57:617-635.

1992b Prehistoric Human Impact on the Environment in the Upland North AmericanSouthwest. Population and Environment: A Journal ofInterdisciplinary Studies13:255-268.

Kohler, T. A., and M. H. Matthews1988 Long-term Anasazi Land use and Forest Reduction: A Case Study from Southwest

Colorado. American Antiquity 53:537-564.Kohler, T. A., J. D. Orcutt, E. Blinman, and K. L. Petersen

1986 Anasazi Spreadsheets: The Cost of Doing Business in Prehistoric Dolores. InDolores Archaeological Program: Final Synthetic Report, edited by D. A. Breternitz,C. K. Robinson and T. G. Gross, pp. 525-538. Bureau of Reclamation, Engineering andResearch Center, Denver.

Kohler, T. A., and C. R. Van West1992 The Calculus ofSelf Interest in the Development ofCooperation: Sociopolitical

Development and Risk Among the Northern Anasazi. Revised version of paper pre­sented at the Santa Fe Institute Workshop entitled "Resource Stress, EconomicUncertainty, and Human Response in the Prehistoric Southwest", February. Ms. on file,Santa Fe Institute, Santa Fe.

Langton, C. G.

-33-

1991 Life at the Edge of Chaos. In ArtificialLife II: Proceedings ofthe Workshop onArtificial Life Held February, 1990 in Santa Fe, New Mexico, edited by C. G. Langton,C. Taylor, J. D. Fanner, and S. Rasmussen, pp. 41-91. Addison-Wesley, Reading, MA.

Larson, D.O., and J. Michaelsen1990 Impacts of Climatic Variability and Population Growth on Virgin Branch Anasazi

Cultural Developments. American Antiquity 55:227-249.LeBlanc, S. A.

1989 Cultural Dynamics in the Southern Mogollon Area. In Dynamics ofSouthwestPrehistory, edited by L. S. Cordell and G. J. Gumennan, pp. 179-207. SmithsonianInstitution Press, Washington, D.C.

Lekson, S. H.1984 Great Pueblo Architecture ofChaco Canyon, New Mexico. University of New

Mexico Press, Albuquerque.1988 The Idea of the Kiva in Anasazi Archaeology. The Kiva 53:213-234.1989a Kivas? In The Architecture ofSocial1ntegration in Prehistoric Pueblos, edited by

W. D. Lipe and M. Hegmon, pp. 160-167. Occasional Paper No.1, Crow CanyonArchaeological Center, Cortez, CO.

1989b Subsistence Geography in the Ethnohistoric Southern Southwest: A Meditation onBrown and Lowe's (1980) Vegetation Map. Revised version of paper presented at the52nd Annual Meeting of the Society for American Archaeology, Phoenix, April.

1990a Mimbres Archaeology of the Upper Gila, New Mexico. Anthropological Papers ofthe University of Arizona No. 53. University of Arizona Press, Tucson.

1990b Sedentism and Aggregation in Anasazi Archaeology. In Perspectives onSouthwestern Prehistory, edited by P. E. Minnis and C. L. Redman, pp. 333-340.Westview Press, Boulder, CO.

1991 Settlement Pattern and the Chaco Region. In Chaco & Hohokam: PrehistoricRegional System in the American Southwest, edited by P. L. Crown and W. J. Judge, pp.31-55. School of American Research Press, Santa Fe.

1992a The "Classic" Southwest: Cultural Geography in the 11th and 12th Centuries.Expedition (in press).

1992b Nature Sets the Stage. In Tonto Basin in Prehistory, in press.1992c Scale and Process in the Southwest. Paper presented at the Third Southwest

Symposium, Tucson, January.1993 The Surface Archaeology of Southwestern New Mexico. The Artifact (in press).

Leonard, R. D.1989a Anasazi Faunal Exploitation: Prehistoric Subsistence on Northern Black Mesa,

Arizona. Occasional Paper 13, Center for Archaeological Investigations, SouthernIllinois University, Carbondale.

1989b Resource Specialization, Population Growth, and Agricultural Production in theAmerican Southwest. American Antiquity 54:491-503.

Levy, J. E.1991 Ethnographic Analogs: Strategies for Reconstructing Archaeological "Cultures".

Revised version of paper presented at Santa Fe Institute Workshop entitled "TheOrganization and Evolution of Prehistoric Southwestern Society," September, 1989.Ms. on fIle, Santa Fe Institute, Santa Fe.

Lewin, R.1992 Complexity: Life at the Edge of Chaos. Macmillan, New York.

Lightfoot, K. G., and G. Feinman1982 Social Differentiation and Leadership development in Early Pithouse Villages in

the Mogollon Region of the American Southwest. American Antiquity 47:64-86.Lightfoot, K. G., and S. Upham

1989a Complex Societies in the Prehistoric American Southwest: A Consideration of theControversy. In The Sociopolitical Structure ofPrehistoric Southwestern Societies,

-34-

edited by S. Upham, K. G. Lightfoot and R. A. Jewett, pp. 3-30. Westview Press,Boulder, CO.

1989b The Sociopolitical Structure of Prehistoric Southwestern Societies: ConcludingThoughts. In The Sociopolitical Structure ofPrehistoric Southwestern Societies, editedby S. Upham, K. G. Lightfoot and R. A. Jewett, pp. 583-593. Westview Press, Boulder,CO.

Lightfoot, R. R.1992 Archaeology ofthe House and Household: A Case Study ofAssemblage Formation

and Household Organization in the American Southwest. Unpublished Ph.D. disserta­tion, Department of Anthropology, Washington State University, Pullman.

Lipe, W. D.1989 Social Scale of Mesa Verde Anasazi Kivas. In The Architecture ofSocial

Integration in Prehistoric Pueblos, edited by W. D. Lipe and M. Hegmon, pp. 53-71.Crow Canyon Archaeological Center, Cortez, CO.

1992 Summary and Concluding Comments. In The Sand Canyon ArchaeologicalProject: A Progress Report, edited by W. D. Lipe, pp. 121-133. Crow CanyonArchaeological Center, Cortez, CO.

Lipe, W. D., and M. Hegmon (editors)1989 The Architecture ofSocial Integration in Prehistoric Pueblos. Occasional Paper

No.1. Crow Canyon Archaeological Center, Cortez, CO.Lipe, W. D., and M. Hegmon

1989 Historical and Analytical Perspectives on Architecture and Social Integration in thePrehistoric Pueblos. In The Architecture ofSocial Integration in Prehistoric Pueblos,edited by W. D. Lipe and M. Hegmon, pp. 15-34. Crow Canyon ArchaeologicalCenter, Cortez, CO.

Long, A., B. F. Benz, D. J. Donahue, A. J. T., and L. J. Toolin1989 First Direct AMS Dates on Early Maize from Tehuacan, Mexico. Radiocarbon

31:1035-1040.Lowell, J. C.

1991 Prehistoric Households at Turkey Creek Pueblo, Arizona. Anthropological Papersof the University of Arizona No. 54. University of Arizona Press, Tucson.

Martin, D. L.1993 Patterns of Diet and Disease: Health Profiles for the Prehistoric Southwest. In

Themes in Southwestern Prehistory, edited by G. J. Gumerman. School of AmericanResearch Press, Santa Fe, in press.

Martin, D. L., A. H. Goodman, G. J. Armelagos, and A. L. Magennis1991 Black Mesa Anasazi Health: Reconstructing Life from Patterns ofDeath and

Disease. Occasional Paper No. 14, Center for Archaeological Investigations, SouthernIllinois University, Carbondale.

Mathien, F. J.1991 Political, Economic, and Demographic Implications of the Chaco Road Network.

In Ancient Road Networks and Settlement Hierarchies in the New World, edited by C.D. Trombold, pp. 99-110. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.

Mathien, F. J. (editor)1991 Excavations at 29SJ633: The Eleventh Hour Site. Reports of the Chaco Center No.

10. Branch of Cultural Research, National Park Service, Santa Fe.Mathien, F. J., and T. C. Windes (editors)

1987 Investigations at the Pueblo Alto Complex, Chaco Canyon. Volume III Part I:Artifactual and Biological Analyses. Chaco Canyon Studies, Publications inArchaeology. National Park Service, Santa Fe.

Matson, R. G.1991 The Origins ofSouthwestern Agriculture. University of Arizona Press, Tucson.

Matson, R. G., and B. Chisholm

-35-

1991 Basketmaker II Subsistence: Carbon Isotopes and Other Dietary Indicators fromCedar Mesa, Utah. American Antiquity 56:444-459.

Matson, R. G., and S. Cole1992 Ethnicity and Conflict among the Basketmaker II of the U. S. Southwest. Paper

presented at the 25th Annual Chacmool Conference, November, Calgary.Matson, R. G., W. D. Lipe, and W. R. Haase, IV

1988 Adaptational Continuities and Occupational Discontinuities: The Cedar MesaAnasazi. Journal ofField Archaeology 15:245-264.

Mauldin, R.1991 Agricultural Intensification in the Mogollon Highlands. In Mogollon V, edited by

P. H. Beckett, pp. 62-74. COAS Publishing and Research, Las Cruces, NM.McGuire, R. H.

1989a The Greater Southwest as a Periphery of Mesoamerica. In Centre and Periphery:Comparative Studies in Archaeology, edited by T. C. Champion, pp. 40-66. Allen andUnwin, London.

1989b Review of The Analysis of Prehistoric Diets (edited by Gilbert and Mielke) andSocial Adaptation to Food Stress: A Prehistoric Southwestern Example (by Paul E.Minnis). North American Archaeologist 10:237-242.

McGuire, R. H., E. C. Adams, B. A. Nelson, and K. Spielmann1993 Drawing the Southwest to Scale: Perspectives on Macroregional Relations. In

Themes in Southwestern Prehistory, edited by G. J. Gumerman. School of AmericanResearch Press, Santa Fe, in press.

Merbs, C. F.1989 Patterns of Health and Sickness in the Precontact Southwest. In Columbian

Consequences, Volume I: Archaeological and Historical Perspectives on the SpanishBorderlands West, edited by D. H. Thomas, pp. 41-55. Smithsonian Institution Press,Washington, D. C.

Minnis, P. E.1985 Social Adaptation to Food Stress: A Prehistoric Southwestern Example. University

of Chicago Press, Chicago.1989a The Casas Grandes Polity in the International Four Corners. In The Sociopolitical

Structure ofPrehistoric Southwestern Societies, edited by S. Upham, K. G. Lightfootand R. A. Jewett, pp. 269-305. Westview Press, Boulder, CO.

1989b Prehistoric Diet in the Northern Southwest: Macroplant Remains from FourCorner Feces. American Antiquity 54:543-563.

Minnis, P. E., and C. L. Redman (editors)1990 Perspectives ofSouthwestern Prehistory. Investigations in American Archaeology.

Westview Press, Boulder, CO.Mitchell, M., P. T. Hraber, and 1. P. Crutchfield

1993 Revisiting the Edge of Chaos: Evolving Cellular Automata to PerformComputations. Santa Fe Institute Working Paper 93-03---014. Santa Fe Institute, SantaFe, New Mexico.

Montgomery, B. K., and 1. J. Reid1990 An Instance of Rapid Ceramic Change in the American Southwest. American

Antiquity 55:88-97.Neitzel, J.

1989 The Chacoan Regional System: Interpreting the Evidence for Complexity. In TheSociopolitical Structure ofPrehistoric Southwestern Societies, edited by S. Upham, K.G. Lightfoot and R. A. Jewett, pp. 509-556. Westview Press, Boulder, CO.

Nelson, B. A., T. A. Kohler, and K. W. Kintigh1992 Demographic Alternatives: Consequences for Current Models of Southwestern

Prehistory. Revised Version of Paper presented at the Santa Fe Institute Workshopentitled "Organization and Evolution of Prehistoric Southwestern Society", September,1989. Ms. on file, Santa Fe Institute, Santa Fe.

-36-

Nelson, B. A., D. L. Martin, A. C. Swedlund, P. R. Fish, and G. J. Annelagos1992 Studies in Disruption: Demography and Health in the Prehistoric American

Southwest. Revised Version of Paper presented at the Santa Fe Institute Workshop en­titled "Organization and Evolution of Prehistoric Southwestern Society", September,1989. Ms. on file, Santa Fe Institute, Santa Fe.

Nelson, M. C.1992a Changing Occupational Pattern Among Prehistoric Horticulturalists in SW New

Mexico. Journal ofField Archaeology 20:61-72.1992b Classic Mimbres Land Use in the Eastern Mimbres Region, Southwestern New

Mexico. Kiva 58(4), in press.Orcutt, J. D., E. Blinman, and T. A. Kohler

1990 Explanations of Population Aggregation in the Mesa Verde Region Prior to A.D.900. In Perspectives on Southwestern Prehistory, edited by P. E. Minnis and C. L.Redman, pp. 196-212. Westview Press, Boulder, CO.

Palkovich, A. M.1980 The Arroyo Hondo Skeletal and Mortuary Remains. School of American Research

Press, Santa Fe, NM.Palmer, 1. W.

1992 Migrations of the Apachean Dineh. North American Archaeologist 13:195-218.Parry, W. J., and E E. Smiley

1990 Hunter-Gatherer Archaeology in Northeastern Arizona and Southeastern Utah. InPerspectives on Southwestern Prehistory, edited by P. L. Minnis and C. L. Redman, pp.47-56. Westview Press, Boulder, CO.

Petersen, K. L.1988 Climate and the Dolores River Anasazi. University of Utah Anthropological Papers

No. 113. University of Utah Press, Salt Lake City.1992 A Warm and Wet Little Climatic Optimum and a Cold and Dry Little Ice Age in the

Southern Rocky Mountains, V.SA .. Report No. WHC-SA-1382-FP, WestinghouseHanford Company, Richland, WA.

Plog, E1983 Political and Economic Alliance on the Colorado Plateaus, A. D. 400-1450. In

Advances in World Archaeology, vol. 2, edited by E Wendorf and A. E. Close.Academic Press, New York.

Plog, E, G. J. Gumennan, J. S. Dean, R. C. Euler, T. N. V. Karlstrom, and R. Hevly1988 Anasazi Adaptive Strategies: The Model, Predictions, and Results. In The Anasazi

in a Changing Environment, edited by G. J. Gumennan, pp. 230-276. School ofAmerican Research Press and Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.

Plog, S.1990 Agriculture, Sedentism, and Environment in the Evolution of Political Systems. In

The Evolution ofPolitical Systems: Sociopolitics in Small-Scale Sedentary Societies,edited by S. Upham, pp. 177-202. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.

Plog, S., and J. L. Hantman1990 Chronology Construction and the Study of Prehistoric Culture Change. Journal of

Field Archaeology 17:439--456.Preucel, R. W.

1990 Review of Early Prehistoric Agriculture in the American Southwest by W. H.Wills. Journal ofField Archaeology 17:475--478.

Rafferty, K.1989a The Anasazi Abandonment and the Numic Expansion: A Reply to Ambler and

Sutton. North American Archaeologist 10:311-329.1989b Virgin Anasazi Sociopolitical Organization, A.D. 1 to 1150. In The Sociopolitical

Structure ofPrehistoric Southwestern Societies, edited by S. Upham, K. G. Lightfootand R. A. Jewett, pp. 557-582. Westview Press, Boulder, CO.

Reid, J. J.

-37-

1989 A Grasshopper Perspective on the Mogollon of the Arizona Mountains. InDynamics ofSouthwest Prehistory, edited by L. S. Cordell and G. J. Gumerman, pp.65--97. Smithsonian Institution Press, Washington, D.C.

Reid, J. J., M. B. Schiffer, S. M. Whittlesey, M. J. Hinkes, A. P. Sullivan III, C. E. Downum,W. A. Longacre, and H. D. Tuggle

1989 Perception and Interpretation in Contemporary Southwestern Archaeology:Comments on Cordell, Upham, and Brock. American Antiquity 54:802-814.

Reid, J. J., and S. M. Whittlesey1990 The Complicated and the Complex: Observations on the Archaeological Record of

Large Pueblos. In Perspectives on Southwestern Prehistory, edited by P. E. Minnis andC. L. Redman, pp. 184--195. Westview Press, Boulder, CO.

Reinhard, K. J.1988 Cultural Ecology of Prehistoric Parasitism as Evidenced by Coprology. American

Journal ofPhysical Anthropology 77:355--366.Riley, C. L.

1990 A View from the Protohistoric. In Perspectives on Southwestern Prehistory, editedby P. E. Minnis and C. L. Redman, pp. 228-238. Westview Press, Boulder, CO.

Rohn,A.1989a Rock Art ofBandelier National Monument. University of New Mexico Press,

Albuquerque.1989b Northern San Juan Prehistory. In Dynamics ofSouthwestern Prehistory, edited by

L. S. Cordell and G. J. Gumerman, pp. 149-178. Smithsonian Institution Press,Washington, D. C.

Sandor, J. A.1990 Prehistoric Agricultural Terraces and Soils in the Mimbres Area, New Mexico.

World Archaeology 22:70-86.Schaafsma, P.

1980 Indian Rock Art ofthe Southwest. University of New Mexico Press (School ofAmerican Research), Albuquerque.

1989 Supper or Symbol: Roadrunner Tracks in Southwest Art and Ritual. In Animalsinto Art, edited by H. Morphy, pp. ?? Unwin Hyman, London.

Schlanger, S. H.1988 Patterns of Population Movement and Long-term Population Growth in

Southwestern Colorado. American Antiquity 53:773-793.1991 On Manos, Metates, and the History of Site Occupations. American Antiquity

56:460-474.Schlanger, S. H., and R. H. Wilshusen

1990 Local Abandonments and Regional Conditions in the North American Southwest.Paper presented at the 55th Annual Meetings of the Society for American Archaeology,April, Las Vegas.

Schroeder, A. H.1992 Protohistoric Pueblo Demographic Changes. In Current Research on the Late

Prehistory and Early History ofNew Mexico, edited by B. J. Vierra, pp. 29-35. NewMexico Archaeological Council, Albuquerque.

Sebastian, L.1991 Sociopolitical Complexity and the Chaco System. In Chaco & Hohokam:

Prehistoric Regional Systems in the American Southwest, edited by P. L. Crown and W.J. Judge, pp. 109-134. School of American Research Press, Santa Fe.

1992 The Chaco Anasazi: Sociopolitical Evolution in the Prehistoric Southwest.Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.

Shennan, S. J.1991 Tradition, Rationality, and Cultural Transmission. In Processual and

Postprocessual Archaeologies: Multiple Ways ofKnowing the Past, edited by R. W.

-38-

Preucel, pp. 197-208. Center for Archaeological Investigations, Southern lllinoisUniversity, Carbondale.

Simmons, A. H., A. L. W. Stodder, D. D. Dykeman, and P. A. Hicks1989 Human Adaptations and Cultural Change in the Greater Southwest. Arkansas

Archeological Survey Research Series No. 32, Fayetteville.Smiley, F. E.

1993 The Agricultural Transition in the Northern Southwest: Simulation Approaches andChronometric Data. The Kiva, in press.

Speth, 1. D.1990 The Study of Hunter-Gatherers in the American Southwest: New Insights from

Ethnology. In Perspectives on Southwestern Prehistory, edited by P. E. Minnis and C.L. Redman, pp. 15-25. Westview Press, Boulder, CO.

Speth, 1. D., and S. L. Scott1989 Horticulture and Large Mammal Hunting: The Role of Resource Depletion and the

Constraints of Time and Labor. In Farmers as Hunters: The Implications ofSedentism,edited by S. Kent, pp. 71-79. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.

Spielmann, K. A. (editor)1991 Farmers, Hunters, and Colonists: Interaction Between the Southwest and the

Southern Plains. University of Arizona Press, Tucson.Spielmann, K. A., M. J. Schoeninger, and K. Moore

1990 Plains-Pueblo Interdependence and Human Diet at Pecos Pueblo, New Mexico.American Antiquity 55:745-765.

Stein, J., and P. J. McKenna1988 An Archaeological Reconnaissance ofa Late Bonito Phase Occupation near Aztec

Ruins National Monument. Branch of Cultural Resources, Southwest Regional Office,National Park Service, Santa Fe.

Stodder, A. W.1987 The Physical Anthropology and Mortuary Practice of the Dolores Anasazi: An

Early Pueblo Population in Local and Regional Perspective. In Dolores ArchaeologicalProgram Supporting Studies: Settlement and Environment, edited by K. L. Petersen andJ. D. Orcutt, pp. 339-504. U. S. Bureau of Reclamation, Engineering and ResearchCenter, Denver.

1990 Paleoepidemiology ofEastern and Western Pueblo Communities in ProtohistoricNew Mexico. Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Department of Anthropology, Universityof Colorado, Boulder.

Stodder, A. W., and D. L. Martin1991 Native Health and Disease in the American Southwest Before and After Spanish

Contact. In Disease and Demography in the Americas, edited by J. W. Verano and D.H. Ubelaker, pp. 55-73. Smithsonian Institution Press, Washington, D. C.

Stone, T. T.1992 The Process ofAggregation in the American Southwest: A Case Study from Zuni,

New Mexico. Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Department of Anthropology, ArizonaState University, Tempe.

Sullivan, A. P., III1992 Pinyon Nuts and Other Wild Resources in Western Anasazi Subsistence

Economies. Research in Economic Anthropology, Supplement 6:195-239.Swedlund, A. C.

1992 Issues in Demography and Health: Platform Paper. Revised Version of Paper pre­sented at the Santa Fe Institute Workshop entitled "Organization and Evolution ofPrehistoric Southwestern Society", September, 1989. Ms. on file, Santa Fe Institute,Santa Fe.

Thom,R.

-39-

1989 An Inventory of Waddingtonian Concepts. In Theoretical Biology: Epigenetic andEvolutionary Order from Complex Systems, edited by B. Goodwin and P. Saunders, pp.1-7. Edinburgh University Press, Edinburgh.

Toll,H. W.1991 Material Distributions and Exchange in the Chaco System. In Chaco & Hohokam:

Prehistoric Regional Systems in the American Southwest., edited by P. L. Crown andW. J. Judge, pp. 77-107. School of American Research Press, Santa Fe.

Toll, M. S.1988 Flotation Sampling: Problems and Some Solutions, with Examples from the

American Southwest. In Current Paleoethnobotany: Analytical Methods and CulturalInterpretations ofArchaeological Plant Remains., edited by C. A. Hastorf and V. S.Popper, pp. 36-52. University of Chicago Press, Chicago.

1992 Patterns of Plant Use from the Late Prehistoric to Spanish Contact in the RioGrande Valley. In Current Research on the Late Prehistory and Early History ofNewMexico, edited by B. J. Vierra, pp. 51-54. New Mexico Archaeological Council,Albuquerque.

Turner, C. G., II1989 Teec Nos Pos: More Possible Cannibalism in Northeastern Arizona. The Kiva

54:147-152.Turner, C. G., II, and J. A. Turner

1990 Perimortem Damage to Human Skeletal Remains from Wupatki NationalMonument, Northern Arizona. The Kiva 55:187-212.

1992 The First Claim for Cannibalism in the Southwest: Walter Hough's 1901 Discoveryat Canyon Butte Ruin 3, Northeastern Arizona. American Antiquity 57:661-682.

Turner, J.1987 Analytical Theorizing. In Social Theory Today, edited by A. Giddens and J. H.

Turner, pp. 156-194. Stanford University Press, Palo Alto.Turpin, S. A.

1990 Rock Art and Hunter-gatherer Archaeology: A Case Study from SW Texas andNorthern Mexico. Journal ofField Archaeology 17:263-281.

Upham, S.1982 Polities and Power: An Economic and Political History ofthe Western Pueblo.

Academic Press, New York.1984 Adaptive Diversity and Southwestern Abandonment. Journal ofAnthropological

Research 40:235-256.1987 The Tyranny of Ethnographic Analogy. In Coasts, Deserts, and Plains: Papers in

Honor ofReynold J. Ruppe, edited by S. Gaines and G. A. Clark, pp. 265-279. ArizonaState University, Tempe.

1989 East Meets West: Hierarchy and Elites in Pueblo Society. In The SociopoliticalStructure ofPrehistoric Southwestern Societies, edited by S. Upham, K. G. Lightfootand R. A. Jewett, pp. 77-102. Westview Press, Boulder, CO.

1992 Interaction and Isolation: The Empty Spaces in Panregional Political and EconomicSystems. In Resources, Power, and Interregional Interaction, edited by E. M.Schortman and P. A. Urban, pp. 139-152. Plenum Press, New York.

Upham, S., R. S. MacNeish, W. C. Galinat, and C. M. Stevenson1987 Evidence Concerning the Origin of Maiz de Ocho. American Anthropologist

89:41D-419.Upham, S., F. Plog, R. Reynolds, and J. Tainter

1991 A Perspective on Systems Modeling in Southwestern Archaeology. Revised ver­sion of Paper presented at Santa Fe Institute Workshop entitled "The Organization andEvolution of Prehistoric Southwestern Society", September, 1989. Ms. on file, Santa FeInstitute, Santa Fe.

Upham, S., and L. S. Reed

-40-

1989a Regional Systems in the Central and Northern Southwest: Demography,Economy, and Sociopolitics Preceding Contact. In Columbian Consequences, Volume1: Archaeological and Historical Perspectives on the Spanish Borderlands West, editedby D. H. Thomas, pp. 57-76. Smithsonian Institution Press, Washington, D. C.

Upham, S., and P. F. Reed1989b Inferring the Structure of Anasazi Warfare. In Twentieth Chacmool Conference,

edited by D. C. Tkaczuk and B. C. Vivian, pp. 153-162. Calgary, Canada, Departmentof Archaeology, University of Calgary.

Van Ness, M.1986 Desha Complex Macrobotanical Fecal Remains: An Archaic Diet in the American

Southwest. Unpublished M. A. thesis, Department of Anthropology, Northern ArizonaUniversity, Flagstaff.

Van West, C. R.1990 Modeling Prehistoric Climatic Variability and Agricultural Production in

Southwestern Colorado: A G.I.S. Approach. Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation,Department of Anthropology, Washington State University, Pullman.

Van West, C. R., and T. A. Kohler1992 A Time to Rend, and Time to Sew: New Perspectives on Northern Anasazi

Sociopolitical Development in Later Prehistory. Paper presented at the conference"The Anthropology of Human Behavior Through Geographic Information andAnalysis," National Center for Geographic Information and Analysis, and theDepartment of Anthropology, University of California, Santa Barbara.

Van West, C. R., and W. D. Lipe1992 Modeling Prehistoric Climate and Agriculture in Southwestern Colorado. In The

Sand Canyon Archaeological Project: A Progress Report, edited by W. D. Lipe, pp.105-119. Crow Canyon Archaeological Center, Cortez, CO.

Varien, M. D., and R. R. Lightfoot1989 Ritual and Nonritual Activities in Mesa Verde Region Pit Structures. In The

Architecture ofSocial Integration in Prehistoric Pueblos, edited by W. D. Lipe and M.Hegmon, pp. 73-87. Crow Canyon Archaeological Center, Cortez, CO.

Vierra, B. 1.1990 Archaic Hunter-Gatherer Archaeology in Northwestern New Mexico. In

Perspectives on Southwestern Prehistory, edited by P. L. Minnis and C. L. Redman, pp.57-67. Westview Press, Boulder, CO.

Villa, P.1992 Cannibalism in Prehistoric Europe. Evolutionary Anthropology 1:93-104.

Vivian, R. G.1990 The Chacoan Prehistory of the San Juan Basin, New Mexico. Academic Press, San

Diego.1991 Chacoan Subsistence. In Chaco & Hohokam: Prehistoric Regional Systems in the

American Southwest., edited by P. L. Crown and W. J. Judge, pp. 57-75. School ofAmerican Research Press, Santa Fe.

Waddington, C. H.1977 ToolsforThought. Paladin, St. Albans, England.

Waldrop, M. M.1992 Complexity: The Emerging Science at the Edge ofOrder and Chaos. Simon &

Shuster, New York.Warburton, M., and D. K. Graves

1992 Navajo Springs, Arizona: Frontier Outlier or Autonomous Great House? Journal ofField Archaeology 19:51-69.

Welch, J. R.1991 From Horticulture to Agriculture in the Late prehistory of the Grasshopper Region,

Arizona. In Mogollon V, edited by P. H. Beckett, pp. 75-92. COAS Publishing andResearch, Las Cruces.

-41-

White, T. D.1991 Archaeological Case Study: Anasazi Remains from Cottonwood Canyon. In

Human Osteology, edited by P. A Felkens, pp. 393-406. Academic Press, New York.1992 Prehistoric Cannibalism at Mancos Canyon 5MTUMR-2346. Princeton University

Press,Princeton.Wilcox, D. R.

1988 Avon1ea and Southern Athapaskan Migrations. In Avonlea Yesterday and Today:Archaeology and Prehistory, edited by L. B. Davis, pp. 273-280. SaskatchewanArchaeological Society, Saskatoon, Saskatchewan.

1990 Comments: Transition or Period: Systematic Change in the Southwest, AD. 1250­1700. In Perspectives on Southwestern Prehistory, edited by P. E. Minnis and C. L.Redman, pp. 308-313. Westview Press, Boulder, CO.

1991a Changing Contexts of Pueblo Adaptations, A. D. 1250-1600. In Farmers,Hunters, and Colonists: Interaction Between the Southwest and the Southern Plains,edited by K. A Spielmann, pp. 128-154. University of Arizona Press, Tucson.

1991b The Evolution of the Chacoan Polity. In Chimney Rock Pueblo and the ChacoConnection, edited by J. M. Ma1ville and G. Matlock (in preparation).

1992 Discussion of Pueblo Research. In Current Research on the Late Prehistory andEarly History ofNew Mexico, edited by B. J. Vierra, pp. 101-107. New MexicoArchaeological Council, Albuquerque.

Wilcox, D. R., and J. Haas1993 The Reality of Competition and Conflict in the Prehistoric Southwest. In Themes

in Southwestern Prehistory, edited by G. J. Gumerman. School of American ResearchPress, Santa Fe, in press.

Wills, W.H.1988a Early Agriculture and Sedentism in the American Southwest: Evidence and

Interpretations. Journal ofWorld Prehistory 2:445-488.1988b Early Prehistoric Agriculture in the American Southwest. School of American

Research Press, Santa Fe.1990 Cultivating Ideas: The Changing Intellectual History of the Introduction of

Agriculture to the American Southwest. In Perspectives on Southwestern Prehistory,edited by P. E. Minnis and C. L. Redman, pp. 319-332. Westview Press, Boulder, CO.

1991 Organizational Strategies and the Emergence of Prehistoric Villages in theAmerican Southwest. In Between Bands and States, edited by S. A Gregg, pp. 161­180. Center for Archaeological Investigations, Southern lllinois University,Carbondale.

1992 Plant Cultivation and the Evolution of Risk-Prone Economies in the PrehistoricAmerican Southwest. In Transitions to Agriculture in Prehistory, edited by A B.Gebauer and T. D. Price, pp. 153-176. Prehistory Press, Madison, WI.

Wills, W. H., P. L. Crown, J. S. Dean, and C. Langton1991 Complex Adaptive Systems and Southwestern Prehistory. Revised Version of

Paper presented at the Santa Fe Institute Workshop entitled "Evolution of PrehistoricComplexity in the American Southwest", September, 1989. Ms. on file, Santa FeInstitute, Santa Fe.

Wills, W. H., and B. B. Huckell1993 Economic Implications of Changing Land-Use Patterns in the Late Archaic. In

Themes in Southwestern Prehistory, edited by G. J. Gumerman. School of AmericanResearch Press, Santa Fe, in press. Ms. 1991.

Wills, W. H., and T. C. Windes1989 Evidence for Population Aggregation and Dispersal During the Basketmaker III

Period in Chaco Canyon, New Mexico. American Antiquity 54:347-369.Wilshusen, R. H.

1989 Unstuffing the Estufa: Ritual Floor Features in Anasazi Pit Structures. In TheArchitecture ofSocial Integration in Prehistoric Pueblos, edited by W. D. Lipe and M.

-42-

Hegmon, pp. 89-111. Occasional Paper No.1, Crow Canyon Archaeological Center,Cortez, CO.

1991 Early Villages in the American Southwest: Cross-Cultural and ArchaeologicalPerspectives. Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Department of Anthropology, Universityof Colorado, Boulder.

Wilshusen, R. H., and E. Blinman1992 Pueblo I Village Formation: A Reevaluation of Sites Recorded by Early Morris on

the Ute Mountain Ute Tribal Lands. The Kiva 57:251-269.Wilson, C. D.

1992 Implications ofa Ceramic Resource Survey in the Northern Mogollon Country.Paper presented at the 7th Mogollon Conference, Las Cruces, NM, September.

Wilson, C. D., E. Blinman, J. M. Skibo, and M. B. Schiffer1992 The Designing ofSouthwestern Pottery: A Technological and Experimental

Approach. Revised version of paper presented at the Third Southwest Symposium,Tucson, January.

Windes, T. C.1987a Introduction. In Investigations at the Pueblo Alto Complex, Chaco Canyon, New

Mexico, 1975-1979, Volume III, Part I, edited by F. J. Mathien and T. C. Windes, pp.1-18. Publications in Archeology 18F, National Park Service, Santa Fe.

1987b Investigations at the Pueblo Alto Complex, Chaco Canyon (2 vols.) Publicationsin Archeology 18F. National Park service, Santa Fe.

1991 The Prehistoric Road Network at Pueblo Alto, Chaco Canyon, New Mexico. InAncient Road Networks and Settlement Hierarchies in the New World, edited by C. D.Trombold, pp. 111-131. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.

Young,J. M.1988 Signs from the Ancestors: Zuni Cultural Symbolism and Perceptions ofRock Art.

University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque.

SELECTED ADDITIONAL REFERENCES

Ahlstrom, R. V. N., J. S. Dean, and W. J. Robinson1991 Evaluating Tree-Ring Interpretations at Walpi Pueblo, Arizona. American Antiquity

56:628-644.Anderson, B. A., compiler

1990 The Wupatki Archeological Inventory Survey Project: Final Report. SouthwestCultural Resources Center Professional Paper No. 35, Santa Fe.

Berlin, G. L., D. E. Salas, and P. R. Geib1990 A Prehistoric Sinagua Agricultural Site in the Ashfall Zone of Sunset Crater,

Arizona. Journal ofField Archaeology 17:1-16.Bradford, J. E.

1992 Archaeological Survey: Gila CliffDwellings National Monument. SouthwestCultural Resources Center Professional Papers No. 27, Santa Fe.

Cameron, C. M.1990 Pit Structure Abandonment in the Four Corners Region of the American

Southwest: Late Basketmaker III and Pueblo I Periods. Journal ofField Archaeology17:27-37.

Corwn, P. L.1991 Evaluating the Construction Sequence and Population of Pot Creek Pueblo,

Northern New Mexico. American Antiquity 56:291-314.Diehl,M. W.

1992 Architecture as a Material Correlate of Mobility Strategies: Some Implications forArchaeological Interpretation. Behavioral Science Research 261-35.

Fetterman, J., L. Honeycutt, and K. Kuckelman

-43-

1988 Salvage Excavations of 42SA12209, a Publo I Habitation Site in CottonwoodCanyon, Manti-LaSal National Forest, Southeastern Utah. Report submitted to USDAForest Service, Manti-LaSal National Forest, Monticello, Utah.

Fetterman, J., and L. Honeycutt1990 In the Fremont-Anasazi Transition Zone: Excavations in Verdure Canyon. Report

submitted to the Utah Bureau of Land Management, San Juan Resource Area, MoabDistrict.

Hegmon,M.1991 The Risks of Sharing and Sharing as Risk Reduction: Interhousehold Food Sharing

in Egalitarian Societies. In Between Bands and States, edited by S. A. Gregg, pp. 309­329. Center for Archaeological Investigations, Occasional Paper No.9. SouthernIllinois University, Carbondale.

Kohler, T. A., and M. J. Root, editors1992 Bandelier Archaeological Excavation Project: Summer 1990 Excavations at Burnt

Mesa Pueblo and Casa del Rito. Reports ofInvestigations 64. Department ofAnthropology, Washington State University, Pullman.

Orcutt, J. D.1991 Environmental Variability and Settlement Changes on the Pajarito Plateau, New

Mexico. American Antiquity 56:315-332.Patterson-Rudolph, C.

1990 Petroglyphs & Pueblo Myths of the Rio Grande. Awanyu Publishing, Albuquerque.Sullivan, A. P., III

1988 Prehistoric Southwestern Ceramic Manufacture: The Limitations of CurrentEvidence. American Antiquity 53:23-35.

Vierra, B. J., editor1992 Current Research on the Late Prehistory and Early History ofNew Mexico. New

Mexico Archaeological Council Special Publication No.1, Albuquerque.

-44-