NEG

1NC – Counter Terrorism

Nigeria has not defeated Boko Haram – despite victories, they are still fighting violent extremism from spreadingCampell 2019 — director of the Office of UN Political Affairs [John 4/17/19 Council of Foreign Relations “Boko Haram Evolves and Persists in Northeast Nigeria” https://www.cfr.org/blog/boko-haram-evolves-and-persists-northeast-nigeria]

The Nigerian army, in conjunction with the Multinational Joint Task Forces (MNJTF), continues to claim military success against Boko Haram. In neighboring Chad, officials are claiming that Chadian forces killed sixty-three “terrorists” in a mid-April attack on a military facility. But, the number of Boko Haram incidents has not declined. In early April, the Islamic State West Africa released a video showing its execution of five Nigerian soldiers; subsequently, it was determined that three of the soldiers were members of the Civilian Joint Task Force, an informal militia that assists the regular army. In the past, such videos have had a deleterious effect on military morale. The factions, for now, appear relatively distinct. The original split in 2016 had to do with, among other things, Shekau’s leadership style, his understanding of Islam, and his targeting of Muslim civilians. ISWA, according to experts, has been more focused on winning hearts and minds, and has even developed a tax base. Especially since leadership changes over the past year, ISWA has attacked a number of military targets with success, overrunning military bases and stealing equipment. According to the Nigeria Security Tracker, military casualties have increased significantly since July 2018. The Shekau and al-Barnawi factions of Boko Haram continue to evolve and even grow. Changes in leadership and tactics raise questions about the extent of their affiliation with IS and overall stability, but they also indicate that the movement is far from defeated.

Arms sales are key to shift the balance in the War on Boko Haram – it is essential for US cooperation with Nigeria, which is key to containing the spread of terrorist groupsLardner and Faul, 2017 – AP writers [ Richard and Michelle, Military Times April 10 “Trump to sell attack planes to Nigeria for Boko Haram fight” https://www.militarytimes.com/news/pentagon-congress/2017/04/10/trump-to-sell-attack-planes-to-nigeria-for-boko-haram-fight/]

The A-29 sale would improve the U.S. relationship with Nigeria, Africa's largest consumer

market of 170 million people, the continent's biggest economy and its second-largest oil producer. Nigeria also is strategically located on the edge of the Sahel, the largely lawless semi-desert region bridging north and sub-Saharan Africa where experts warn Islamic extremists like the Nigeria-based Boko Haram may expand their reach. The aircraft deal also would satisfy Trump's priorities to support nations fighting Islamic uprisings, boost U.S. manufacturing and create high-wage jobs at home. The A-29 aircraft, which allow pilots to pinpoint targets

at night, are assembled in Jacksonville, Florida. "It's hard to argue that any country in Africa is more important than Nigeria for the geopolitical and other strategic interests of the U.S.," said J. Peter Pham, vice president of the Atlantic Council in Washington and head of its Africa Center. Once Congress is officially notified of the sale, lawmakers who want to derail it have 30 days to pass veto-proof legislation. That's a high hurdle given Corker's support. Sen. John McCain, R-Ariz., chairman of the Armed Services Committee, also said he backs

the sale. "We've really got to try to do what we can to contain them," McCain said of Boko Haram. In Trump's first phone call with Buhari in February, he "assured the Nigerian president of U.S. readiness to cut a new deal in helping Nigeria in terms of military weapons to combat terrorism," according to Buhari's office.

Super Tucanos are key to counter terrorism – they have unique military capabilities. Osborn 2019 - Senior Fellow at The Lexington Institute [Kris Fox News June 11, “US Special Ops want A-29 Super Tucanos to battle terrorists in Africa https://www.foxnews.com/tech/us-special-ops-want-a-29-super-tucanos-to-battle-terrorists-in-africa]

US-trained pilots with the Afghan Air Force have been attacking the Taliban with A-29 Super Tucano aircraft, a platform

which seems well-suited for the Air Force’s intended mission scope. Its integrated weapons and laser-firing technology enable the platform to both lay down suppressive fire in support of advancing infantry and pinpoint targets for precision strikes. This mission envelope seems to enable a wide sphere of operational possibilities, to include counterinsurgency and great power challenges. “They have long loiter time and can stay close to the fight. They are interoperable in a very close-knit way with operations on the ground,” Waltz said. Since SOCOM forces often operate in as many as 50-countries or more, there does appear to be a pressing need for light attack air support, Waltz maintains. A-29s are turboprop planes armed with one 20mm cannon below the fuselage able to shoot 650 rounds per minute, one 12.7mm machine gun (FN Herstal) under each wing and up to four 7.62mm Dillion Aero M134 Miniguns able to shoot up to 3,000 rounds per minute. Super Tucanos are also equipped with 70mm rockets, air-to-air missiles such as the AIM-9L Sidewinder, air-to-ground weapons such as the AGM-65 Maverick and precision-guided bombs. It can also use a laser rangefinder and laser-guided

weapons. The Super Tucano is a highly maneuverable light attack aircraft able to operate in high temperatures and rugged terrain. It is 11.38 meters long and has a wingspan of 11.14 meters; its maximum takeoff weight is 5,400 kilograms. The aircraft has a combat radius of 300 nautical miles, can reach speeds up to 367 mph and hits ranges up to 720 nautical miles. Its combat radius of 300 nautical miles positions the aircraft for effective attacks within urban environments or other more condensed combat circumstances. There are a variety of respects in which A-29s can change the equation when it comes to counterinsurgency. First and foremost, they can save lives. If

overhead fire support is able to identify and attack pockets of enemy fighters, fewer ground troops have to enter into enemy fire. Also, an overhead asset of this kind can be an intelligence node able to send targeted information and data regarding troop movements. When it comes to actual close-in counterinsurgency combat, fighters often obscure themselves in defilade or in buildings, requiring a need for precision strikes. The air-ground Maverick precision weapon can use a laser rangefinder and other kinds of advanced targeting technologies - providing what could be called an indispensable element of attack support. Naturally, advancing ground forces can benefit from air support while advancing on enemies for direct targeting or suppressive fire to enable forces to maneuver. It is not yet clear exactly which areas might pursue Foreign Military Sales, however, the prospect is increasingly likely in areas where counterterrorism operations continue.

Boko Haram is destroying Nigeria – they are escalating terror throughout the regionYork 2015 - Africa Bureau Chief at The Globe and Mail [Geoffrey, , “How Not To Fight Extremism: Nigeria's battle against Boko Haram has been a series of deadly mistakes, missteps and miscalculations”, The Globe and Mail, ProQuest acc 7/10/19]

Abubakar Sani was a carpenter. A quiet and simple man, the son of a middle-class teacher, he seemed like an ordinary citizen in the northern Nigerian town of Gombi. But nine years ago, when he was 21, his family noticed he was changing. He was going to the mosque more often, and he had befriended a man from a northeastern city where Islamist extremism was growing. Then one day he disappeared, without explanation, taking nothing with him. For years his family searched for him, asking the police to help, making appeals on the radio, but finding no trace. Last November, his younger brother Abbas found him. Gombi had erupted in gunfire, and his family had fled to the bush. Abbas ventured home to collect some of their belongings - and ran face-to-face into Abubakar. His brother wore a military-style camouflage uniform and carried two guns. He was thin, he had a beard, and his hair was long, dirty and matted. He had joined Boko Haram. Nigeria, like the Sani family, has been torn apart by the Boko Haram rebellion. The brutal extremist group has turned Nigerians against each other: brother against brother, family against family, soldiers against rebels, in an escalating cycle of murder, kidnapping, destruction and retribution that has killed at least 13,000 people and forced a million to flee their homes. Nigeria's army, weakened by corruption and neglect, has proved unable to cope with Boko Haram's attacks, often fleeing at the first sign of the militia's motorcycles and Kalashnikovs. Only with outside reinforcements - troops from Chad, helicopters and pilots from Russia, military trainers from South Africa - has the Nigerian army finally managed to roll back some of Boko Haram's gains this year. The once-obscure Nigerian insurgency has metastasized into a regional and even global crisis, with the Islamist rebels launching attacks across borders into Cameroon, Niger and Chad, while the United States and other Western governments search desperately for ways to defeat Boko Haram without fuelling the brutality of the Nigerian army. With a crucial national election looming on March 28, the insurgents are increasingly using female

suicide bombers to disrupt the runup to the vote. In the northern town of Potiskum this week, five people were killed by explosives that were strapped to a girl who may have been as young as 10.

Boko Haram in Nigeria is part of the global spread of terrorism which is a threat to our existenceOkoli & Iortyer, 2014- profs of Political Science History, Federal University Lafia, Nigeria [Al Chukwuma & Philip, “Terrorism and Humanitarian Crisis in Nigeria: Insights from Boko Haram Insurgency”, Global Journal of Human-Social Science: F Political Science, https://globaljournals.org/item/2791-terrorism-and-humanitarian-crisis-in-nigeria-insights-from-boko-haram-insurgency 7-10-19]

VI. Contextualizing Terrorism and Boko Haram Insurgency in Nigeria Terrorism and human security crises go hand in hand. Ogwu (2003:7-9) observes that these realities typify new trends in the global security agenda that have assumed greater urgency in the 21st century. The emergence of terrorism on the global scene is a dangerous trajectory because it poses a serious threat to human existence, collective peace and global society. In view of the enormous threats

posed by global terrorism, the international community has been faced with the challenge of bringing the phenomenon under control, since its activities transcend national boundaries. Terrorism is not a new phenomenon in world history in that it has existed in every age for several centuries. Historically, the following examples of important terrorist groups can be identified: Baader Mainhof gang of West Germany, the Japanese Red Army, the Italian Red Brigade, the Palestinian al Fatah, Israeli Haganah, Lebanese Hezbollah, Osama Ibn Laden’s Al-Qaeda, Khmer Rouge of Cambodia, the Viet Cong in Vietnam, Somalian al¬_ Shabaab, Al-Qaeda in the Maghreb (AQIM), to mention but a few prominent ones (Livingstone, Bruce and Wanek, 1978:3; Ngare, 2012). The Nigerian Boko Haram has recently been listed among the league of world’s terrorist groups by the United States in 2013. The word ‘terrorism’ was first coined in the 1790s to refer to terror meted out during the French Revolution by revolutionaries against their opponents. Peacock (1985:45-47) posits that the Jacobin party of Maxi Milieu Robespierre (1793-1795) unleashed a reign of terror involving mass execution by the guillotines as a means of encouraging revolutionary virtue. Since then, terrorism has often been adopted by groups, religious or political movements globally as a means of expressing their grievances. Sometimes terrorism is carried out by the state for various reasons mainly to create a climate of fear or to propagate national ideology, or declared economic and political goals. In 1972, Israeli athletes were kidnapped and later killed by the Palestinian Liberation Organization at Munich Olympic Games. This development pointed to a new dawn of contemporary global conflict, which has been on progressive degeneration over the years. Finemann (2001: 29-38) reports that the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks on the Twin Towers of the World Trade Centre and the Pentagon building near Washington, D.C by the AlQaeda signified the rise of terrorism as an instrument of hegemonic and/ or civilizational struggles. Nigeria broke from the shackles of British colonial rule in 1960. Since then, she has increasingly found it difficult to surmount her basic security challenges. Security and stability appear to have been the major challenge in the nation’s chequered political history. Fwatshak and Ayuba (2007: 255-272) clearly posit that since independence, not a single decade has passed without at least one major cataclysmic crises in Nigeria. Nigeria experienced the Western region political crises in 1960’s, incessant military coups, and a fratricidal civil war between 1967 and 1970. The last three to four decades also witnessed some of the worst civil and sectarian crises. Cases in point include the Maitasine riots, starting in Kano and spreading to most parts of Northern Nigeria in the 1980s, ethno–religious crises in Kafanchan and Zango Kataf both in Southern Kaduna in 1987 and 1992, and the June 12, 1993 post election crises. These forms of violence have variously created humanitarian problems and have threatened Nigeria’s desire towards achieving sustainable political and economic development. Since the 1970s oil has become the mainstay of Nigeria’s political economy. The popular expectation was that this development would stimulate rapid socioeconomic transformation for Nigeria. Unfortunately however, Nigeria has continued to grapple with sapping and multi-dimensional security challenges, the worst of which has been terrorism. The emergence of terrorism in Nigeria marked a threshold in the dramatic reign of public insecurity, which has

generated widespread anxiety in the country. Added to the threats of ransom kidnapping, politically motivated killings,

armed robbery, and other acts of criminality, the nation’s image abroad has been at stake. In 2002, Nigeria came face to face with a new security challenge arising from the activities of Boko Haram sect (otherwise known as the Yusufiyya movement). This genre of violence was fuelled by religious extremism. Boko Haram is a Jihadist militant organization based in North Eastern Nigeria, Cameroon, Niger and Chad. The movement was founded by a radical Islamic cleric, Mohammed Yusuf (Ngare, 2012). The sect originated precisely in Borno and Yobe States of Nigeria, but its activities are pronounced across the entire North Eastern Nigeria except Jigawa State. According to Higazi (2013:1) the Jihadist officially prefer to be called “Jama’atu Ahlis Sunnah Lidda’awati Wal Jihad” meaning “people committed to the

propagation of the prophets Teaching and Jihad. Boko Haram colloquially translates ‘Western education is forbidden”. Boko Haram as the

name suggests is adamantly opposed to what it sees as Western-based incursions that threaten the orthodox values, beliefs, and customs among Muslim communities in Northern Nigeria.

--Extend – Counter Terrorism - BrinkNigeria is on the Brink – Boko Haram is increasing attacks, despite victories by the governmentBrechenmacher, 19 Associate fellow at Carnegie Endowment for Peace [Saskia 05-19 “Stabilizing Northeast Nigeria After Boko Haram” https://carnegieendowment.org/files/Brechenmacher_Nigeria_final.pdf]

Over the past three years, Boko Haram’s decline has been uneven. As the insurgents were pushed back into more remote rural areas, they reverted to earlier tactics, relying on guerilla-style attacks and suicide bombings.16 Nigerian security forces have struggled to consolidate control over rural areas and protect urban centers from

sporadic attacks. While the number of fatalities associated with the group has declined, the number of attacks has fluctuated, and patterns of violence have remained largely consistent since 2014.17 The group has splintered into two main factions or cells: a larger faction led by Abu Musab al-Barnawi now brands itself as the Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP), while Abubakar Shekau still commands a group of militants under the group’s previous name, Jama’atu Ahlis Sunna Lidda’awati wal-Jihad (JAS). Over the course of 2018, ISWAP appears to have expanded its reach in northern Borno, reportedly even recapturing a number of towns near Lake Chad previously controlled by the Nigerian military.18 While some areas—particularly in Adamawa State,

Yobe State, and southern Borno—have thus seen greater security and the return of displaced populations, other parts of Borno State still struggle with ongoing military operations and humanitarian crisis conditions.

Nigeria is losing the counter terrorism effort – lack of intelligence and equipmentMentone 18- Intelligence Capacity Building Expert at Frontex [Dario European Eye on Radicalization October 2, “The Counterterrorism Framework in Nigeria: Strategic and Operational Pitfalls” https://eeradicalization.com/the-counterterrorism-framework-in-nigeria-strategic-and-operational-pitfalls/]

Even though the NACTEST envisaged a coordination role for the Office of National Security Adviser (ONSA) CT, the primary responsibility for combating terrorism in the country

remains with the Nigerian military. In fact, insecurity has significantly reduced the national authorities’ ability to exercise any form of control in vast areas in the northeast of the country, where the military is fighting Boko Haram. Overall, national authorities involved in CT and border security do not possess strong analytical expertise, coordination and information sharing remains of concern, and collected data are not systematically integrated for analysis. In fact, despite the government’s willingness to increase coordination and

cooperation among all the agencies involved in the broader realm of counter-terrorism, border security, and cross-border crime, it has yet to produce any concrete results. When coupled with the lack of technical equipment, services and infrastructure, this situation has significantly reduced the authorities’ capability to respond effectively to the challenges posed by the current operational landscape. The national CT strategy is developed around five main work streams: Forestall; Secure; Identify; Prepare; and Implement (NACTEST, 2016). After having defined the security environment, this paper will walk the reader through the most significant aspects of the strategy in an attempt to underline what has been done and to discuss the challenges posed by the security/operational/institutional environment to its effective implementation.

Counter terrorism is failing because extremism is increasing – don’t believe government claims.Mentone 18- Intelligence Capacity Building Expert at Frontex [Dario European Eye on Radicalization October 2, “The Counterterrorism Framework in Nigeria: Strategic and Operational Pitfalls” https://eeradicalization.com/the-counterterrorism-framework-in-nigeria-strategic-and-operational-pitfalls/]

It is worth underlining that the EU politically and financially supports the MNJTF with over 200 million euros which have already been allocated to address the humanitarian crisis and

to support development in northeastern Nigeria. At the tactical level, however, the last few years have seen the

militant group changing its modus operandi, returning to asymmetric tactics to fill the operational gap created by the new security environment, especially in hit-and-run tactics and suicide attacks (Jane’s, 2018a). Despite repeated claims by the government that Boko Haram has been technically defeated (BBC, 2015), at the end of 2017 Boko Haram cadres attacked a military base in northeast Nigeria to show that they retain the capability to challenge the security forces directly (News24, 2017). In addition, in January 2018 12

people were killed and 48 others wounded in a concerted suicide attack in Maiduguri (Kingimi and Lanre, 2017). These attacks. along with the kidnapping of the students in Dapchi, resulted in harsh criticism of the Buhari administration, putting into question the ability of the security apparatus to exercise effective control over the northeast.

--Extend – Counter Terrorism Links - CooperationUS arms sales to Nigeria help to fight terrorism – it signals our commitment and equips Nigeria’s Air ForceObi, 2017 – writer for This Day [Paul Dec 28 This Day “US Promises to Help Nigeria Exterminate Boko Haram” ProQuest]

Noting that the peace of Nigeria was strategic to the security of the entire West African Sub-Region and the entire world, Symington expressed the commitment of the US government to help Nigeria completely defeat the Boko Haram terrorists and also eliminate all forms of terrorism from its territory. He also conveyed the US government's belief that the capacity of the NAF could greatly be enhanced by the acquisition of the Super Tucano Aircraft. According to him: "The US government would, therefore, continue to support the NAF in its capacity building efforts, including the timely supply of needed aircraft spares." The US ambassador also indicated the readiness of relevant US government officials to work with NAF officials to facilitate the early delivery of the aircraft once payment was made. To that effect, officials of both the US government and the NAF would be meeting in early January 2018 to jointly study the LOA prior to subsequent endorsements by both parties. The CAS, while receiving the LOA, expressed the appreciation of the federal government to the US government for its steady support towards sustaining NAF air operations. He also commended the personal commitment of the US ambassador to ensuring that the Super Tucano Aircraft deal became a reality. Abubakar informed Symington that "the wellbeing of Nigeria was closely linked to those of other African countries, and indeed the entire world, as terrorism was a global phenomenon, which had to be confronted by all stakeholders. The Air chief reassured the US ambassador of the commitment of the NAF to the stipulated deadlines in the LOA.

US Nigerian relations are key to the war on terror – Trump is promoting cooperation by selling armsOlomojobi and Apampa, 2017 - prof and Lecturer at the School Law and Security Studies, Babcock Univ. [Yinka, OLUSEYI OLUWALAMBE 10-31-18 “Nigeria –U.S. Relations in Contemporary Perspective: Projecting into Buhari/Trump Governments Relationship” https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3062578]

The United States is Nigeria’s most strategic partner. Clearly from all indications President Donald Trump considers Nigeria as one of the political leaders in Africa. This perception is acceptable due to the fact that President Trump contacted the Nigerian President; Muhammadu Buhari soon after assuming office. 4 It is also important to note that according to public opinion, Nigerians have high hopes and confidence in Donald Trump and view his presidency as a new hope for proactive policies for Nigeria. In Africa, crisis and conflict are common topographies of reality. It has been recently fuelled by the radical Islam by the Islamic State (ISIS) and to the al-Qaida terror group, and the Boko Haram insurgency in Nigeria, However, beyond the start and perception of a healthy relationship between America and Nigeria lies in the latter’s desire to combat international terrorism emanating from ISIS, especially in Syria and the threat of Boko Haram in north-east Nigeria. One of the important items of President Trump’s campaign is

the desire to eliminate ISIS and its terrorist’s activities. The main reason for Trump’s support for providing military equipment for Nigeria stems from the fact that terrorist groups like ISIS and, Boko Haram could create terrorist networks and cells for attacks on American citizens in these regions and plan attacks within American soil such as the 9/11 incident. Islamic terrorism has been a top agenda for both the Obama regime. Communication between the two leaders were also noticed whilst the Nigerian President was sick in London. President Trump pledged in assisting to supply Nigeria with military armaments to fight terrorism.6 However, it seems that President Trump desires to take a more robust and pragmatic approach to counter terrorist activities in the Sahel and in western Africa. Since 2015, Nigeria

has been offering to buy 12 Embraer A-29 Super Tucano aircraft with sophisticated targeting gear from America. However, there was a delayed approach in the purchase as there was an absence of trust from the Obama regime on the use of the aircrafts. This was due to the fact the Nigerian military had been accused of war crimes and extra-judicial killing of Boko Haram suspects. It is also projected that Donald Trump’s regime would not tolerate human rights violation and despotic regimes in Africa and Nigeria in particular. President Trump has emphasized that: I want to reiterate here before America’s greatest heroes that I will not condone any dictatorial tendencies exhibited by dictators around the world especially the two old men from Zimbabwe and Uganda. 6 See Chan, Sewell FEB. 13, 2017, ‘Trump Speaks With Nigeria’s President, Who Hasn’t Been Seen in Weeks’, accessed on the 2nd of June 2017 at: https://www.nytimes.com/2017/02/13/world/africa/muhammadu-buhari-trump-nigeria.html 14 Mugabe and Museveni must be put on notice that their days are numbered and that I am going to arrest them and lock them in prison. If the past American administrations have failed to stop these two despots, I will personally do it. Mugabe and Museveni have given the world enough troubles and it’s about time someone puts to an end all these madness for peace to prevail. If Obama fears them, I will never fear them. If Clinton and Bush feared them, If the Pope kneels before them, I will never be reduced to that level. I will never be cowed. I promise to clean all the political mess around the world and promote international justice. 7

A-29 sales to Nigeria are key to combat Boko Haram because it solidifies our relationship and is the right plane for the job.Goure, 2016 – vice president of the National Security Program at the Lexington Institute [Dan November 21, “5 Reasons Why Selling the Embraer A-29 Super Tucano Attack Aircraft to Nigeria is a Good Idea” https://nationalinterest.org/blog/the-buzz/5-reasons-why-selling-the-embraer-29-super-tucano-attack-18467 acc 7/3/19]

The A-29 Super Tucano is an aircraft that the U.S. Air Force paid to develop precisely for partner countries that needed air support for their counter terrorism operations.The fight against violent Islamic jihadists truly has become a global war on terror. The threat has metastasized like a cancer and is proving just as difficult to defeat. ISIS, which originated in Iraq and Syria, has conducted some 140 attacks in 29 countries just in the last two years. It has active combat forces in more than a dozen countries. Al Qaeda, once declared dead, has returned to life with a vengeance. It is reported to have six regional groupings with 14 affiliated organizations. We have been at this long enough to know that defeating the global Islamist terrorist threat requires a multifaceted response strategy that must unfold over time. One key aspect of such a strategy is building the capacity of partner countries, particularly those fighting a local battle with terrorists. Partners can require assistance with equipment, organization, logistics and transportation. It should not be surprising that some of these countries—with fragmented societies, weak governments and relatively little experience with the rule of law—also need help learning to modulate the behavior of security forces in the conduct of counter-terrorist operations. Nigeria is one nation that badly needs U.S. assistance in fighting a domestic Islamic insurgency, Boko Haram. As part of its assistance program for Nigeria, the United States has offered to sell that country 12 A-29 Super Tucanos, an aircraft that the Air Force paid to develop precisely for partner countries that needed air support for their counter terrorism operations.

Nigeria needs international support to fight Boko HaramDefense Post 18 [12-8-18, “Civilians killed as Nigerian troops battle Boko Haram in Jakana”, https://thedefensepost.com/2018/12/08/nigeria-troops-battle-boko-haram-jakana-civilians-killed/, 7/11/19]

Borno and Yobe states, along with nearby Adamawa state, have born the brunt of nine years of jihadist violence that has claimed 27,000 lives and forced 1.8 million people to flee their homes. Last week, President Muhammadu Buhari traveled to N’Djamena to meet leaders from Chad, Niger and Cameroon to discuss how to deal with the surge in violence. The leaders “expressed the crucial need to change their modus operandi in the fight against Boko Haram” and urged the international community “to support their efforts in the fight against terrorism in the region” in a joint statement after the talks.

Buhari is under pressure to show his administration is winning the fight against Boko Haram ahead of a presidential election in February at which he will seek a second term in office.

--Extend – Counter Terrorism Links - Intelligence

Airpower is key to the Counterterrorism effort – it provides mobile firepower and intelligence gatheringGoure, 2016 – vice president of the National Security Program at the Lexington Institute [Dan November 21, “5 Reasons Why Selling the Embraer A-29 Super Tucano Attack Aircraft to Nigeria is a Good Idea” https://nationalinterest.org/blog/the-buzz/5-reasons-why-selling-the-embraer-29-super-tucano-attack-18467 acc 7/3/19]

Air power is critical to a successful counter terrorism campaign To say , as some critics have,

that airpower won’t be in effective in the fight with Boko Haram is just stupid. As has been demonstrated in virtually every counter terrorism fight from Afghanistan to Libya and Somalia, exploitation of the third dimension is the best means of countering the terrorists’ advantages on the ground. Even in complex terrain such as forests and jungles, aircraft with the appropriate sensors and weapons can provide effective firepower. Attack aircraft can serve as a deterrent to terrorist’ efforts to mass forces for large scale attacks. In addition, airpower is not just about bombing. It is vital also to winning the intelligence battle. Airborne intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance (ISR) is one of the most useful tools in the arsenal of counter terrorism forces.

Ending terrorism in Nigeria requires strategic counter terrorism, which relies more on intelligence than ground forces – this shift is necessary to solve.Okoli & Iortyer, 2014- profs of Political Science History, Federal University Lafia, Nigeria [Al Chukwuma & Philip, “Terrorism and Humanitarian Crisis in Nigeria: Insights from Boko Haram Insurgency”, Global Journal of Human-Social Science: F Political Science, https://globaljournals.org/item/2791-terrorism-and-humanitarian-crisis-in-nigeria-insights-from-boko-haram-insurgency 7-10-19]

Strategic counter-terrorism presupposes combating terrorism through preventive and mitigative measures. This emphasizes the use of strategic intelligence, pragmatic policies and proactive strategies to counter the terrorists’ designs in an attempt to forestall and/or mitigate terror. This approach to dealing with terrorism defers from the traditional anti-terrorism campaign, whereby terror is confronted by way of reactive and hyper-defensive combatancy. Effective counter-insurgency must be predicated on strategic intelligence and reconnaissance. It is not enough to deploy troops to combat the insurgents on the field; it is much more expedient to engage the insurgents proactively by way of systematic surveillance and reconnoitering in an attempt to stop them before they strike. Unlike the anti-terrorism approach that is largely based on ‘brutal and extrajudicial response to the insurgency’ Nchi (2013), counter-terrorism strategy is characterized by the following: 1. Effective network for intelligence gathering and analysis; 2. Strategic surveillance aimed at dictating membership, motivation, and operational modalities of the sect; 3. Clinical investigation and prognostication of the socio-psychological and socio-economic currents that underlie the emergence, growth and sustenance of the sect and its activities; 4. Identifying and foreclosing sources of inspiration, funding and recruitment to the sect; 5. Proactive engagement of civil society stakeholders in the fight against the sect; and 6. Tactical exploration of the diplomatic option in an attempt to come to terms with legitimate (if any) grievances of the sect. It is the candid position of this paper that the adoption of counter-terrorism strategy would go a long way in making the current efforts at containing the Boko Haram insurgency more worthwhile and more fruitful. It therefore behooves the Nigerian government, through its relevant agencies, to put measures in place towards actualizing this motion in the interest of national security.

--Extend – Counter Terrorism Links – A-29s Key

Super Tucanos are the best weapons to combat counter-insurgency because it is flexible and widely testedKelly, 2018 – Defense Post writer [Fergus, Sept 5 Defense Post “US Air Force awards Sierra Nevada $1.8 billion Afghanistan A-29 Super Tucano contract” https://thedefensepost.com/2018/09/05/afghanistan-a-29-super-tucano-1-8-billion-contract-us-air-force-sierra-nevada/]

The A-29 is a durable and flexible aircraft designed for counter-insurgency and close air support roles. It can also be used for reconnaissance missions in low-threat environments and for pilot training, and is capable of operating from unimproved runways. The aircraft is equipped with advanced avionics, an electro-optical, infrared and laser targeting system, as well as communications and datalinks to enhance its combat capability. The Super Tucano is relatively cheap to buy, fly and maintain, costing around $18 million each depending on configuration and about $1,000 per flying hour, according to The Diplomat. It is powered by a variant of the world’s most popular turboprop engine – the Pratt & Whitney Canada PT 6 – rather than a jet. According to Sierra Nevada, the A-29 Super Tucano has been selected by 14 air forces on three continents and has logged more than 320,000 flight hours and more than 40,000 combat hours. In June, four A-29 Super Tucano were formally handed over to Lebanon by the United States, two months ahead of schedule, completing an order of six planes. In December, Nigeria said the U.S. had agreed to sell 12 A-29 aircraft for the Nigerian Air Force, and in November, the Philippines ordered six Super Tucanos as part of the Philippine Air Force’s ongoing modernization plan.

Super Tucano sales are key to fighting terrorism in Nigeria – they are essential for Nigeria to refurbish their Air ForceDefence Monitor Worldwide, 2016 [November 30, “Nigerian Air Force adding aircraft to its fleet” Lexis]

The Nigerian Air Force (NAF) says it has successfully refurbished 13 aircraft, some of which have been successfully re-deployed to perform combat support roles for the army`s war against Boko Haram in the north-east of the country . Addressing delegates who attended a recent security seminar focused on the theme `Developing Effective Air Power Responses to National Security Challenges in Nigeria`, NAF Chief of Air Staff Air Marshall Sadique Abubakar said the NAF would soon enhance its operational capabilities with the delivery of 10 more aircraft. The new fleet would comprise of four new Mi-35N attack helicopters ordered from Russia, at least three ex-Brazilian Air Force Super Tucanos suited for light attack

and surveillance operations as well as three JF-17 Thunder fighter jets from Pakistan. Although he declined to comment directly on whether the planned Super Tucano acquisition would not be blocked by the US, which in November apparently refused to let Brazil sell the aircraft to Nigeria citing the military`s bad human rights record, the military chief said he did not foresee any problems since there are existing counter-terrorism collaborations between the two countries. In May this year the US was seeking to approve the sale of up to 12 Super Tucanos to Nigeria to battle Boko Haram. One of

the Super Tucanos production lines is in Florida, the other in Brazil. All I can tell you is that the US is supporting us in the North East. They are helping us with a lot of intelligence, so I do not see any reason why we should have difficulties, Abubakar said. The NAF chief said 10 Super Mushshak trainers that were

recently ordered from the Pakistan Aeronautical Complex (PAC) would be delivered in the medium term. The new acquisitions would complete an ongoing aircraft refurbishment programme which has to date successfully refurbished eight helicopters.

American sales of arms to Nigeria have increased their counter-insurgency capabilities. Ogundipe, 2018 - writer at Premium Times [Samuel November 29, 2018 Premium Times “U.S. Govt Places Order for Nigeria's Super Tucano Aircraft” Lexis]

Six of the aircraft would be equipped with Forward Looking Infrared System, a technology that senses radiation which is then converted to video output. As part of the contract for the 12 Super Tucano combat jetliners, the Nigerian Air Force would receive ground training devices, mission planning systems, mission debrief systems, spares, ground support equipment and alternate mission equipment, the U.S. defence department said.

Super Tucanos are essential to maintain the war against Boko HaramOgundipe, 2018 - writer at Premium Times [Samuel November 29, 2018 Premium Times “U.S. Govt Places Order for Nigeria's Super Tucano Aircraft” Lexis]

The Boko Haram war, for which the Super Tucanos are being procured, has seen a surge in recent months, with hundred of Nigerian soldiers being killed in audacious raids on their bases across the war-ravaged North-East. Only on November 18, at least 118 soldiers were killed when Boko Haram fighters overran the Nigerian Army 157 Task Force Battalion in

Metele, Borno State, which has been the heartland of the nearly 10-year jihadist campaign. The Chief of Army Staff, Tukur Buratai, who had long amongst top government functionaries claiming Boko Haram had been "technically defeated", acknowledged the renewed ruthlessness of Boko Haram during an address on Wednesday. He, however, said the military was reshaping its counter-terrorism strategy, and predicted a fast-paced end to the insurgency.

Sales help fight Boko Haram and preserve the power balance. Hickie and Abbott, 18 - Founder and senior analyst at Open Briefing [Hickie 01-18 “Remote Warfare and the Boko Haram Insurgency”https://css.ethz.ch/content/dam/ethz/special-interest/gess/cis/center-for-securities-studies/resources/docs/RemoteControl%20Boko%20Haram%20report.pdf ]

On 3 August 2017, the US State Department approved a deal to sell A-29 Super Tucano turbo-prop aircraft to Nigeria. The previous day, the Defense Security Cooperation Agency had certified to the US Congress that the sale serves US interests in the region without disrupting the balance of power. The aircraft will be used against Boko Haram as well as for anti-trafficking operations in the Gulf of Guinea. The contract will reportedly require the US government or private contractors from Sierra Nevada Corporation to provide Nigeria with rules of engagement and operational training and support for the Tucanos.

--Extend – Counter Terrorism Links – Buhari Credibility

Super Tucanos are key to stop Boko Haram – they are key to Buhari’s credibility in the war on terror, and they are uniquely capable for counter terrorism.Ibrahim 2018 – writer for AllAfrica.com [Yakubu, July 09, 2018, Boko Haram - Awaiting the Super-Tucano opinion, lexis]

President Mohammadu Buhari demonstrated his seriousness to wipe out insurgency in the North East when he ordered for the withdrawal of $496m from the country's excess crude account (ECA) for the procurement of 12 Super-Tucano fighter Jets from the United States government. Although the president had written to the National Assembly indicating his decision to purchase the jets but given the urgency of National Security, he chose to tread the path of anticipatory approval. H, therefore, withdrew the money and paid for the jets which will be built and delivered by 2020. The A-29 Super Tucano is an aircraft that the U.S. Airforce paid to develop precisely for partner countries that needed air support for their counter terrorism operations. It has a contract with Sierra Nevada Corporation and Embraer with the aircraft produced at Embrae's

facility on grounds of Jacksonville International Airport in Jacksonville, Florida. Defeating Boko Haram requires sophisticated aircrafts such as the super-Tucano with its capabilities of effectively decimating the insurgent Camps in remote areas as experienced in Colombia against Fuerzas Armadas Revolution arias de Colombia (FARC) insurgents, and ended the 52 years of guerrilla conflict estimated to have claimed 220,000 lives . The nimble lethal airplane reportedly can carry a wide array of armaments including precision guided munitions and is equipped with advanced avionics communications and remote sensors, and is powered by a variant of the world's most popular turboprop-engine, the Pratt & Whitney (UT&N) that incorporates FADEC (Full Authority Digital Engine Control) and EICAS (Engine Indication and Crew Alerting

System). It has a maximum speed of 590 kilometers per hour and a flight ceiling of 35000 feet. The Tucano can be used for training, surveillance, and can attack from the air at less than 304 metres above ground battle. It offers the capability to operate from unimproved runways. Embraer, the Brazilian makers of the aircraft says the plane could withstand +76/-3.5G loads and that the aircraft structure is corrosion-protected. The side-winged canopy has a windshield capable of withstanding a bird strike at 270kts. And the cockpit environment, it says, has been enlarged to comfortably accommodate male and female pilots and the instrumentation designed to glass cockpit standards.

Cutting arms sales to Nigeria helps Boko Haram – Buhari has committed to the saleBBC News 15 [7-23-15, Nigeria's Muhammadu Buhari: US 'aided' Boko Haram with arms ban, BBC News, https://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-33634607 acc. 7-10-19]

The US has "aided and abetted" the Boko Haram Islamist militant group by refusing to provide weapons to Nigeria, President Muhammadu Buhari says. A US law prevents the government from selling arms to countries which fail to tackle human rights abuses. Mr Buhari met President Barack Obama in Washington on Monday

to seek further assistance. Boko Haram has killed some 10,000 people since 2009 and has also kidnapped hundreds of girls and women. Last month, human rights group Amnesty International said that some 8,000 men and boys had died in Nigerian military custody after being detained as suspected militants. The military rejected this allegation, Nigeria's president promised an investigation but there have been no further details. The US has previously promised some $5m (£3.2m) in military assistance to the

regional coalition helping to fight Boko Haram, which has pledged allegiance to Islamic State. However, Mr Buhari heavily criticised the US, especially the Leahy Law, which links military sales to human rights. Nigeria's military is currently fighting Boko Haram

in the north-east of the country The Nigerian military did "not possess the appropriate weapons and technology which we could have had if the so-called human rights violations had not been an obstacle," he told the United States Institute of Peace on Wednesday. "Unwittingly, and I dare say unintentionally,

the application of the Leahy Law Amendment by the United States government has aided and abetted the Boko Haram terrorists . " In the latest suspected Boko Haram attack, at least 29 people were killed in bomb blasts at two bus stations in the north-eastern city of Gombe on Wednesday. At least 11 people were earlier killed in the Cameroonian town of Maroua, just over the border from Gombe. Boko Haram last year seized a huge area of north-eastern Nigeria, before being beaten back by a regional coalition, including Cameroon, Chad and Niger. Mr Buhari was elected in March, partly on a pledge to defeat Boko Haram.

--Extend – Counter Terrorism Impacts – Nigeria

Boko Haram has committed violent atrocities, killing, displacing, and injuring millions. Felbab-Brown, 18 – Senior fellow at the Brookings Institute [Vanda, March 30, Foreign Affairs, “How the Military and Militias are Fueling Insecurity”, https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/nigeria/2018-03-30/nigerias-troubling-counterinsurgency-strategy-against-boko-haram?cid=int-fls&pgtype=hpg, accessed 7/10/19]

There has also been massive economic devastation in an already exceedingly poor and underdeveloped region. Even in comparison with other Islamist jihadist groups, such as the Taliban in Afghanistan or al Shabab in

Somalia, Boko Haram stands out in its predatory behavior and failure to deliver the most rudimentary public services to the communities it controls. Boko Haram caused 3,329 deaths in 2017, far fewer than the more than 11,500 attributed to the group during the peak of its activities in 2015, but only slightly less than the 3,484 deaths connected to the group in 2016. Moreover, the number of “violent incidents” instigated by the group in 2017 rose to 500 from 417 in 2016. Although Boko Haram no longer appears able to mass militants and dislodge entire battalions of the Nigerian military, the latter has been struggling to establish effective control in the

cleared areas, some of which the group has overrun anew. The insurgency remains highly active in the Bama and Gwoza local government areas, where some 80 percent of former residents remain in internally displaced person (IDP) camps. In major cities and towns, including Maiduguri, there is widespread belief that Boko Haram informants are everywhere. This belief is exacerbated by

previous incidents of Boko Haram donning police or military uniforms and then killing those who volunteered information on the group. Travel among cities and towns, even on major roads, is possible mostly only under escort by the Nigerian military, both because Boko Haram ambushes have continued and because the Nigerian military does not often permit independent movement. Most of the displaced have been afraid to return to their destroyed villages.

Boko Haram is committing violent attacks against civiliansSigne, 2018 – Brookings Institute [Landry, February 26, Brookings Institute, “Boko Haram’s Campaign Against Education and Enlightenment”, https://www.brookings.edu/blog/africa-in-focus/2018/02/26/boko-harams-campaign-against-education-and-enlightenment/, accessed 7/10/19]

Nelson Mandela once said, “Education is the most powerful weapon which you can use to change the world.” Boko Haram, the Islamist terrorist group originating from Nigeria is frightened by this enlightening power of education. Unsurprisingly, on Monday, February 19, the group, whose name often translates to “Western education is a sin,” stormed a girls’ school in the village of Dapchi in northern Nigeria to abduct students. Of the 907 schoolgirls who were in the school the day of the attack, more than 100 are still missing as of Sunday. Since it became violent about a decade ago, Boko Haram’s actions, through these and

other types of bloody attacks, have resulted in horrifying consequences. Human Rights Watch estimates

that Boko Haram has left at least 7 million in need of humanitarian assistance, 2.1 million displaced, and 20,000 civilians dead. Local leaders claim the number is significantly higher.

Despite such causalities, it took Boko Haram’s massive kidnapping of 276 schoolgirls at a school in Chibok, Nigeria in 2014, and the shocking announcement that the girls would be sold in the “marketplace” as “slaves” or forced into marriages even at the age of 12, to raise global awareness. These girls were abducted because they were receiving a secular education, which “the militants believe corrupts the value of Muslims.” Through their education, the brave girls were learning logical reasoning, fostering independent thinking, and becoming empowered—as well as developing skills to have better prospects and build a more prosperous future. Four years later, many of them have been released, but more than 100 are still missing. Boko Haram and similar groups are the horrendous illustration of the Hobbesian conception of

human nature, creating fear, insecurity, violent disorder, and indiscriminate crimes to control and maintain power.

Boko Haram attacks on the Nigerian military spill over to civilian deaths.Defense Post 18 [12-8-18, “Civilians killed as Nigerian troops battle Boko Haram in Jakana”, https://thedefensepost.com/2018/12/08/nigeria-troops-battle-boko-haram-jakana-civilians-killed/, 7/11/19]

Nigerian soldiers intercepted a group of Boko Haram fighters on Friday, December 7, near a military base in northeast Nigeria, triggering a fierce gun battle that killed three civilians,

security sources told AFP. A soldier was injured in the fight, which happened in Jakana village, around 30 km (20 miles) from the

Borno state capital, Maiduguri. On Saturday, military sources said the latest incident saw troops fight a two-hour battle with fighters from the Islamic State West Africa Province faction of Boko Haram from 6:00 p.m. (1700 GMT) on Friday. “It was an intense fight. Our troops saw them passing near the village and confronted them,” a senior military officer told AFP on condition of anonymity. “The terrorists were obviously heading toward the bush to congregate and launch an attack somewhere. One soldier was injured and three civilians caught up in the fight were killed.” A member of a civilian militia assisting the military said the jihadists fired at troops with anti-aircraft guns and rocket-propelled grenades. “The terrorists did not intend to attack, they fought soldiers to defend themselves and escape,” he added. On

Wednesday, ChannelsTV reported that Nigerian troops reinforced the Jakana area around amid other reports of an impending attack. In July, Boko Haram raided the military base in Jakana and burned a police. Friday’s fighting disrupted traffic along the main road between Maiduguri and Damaturu, the capital of neighbouring Yobe state. Boko

Haram is active in the area and have on several occasions barricaded the road, killing motorists and burning vehicles. Jakana lies near a route linking an ISWAP base in the Buni Yadi district of Yobe and its camps in the Konduga forest area of

Borno. Boko Haram attacks intensify The fighting underlined the persistent threat to troops in the remote region, which has seen more than 20 attacks on military bases since July, and a significant upsurge over the last fortnight. Most attacks on the military are blamed on ISWAP, or claimed

as ISWAP attacks by ISIS. On Thursday and Friday, two military bases were attacked in the Rann and Bama areas of Borno. On December 4, fighters from the Islamic State West Africa Province launched an assault on a military base in Gudumbali town in Borno state, sparking a fierce firefight in which two soldiers were injured. On December 3, ISWAP fighters attacked a military base in Mallam Fatori, a Borno state town

near the borders with Niger and Chad. One soldier was killed and several others were injured in the attack. On December 1, an ISWAP attack in the Yobe state village of Buni Gari left eight soldiers dead, the Nigerian army said, while ISIS claimed ISWAP fighters killed 17 soldiers. The same day, ISIS claimed ISWAP killed eight Nigerian soldiers and wounded 17 others in an attack near Gamboru in the Lake Chad area, close to the border with Cameroon.

Boko Haram has Destroyed the Nigerian peoples’ everyday lives – it creates permanent insecurity and undermines their livelihoods.Okoli & Iortyer, 2014- profs of Political Science History, Federal University Lafia, Nigeria [Al Chukwuma & Philip, “Terrorism and Humanitarian Crisis in Nigeria: Insights from Boko Haram Insurgency”, Global Journal of Human-Social Science: F Political Science, https://globaljournals.org/item/2791-terrorism-and-humanitarian-crisis-in-nigeria-insights-from-boko-haram-insurgency 7-10-19]

In the subsections that follow, an attempt is made to highlight the humanitarian consequences of the insurgency with a view to underscoring their implications for Nigeria’s national security. a) Public insecurity: Since the escalation of the Boko Haram insurgency in the North-east Nigeria in 2009, life in the region has been characteristically ‘nasty’, ‘brutish and, in most cases, ‘short’ (to apply Hobbe’s analogy). According to Salkida: Since the outbreak of sectarian violence in 2009, the north-east, Borno and Yobe States in particular, has ceased to know civil normalcy. Intermittent suicide and car bombings have become the part of their daily lives. Hate-filled adherents of the extremist sect called Boko Haram and other criminals assuming their identity wielding semi-automatic riffles speed through streets at intervals to shoot down, randomly at their ever widening targets (2012: para 5). The above scenario has created an atmosphere of civil siege and volatility. The implication, of this for public peace, safety and security has been critically dire. b) Livelihood crisis: The repercussions of the sectarian violence as well as government’s counter-violence on the livelihood conditions of thez affected States have been disastrous. Owing to public security volatility in these states, normal productive, agricultural and commercial activities have often been constrained. The

enforcement of curfews and emergency rule has restricted movement and communications in a manner that hampered economic activities. In addition, the fear of attacks by the insurgents has often driven communities into hiding. Furthermore, counter-insurgency measures, such as the ban on the use of motorcycles have Terrorism and Humanitarian Crisis in Nigeria: Insights from Boko Haram Insurgency Volume XIV Issue I Version I 44 ( F ) Year 2014 Global Journal of Human Social Science © 2014 Global Journals Inc. (US) - resulted in loss of means of livelihood and subsistence for some households. In effect, the whole trend points to debilitating livelihood cum human security crises. This trend has been put in perspective thus: It is of course a truism that the north has had a devastating effect on families and livelihood of many economic groups. The massive destruction of infrastructure, the destruction of telecommunication facilities, frequent attacks on markets and businesses, short business hours, have made many relocate to other safer parts of the country, bringing down incomes and increasing poverty levels (Salkida, 2012: para 10).

Boko Haram violence has devastated Nigeria and is getting worse Okoli & Iortyer, 2014- profs of Political Science History, Federal University Lafia, Nigeria [Al Chukwuma & Philip, “Terrorism and Humanitarian Crisis in Nigeria: Insights from Boko Haram Insurgency”, Global Journal of Human-Social Science: F Political Science, https://globaljournals.org/item/2791-terrorism-and-humanitarian-crisis-in-nigeria-insights-from-boko-haram-insurgency 7-10-19]

The Federal Government responded to these security threats by declaring an antiterror war on the sect. The escalation of the insurgency in between 2012 and 2013 led to the declaration of state of emergency on three North Eastern States of Bornu, Yobe and Adamawa. In spite of this development, the activities of Boko Haram have tended to have continued unabated. The outcome of these activities has created unprecedented humanitarian crises for the country with colossal effect on public safety and human security. Since the last five years the Boko Haram sect has continued to wage a vicious campaign of terror against the Nigerian state, as well as the civil population of the country. The sect started with sporadic attacks on security formations. With time, they graduated to offensives on Christian churches, schools and other public places. The use of improvised explosives and suicide bombing has since added to the ever degenerating complexion of insurgency. So far, no lasting remedy is in sight as the faceless leadership of the sect has remained rather intransigent and malignant. VII. Humanitarian Consequences of the Boko Haram Insurgency Apart from the Nigerian Civil War (1967 – 1970), no other single event of complex emergency in the country has been as debilitating as the Boko Haram insurgency in terms of humanitarian impacts. Granted, the Niger Delta crisis (1999 – 2009) occasioned dire outcomes that threaten the national security of Nigeria (Okoli 2013). Nonetheless, its humanitarian consequences could not compare that of the Boko Haram insurgency in terms of scope, degree and diversity. In effect, the humanitarian impacts and implications of the Boko Haram insurgency have been historically remarkable and unprecedented.

Boko Haram has killed tens of thousands and displaced thousands.Mentone 18- Intelligence Capacity Building Expert at Frontex [Dario European Eye on Radicalization October 2, “The Counterterrorism Framework in Nigeria: Strategic and Operational Pitfalls” https://eeradicalization.com/the-counterterrorism-framework-in-nigeria-strategic-and-operational-pitfalls/]

In terms of targeting patterns, the group has indiscriminately attacked both conflict and non-conflict actors mainly through hit-and-run assaults, ambushes, assassinations and kidnappings of Western expats and local civilians. Perhaps the most publicized kidnapping took place in April 2014, when 276 girls were abducted from their dormitory in the north-eastern town of Chibok by Boko Haram, sparking global outrage and calls for their safe return. A similar episode occurred this past February, when Boko Haram abducted 110 students following an attack at a girl’s school in Dapchi, Yobe State. According to the government, the victims were released unharmed on 21 March (Onuah, 2018). Despite repeated claims of success by the current political establishment, in 2017 the group was responsible for the death of at least 1,618 people in Borno state alone – the epicenter

of the conflict (EASO, 2018, p.9). While the security measures taken under the Buhari administration have to some extent managed to contain the threat in the northeast, the operational environment continues to challenge the security forces, with a total of 145 attacks recorded in Borno and neighboring states since the beginning of 2018 (Jane’s, 2018). Overall, the security context in the northeast of the country remains extremely fluid and volatile and the group still has the capability to conduct operations in the broader region of the Lake Chad Basin. According to the International NGO Safety Organization (INSO), ‘the spiral of violence between the AOG and local security forces has triggered massive population displacements (more than one million IDPs), while an estimated 20,000 people have been killed by Boko Haram directly, or collaterally as a result of operations conducted against them’ (INSO, 2018). Presently, according to the UNHCR (2018a), there are 2,244,678 Internal Displaced Persons (IDPs) in the region, including 211,516 Nigerian refugees in Cameroon, Chad and Niger as of the end of April 2018. In January 2018 alone, over 5,000 individuals were forcibly displaced due to ongoing military operations aimed at dismantling Boko Haram in Borno State (UNHCR, 2018b, p.1).

--Extend – Counter Terrorism Impacts - Regional

Conflict in Nigeria escalates to spill over to the Western African region – terrorism and displaced personsMeservey and Avery, 2018- Senior Policy Analyst and Young Leaders Program at the Heritage Foundation [Joshua and Austin, 12/26/18, “Washington Should be Alarmed at Middle Belt Conflict in Nigeria,” The Heritage Foundation, https://www.heritage.org/africa/commentary/washington-should-be-alarmed-middle-belt-conflict-nigeria acc 7/10/19]

Nigerian forces still battle a resurgent Boko Haram and another Islamist terrorist group, Islamic State’s West Africa Province. They can ill afford the Middle Belt violence to spread further. Those groups could use the sectarian element of the Middle Belt conflict to recruit, as a supposed civilizational struggle between Muslims and Christians is a frequent theme of Islamist propaganda. Furthermore, the Middle Belt region is the breadbasket of Nigeria. As the violence grinds on, more and more farmers are unable to work their fields, adding to the challenge Nigeria already faces as the country with the highest number of extremely impoverished people in the world. The surge in Middle Belt bloodshed also comes at a particularly delicate time. Nigeria is girding for general elections next year, and past elections at times have been violent and divisive. The grievances driving the Middle Belt turbulence are some of the same that poison national politics. Until addressed, they will continue to inflame the volatile atmosphere around next year’s polls and lessen the chance that the election can further the progress of the last presidential vote with a rare peaceful transfer of power. What happens in Nigeria doesn’t stay in Nigeria. If the Middle Belt violence deepens and spreads, then it could lead to significant displacement that would strain the region and add to the immigration flows with which Europe is struggling to manage. Moreover, it threatens to buttress regional terrorist groups and exacerbate similar conflicts involving Fulani in nearby countries. All of this should be ringing alarm bells in Washington.

Boko Haram is destroying Nigeria – they are escalating terror throughout the regionYork 2015 - Africa Bureau Chief at The Globe and Mail [Geoffrey, , “How Not To Fight Extremism: Nigeria's battle against Boko Haram has been a series of deadly mistakes, missteps and miscalculations”, The Globe and Mail, ProQuest acc 7/10/19]

Abubakar Sani was a carpenter. A quiet and simple man, the son of a middle-class teacher, he seemed like an ordinary citizen in the northern Nigerian town of Gombi. But nine years ago, when he was 21, his family noticed he was changing. He was going to the mosque more often, and he had befriended a man from a northeastern city where Islamist extremism was growing. Then one day he disappeared, without explanation, taking nothing with him. For years his family searched for him, asking the police to help, making appeals on the radio, but finding no trace. Last November, his younger brother Abbas found him. Gombi had erupted in gunfire, and his family had fled to the bush. Abbas ventured home to collect some of their belongings - and ran face-to-face into Abubakar. His brother wore a military-style camouflage uniform and carried two guns. He was thin, he had a beard, and his hair was long, dirty and matted. He had joined Boko Haram. Nigeria, like the Sani family, has been torn apart by the Boko Haram rebellion. The brutal extremist group has turned Nigerians against each other: brother against brother, family against family, soldiers against rebels, in an escalating cycle of murder, kidnapping, destruction and retribution that has killed at least 13,000 people and forced a million to flee their homes. Nigeria's army, weakened by corruption and neglect, has proved unable to cope with Boko Haram's attacks, often fleeing at the first sign of the militia's motorcycles and Kalashnikovs. Only with outside reinforcements - troops from Chad, helicopters and pilots from Russia, military trainers from South Africa - has the Nigerian army finally managed to roll back some of Boko Haram's gains this year. The once-obscure Nigerian insurgency has metastasized into a regional and even global crisis, with the Islamist rebels launching attacks across borders into Cameroon, Niger and Chad, while the United States and other Western governments search desperately for ways to defeat Boko Haram without fuelling the brutality of the Nigerian army. With a crucial national election looming on March 28, the insurgents are increasingly using female suicide bombers to disrupt the runup to the vote. In the northern town of Potiskum this week, five people were killed by explosives that were strapped to a girl who may have been as young as 10.

Boko Haram violence is rampant in Nigeria – they continue to attack military targets and it spills over to other nationsGulf News 19 [6-3-2019, “Boko Haram Attacks Military Bases in Nigeria”, https://gulfnews.com/world/africa/boko-haram-attacks-military-bases-in-nigeria-1.64368482#, 7/10/19]

Boko Haram attacks military bases in Nigeria Fighters came in 13 trucks fitted with heavy machine guns KANO: Boko

Haram fighters have carried out multiple attacks on military bases in northeast Nigeria’s Borno state, overrunning three of them and stealing weapons, security sources said Monday. Fighters believed to be from a Daesh-linked faction of Boko Haram, stormed four bases from Friday through Sunday in the latest spate of attacks targeting the army, sources from the military and militia said. There were no immediate details on casualties. In the latest incident, on Sunday, the insurgents made a failed attempt to seize a base in the town of Dikwa following a predawn attack. “The terrorists attacked troops in Dikwa around 4am (0300 GMT) but the attack was repelled without casualty on our side,” a military officer, who did not want to be identified, told AFP. The fighters came in 13 trucks fitted with heavy machine guns, said a second officer, who gave a similar account. Dikwa which lies 90 kilometres from the state capital Maiduguri, is home to more than 70,000 displaced people who live in several camps where they rely on food and humanitarian assistance from aid agencies. Late on Saturday, the fighters blasted into a base in the town of Marte, 40 kilometres away, pushing

troops out after a prolonged gunfight, the two military sources said. The militants ransacked the base, carting away weapons abandoned by fleeing soldiers and setting fire to it. The soldiers withdrew to Dikwa. As they retreated towards Lake Chad, the fighters sacked another base in Kirenowa village, 30 kilometres from Marte. Soldiers evacuated “The soldiers in Kirenowa have been evacuated to Dikwa after the attack by the terrorists”, the first officer said. The militants were believed to have launched the attacks from their Lake Chad enclave where the Nigerian military has intensified aerial attacks. Troops in a base in Dalwa village, 16 kilometres outside Maiduguri, were dislodged after a six-hour battle with the fighters which continued into Sunday, said the military sources. The fighting forced Marte residents to flee into Maiduguri, arriving in trucks on Sunday, according to residents of the city. However, troops returned to the town late Sunday with reinforcement from Maiduguri, the sources said. The group has since July last year targeted dozens of military bases in attacks that have left scores of soldiers dead. Boko Haram’s decade-long insurgency has killed 27,000 people and displaced about two million in Nigeria. The violence has spilt over into neighbouring Niger, Chad and Cameroon, prompting a regional military coalition to defeat the group.

Boko Haram has sparked Nigerian refugee surgeOkoli & Iortyer, 2014- profs of Political Science History, Federal University Lafia, Nigeria [Al Chukwuma & Philip, “Terrorism and Humanitarian Crisis in Nigeria: Insights from Boko Haram Insurgency”, Global Journal of Human-Social Science: F Political Science, https://globaljournals.org/item/2791-terrorism-and-humanitarian-crisis-in-nigeria-insights-from-boko-haram-insurgency 7-10-19]

d) Population displacement and refugee debacle: Boko Haram insurgency has led to the displacement of huge human population in the affected States. Available information suggests that the number of internally displaced persons and refugees associated with the insurgency has been enormous. Based on a recent United Nations Humanitarian Commission on Refugee (UNHCR) report, no fewer than 5,000 people have been displaced in the North East region of Nigeria as a result of the raging insurgency (Adebowale, 2013: para 6). The UNHCR further reveals: Some 10,000 Nigerians have also crossed into neighbouring Cameroon, Chad and Niger in recent months. Most – around 8, 100 – have sought refuge in Cameroon according to local authorities who say that Nigerians are containing to arrive. The number of Nigerian refugees in Niger is 2,700 and in Chad 150 (Adebowale, 2013: para 7). The plight of these displaced people in their various places of refuge can be best described as critically threatening. This is more so considering the fact that they have been dislocated from their family and social capital bases.

--Extend – Counter Terrorism Impacts – Global Terrorism

Nigerian Boko Haram extremism is central to the global trend toward terrorist expansionOkoli & Iortyer, 2014- profs of Political Science History, Federal University Lafia, Nigeria [Al Chukwuma & Philip, “Terrorism and Humanitarian Crisis in Nigeria: Insights from Boko Haram Insurgency”, Global Journal of Human-Social Science: F Political Science, https://globaljournals.org/item/2791-terrorism-and-humanitarian-crisis-in-nigeria-insights-from-boko-haram-insurgency 7-10-19]

I.Introduction Terrorism, arguably, is the biggest threat to global peace and stability in the contemporary times. Since the dawn of this millennium, the incidence of the terrorism has been on a steady rise worldwide. Hitherto, terrorism was more or less a national or regional affair. This trend, however, has since changed as brilliantly observed by Awake: Just few years ago, terrorism seemed to be restricted to a few isolated places, such as Northern Ireland, the Basque Country in Northern Spain, and some areas of the Middle East. Now – it especially since September 11, 2001, with the destruction of the Twin Towers in New York – it has mushroomed into a worldwide phenomenon (June, 2006:4). Indeed, the worldwide manifestation of terrorism has been evident in Africa, but also in Nigeria. With particular reference to Nigeria, the phenomenon has found expression in the emergence of Boko Haram insurgency (2001-date). Since its advent, the sectarian insurgency has wrecked immense havoc in the country, especially by “using explosives and firearms with gruesome, fatal” consequences (Awake June, 2006:6). A critical corollary of this violence is dire humanitarian crisis that threatens human security in Nigeria. It is the need to examine this development that has informed this paper. II. Aim, Scope, Rationale, Methodology and Structure of the Paper This paper aims at exploring the relationships between terrorism and humanitarian crisis in Nigeria from the standpoint of the Boko Haram insurgency. This is against the backdrop of the prevalence of campaign of terror by members of the Boko Haram sect, which has so far defied all remedies.

Boko Harm is linked to International Terrorist groups like ISIS and Al Qaeda – don’t let the Aff claim that they are different.Mentone 18- Intelligence Capacity Building Expert at Frontex [Dario European Eye on Radicalization October 2, “The Counterterrorism Framework in Nigeria: Strategic and Operational Pitfalls” https://eeradicalization.com/the-counterterrorism-framework-in-nigeria-strategic-and-operational-pitfalls/]

The complex set of actors, relationships, and local and power dynamics which characterizes northeastern Nigeria has created fertile ground for religious struggle. Boko Haram – originally named Jama’atu Ahlis Sunna Lidda’awati wal-Jihad, or ‘People Committed to the Propagation of the Prophet’s Teachings and Jihad’ – has emerged as a product of this complex environment. Since appearing as a religious movement in the 1990s, the group has primarily been active in Nigeria’s northern states of Borno, Yobe and Adamawa. It has also had negative influences on other countries, primarily those in the Lake Chad region – Chad, Niger and Cameroon. Boko Haram claims to adhere to the Salafist school of Sunni Islam. Its main goals are to reject any western influence and to establish an Islamic state in the northeast of the country based on sharia law (Blanchard and Husted, 2016; Smith, 2016; Jane’s, 2018a). Since its establishment, the group has seen internal fragmentation which culminated in March 2015 with a pledge of allegiance to the self-styled Islamic State (IS) and a new name – Wilayat Gharb Afriqiyya – or ‘Islamic State’s West Africa Province’. This decision elevated Boko Haram’s stature as a global militant Islamist group. In August 2016, internal power dynamics resulted in the group splitting into two main factions: one led by Abu Musab Al-Barnawi – officially supported by Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi as the leader of IS in Nigeria – and the other by Abubakar Shekau – the successor of the group founder and spiritual leader Mohammed Yusuf, who was killed by the Nigerian security forces in 2009 in the city of Maiduguri. In addition to these two main factions, the group’s umbrella includes the Yusufiya Islamic Movement (YIM), Jama’atu Ansarul Muslimina Fi Biladis-Sudan (Ansaru), and minor splinter groups which have

emerged following ideological, strategic and ethnic divergences. The group is known to have developed operational links with Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM), offshoots of the Islamic State in Libya, and Harakat al-Shabaab al-Mujahideen in Somalia, though the extent of these relations remains largely unknown (Jane’s, 2018a).

ISIS-trained terrorists are defeating the Nigerian military- they’re better armed and tactically superiorParkinson and Hinshaw, 2019 - Africa Bureau Chief and Senior Reporter at Wall Street Journal [Joe and Drew, , 2-3-19 ”Islamic State, Seeking Next Chapter, Makes Inroads Through West Africa; Wall Street Journal, ProQuest acc 7/10/19.]

By 2017, ISWAP was regularly hitting military targets in the northern Nigerian states around Lake Chad. Nigerian soldiers, accustomed to fighting the Shekau faction, noticed new tactics and well-trained fighters. Nigerian soldiers say that increasingly they and ISWAP have the same equipment, but their army often has less ammunition. "They became much stronger, with much more firepower. We have to break contact and retreat when they engage us," said Haruna Anwar, a soldier from 157 battalion that was ejected from its base in the town of Metele in November. Last summer, new videos showed ISWAP using lethal weaponry such as armor-plated, vehicle-borne bombs. They showed a weapons factory and evidence of technology transfer. ISWAP has sent drones to spy on Nigeria's army.

--Extend – Counter Terrorism Turns Case – Human Rights

Boko Haram destroys Nigerian human rights and causes a government crackdown which furthers violationsOkoli & Iortyer, 2014- profs of Political Science History, Federal University Lafia, Nigeria [Al Chukwuma & Philip, “Terrorism and Humanitarian Crisis in Nigeria: Insights from Boko Haram Insurgency”, Global Journal of Human-Social Science: F Political Science, https://globaljournals.org/item/2791-terrorism-and-humanitarian-crisis-in-nigeria-insights-from-boko-haram-insurgency 7-10-19]

c) Human right abuses: According to the Human Rights Watch (2012), Boko Haram insurgency has led to violation of human rights and commission of war crimes by both the insurgents and the government forces. The military and police, for instance, have committed human rights abuses and extra-judicial killings. A prominent case in point is the killing of the pioneer leader of the Boko Haram sect, Mohammed Yusuf, in 2009 by the Nigerian Police

(Ngare, 2012). On the side of the insurgents, heinous human rights abuses and war crimes have also been committed. Relevant instances include: 1. forced conversion of people of other faiths to Islam; 2. wanton attacks on churches and mosques 3. murder, torture and persecution of members of other religions; 4. killing of women, children and civilian (noncombatant) populations (Human Rights Watch, 2012). The high-handedness and arbitrariness exhibited by the Joint Task Force (JTF) in dealing with the insurgents have been decried by many as a crime against humanity. These excesses of the government forces have been documented thus: During raids in communities, often in the aftermath of Boko Haram attacks, members of the security forces have executed men in front of their families; arbitrarily arrested or beaten members of the community; burned houses, shops, and cars; stolen money while searching homes; and in, at least one case documented by Human Rights Watch, raped a woman. Government security agencies routinely hold suspects incommunicado without charge or trial in secret detention facilities or have subjected detainees to torture or other physical abuse (Human Rights Watch, 2012:9). On the whole, both the insurgents and the government forces (the JTF) have had records of human rights abuses and crimes against humanity. The terrorist impunity of the insurgents has often been greeted with immense crudity. The scenario that plays out in this regard is unjustifiable reign of terror, wherein the insurgents and the security forces are equally culpable.

Boko Haram has devastated Nigeria – terrorist attacks have violated human rightsMaza, 2018 – staff writer at Newsweek [Cristina 5/2/18 Newsweek “Trump Brags About Selling Deadly Attack Aircraft to Nigeria, but Didn't Know What the Weapons Were Called” https://www.newsweek.com/trump-brags-about-selling-deadly-attack-aircraft-nigeria-didnt-know-what-908774]

Boko Haram has terrorized the country in the years since Buhari rose to power.

Rights groups noted that civilians have been frequent victims of the ongoing conflict between the government and militants. "The ongoing Boko Haram conflict in the northeast, cycles of communal violence between pastoralists and farmers, and separatist protests in the south defined Nigeria's human rights landscape in 2017. Notably absent for much of the year was President Muhammadu Buhari, who traveled overseas on two extended medical leaves for an undisclosed illness," Human Rights Watch reported last year. "While the Nigerian army made considerable gains against Boko Haram, the toll of the conflict on civilians continued as the extremist group increasingly resorted to the use of women and children as suicide bombers. Over 180 civilians have been killed in suicide bomb attacks since late 2016, mostly in Maiduguri, the Borno state capital," the Human Rights Watch report continued.

--Extend – Counter Terrorism Turns Case – Economy

Oil terrorism kills Nigeria’s economy – theft of oil costs trillions.Ezeobi, 2019 - AllAfrica Journalist [Chiemelie AllAfrica July 9, “Nigeria: Unearthing the Massive Crude Oil Theft in the Niger Delta https://allafrica.com/stories/201907090561.html]

Alarming Statistics The Nigeria Natural Resource Charter (NNRC) commissioned a report

on Crude Oil Theft in Nigeria and at the end, its findings revealed that the country lost about N3.8 trillion within the last two years - 2016 and 2017 to the phenomenon. Painting a

graphic image of the quantum of loss through crude oil theft, the report pointed out that the estimated financial value of what Nigeria lost through crude oil theft in the Niger Delta was higher than the current combined allocations of the country to health and education in the 2018 federal budget. Breaking it down, it stressed that the combined allocations for health and education amounted to N189.4 billion, which translates to a mere 8.4 per cent of the estimated value of losses from oil theft two years ago.

--Extend – Counter Terrorism Turns Case – Environment

Oil terrorism causes more environmental damage than the oil companies themselves. Ezeobi, 2019 - AllAfrica Journalist [Chiemelie AllAfrica July 9, “Nigeria: Unearthing the Massive Crude Oil Theft in the Niger Delta https://allafrica.com/stories/201907090561.html]

Modus Operandi There have been allegations that these criminals work in cohorts with top staffers of indigenous and multinational companies, political elites, community leaders and

traditional rulers thus making it almost impossible for security agencies to contain the situation. From what was observed, these illegal refineries have pipes running through the backyards of some houses close to the jetties from where the

criminals load these products into waiting boats. There were underground pipes connecting crude oil reservoirs suspected to have been siphoned from wellheads along Trans-Forcados by the criminals, who run other pipes to various tanks and dugout pits, such that diesel, kerosene and the waste products go into different channels from their heat ovens through hoses and metal pipes.

Consequences on the Environment Man is often a product of his environment. In both states visited, it was miles and miles of deforestation caused by the illegal disposal of distilled crude remnants. Also synonymous with both states were crude oil on the surface of the rivers, polluting the entire environment. This was reminiscent of the 2011 Ogoniland report by the United Nations Environmental Programme (UNEP), which revealed an unprecedented concentration of benzene, a carcinogen and hydrocarbons occasioned by oil spillage that has polluted air and water in the Niger Delta. In some instances, UNEP's study showed benzene concentrate in outdoor air were 900 times higher than Wolrd Health Organisation's (WHO) benchmark, while the contamination of drinking and ground water, it noted, posed serious threat to human health and distortion of the ecosystem and would take up to three decades to clear. Although the federal government had approved the establishment of modula refineries as a way to checkmate crude oil theft, the syndicates involved in the crime have continued. In one of the reports done by Shell, a multinational oil

company, they said: "Oil spills due to crude oil theft and sabotage of facilities (referred to as third party interference), as well as illegal refining, cause the most environmental damage from oil and gas operations in the Niger Delta. The number of sabotage-related spills of more than 100kgs. In 2018, the volume increased to 111 compared to 62 in 2017."

The only way to address Oil Pollution in the Delta is to end the terrorist and criminal attacks.Campbell, 2010- Senior Fellow for Africa Policy Studies, Council on Foreign Relations [John, 8-17-2010, “Oil Pollution in the Niger Delta: Whose fault?”, https://www.huffpost.com/entry/oil-pollution-in-the-nige_b_684608, 7-12-2019]

Petroleum pollution in the Delta has numerous causes. The industry is more than fifty years old, and aging infrastructure can break down. The Delta’s geography is difficult and isolated and leaks can go undetected or unaddressed for a period of time. Mom-and-pop oil theft is also common among the Delta’s impoverished population. This often takes the form of puncturing pipes and siphoning off the oil, leaving behind chronic oil leaks and even causing devastating explosions that kill many people. Furthermore, the Delta’s wetlands environment inhibits the wave action that can disperse spills, as it apparently has in the Gulf of Mexico. Spilled oil can be visible for a long time in the Delta’s swamps. Overcoming these issues is beyond the capacity of the oil companies and the NDDC. Their resolution requires an end to the decade-old insurrection in the region. This low-intensity conflict incorporates a witch’s brew of ethnic and environmental resentments, self-serving criminality and draws support from the nearly universal desire in the region to retain a greater proportion of the oil wealth it produces.

Oil Insurgency actually hurts the environment – it prevents legislation to address pollutionCampbell, 2010- Senior Fellow for Africa Policy Studies, Council on Foreign Relations [John, 8-17-2010, “Oil Pollution in the Niger Delta: Whose fault?”, https://www.huffpost.com/entry/oil-pollution-in-the-nige_b_684608, 7-12-2019]

Paradoxically, while the legislation would reform NNPC, it may also discourage the international oil companies from increasing their investment, which would be necessary to increase production. The new legislation does, however, include significant improvements in environmental reporting requirements and, in general, demonstrates a much greater concern about petroleum pollution than in the past. Nevertheless, the legislation does not address the core grievances of the region and oil-theft criminality that would require a fundamental reordering of Nigerian politics beyond petroleum. So long as the insurgency continues, attacks on petroleum infrastructure will likely reduce the hoped-for environmental impact of the new legislation. And many Nigerians will continue to blame the West’s insatiable appetite for petroleum as the root cause of the despoliation of the Delta environment.

--Extend – Counter Terrorism Turns Case – Patriarchy

Boko Haram reinforces the patriarchy – they attack girls schools to deny their education and humanitySigne, 2018 – Brookings Institute [Landry, February 26, Brookings Institute, “Boko Haram’s Campaign Against Education and Enlightenment”, https://www.brookings.edu/blog/africa-in-focus/2018/02/26/boko-harams-campaign-against-education-and-enlightenment/, accessed 7/10/19]

This is a lesson that has been repeated throughout history and countered most strongly by the ideals of the Enlightenment era—ideals enshrined in

education that are still valued today. Pulitzer Prize–winning historian James MacGregor Burns notes that enlightenment, through education, “remains the most powerful tool for challenging authority and liberating the human mind, an inspiration to leaders and followers worldwide, a method for effective change, and a framework of values by which that change can be measured.” Similarly, Thomas Jefferson said, “I look to the diffusion of light and education as the resource to be relied on for ameliorating the

condition, promoting the virtue, and advancing happiness of man.” Enlightenment starts with education, and by refusing these girls and their classmates the right to be educated and think for themselves, Boko Haram is denying them their humanity. At the same time, encouraging education and enlightenment is not just a motivation for ending extremism, but also a strategy for combating it. Indeed, following from Mandela’s words, education—and the economic opportunities it creates—can be the most powerful

weapon against terrorism. Enlightenment is the most powerful weapon against obscurantism, extremism, and oppressive religious orthodoxy as well as terrorism. Education will break the authority of extremist groups, encourage people to think for themselves and remove the tendency toward extremist thinking. Of course, this will go hand in hand with inclusive governance, effective government, and economic opportunities, which both improve and are improved by education. Education that nurtures and empowers an independent, critical, and entrepreneurial mind is truly what makes the difference. Following the horrendous abduction of the Chibok schoolgirls, numerous actors took more serious action against Boko Haram, including bilateral cooperation to locate and save the girls (for example, from the United States, France, and the United Kingdom) and multilateral cooperation to improve regional security and fight Boko Haram (with Benin, Cameroon, Chad, and Niger). Despite this support and some small wins, the Nigerian government has not been able thus far to preserve its territorial integrity and political order against Boko Haram and the attacks to education and the enlightenment ideals that come with it. Boko Haram is struggling vigorously to keep enlightenment far from the people because they know that quality education leads to freedom. A new generation of transformational leaders and independent thinkers must rise in Africa and promote enlightened education for this freedom to be realized.

--Extend – Counter Terrorism Turns Case – Corruption

Boko Haram is WAY more corrupt than the Nigerian governmentGoure, 2016 – vice president of the National Security Program at the Lexington Institute [Dan November 21, “5 Reasons Why Selling the Embraer A-29 Super Tucano Attack Aircraft to Nigeria is a Good Idea” https://nationalinterest.org/blog/the-buzz/5-reasons-why-selling-the-embraer-29-super-tucano-attack-18467 acc 7/3/19]

Priority one must be to destroy Boko Haram. Some critics of military assistance to Nigeria argue that priority needs to be given to reforming that country’s government, ending corruption and preventing excesses by Nigerian counter-terrorism forces. Are they kidding? Boko Hara is pure evil. Since its founding in 2009, it has kidnapped thousands, killed more than 20,000 and created early 3 million refugees. In 2015 it won the world’s deadliest terrorist group trophy from the World Terrorism Index. In that year, it also pledged allegiance to ISIS. Boko Haram has not limited its activities to northeastern Nigeria. It is active in neighboring Chad, Niger and Cameroon. Talk about your violator of human rights! Whatever legitimate criticism there is of the Nigerian government pales in comparison with the crimes committed by Boko Haram.

--AT Super Tucanos don’t work in Nigeria

The A-29 is perfect for Nigeria – it is designed for counter terrorism and empirically works wellGoure, 2016 – vice president of the National Security Program at the Lexington Institute [Dan November 21, “5 Reasons Why Selling the Embraer A-29 Super Tucano Attack Aircraft to Nigeria is a Good Idea” https://nationalinterest.org/blog/the-buzz/5-reasons-why-selling-the-embraer-29-super-tucano-attack-18467 acc 7/3/19]

The A-29 is the right aircraft for Nigeria. The A-29 is a derivative of the Embraer Tucano that has proven itself with a number of air forces. The Columbian military used theirs against the FARC terrorist organization, which operated largely in that country’s jungles. The A-29 is specifically designed for today’s counter-terrorism fight and for employment by partner countries with relatively little money, infrastructure or trained manpower. The sturdy, propeller-driven Super Tucano also is a perfect fit for environments such as Nigeria. It is a relatively simple, sturdy aircraft, able to operate from austere airfields and is easy to fly and maintain. The A-29 carries advanced electro-optical sensors, modern avionics, a laser target designator and a wide variety of precision munitions. The Afghan Air Force is very successfully operating the first four of some 20 aircraft on order. Inexpensive to buy and with lower operating costs than any other light attack aircraft, the A-29 is the right aircraft for cash-strapped partners.

Super Tucanos help defeat ISIS and counter oil theft through partnership with NigeriaReim, 2018 – FlightGlobal journalist [Garrett FlightGlobal.com 29 November, “Nigerian Air Force to Receive 12 A-29 Super Tucanos” https://www.flightglobal.com/news/articles/nigerian-air-force-to-receive-12-a-29-super-tucanos-454026/]

“Nigeria is an important partner in the US national security goal to defeat ISIS , including its branches in Africa, and this sale is part of the US commitment to help Nigeria and the Lake Chad Basin countries in that fight,” the State Department said in 2017. “The proposed sale, and associated training and engagement, is one piece of broader US security cooperation to help professionalise, modernise and build the capacity of Nigeria’s armed forces and strengthen the US security relationship with Africa's largest democracy.” The aircraft would also be used by Nigeria to counter illicit trafficking within the country and the Gulf of Guinea.

--AT Social Programs Tradeoff Super Tucanos are ideal for Nigeria because they are inexpensive and don’t require expertise.Venable, 2018 –Senior Research Fellow for Defense Policy at the Heritage Foundation [John, 9/14/18, “No Silver Bullet: Assessing Light Attack Aircraft,” The Heritage Foundation, https://www.heritage.org/defense/report/no-silver-bullet-assessing-light-attack-aircraft acc 7/10/19]

The fiscal year (FY) 2019 National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA) conference summary expanded the aperture for potential employment of the light attack aircraft (LAA) concept. The legislation that has been signed by President Trump directs the Secretary of Defense to, among other things, reassess how the military will conduct counterterrorism missions at a more sustainable cost of both military readiness and resources. LAA systems appear to offer support for the U.S. Air Force to purchase an “off the shelf” aircraft that, for all appearances, is much cheaper to acquire and operate than the current inventory of U.S. fighter aircraft, while offering a relatively comparable capability in low-threat environments. At present, the Air Force uses advanced tactical fighters to support U.S. and partner operations in all combat settings—even those involving terrorist or insurgent groups of very limited capability. The LAA concept was envisioned to provide a less costly capability of greater relevance in these low-threat situations. The Aircraft The two aircraft under consideration within the LAA program are Textron Aviation’s AT-6 Wolverine and the A-29 Super Tucano, made by the Sierra Nevada Corporation and Embraer. Both are easy to fly and maintain, and they are perfectly suited for partner nations who may not have the resources or expertise required to buy and operate high-end, fourth- or fifth-generation fighters. While on the surface, those attributes are appealing, the limited military utility, hidden costs, and long-term viability of LAA systems will bring more fiscal weight than operational value to the U.S. Department of Defense (DOD). The Air Force should continue to develop this system for partner nations, but a light attack aircraft should not become a major acquisition effort of the service. A high-end, force-on-force conflict against a major regional competitor, which the new National Defense Strategy expresses as the DOD’s first priority, would take every technological advantage the U.S. could field—and the faculties associated with fifth-generation stealth fighters would be essential to winning in such conditions.

Military solutions must come before social programs – Nigeria needs military support to fight Boko Haram to make the nation safe for economic improvementPreskitt, 17 – Forum on the Arms Trade writer [Danielle, May 8, Forum on the Arms Trade, “Proposed Arms Sale Is Not the Road to Peace in Nigeria” https://www.forumarmstrade.org/blog/proposed-arms-sale-is-not-the-road-to-peace-in-nigeria accessed 7/10/19]

While many will argue, particularly the NGO community, that combatting terrorism requires education, poverty reduction, and government stability, the threat must be addressed immediately, while evidence suggests tackling those underlying issues is not the most effective response. Instead, aiding the military could be the solution- particularly in regards to the military’s intelligence and ground force capabilities. During my interview, I was a bit shocked by a Nigerian assessment of the overall trust the military has earned with the population in recent years.

Local solutions will fail even if the plan passes – there are too many inherent weaknesses.Brechenmacher, 19 Associate fellow at Carnegie Endowment for Peace [Saskia 05-19 “Stabilizing Northeast Nigeria After Boko Haram” https://carnegieendowment.org/files/Brechenmacher_Nigeria_final.pdf]

The Limits of Bottom-Up Approaches Even in more secure areas, weaknesses in local governance capacity have created challenges for programs aimed at improving accountability relationships between citizens and local officials, and strengthening

government capacity to deliver services. Programs to date have primarily focused on bringing people together to discuss their needs and communities, bridging gaps between different local-level leaders (including traditional leaders and local government officials), and creating forums for citizens to voice their concerns to local officials. Initial outreach efforts have focused on building relationships with state-level officials and raising their awareness of participatory development approaches. Efforts to connect these processes to planning and budgeting processes are still at an early stage. In the short term, donors have often provided the funding for locally determined projects, with the aim of meeting people’s immediate needs and delivering quick wins.124 As outlined in one UNDP project document, the hope is that this approach of bringing people together to articulate their needs will help “rebuild the social fabric . . . [from the] bottom-up, while state-level social service capacities are gradually rebuilt.”125 In the long run, however, these bottom-up approaches face institutional hurdles that go beyond the immediate impact of conflict. Comparative research on donor-induced participatory

interventions at the local level indicates that such programs work best if they are supported by a responsive state—if “higher-level institutions of accountability function well and communities have the capacity to effectively monitor service providers and others in charge of public resources,” as Ghazala Mansuri and Vijayendra Rao write.126 However, across Nigeria, local governments suffer from major accountability shortcomings. On paper, they are meant to be run by elected councils and to serve as the primary interface between citizens and the state. In practice, many states have not held local government elections in years. In the northeast in particular, governors have used insecurity to justify repeated delays. Instead, they have preferred to put in place appointed caretaker chairmen who are political allies, often with a statutory six-month term of office. Borno State, for example, has held only two local elections since the end of the military dictatorship in 1999, one in 2003 and another in 2008.127

--AT Military solutions FailNon violent solutions to Boko Haram are inadequate – force becomes necessary in a Changing environmentBakari 17 - Group Captain, Nigerian Air Force Defense Technical Information Center [Ahmed 04-03-2017 “USSOF Operations In Africa: Prospects For Future Engagements In The Sahel” https://apps.dtic.mil/docs/citations/AD1037974]

These laudable initiatives notwithstanding, Boko Haram’s activity in the region now spans across four countries. The VEO holds geographical spaces and fights using conventional and unconventional ways. Equally, the extent of its violence, destruction and associated humanitarian disasters from its actions have deepened the tasks confronting host nation agencies.34 Indeed, the operational environment where Boko Haram operates has morphed and metastasized in ways that the current pattern of USSOF engagement may not effectively address. Therefore, USSOF’s non-lethal engagement in the Sahel misses to some extent the violent, and non-linear nature of war, which holds true for counter-terrorism.35 Thus, some degree of kinetic action is required to resolve the challenges in the operational environment. Given the challenges, USSOF could conduct precision strikes against VEOs using drones, provide additional combat force protection equipment (MRAPs) with 12.7mm guns to boost the firepower of local troops, and explore ways to partner and 6 enhance viable efforts by Sahelian militaries.

Any solution to Nigerian oil insurgency will require military force as part of a comprehensive solutionZelinka 2008- MA candidate in security and strategic studies at Masaryk Univ, Brno [Petr “Conceptualizing and Countering the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta”, https://www.obranaastrategie.cz/en/articles/conceptualizing-and-countering-the-movement-for-the-emancipation-of-the-niger-delta.html, Obrana a Strategie vol 2 7-11-2019]

Let's now embrace more pragmatic approach - what do the concepts and labels - VNSA, terrorism, ethnic terrorism - tell us about the strategy of countering MEND? COUNTERING MEND Countering MEND as VNSA What Thomas, Kiser and Casebeer advice us when it comes to countering MEND? The genesis of MEND can not be prevented now even that it would have been the most effective way. From this point - considering MEND a mature VNSA - we basically have two options - to disrupt it or to transform it. Disruption should be done in a complex way - where military action is only part of it. Attention should be paid to the life cycle of MEND, communication among parts of organization should be hampered, nodes of contact disrupted. Also the environment where MEND operates should be transformed to work against MEND - inputs should be prevented, transformation of energy hampered, outputs should be made of no use. Also entropy of MEND should be supported. What does this mean in practice? Fighters of MEND should be selectively attacked (MEND seems to have degraded capacity to fight recently), but collateral damage to civilians prevented. The roots which formed MEND removed and assured that its recruiting capability decreased - for example by more careful implementation of the so called Niger Delta Development Master Plan.

Political Capital LinksPlan undermine political support – Congress supports the sale of A 29sOsborn 2019 - Senior Fellow at The Lexington Institute [Kris Fox News June 11, “US Special Ops want A-29 Super Tucanos to battle terrorists in Africa https://www.foxnews.com/tech/us-special-ops-want-a-29-super-tucanos-to-battle-terrorists-in-africa]

Members of Congress would like to see a more expansive use of the A-29 Super Tucano aircraft in various global hotspots as a way to support U.S. Special Operations Forces and continue needed counterinsurgency efforts. The A-29 is turboprop light attack aircraft designed and built by Embraer which has been helping the Afghan Air Force battle insurgents for many years in Afghanistan. It has received rave reviews regarding its performance in theater as a platform which can support ground troops fighting enemies or insurgents. Given its success, some lawmakers and foreign governments are now hoping the US can increase its Foreign Military Sales of the plane to better help allied forces in vital areas of conflict around the globe. “There are plenty of countries that have an extremist threat -- the Middle East and South and Central Africa. SOCOM (Special Operations Command) is asking for this for Nigeria, Somalia and Libya. It is a perfect platform for where we are fighting,” Rep. Michael Waltz, (R) Fla., told Warrior.

A-29 Sales to Nigeria have strong political support – Senators are lined up, it generates manufacturing jobs, and Congress cares more about Terrorism than Human RightsMatfess, 2017 - senior program officer at the Center for Democracy and Development in Abuja, Nigeria [Hilary April 16, 2017 Quartz Africa “Here’s the case against Trump selling Super-T planes to help Nigeria’s battle with Boko Haram” https://qz.com/africa/960597/heres-the-case-against-trump-selling-super-t-jets-to-help-nigerias-batte-with-boko-haram/]

Here’s the case against Trump selling Super-T planes to help Nigeria’s battle with Boko Haram For a cool $600 million, Nigeria may become the proud owner of 12 Embraer A-29 Super Tucanos, light attack aircrafts equipped with “wing-mounted machine guns, weapons integration with advanced surveillance… precision-guided bombs, and even air-to-air missiles.” Nigeria has been trying to acquire the aircraft since 2015; last year the sale nearly went through under the Obama Administration, until the accidental bombing of a displaced persons camp by the Nigerian Air Force resurfaced concerns about Nigeria’s human rights recordand the agreement fell through. The Trump Administration, however, does not seem to share the previous administration’s concerns—and has the congressional support necessary to ratify the deal. Senator Bob Corker, the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee stated plainly ”We need to deal with human rights issues, but not on weapons sales.” Even though Embraer is originally Brazilian, the planes are manufactured in the United States which means they require US approval for sale to foreign countries.

The A 29 sales are key to Trump’s credibility – he has invested substantial effort to pass them, and they support his campaign goals. Lardner and Faul, 2017 – AP writers [ Richard and Michelle, Military Times April 10 “Trump to sell attack planes to Nigeria for Boko Haram fight” https://www.militarytimes.com/news/pentagon-congress/2017/04/10/trump-to-sell-attack-planes-to-nigeria-for-boko-haram-fight/]

The A-29 sale would improve the U.S. relationship with Nigeria, Africa's largest consumer market of 170 million people, the continent's biggest economy and its second-largest oil producer. Nigeria also is strategically located on the edge of the Sahel, the largely lawless semi-desert region bridging north and sub-Saharan Africa where experts warn Islamic extremists like the Nigeria-based Boko Haram

may expand their reach. The aircraft deal also would satisfy Trump's priorities to support

nations fighting Islamic uprisings, boost U.S. manufacturing and create high-wage jobs at home. The A-29 aircraft, which allow pilots to pinpoint targets at night, are assembled in Jacksonville, Florida. "It's hard to argue that any country in Africa is more important than Nigeria for the geopolitical and other strategic interests of the U.S.," said J. Peter Pham, vice president of the Atlantic Council in Washington and head of its Africa Center. Once Congress is officially notified of the sale, lawmakers who want to derail it have 30 days to pass veto-proof legislation. That's a high hurdle given Corker's support. Sen. John McCain, R-Ariz., chairman of the Armed Services Committee,

also said he backs the sale. "We've really got to try to do what we can to contain them," McCain said of Boko Haram. In Trump's first phone call with Buhari in February, he "assured the Nigerian president of U.S. readiness to cut a new deal in helping Nigeria in terms of military weapons to combat terrorism," according to

Buhari's office. A Feb. 15 White House statement that provided a summary of the call said

"President Trump expressed support for the sale of aircraft from the United States to support Nigeria's fight against Boko Haram."

DIB LinksSelling A-29s to Nigeria is important to the Defense Industry – it is a big sale.Maza, 2018 – staff writer at Newsweek [Cristina 5/2/18 Newsweek “Trump Brags About Selling Deadly Attack Aircraft to Nigeria, but Didn't Know What the Weapons Were Called” https://www.newsweek.com/trump-brags-about-selling-deadly-attack-aircraft-nigeria-didnt-know-what-908774]

President Donald Trump bragged about selling new deadly weapons to Nigeria this week, but struggled to call the aircraft by the correct name. When Nigerian President Muhammadu Buhari visited the White House on Monday, Trump used the opportunity to boast about the administration's sale of $600 million of deadly military aircraft to Nigeria last year. But he insisted on calling the aircraft helicopters, instead of acknowledging what they actually are: attack aircraft. "We also have a very big trade deal that we're working on for military equipment— helicopters and the like," Trump said during a meeting in the Oval Office. When a reporter asked about the aircraft sold to Nigeria last year, the president again called the military equipment helicopters during a press briefing in the Rose Garden. In fact, the U.S. sold twelve A-29 Super Tucano light-attack aircraft to Nigeria to fight the Islamic militant group Boko Haram. The Obama administration had chosen not to sell the A-29 to Nigeria after the country bombed a refugee camp near the border with Cameroon in January 2017, killing more than 200 civilians who had fled from Boko Haram. But the Trump administration, which has touted itself as tough on terror, facilitated the sale in August last year. During their meeting this week, both leaders stressed the importance of their cooperation in fighting Islamic militants.

Arms sales to Nigeria are key to the Defense Industry – they create jobs for a huge marketLardner and Faul, 2017 – AP writers [ Richard and Michelle, Military Times April 10 “Trump to sell attack planes to Nigeria for Boko Haram fight” https://www.militarytimes.com/news/pentagon-congress/2017/04/10/trump-to-sell-attack-planes-to-nigeria-for-boko-haram-fight/]

The A-29 sale would improve the U.S. relationship with Nigeria, Africa's largest consumer market of 170 million people, the continent's biggest economy and its

second-largest oil producer. Nigeria also is strategically located on the edge of the Sahel, the largely lawless semi-desert region

bridging north and sub-Saharan Africa where experts warn Islamic extremists like the Nigeria-based Boko Haram may expand their reach. The aircraft deal also would satisfy Trump's priorities to support nations fighting Islamic uprisings, boost U.S. manufacturing and create high-wage jobs at home. The A-29 aircraft , which allow

pilots to pinpoint targets at night, are assembled in Jacksonville, Florida.

Super Tucanos for Nigeria benefit the US defense industry – yuge potential salesCooper and Searcey, 2017—Pentagon and West Africa correspondents for The New York Times [Helene and Dionne, April 12 “U.S. Plans Sale of Warplanes to Nigeria for Fighting Boko Haram” ProQuest]

Several officials from the State Department, the Pentagon and the White House said that the sale of the attack airplanes, valued at $600 million, would help the Nigerian Air Force battle the militant extremist group Boko Haram. The Super Tucano, a propeller-driven plane that is capable of reconnaissance and surveillance missions as well as attacks, is produced in part in Florida by Embraer of Brazil and the Sierra Nevada Corporation, a company in the United States. The potential for sales of American-made aircraft also played a part in Mr. Trump's decision to move on the deal, one administration official said on Tuesday.

Oil DA LinksOil terrorism in Nigeria threatens supply cutoffsDiCristopher 2016- CNBC Energy Reporter [Tom, 5-20-16, “‘Niger Delta Avengers’: Who they are, and what they want”, https://www.cnbc.com/2016/05/20/niger-delta-avengers-who-they-are-and-what-they-want.html, 7-12-19]

After seven years of relative peace, one of the world’s most oil-rich regions is once again under siege by militants. And though Nigeria is well-acquainted with violence on its southern shores, the group behind a new wave of attacks — the Niger Delta Avengers — is shrouded in mystery and sabotaging one of the world’s biggest oil producers. The attacks present a serious challenge for President Muhammadu Buhari, who entered office last year in the midst of a global oil price downturn that has plunged Nigeria into economic crisis and stoked runaway inflation. Now, assaults by the Avengers have helped send the country’s crude output to its lowest level in decades. Nigeria is home to Africa’s largest economy and one of the world’s biggest populations. Before this year’s supply disruptions, the OPEC member was also the continent’s top crude producer. The oil industry accounts for about 70 percent of government revenue. The Niger Delta Avengers are in the business of destroying oil infrastructure — working in teams, carrying small arms and explosives, blowing up pipelines and sabotaging facilities — taking advantage of the Delta’s complex, creek-filled terrain to stay one step ahead of the Nigerian soldiers chasing them. They’re driven by economic and environmental grievances, and until those issues are addressed, the Delta will remain in a cycle of sabotage, experts told CNBC. And Nigeria’s oil output will remain under pressure. ‘Very effective’ The Avengers claim on their website to be young, educated and well-traveled. They say they are better armed and more civilized than past militants. One thing’s for sure: They are making an impact. Nigerian Oil Minister Emmanuel Ibe Kachikwu this week said the country’s oil production has fallen by 800,000 barrels per day — to 1.4 million barrels per day — due to attacks on the nation’s infrastructure, local news reported, many or perhaps most of them at the hands of the Avengers.

Oil insurgency threatens Nigeria’s oil supply and global price spikesCampbell, 2010- Senior Fellow for Africa Policy Studies, Council on Foreign Relations [John, 8-17-2010, “Oil Pollution in the Niger Delta: Whose fault?”, https://www.huffpost.com/entry/oil-pollution-in-the-nige_b_684608, 7-12-2019]

The insurrection at times has reduced production by up to a third and even contributed to a spike in world oil prices. But militants have never killed the goose that lays the golden egg by shutting-down entirely the industry. The National Assembly is at present considering legislation that would reform the petroleum industry and, in effect, enable NNPC to function in a way similar to the national oil companies of Brazil and Malaysia, including the ability to raise capital on its own. The proposed legislation is controversial, and the oil companies have complained about the government’s sparse consultation with them.

Russia LinksWithout Super Tucanos, Nigeria could turn to Russian Helicopters – they already own some.Page, 2016 – advisor to the Defense and Security Program at Transparency International [Matthew “Five Reasons Washington Should Rethink Selling Warplanes to Nigeria” 11/8/16, https://warontherocks.com/2016/11/five-reasons-washington-should-rethink-selling-warplanes-to-nigeria/ acc 7/3/19]

If not the Super Tucano, then what? If Nigeria has its heart set on spending $500 million on counterterrorism gear, it could get a lot more for its money than a squadron of Brazilian-American turbo-props. It

could, for example, buy twice as many MI-35M (Hind E) Russian-made attack helicopters. Nigeria already operates the MI-35M, a versatile tool that weapon that is rugged, well-armored, and now available with state-of-the-art avionics. Or it could train and equip a scout sniper company to gather intelligence and conduct surgical strikes inside Boko Haram’s Sambisa Forest, Lake Chad, and Mandara Mountain safe havens. It might even consider investing in a vast array of “spy rocks”, unattended ground sensors capable of covertly monitoring human and vehicle movement in remote areas. Washington, for its part, needs to rethink its military engagement strategy with Nigeria. It needs to make battalion-level training and major equipment transfers contingent on tangible efforts by the Nigerian military to address its human rights deficiencies and make its security spending more transparent and accountable. At the same time, the United States should expand the scope and scale of its lower-level engagement by doing things like tripling Nigerian participation in the International Military Education and Training program or sending U.S. military doctors to spend a year teaching their Nigerian counterparts about treating battlefield casualties. Doing so would demonstrate Washington’s lasting commitment to help make Nigeria more secure without compromising core U.S. principles.

Nigeria has been looking to Russia for help with aircraftYork 2015 - Africa Bureau Chief at The Globe and Mail [Geoffrey, , “How Not To Fight Extremism: Nigeria's battle against Boko Haram has been a series of deadly mistakes, missteps and miscalculations”, The Globe and Mail, ProQuest acc 7/10/19]

Nigeria's army, weakened by corruption and neglect, has proved unable to cope with Boko Haram's attacks, often fleeing at the first sign of the militia's motorcycles and Kalashnikovs.

Only with outside reinforcements - troops from Chad, helicopters and pilots from Russia, military trainers from South Africa - has the Nigerian army finally managed to roll back some of Boko Haram's gains this year.

US/Nigeria Relations LinksCutting arms sales hurts relations because Nigeria sees them as necessaryNossiter 2015 – West Africa Bureau Chief at the New York Times [Adam, , 7/24/15, “Nigeria Says U.S. Ban on Arms Sales Is Helping Rebels” ProQuest, acc 7/11/19]

Mr. Buhari was blunt in his criticism of the application of a United States law that bans assistance to foreign forces credibly implicated in serious human rights abuses. "Unwittingly -- and I dare say unintentionally -- the application of the Leahy Law," he said, "has aided and abetted the Boko Haram terrorists in the prosecution of its extremist ideology and hate, the indiscriminate killings and maiming of civilians, the raping of women and girls and other heinous crimes." His apparent turnabout took experts on Nigeria in Washington and in the Nigerian capital,

Abuja, by surprise. They expressed concern that Mr. Buhari might simply revert to the failed policies of his predecessors and that the hoped-for change in Nigerian governing would prove to be illusory. "I was kind of astonished," said John Campbell, a former ambassador to Nigeria, who was in the audience. "It implies that the U.S. has contributed to Boko Haram's violence by declining to supply military equipment," a claim that Mr. Campbell suggested did not square with the facts.

The A 29 sales are key to the US Nigeria relationship – we have committed to supporting them. Lardner and Faul, 2017 – AP writers [ Richard and Michelle, Military Times April 10 “Trump to sell attack planes to Nigeria for Boko Haram fight” https://www.militarytimes.com/news/pentagon-congress/2017/04/10/trump-to-sell-attack-planes-to-nigeria-for-boko-haram-fight/]

The A-29 sale would improve the U.S. relationship with Nigeria, Africa's largest consumer

market of 170 million people, the continent's biggest economy and its second-largest oil producer. Nigeria also is strategically located on the edge of the Sahel, the largely lawless semi-desert region bridging north and sub-Saharan Africa

where experts warn Islamic extremists like the Nigeria-based Boko Haram may expand their reach. The aircraft deal also would satisfy Trump's priorities to support nations fighting Islamic uprisings, boost U.S. manufacturing and create high-wage jobs at home. The A-29 aircraft, which allow pilots to pinpoint targets at night, are assembled in Jacksonville,

Florida. "It's hard to argue that any country in Africa is more important than Nigeria for the geopolitical and other strategic interests of the U.S.," said J. Peter Pham, vice president of the Atlantic Council in Washington and head of its Africa Center. Once Congress is officially notified of the sale, lawmakers who want to derail it have 30 days to pass veto-proof legislation. That's a high hurdle given Corker's support. Sen. John McCain, R-Ariz., chairman of the Armed Services Committee, also said he backs the sale. "We've really got to try to do what we can to

contain them," McCain said of Boko Haram. In Trump's first phone call with Buhari in February, he "assured the Nigerian president of U.S. readiness to cut a new deal in helping Nigeria in terms of military weapons to combat terrorism," according to

Buhari's office. A Feb. 15 White House statement that provided a summary of the call said "President Trump expressed support for the sale of aircraft from the United States to support Nigeria's fight against Boko Haram."

Plan hurts relations with Nigeria empirically – Arms sales are key to improving relationsHickie and Abbott, 18 - Founder and senior analyst at Open Briefing [Hickie 01-18 “Remote Warfare and the Boko Haram Insurgency”https://css.ethz.ch/content/dam/ethz/special-interest/gess/cis/center-for-securities-studies/resources/docs/RemoteControl%20Boko%20Haram%20report.pdf ]

The White House further angered Abuja in November 2014 when it refused the sale of weapons to Nigeria over fears that they would be used against the civilian

population rather than Boko Haram. The US Leahy laws dictate that the sale of lethal weapons is forbidden to countries whose militaries have been accused of gross human rights abuses. In 2015, the US government deployed between 200 and 300 SOF personnel to Cameroon for ISR advise and assist missions.49 Reports suggest that some are based in Salak in northern Cameroon and work closely with Cameroon’s elite Rapid Intervention Battalion (BIR).50 Amnesty International accuses the BIR of torture and unlawful killings, and suggests that France and the US may have been aware of the crimes.51 In 2015, the US also deployed a small contingent of 20 operators to Niger to train Nigerien forces for their operations against Boko Haram in Diffa.52 There is now a total of 800 troops in Niger under the US Africa Command (AFRICOM), and the US is establishing a drone base in the country.53 On 4 October 2017, about 50 fighters from an ISIS-affiliated group ambushed a Nigerien patrol near the village of Tongo Tongo and killed four US soldiers from a US Special Operations Task Force team that was accompanying the patrol.54 Figure 3. Key military assets and their proximity to Boko Haram conflict events. Remote Warfare Programme | 10 Some reports suggest that US SOF are also embedded in military facilities in N’Djamena in Chad. US forces are also understood to be supporting operations against Boko Haram with UAV surveillance and reconnaissance flights from their bases in Agadez in Niger and Garoua in Cameroon.55 In 2016, US Special Operations Command Africa (SOCAFRICA) recommended a limited ‘advise and assist’ mission deployment to Nigeria; however, it is unlikely that the Obama administration would have

authorised the deployment because of sensitivities over the Nigerian military’s human rights record. The current US president, Donald Trump, is apparently keen to reach a new agreement with Buhari that enables the US to supply both weapons and military assistance to Nigeria.56

US/Nigeria Relations ImpactsUS support for Nigeria is key to ending communal violence – US / Nigerian relations are essential.Maza, 2018 – staff writer at Newsweek [Cristina 5/2/18 Newsweek “Trump Brags About Selling Deadly Attack Aircraft to Nigeria, but Didn't Know What the Weapons Were Called” https://www.newsweek.com/trump-brags-about-selling-deadly-attack-aircraft-nigeria-didnt-know-what-908774]

"So the commitment of the United States to get rid of terrorism across the world, we have firsthand experience of that, and we are very grateful for it…. The action by the United States in trying to see the end of ISIS has helped us a lot. Because Boko

Haram in Nigeria at one time made a statement that they are loyal to ISIS," Buhari said. "Now that ISIS have virtually gone with the help of the United States, we are very grateful for that." In an

op-ed for Newsweek, Buhari discussed the importance of strengthening ties between the two countries. "My meeting with President Donald Trump today (Monday, April 30) at the White

House will provide an opportunity for reflection on the important relationship that Nigeria and the United States have forged over the last five decades of Nigeria's democracy," he wrote. Buhari is a former military leader who was elected in 2015.

US engagement is key to ending human rights abuses – empirically provenGreenfield, 2016 – Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs [Thomas May 10, 2016 Federal News Service “Full committee hearing on ‘Terrorism and Instability in Sub-Saharan Africa.’” Lexis]

THOMAS-GREENFIELD: I think we have to work with governments to fight terrorism but we also have to continue to work with these governments to address human rights deficiencies in their countries

and I think that the people of those countries want us to continue to engage, they want our voices to be heard. They know that when we're engaging with these governments that we're also raising concerns about human rights and we have

gotten some people released from jail and we've gotten some governments to moderate their actions against their citizens. It's not a perfect solution but I truly believe that we -- our engagements with them help on the issues of human rights. Our engagement -- I'll give the example of Burundi, where we believe that the military in Burundi has been less active and violent against citizens because of our engagement with them, because of the human rights training that they got from our people, working closely with them. The government has been a problem but we've seen that their military has been less of a problem than most people expected.

Nigerian Economy LinksOil revenues are Key to the Nigerian economy – they make up the majority of their budget and foreign exchangeCampbell, 2010- Senior Fellow for Africa Policy Studies, Council on Foreign Relations [John, 8-17-2010, “Oil Pollution in the Niger Delta: Whose fault?”, https://www.huffpost.com/entry/oil-pollution-in-the-nige_b_684608, 7-12-2019]

Despite the common perception that the international oil companies are unfettered in their Nigeria operations, oil and gas is state property, and the government, especially the president, has the whip hand. The multinational oil companies partner with the state-owned Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC), which is the majority stakeholder in all oil operations in the country. Above a certain threshold, more than ninety percent of partnership profits (including oil-generated revenue from taxes) go to the federal government, which then distributes by formula a certain percentage to the state and local governments, retaining the largest share for itself. Petroleum provides the government with more than eighty percent of its revenue and more than ninety percent of its foreign exchange. Despite Nigeria’s place as a top-ten

world oil exporter, the state’s oil profits are mostly consumed by ordinary government activities, leaving little left over for development of any kind. Yet, under its partnership agreements, the NNPC is required to share the funding of petroleum industry expansion. The Abuja government often fails to appropriate the funds necessary for NNPC to fulfill in a timely way its partnership obligations because of politicians’ other priorities. The Niger Delta Development Corporation (NDDC), a parastatal funded by contributions from the oil industry and the government,

and charged with economic development in the Delta, is also starved of required government funding and has largely been ineffective.

Conditioning CP LinksConditioning Sales to Nigeria on investigations of human rights abuses sends a signal to prevent violence.Booker and Paul, 2017 – US Senators [Cory and Rand June 8 Press Release “ Booker, Paul Raise Alarms to State Department Over Nigerian Arms Deal” https://www.booker.senate.gov/?p=press_release&id=609]

WASHINGTON, D.C. – Today, U.S. Senators Cory Booker (D-NJ) and Rand Paul (R-KY) raised alarms to Secretary of State Rex Tillerson over the planned sale of weaponized aircraft to the Nigerian government. The Senators cited multiple incidents in

which the Nigerian military had flouted the laws of war, leading to concerns around how these additional weapons would be put to use. Booker is a member of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee and the top-

ranking Democrat on the Senate Subcommittee on Africa and Global Health Policy. The Senators urged Tillerson to require the Nigerian government to demonstrate progress in investigating these incidents before completing the aircraft sale. “We are concerned that the decision to proceed with this sale will empower the government to backtrack even further on its commitments to human rights, accountability, and upholding international humanitarian law, which in turn could spur greater unrest and violence, particularly in the northeastern part of the country,” the lawmakers wrote in a

letter to Tillerson. “Instead we recommend you make clear to President Buhari that the sale of these aircraft can proceed only if there is positive and measurable progress on reforming the security institutions.” In 2015, credible organizations found the General Officer in command of the Nigerian army to have launched an unjustified attack against a group of Shia Muslims, leading to a massacre of at least 347 Nigerians. Earlier this year, the Nigerian Air Force attacked a displaced persons camp, resulting in the death of at least 236 of Nigeria’s most vulnerable civilians; the government claims the attack was a mistake.

Conditioning A-29 sales on human rights reform is key to preventing sales from sending the wrong message – we have significant Leverage now.Booker and Paul, 2017 – US Senators [Cory and Rand June 8 Press Release “ Booker, Paul Raise Alarms to State Department Over Nigerian Arms Deal” https://www.booker.senate.gov/?p=press_release&id=609]

June 8, 2017 The Honorable Rex W. Tillerson Secretary of State U.S. Department of State 2201 C Street, N.W. Washington, D.C. 20520 Dear Secretary Tillerson: We are writing to convey our concerns regarding reports that you intend to proceed with plans to sell A-29 Super Tucano light attack aircrafts, with mounted machine guns and related parts and logistical support, to help the Nigerian government combat Boko Haram. We request that before you approve this sale, you brief us on the steps Nigeria has taken to investigate and hold accountable those that have committed human rights abuses. We believe the security threats Nigeria is facing are very real but that a sale of this nature, and at this time, is ill-advised. Boko Haram – a 5,000 to 10,000 strong insurgent force with ties to the Islamic State – will not be defeated through expanded air power alone. Despite your comments that values will not impact national security policies, we believe proceeding without any clear indications of progress from the Nigerian government on the protection of human rights and enforcement of accountability would run contrary to our national security objectives. With proper training of pilots, the sale of more sophisticated aircraft could lead to more accurate targeting of insurgents by the Nigerian Air Force and potentially a reduction of civilian casualties. But there is evidence that the Nigerian military routinely flouts the laws of war and there remains an absence of adequate safeguards and accountability mechanisms. This means that the Tucano aircraft could be used in a manner inconsistent with international human rights and humanitarian law – and that ultimately helps to strengthen Boko Haram. Given that the Nigerian military still lacks the ability to mount a sophisticated counterinsurgency cooperation combining group and air assets, and the A-29 airframes will not be ready for delivery for at least another year at the earliest, we see no rush to complete the sale. Because this sale is an important point of leverage to encourage critical reforms necessary to defeat Boko Haram, we recommend that you require the Nigerian government to complete these steps before proceeding with the sale. Some of the important and specific benchmarks that would show progress include: · Progress from the authorities in

Abuja on the Kaduna government’s investigation into the December 2015 alleged massacre on Shiite Muslims in the northeastern town of Zaria, where at least 347 members of

the Islamic Movement of Nigeria, a Shia Muslim group, were killed by army soldiers. Credible organizations found that the army’s attack was unjustified. An investigation launched by the local Kaduna government found the General

Officer in command of the army to have authorized the massacre and recommended prosecution. Nearly a year after this report was published, there has been no follow-up from the federal government in Abuja. Authorities also failed to comply with a court order for the release of the movement’s leader, Ibraheem El Zakzaky, and his wife who remain in detention without charges since December 2015. · Completion of the investigation into the January 2017 attack on a displaced persons camp in Rann, northeastern Nigeria, by the Nigerian Air Force, which killed at least 236 people and injured thousands more. The government was quick to acknowledge the attack, which officials said was an accident, and agreed to undertake an investigation but it has yet to be finalized and then made available to the public. Even if it was accidental, the Rann incident demonstrates the urgent need for safeguards and accountability. · Progress on a fair investigation into the 2014 killing by the Nigerian security forces of over 600 people, on the heels of Boko Haram’s attack on Giwa army barracks. Hundreds of mostly unarmed detainees, including children, were killed in extrajudicial executions and likely buried in mass graves around the city. At the same time, there continues to be additional allegations of corruption, abuse, and misconduct throughout the Nigerian military. While some soldiers have been released or retired, there has yet to be any real or meaningful accountability for the systemic challenges that have plagued Nigeria’s security forces for decades. Without addressing these problems at an institutional level, reform is merely cosmetic and will only perpetuate longstanding patterns of abuse, which could serve as propaganda for Boko Haram and other insurgent groups seeking to discredit the Nigerian government. We are concerned that the decision to proceed with this sale will empower the government to backtrack even further on its commitments to human rights, accountability, and upholding international humanitarian law, which in turn could spur greater unrest and violence, particularly in the northeastern part of the country. Accordingly, we strongly urge you to reconsider your decision to sell A-29 Super Tucano light attack aircrafts to Nigeria without any meaningful reform or any clear safeguards in place. Instead we recommend

you make clear to Abuja that the sale of these aircraft can proceed only if there is positive and measurable progress on reforming the security institutions.

Arms sales should be conditioned on vetting, investigations and reparations Amnesty International USA, 2017 [Friends Committee on National Legislation May 12, “NGOs Express Concern Over Weapons Sale to Nigerian Government”] In view of the continuing patterns of abuse and potential for misuse of US-supplied equipment, the U.S. Congress should insist that the Nigerian government undertake independent investigation into all allegations of human rights violations by the military. Any such reports on human rights violations by the military in northeast Nigeria should be made public, including on the Rann bombing. Further, all victims should receive full reparation, including financial compensation.   Before approving the intended transfer of the Tucano aircraft, Congress should ensure that Nigerian military personnel involved in its operation and command will be rigorously vetted in order to screen out those responsible for past human rights violations and violations of international humanitarian law. Moreover, steps should be taken to ensure that personnel operating the equipment are adequately trained to comply with international human rights and humanitarian law and standards.   Furthermore, we ask you as Congressional leaders to insist on binding guarantees from the Nigerian government that the equipment will be used in conformity with US and international law. Likewise, Congress should seek guarantees from the Trump Administration that the Department of Defense will effectively monitor the use of these aircraft for compliance with international human rights and humanitarian law. 

Human rights conditioning is essential to avoid abuses of aid to Nigeria Amnesty International USA, 2017 [Friends Committee on National Legislation May 12, “NGOs Express Concern Over Weapons Sale to Nigerian Government”] 

We the undersigned organizations are writing to convey our concerns regarding reports that the Trump administration is moving forward with plans to sell A-29 Super Tucano light attack aircraft, with mounted machine guns and related parts and logistical support to the government of Nigeria. We believe that given the Nigerian government has not taken adequate action to protect human rights and enforce accountability in the military, this transfer runs a substantial risk of resulting in serious human rights violations.   In June of 2016 many of us expressed concerns over the same proposed sale to President Obama, citing the lack of adequate safeguards and accountability mechanisms to ensure that the Tucano aircraft would be used consistently with international human rights and humanitarian law by the

Nigerian military. Those concerns took on a tragic reality with the Nigerian government’s bombing of an Internally Displaced Person’s camp in early 2017 – that bombing effectively scuttled plans to move forward with the sale under the Obama administration. We reiterate those concerns now and ask that you take steps to limit the risks that equipment supplied by the US will be used to commit or facilitate serious violations of human rights and humanitarian law. The Nigerian government must first agree to implement a comprehensive plan to protect human rights and enforce accountability   Our message to the Obama administration was that the US should insist on securing robust, binding end use/r guarantees, post-delivery monitoring to verify all recipients are operating consistently with full respect for international human rights and humanitarian law, and end user certificate restrictions are being honored, safeguards against further serious human rights violations, and other credible and measurable progress on accountability within the Nigerian security forces. These recommendations were offered with the aim of ensuring that the United States did not inadvertently facilitate the commission of human rights violations in Nigeria and to ensure that the US is doing everything it can to end the culture of impunity within the Nigerian military with respect to human rights. 

The US should promote reform in Nigeria - Nigeria must reduce corruption and human rights violations to maintain strong security relations with the USOlomojobi and Apampa, 2017 - prof and Lecturer at the School Law and Security Studies, Babcock Univ. [Yinka, OLUSEYI OLUWALAMBE 10-31-18 “Nigeria –U.S. Relations in Contemporary Perspective: Projecting into Buhari/Trump Governments Relationship” https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3062578]

CONCLUSION .According to Sir Ivor Roberts (2009:5) “Diplomacy is the application of intelligence and tact to the conduct of official relations between governments of independent states, extending sometimes to their relations with dependent territories, and between governments and international institutions; or, more briefly the conduct of business states by peaceful means.” Thus, diplomacy is used to manage the goals of foreign policy. Nigeria, has a long history of political instability, corruption, poverty, conflict and religious radicalism, which has been influenced by the political elites.

US foreign policy led by the Trump administration can enforce and empower the Nigerian government in reducing these problems. It is projected that Nigeria will remain a crucial partner in its relationship with USA. However, it seems clear that for that partnership to remain Nigeria has to embrace a strong human rights regime, human rights culture and reposition its self as an economic giant in Africa. It is important for the US to totally condemn corruption and conflict in Nigeria, corruption and conflict and to emphasize the need to empower democratic institutions democracy, good governance and the rule of law.

Constitutional CP LinksAfricans must reject colonialism – exercising constitutional rights and personal sovereignty is the best method to end exploitationOkeke 2008 - Prof of International & Comparative Law at Golden Gate Univ. [Chris Nwachukwu Okeke Spring 2008 Proquest “The Second Scramble for Africa's Oil and Mineral Resources: Blessing or Curse?” 42 The International Lawyer 193]

VII. Conclusion: Proposals for Dealing with the Present and Future Effects of the Scramble for Africa's oil and Other Resources A. THE AFRICAN PEOPLE, NOT JUST THEIR GOVERNMENTS, MUST BE INVOLVED IN THE EXPLORATION AND EXPLOITATION OF THEIR NATURAL RESOURCES The General Assembly of the United Nations adopted the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States (the "Charter").47 The Charter was drafted by a Working Group established by the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD).48 It was designed to "establish or improve norms of universal application for the development of international economic relations on a just and equitable basis."49 Article 2 of the Charter expressly addresses the concept of permanent sovereignty over natural resources and the regulation of transnational corporations.50 The principle of permanent sovereignty is contained in a number of international human rights documents focusing on two related rights: the right of states to exercise control over their natural wealth and resources and the right of all peoples to freely use, exploit, and dispose of their natural wealth and resources.51 The people's right to exercise permanent sovereignty over their wealth and natural resources has risen to the level of international customary law. Many renowned international law scholars have assigned the right the status of jus cogms.52 Professor Ian Brownlie noted that the principle of permanent sovereignty is one of the rules that may have the special status of juscogens.51 Article 1, paragraph 2 of the International Covenants on Civil and Political Rights and Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights provides that "[a]ll peoples may, for their own ends, freely dispose of their natural wealth and resources without prejudice to any obligations arising out of international economic co-operation, based upon the principle of mutual benefit and international law."54 Along the same lines, Article 21(5) of the African Charter on Human and People's Rights requires states "to eliminate all forms of foreign economic exploitation particularly that practiced by international monopolies."55 This article clearly separates treatment of foreign multinationals from among all the possible exploiters, including state governments. Notwithstanding these provisions, some African and other developing countries continue to collude with foreign multinational companies to deprive the people of benefits from natural resources. To make

matters worse, heads of states and other high-ranking state officials openly and fraudulently divert national wealth and resources into their private accounts. B. ENSURE DEMOCRATIC ACCOUNTABILITY With little or no

exception, the bane of Africa's economic underdevelopment lies in its lack of democratic accountability. One cannot succeed in holding foreign managers of the economy responsible when their own indigenous heads of states and high-ranking officials find themselves in power through rigged elections and without the true mandate of the people they claim and pretend to be serving. Unfortunately, the existing legal order

and cult still remain entrapped under the concepts of act of state and sovereign immunity, the two instruments through which these corrupt officials seek to justify the plunder of national wealth and resources. C. REFORM THE CONSTITUTION TO MAKE IT MORE RESPECTFUL OF PRIVATE PROPERTY RIGHTS OVER NATURAL RESOURCES. The Constitution, Petroleum Act, and Land Use Act are united in the view that individuals do not have ownership rights over mineral resources found on their land. Allowing land owners to retain a portion of ownership of natural resources is an idea that deserves serious consideration. The current compensation system simply precludes people from reaping the benefits of

resources with which they have been endowed. D. REFORM THE JUDICIARY TO BE MORE ACCESSIBLE TO INDIVIDUALS AND GROUPS SEEKING TO ENFORCE FUNDAMENTAL RIGHTS It may also be worthwhile, after taking into account some of the objections to specialized courts in Nigeria, to consider the proposal made over the years (and most recently by the Governor of the Central Bank) for the creation of commercial courts. This will decongest the regular courts and ensure that cases against oil companies are speedily disposed of by judges with special training in this area.

Neoliberalism LinksYou must examine Neoliberalism first to understand the nature of Oil Imperialism – ignoring it fetishizes images of an Oil Curse – our alternative solves the root cause of the caseObi 10- Nordic Africa Institute [Cyril, 12-13-10, Review of African Political Economy Volume 37, 2010 - Issue 126Oil as the ‘curse’ of conflict in Africa: peering through the smoke and mirrors, , https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/03056244.2010.530947, acc. 7-12-19]

Conclusion: peering through the smoke and mirrors From the foregoing, it is argued that the ‘oil curse’ is a fetish hinged upon a partial reading of the internal processes in oil-rich African countries without capturing its connections to globalised class relations and capitalist accumulation by dispossession, in which transnational elites appropriate the resources that could have gone to African workers, peasants and people in the informal sector. It seeks to divert attention from the class identities of the winners and losers from oil endowment, and the ways the (violent) oil-extractive ethos drives particular social contradictions that fuel conflict either in the form of ensuring the conditions for exploitation, resistance to dispossession, or struggles for ownership of oil (Obi 2010 Obi, C. 2010. Oil extraction, dispossession, resistance, and conflict in the Niger Delta. Canadian Journal of Development Studies, 30(1–2): 219–236. [Web of Science ®], , [Google Scholar]). Oil endowment is not the curse, though oil is cursed by the high premium placed on it by globalised capitalism, spawning inequalities and contradictions fed by an insatiable greed for finite hydrocarbon resources by the world's industrial powers, and often at huge environmental and social costs to its victims. There are several resource-rich countries that have ‘escaped’ the resource curse, including Norway (Larsen 2004 Larsen, E., 2004. Escaping the resource curse and the Dutch disease? When and why Norway caught up with and forged ahead of its neighbours. Discussion Paper No. 377, May. Statistics Norway, Research Department. Oslo: Statistics Norway. [Google Scholar]), and Canada. The reasons behind their ‘success stories’ is as much about history, as it is about politics, class relations, economic power and their control of their resources, having ‘escaped’ the pillage of their resources by interventionist and predatory local and transnational forces. Given this situation, the challenge is the need for a grounded understanding of the historical, socio-economic and political conditions and structures that ‘can and do mediate the relationship between resource abundance and developmental outcomes’ (Brunnschweiler and Bulte 2006 Brunnschweiler, C. and Bulte, E. 2006. “The resource curse revisited and revised: a tale of paradoxes and red herrings”. Zurich: Centre of Economic Research, Swiss Federal Institute of Technology (CER-ETH). Working Paper 06/61, December [Google Scholar], UNRISD 2007 UNRISD [United Nations Research Institute for Social Development], 2007. Report of the UNRISD International Workshop, 1–2 March. UNRISD Conference News. [Google Scholar], p. 12). Therefore, rather than an excessive focus on the ways in which abundant oil endowment provokes the ‘failure’ of African states: poverty, corruption and

violent conflict, much more attention needs to directed at the historical construction of grievance(s), the nature of state–society relations and the linkages between the local–national–global in what is in reality a transnationally constructed relationship, which benefits all the dominant factions embedded in globalised oil-led capitalist extraction, transfer and accumulation . Those who experience oil as a curse are mainly the majority – who are poor and whose livelihoods are alienated and threatened by the political economy of globalised capital – and the depredations of a rapacious transnational elite.

AT ColonialismClaims of colonialism are false – productive trade is not exploitation, and it is not imposed – it is voluntaryReuter 13— Senior Research Analyst at Cato [Tim, 11-13-13, There is No ‘Second Scramble for Africa’, Forbes, https://www.forbes.com/sites/timreuter/2013/11/27/there-is-no-second-scramble-for-africa-2/#7b7caaee233e acc 7-13-19]

It is amazing how politicians can turn complex issues, such as imperialism, into sound bites. Former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton gave voice to many people’s perceptions of Africa in a 2011 speech in Zambia: “We saw that during colonial times, it is easy to come in, take out natural resources, pay off leaders and leave.” Apparently, Africa’s many ills, from corrupt governments to poverty, are all holdovers from European colonization. The specter of colonialism lingers because the images of human suffering in Africa are so intense. Someone is surely at fault for the hunger and governmental dysfunction, and imperialism remains a convenient target. Today, the Nineteenth Century “Scramble for Africa” is allegedly repeating itself through corporate activity. Business deals between multi-national companies and African governments are labeled “land grabs,” and a way for great powers to carve out spheres of influence. Suspicions about a “Second Scramble for Africa” logically begin with money. Much of Africa’s wealth is in the ground. Those who can efficiently tap, extract, and ship the continent’s abundant natural resources to market stand to become rich. This was the attraction for the first colonizers, from adventurers (Cecil Rhodes) to sovereigns (King Leopold of Belgium). But whatever the prospects of enrichment, most of those commercial enterprises faded. Protectionism was common in French West Africa, and Leopold’s Congo Free State was little more than a murderous racket. It took a few decades after decolonization in the mid-Twentieth Century for wealth production to take off. But, increased trade after 2000 is bringing in the capital necessary to power high growth rates across Africa. Moreover, the debasement of the US dollar has encouraged capital flight to inflation hedges such as mineral wealth. Rather than risk their money on wealth that does not yet exist, investors are buying what is present; land, copper, and oil. To that point, China stands front and center. It is Africa’s largest trading partner and its billions in investment outpaces all other nations. Land purchases and trade deals have ensured a steady flow of raw materials to feed China’s continued industrialization and torrid economic growth. The flipside is concerns about threats to American oil interests in West Africa, and calls for an increased American presence. One Reuters article had an apt headline, “China, others shove U.S. in scramble for Africa.” The road to renewed imperialism begins with a self-fulfilling prophecy built on misconceptions. Africans are not passive participants in a neo-imperial game between China and the US. Instead, they and their governments are active economic agents. The assumption of imperialism wrongly suggests that productive trade is confiscation. The argument that puppet governments let foreigners pillage their nations in exchange for some loot ends with a major source of Africa’s struggles, bad government policy. Africa’s poverty is undeniable. Many individuals live on two dollars a day or less while low GDP, poor infrastructure, and AIDS afflict most nations. That is not even the worst part. For a continent so rich in natural resources, the scourge of hunger has appeared too often. Since decolonization, famine has struck Nigeria (late-1960s), Ethiopia (mid-1980s), and Somalia (early-1990s). Where food shortages exist so does government incompetence and instability. Egypt was not starving when the British left in the mid-1950s. Six decades of “Arab Socialism,” turned Egypt into the world’s number one importer of wheat and ruined its economy. Colonel Nasser and his successors are not alone in that regard. Robert Mugabe inherited the “breadbasket of Africa” in 1980. His socialist policy of land collectivization, coupled with hyperinflation, promptly impoverished Zimbabwe Some will protest that capitalism followed colonialism. This is true to a point. Capitalism does not always require liberal institutions: the Chinese Communist Party has liberalized China’s economy while maintaining its authoritarian rule. However, the power of economic growth to banish famine and poverty is not debatable. The key to reaching that prosperity is investment, whether from domestic or foreign sources. Capitalism is not a subset of imperialism. Free markets depend upon voluntary and mutually beneficial exchange. By contrast, the Nineteenth Century colonizers sought plunder. Marauders and sovereigns alike saw limited land and resources in their frantic pursuit of gain, whether it was useless desert land or the rubber rich Congo. The Scramble for Africa is so named because it never concerned orderly wealth production, but the fruits of dominating others. No one denies that imperialism left many problems. Disparate tribes grouped into artificial states, oppressive governments

(Apartheid South Africa), and terrible violence (Rwanda in 1994). But, it is incorrect to assert that colonialism entails perpetual suffering. Doubters need only look east. In 1960, South Korea had roughly the same GDP and GDP per capita as Nigeria. It also had fewer advantages. Nigeria inherited the basic liberal institutions of the common law and parliamentary government from the departing British. By contrast, South Korea had been brutally oppressed by Imperial Japan, convulsed by civil war, and was ruled by military despots until 1987. Fifty years later, South Korea is an economic juggernaut while Nigeria remains part of the developing world. Economic transformation is neither easy nor quick. Markets need time to coordinate the countless actions that build wealth. But once begun, economic growth can

do wonders. At the moment, Africa needs foreign direct investment to help cultivate agriculture and ease hunger. This will inevitably change and investment will flow

elsewhere as the constant exchanges of labor, knowledge, and capital dictate. This productive process is a far cry from the frantic empire building of long ago.

African resistance movements can combat colonialism – the judge should stand in solidarity with workers rather than colonizers. Wengraf, 2008 - author for International Socialist Review [Lee, July 2008, “The New Scramble for Africa,” International Socialist Review, https://isreview.org/issue/60/new-scramble-africa acc 7/11/19]

Conclusion: possibilities for resistance The new apologists for colonialism, the Bush administration included, operate as if the only solution for poverty, crisis, and civil war in Africa is to back up Big Oil with more privatization and military force. Even many NGOs are resigned to promoting limited reforms that

fall far short of challenging the murderous terms dictated by global corporations and Western imperialism. But these are not the only alternatives. Africa has a long tradition of militant struggle. Mass movements in the anticolonial period, supported by millions of workers and peasants, shattered the political control of Europeans powers on the continent . Left-wing national liberation movements and African socialism—new heads of state such as Nkrumah, Lumumba, and Nyere—inspired movements elsewhere around the globe, including Black liberation struggles in the United States. These newly emerging African economies, however, were not able to fulfill the

aspirations of their populations after the era of liberation. Those that attempted to insert themselves into the world market, or break free from it, met increasing resistance as the global recession of the 1970s intensified competition. Widespread illusions that political independence would create the conditions for rapid economic development were undermined. Africa’s new national states were so small and economically weak that they could not, without giant loans, even begin to embark on the policy of national development they eagerly promised. Hobbled with weak infrastructures inherited from the colonial regimes, and insufficient capital to technologically advance, these economies fell increasingly behind. The new nationalist elites, meanwhile, were forced into the mold of all ruling classes: exploiters of workers and peasants, driven by the logic of international competition.107

But the fight for self-determination did not end with colonialism’s demise, and African workers and the poor waged a new round of strikes and protest movements decades later against new African ruling classes;108over three dozen dictatorial regimes were toppled by struggles from below in the 1990s alone.109 Just as African economic development is marked by uneven development, resistance is focused in key centers of working-class opposition, such as in South Africa and the Nigerian oilfields, where the concentration of workers provides the social weight to bind together the struggles of whole regions, overcoming ethnic barriers. Above all, the example of apartheid’s defeat at the hands of South African

workers—with their hands on some of the most valuable minerals in the world—shows how working-class struggle, concentrated at key points, can unify the resistance of the many oppressed groups , from ethnic minorities to the unemployed of the region. Revolts against neoliberal structural adjustment policies began in the 1980s; so-called IMF riots, and class struggle exploded in the 1990s. These included strikes against wage cuts, anti-poverty activism, mobilizations for AIDS treatment, struggles against the privatization of water and electricity, and movements for debt relief.110 Many of these struggles have laid the basis for alliances and longer-term battles over basic needs and human rights for workers and the poor today. Activists against privatization in South Africa have raised the demand for reparations for apartheid, and the global justice movement has built solidarity with those in Africa, like Jubilee South Africa’s campaign against Citigroup, the source of billions of dollars in loans to the apartheid regime. Along with activists across the Third World, African activists built the World Bank Bonds Boycott that successfully forced the world’s largest pension fund, TIAA-CREF, to drop its bonds. The battle against the new scramble for

Africa’s resources has for years put the oil industry in its crosshairs. Movements in Nigeria have demanded reparations and environmental justice. Oil companies have been the targets not just of kidnappings and sabotage of oil pipelines, but organized strikes, sit-ins, and demonstrations. In May 2007, protesters in Ogoniland carried out a weeks-long occupation of a major oil pipeline hub that forced Royal Dutch Shell to cut production by 40 percent.111 Human rights activists have also waged a long campaign against the World Bank’s support for the Chad-Cameroon pipeline.112 A petition to the World Petroleum Congress stated the following: At every point in the fossil fuel production chain where your members “add value” and make profit, ordinary people, workers and their environments are assaulted and impoverished. Where oil is drilled, pumped, processed and used, in Africa as elsewhere, ecological systems have been trashed, peoples’ livelihoods have been destroyed and their democratic aspirations and their rights and cultures trampled… Your energy future…threatens the global environment, imposing on all of us the chaos and uncertainty of climate change and the violence and destruction of war. Another energy future is necessary: yours has failed!113 Movements are also taking on the blood diamonds of the West African diamond industry, land displacement for gold mining and dam construction, and the deadly monopoly

of pharmaceutical companies. The new scramble for Africa has produced new movements of resistance. Above all, workers’ power in Africa has shown the potential for uprooting the source of poverty and inequality. Workers have shown how to take on global institutions like the IMF. For example, in Zambia, the workers’ movement led a half-million strong general strike against IMF-imposed wage freezes. The Zimbabwean labor movement of the past decade has waged a fierce struggle against Robert Mugabe’s repressive regime, including strikes and protests for wage hikes this past spring. However, the leading opposition group against Mugabe, the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), depends heavily on bourgeois financing and support, and has adopted neoliberal strategies. As Patrick Bond writes, there is a concern that “the MDC [will] end up like the Movement for Multiparty Democracy in Zambia. There, trade unionist Frederic Chiluba won the 1991 election against veteran nationalist Kenneth Kaunda with a multi-class alliance, and quickly applied neo-liberal economic policy with even worse results than his predecessor.”114 The question of the politics and class independence of the developing social movements in Africa therefore matter a great deal. South Africa is where workers’ power achieved the most important victory since the end of colonialism: the overthrow, in 1994, of racist apartheid rule, following decades of struggle in the mines and factories alongside uprisings in

the townships and schools. The rise of workers’ struggles in the 1980s shook the apartheid system to its core and ushered in its final days. South African workers have continued to fight against corporate power and inequality in its neoliberal guise, now administered by the African National Congress (ANC). In 2001, 3 million South African workers joined a general strike against the ANC government’s privatization of public utilities and basic industries. The COSATU strike slogan declared: “We did not fight for liberation so that we could sell everything we won to the highest bidder.”115 Key pillars of the 1994 ANC program “included promises for land, water, electricity, housing, jobs, education, healthcare. The promises were all immediately broken.”116 Great challenges confront the building of a workers’ movement in Africa that is capable of taking on the power of global capital in a battle for the world’s most critical resource. These include U.S. and Western military power; economic terrorism on the part of the IMF and World Bank; repressive African regimes; uneven development and vast unemployment, due to deindustrialization and economic “restructuring.” Equally, as elsewhere, there is a pressing need to rebuild a Left independent of both the so-called Left regimes and top-down NGOs that refuse to shake free of the

dictates of corporate and governmental power. These are indeed huge challenges.African workers and the poor have a proud history of struggle, from the uprooting of colonialism to contemporary movements against the neoliberal order. With the new scramble for wealth in Africa, and the role workers on the continent play in producing that wealth, Africa’s workers are crucially positioned to link the battle against the new imperialism with the struggle against exploitation in all its forms. African workers are tied to international capitalism and to the potential for international, permanent revolution that links the developed and the developing world. These connections make working-class resistance and revolutionary struggle in Africa, and our solidarity, so important today.

The Aff says that labelling terrorism is an exercise of colonialist power. This has it backwards – Terrorism is an exercise of Power!Okoli & Iortyer, 2014- profs of Political Science History, Federal University Lafia, Nigeria [Al Chukwuma & Philip, “Terrorism and Humanitarian Crisis in Nigeria: Insights from Boko Haram Insurgency”, Global Journal of Human-Social Science: F Political Science, https://globaljournals.org/item/2791-terrorism-and-humanitarian-crisis-in-nigeria-insights-from-boko-haram-insurgency 7-10-19]

IV. Understanding Terrorism and Boko Haram Insurgency The phenomenon of terrorism has been widely interrogated in the literature. According to Schmid (1998), terrorism is: An anxiety inspiring method of repeated violent action, employed by semi clandestine individuals, groups or state actors for idiosyncratic, criminal or political reasons…(Cited in Barga, 2012:1). Apart from its idiosyncratic or criminal motivation, terrorism is essentially political. In this regard, Hoffman (1998) argues that terrorism in its most contemporary understanding is inherently political. Indeed, it is the political essence and characterization of terrorism that distinguishes it from other forms of violence (Barga, 2012). To say that terrorism is political, among other things, implies that it is related to power and influence. In this regard, Barga (2012:2) opines that terrorism: Is also ineluctably about power, the acquisition of power and the use of power to achieve political change at all cost. Terrorism is thus the actual or threatened use of violence in an attempt to advance a politically motivated end. The A-B-C of terrorism is to use force (coercion) to instill popular fear (anxiety) in a bid to cause a desired behavioural stance among the target. In this respect, the United States Department of Defence defines terrorism as “unlawful use of force or violence against individuals or property to coerce end intimidate government to accept political, religious or ideological objectives” (cited in Eze, 2013:90).

AT Labelling Boko Haram

Defining terrorism is essential to conducting counterterrorism operations – Labelling Boko Haram is appropriate and usefulOkoli & Iortyer, 2014- profs of Political Science History, Federal University Lafia, Nigeria [Al Chukwuma & Philip, “Terrorism and Humanitarian Crisis in Nigeria: Insights from Boko Haram Insurgency”, Global Journal of Human-Social Science: F Political Science, https://globaljournals.org/item/2791-terrorism-and-humanitarian-crisis-in-nigeria-insights-from-boko-haram-insurgency 7-10-19]

In contemporary social discourse, the concept of terrorism has been used to denote forms of unconventional, illegitimate violence targeted by a group at the state or society, or any section of the population thereof. In this direction, Sani (2012:93) observes: Terrorism is the aggression unjustly carried out by individuals, groups or states against human beings. It includes forms of unjustly terrifying, harming, threatening, and killing of people and banditry. It also includes any violent act or threat carried out as part of individual or collective criminal plan aimed at terrifying or harming people or endangering their lives, freedom or security (corroborating Saudi Arabia stance on terrorism, 2004). Terrorism is essentially sectarian in nature (Nchi, 2013). It is usually associated with the activities of a fringe and ideologically misguided sub-group of a larger religious or political movement. In this regard, Shabayany (2012:33) observes that it “is a fanatical war waged by a puritan few against the massive army of innocent people of different religions, class and gender”. Terrorism thrives on what this paper may designate as ‘hit-and-run combatancy’. This is typified by surprised aggression, brutal militancy and clandestinism. In terms of specific strategies, terrorists globally have adopted the following as means of executing their diabolical designs: 1. arson 2. mass killing by gunfire 3. suicide bombing 4. use of improvised explosives 5. high-jacking of aircraft, ship, etc. To underscore the crux of our conception of terrorism in this paper, it suffices to note that terrorism consists in “the unlawful use of threatened use of force or violence by a person (at an instance of a group agenda) or organized group against people or property with the intention of intimidating or coercing societies or

governments, often for ideological or political reasons” (cited in Awake, June 2006:4). This definition of terrorism is germane, plausible, and best suits the purpose of the foregoing discourse . Terrorism is a

veritable instance of collective violence. In effect, it is perpetrated by groups who believe in the use of such tactic as a means of advancing a group cause. Based on insights from extant literature and historical evidence, the following types of terrorist organization can be identified: Table 1 : Types of Terrorist Organization Type Examples Rebel/Militia Groups The Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA); The M23 in Congo, DRC Islamist Insurgents Al Qaeda; Al Shabaab (Somalia); Boko Haram (Nigeria) Political Movements Taliban (Afghanistan); Hamas (Palestine) Government Agents Janjaweed of Sudan Clandestine Organizations Violent cults and underworld organizations Terrorism could be said to be an unconventional method of political militancy. It is an antithetical phenomenon whose means, more often than not contradicts and therefore negates its end. When directed to the state, it often takes the posture of anarchro-nihilism. It is employed by disgruntled subnational movements or clandestine, criminal groups as a means of

furthering nefarious agenda. In this light, the Boko Haram (inappropriately interpreted by transliteration as Western Education

is sinful), insurgency has been referred “as the violent assertion of a fringe sectarian identity based on the dogma of a subgroup of a larger national confessional group” (Nchi, 2013:200). In this regard, the “larger national group” refers to the wider Islamic community of Nigeria. The sub-group in question is the Yusufiya sect (more formally known as Jama’atu Ahlus-sunnah Lidda’ Awati Wal Jihad).

Terrorism is the appropriate label for Boko Haram – this discourse focuses on a Humanitarian approach, not necessarily a security one.Okoli & Iortyer, 2014- profs of Political Science History, Federal University Lafia, Nigeria [Al Chukwuma & Philip, “Terrorism and Humanitarian Crisis in Nigeria: Insights from Boko Haram Insurgency”, Global Journal of Human-Social Science: F Political Science, https://globaljournals.org/item/2791-terrorism-and-humanitarian-crisis-in-nigeria-insights-from-boko-haram-insurgency 7-10-19]

A humanitarian crisis is an event or series of events that represents a critical threat to the health, safety, security or wellbeing of a community or other large group of people, usually over a wide area (Humanitarian Coalition, 2013, para 2). Humanitarian crisis can be classified as follows: 1. Natural disasters: earthquakes, floods, storms and volcanic eruptions 2. Man-made disasters: conflicts, plane and train crashes, fires and industrial accidents 3. Complex emergences: when the effects of a series of events or factors prevent a community from accessing their basic needs, such as water, food, shelter, security or healthcare; e.g. war, terrorism (Humanitarian Coalition, 2013, Para 3). According to the Humanitarian Coalition (2013, Para 4), complex emergencies are typically characterized by: 1. extensive violence and loss of life; 2. displacement of populations; 3. widespread damage on societies and economies; 4. the need for large-scale, multi-faceted humanitarian assistance; 5. the hindrance or prevention of humanitarian assistance by political and military constraints; 6. significant security risks for humanitarian relief workers in some areas. With reference to the subject matter of the present discourse, it is

to be observed that terrorism typifies a complex emergency. In effect, it necessarily involves and/or leads to dire humanitarian crisis with farreaching implications for national sustainability of Nigeria. It is in the light of this that this paper posits that terrorism, as exemplified in the Boko Haram insurgency, constitutes a threat to Nigeria’s national security.

Ignoring Boko Haram’s links to international groups undermines our understanding of the insurgencyFelter, 2018 — senior fellow at the Cato Institute [Claire 8/8/18 CATO Institute “Nigeria’s Battle with Boko Harram” https://www.cfr.org/backgrounder/nigerias-battle-boko-haram]

Some analysts say the increasingly grisly nature of Boko Haram’s atrocities sparked rifts within the group. Boko Haram analysts and Nigerian security officials have offered varying assessments of the group’s links to other militant Islamist groups, including al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb and the self-proclaimed Islamic State. The group declared allegiance to the Islamic State in 2015, rebranding itself as the Islamic State’s West Africa Province. Some say that focusing on an affiliation to these groups downplays the context in which Boko Haram emerged. Others argue that ignoring evidence of Boko Haram’s ties to other Islamist militant groups may hinder an understanding of the insurgency.

Don’t call Boko Haram Insurgents – poverty and injustice have existed before without terrorist violenceOkoli & Iortyer, 2014- profs of Political Science History, Federal University Lafia, Nigeria [Al Chukwuma & Philip, “Terrorism and Humanitarian Crisis in Nigeria: Insights from Boko Haram Insurgency”, Global Journal of Human-Social Science: F Political Science, https://globaljournals.org/item/2791-terrorism-and-humanitarian-crisis-in-nigeria-insights-from-boko-haram-insurgency 7-10-19]

It is equally important to note that Sharia Law was already in place in some Northern Nigeria before Boko Haram was launched in 2002. It could have been thought that all that the sect needed to do was to call for internal reforms to entrench a proper Islamic order rather than resorting to violence. Forest (2012) contend that that Boko Haram is largely a product of wide spread social – economic and religious insecurity whose repercussions resonate among certain communities in the North. But this begs the question: if the region for several decades has coexisted with these ills without conflict, why are the ills (pervasive poverty, endemic corruption, inequality, injustice, youth unemployment and absence of good governance) now serving as a catalyst for the emergence and spread of the Boko Haram insurgency.

Boko Haram is not a revolutionary insurgent movement – they target civilians intentionally and caused Nigeria to face massive terrorism.Okoli & Iortyer, 2014- profs of Political Science History, Federal University Lafia, Nigeria [Al Chukwuma & Philip, “Terrorism and Humanitarian Crisis in Nigeria: Insights from Boko Haram Insurgency”, Global Journal of Human-Social Science: F Political Science, https://globaljournals.org/item/2791-terrorism-and-humanitarian-crisis-in-nigeria-insights-from-boko-haram-insurgency 7-10-19]

The sect’s mode of terrorism thrives on antistate offensive wherein ‘soft-targets’, namely the civilians and non-combatant populations, have been massively targeted. Their activities have been decried as insurgency because they are tantamount to a rebellion against Nigeria’s avowed secularity and sovereignty. V. Nigeria’s Global Terrorism Profile According to the latest Global Terrorism Index (GTI), Nigeria currently ranks the 7th most terrorized country in the world (Osundefender, 2013, Para 1&2). This ranking makes Nigeria the most terrorism stricken country in African alongside Somalia. The table below provides useful insight. Table 2 : The World’s Most Terrorized Countries The GTI uses four critical indicators to scale the impact of terrorism. These indicators are as follows: 1. The number of terrorist incidents; 2. the number of deaths; 3. the number of casualties; and 4. the level of property damage (GTI, 2013) The aforementioned indicators are used to create a weighted five year average for each country, taking into cognizance the lasting effects of terrorism in that context. The score given to each country in essence “indicates the impact of a terrorist attack on a society in terms of the fear and subsequent security response” (Osundefender, 2013, para 7). It was in the light of the above indices that Nigeria was rated the 7th most terrorized country of the world for the past decade of 2002 to 2011. Some of the specifics of Nigeria’s record in this regard can be rendered thus: Table 3 : Nigeria’s Terrorism Records (2002 – 2011) Fact Figure(S) Worlds position 7th of 158 Number of incidents 168 Number of Deaths 437 Number of Injuries 614 Number of property damaged 33 Nigeria’s terrorism profile has since degenerated in view of the rising incidence of attacks by the Boko Haram insurgents in many parts of Northern of Nigeria. In effect, figures pertaining to casualties/fatalities of terrorism in the country have more than doubled. Consequently, Nigeria is believed to have lost more than 1,500 lives to terrorist acts by 2011(Salkida, 2012: para 10). Volume XIV Issue I Version I 41 ( F ) Year 2014 Global Journal of Human Social Science © 2014 Global Journals Inc. (US) Terrorism and Humanitarian Crisis in Nigeria: Insights from Boko Haram Insurgency Country Gti Scale World’s Ranking Iraq 9.56 1st Pakistan 9.05 2nd Afghanistan 8.67 3rd India 8.15 4th Yemen 7.30 5th Somalia 7.24 6th Nigeria 7.24 7th Source: Authors Source: Adapted from Osundefender (2013, para 2) Source: Adapted from Osundefender (2013, para 182)

Boko Haram’s Motives are derived from Islamic Fundamentalist jihadismFelter, 2018 — senior fellow at the Cato Institute [Claire 8/8/18 CATO Institute “Nigeria’s Battle with Boko Harram” https://www.cfr.org/backgrounder/nigerias-battle-boko-haram]

Boko Haram is a top-tier threat to Africa’s most populous country. An insurgency led by the Islamist group has claimed tens of thousands of lives and displaced millions more in recent years. At times, the violence has spilled over Nigeria’s borders into other countries in the Lake Chad Basin. Some experts say Boko Haram’s brutal campaign , which has included attacks on schools, the burning of villages, and hundreds of abductions, is a response to longstanding religious tensions, political corruption, and widening economic disparity in Nigeria. The government’s heavy-handed police and counterterrorism tactics are also fuel for the group’s flame, analysts say. Boko Haram is an Islamist militant group based in Nigeria’s northeast. Mohammed Yusuf, an influential Islamist cleric from Borno State, created the group in Maiduguri in 2002. The overarching aim of the group, which began as an offshoot of the Salafi movement, a branch of Sunni Islam, is to establish a fundamentalist Islamic state with sharia criminal courts . The movement’s followers, called Yusuffiya, consist of northern Islamic students and clerics, as well as professionals, many of whom struggle to find work. While it is difficult to track the size of Boko Haram, U.S. intelligence officials have estimated that there are between four and six thousand hard-core militants. Other analysts have said the group’s membership could be three times that. CFR Senior Fellow John Campbell writes that many of the group’s fighters, as well as its victims, are likely Kanuri Muslims, the predominant ethnic group in Borno. What is the political and socioeconomic backdrop?

Boko Haram has moved past its socio-economic basis and become connected to international terrorist organizationsOkoli & Iortyer, 2014- profs of Political Science History, Federal University Lafia, Nigeria [Al Chukwuma & Philip, “Terrorism and Humanitarian Crisis in Nigeria: Insights from Boko Haram Insurgency”, Global Journal of Human-Social Science: F Political Science, https://globaljournals.org/item/2791-terrorism-and-humanitarian-crisis-in-nigeria-insights-from-boko-haram-insurgency 7-10-19]

Nonetheless, it could be argued that the basis of the Boko Haram insurgency is more socio-economic than it is political or ideological. As aptly observed by Nchi: Poverty and ignorance are fertilizers for insurgency anywhere and in any age. When they combine and cloak themselves in religious, ethnic, or other partisan robes, they become ready incendiary for the most brutal and reckless of violence (2013:210). In addition to the afore-mentioned are the factors, such as youth employment, social inequality, social and economic exclusion, as well as the practice of itinerant Islamic catechism known in Arabic as the Almajiri system. All these factors combine to explain the rise and prevalence the Boko Haram insurgency in Nigeria. The Boko Haram sect made an unobtrusive entry into Nigeria’s political landscape between 2002 and 2009. Forest (2012) avers that the membership of Boko Haram sect cut across ethnic divide with greater membership primarily drawn from the Kanuri ethnic group. Beginning as an itinerant preachment in early 2000 at Maiduguri, Borno State, Mohammed Yusuf’s

radical ideology gained a following among disaffected young men who became susceptible to recruits. The largest following came from semi-illiterate, unemployed youths, who were forced to make a living between the twin divide of creativity and criminality. The sect leader roundly condemned the prevailing social economic and political system of the Nigerian state which he believed is in conflict with his interpretation of Islam. Boko Haram insurgency according to Brock (2012:16) came to lime light in 2009 when security agencies clamped down on the sect’s members, who had resisted a law requiring motor cyclist to wear helmets. This sparked a furious backlash. Police stations and government offices in Bornu were burned to the ground while hundreds of criminals were released in a Jail-break in the aftermath of the violent confrontation between the sect and the government forces. This marked the beginning of the sectarian violence that spread in some northern parts of Nigeria in 2009. The security challenges became enormous and demanded that a quick action was desirable. The arrest and detention of several sect members including their leader, Mohammed Yusuf, by the state security was a response to restore break down of law and order in the North East. The eventual ex-judicial killing of Yusuf was the major impetus for Boko Haram insurgency and the spate of violence that followed. Following the clamp-down on members of the, those who survived arrest and trial went underground telling their stories of injustice and nursing their

grievances in exile. It is believed that the contact the group had with Al-Qaeda in the Maghreb (AQIM) and alShabaab in Somalia must have been achieved during this period (Wikipedia, 2012). The change in ideology from being merely a Salafist to being a Salafist Jihadist group is understood against the backdrop of the sect contact with afore-mentioned international terrorist groups. In 2011, Boko Haram initiated a campaign of suicide bombing, a phenomenon witnessed for the first time in Nigeria’s history.

AT Labelling - MENDDefining Terrorism focuses on their means – this avoids the kritikal problems with Labelling – Objectively, MEND are Terrorists – they target civilians for a political agenda.Zelinka 2008- MA candidate in security and strategic studies at Masaryk Univ, Brno [Petr “Conceptualizing and Countering the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta”, https://www.obranaastrategie.cz/en/articles/conceptualizing-and-countering-the-movement-for-the-emancipation-of-the-niger-delta.html, Obrana a Strategie vol 2 7-11-2019]

MEND AS TERRORIST ORGANIZATION The problems with definition of terrorism and labeling an organization as terrorist are manifold. To avoid most of these we will embrace the approach recommended by Boaz Ganor and Brian Jenkins which basically is to focus on means or modus operandi of an actor. The identity of that actor does not play a decisive role. We set some criteria about the act that are terrorist and then we can more or less objectively decide whether the actor could be labeled a terrorist organization or not. This step is important because otherwise the act of labeling could be easily biased by researcher's preferences or political views. What is first needed is a basic definition of terrorism. In this article we will use Ganor's definition which states that: "terrorism is the intentional use of, or threat to use violence against civilians or against civilian targets, in order to attain political aims". Secondly, as forms of violence could be various we adopt Jenkins view of summarizing the tactics of terrorism: bombing, hijacking, arson, assault, kidnapping and hostage taking. Also use of WMD can be added although this is irrelevant for this case. By this we created criteria which if fulfilled will tell us that MEND is a terrorist organization. To further underscore our point we will use Hoffman's approach to delineate terrorism distinguishing it from guerrilla and organized crime, both can be relevant for the region and perhaps also for MEND. Applying the definition Violence as a mean of MEND was already confirmed earlier, now we just have a look what it uses specifically. The main tool of nowadays terrorists is the bomb. MEND differs slightly from this rule. So far it used bomb attacks mainly against infrastructure - oil pipes and oil facilities and only three times as a car bomb - two of the bombs killed several civilians. The main tactic of MEND certainly is kidnapping. MEND specializes in abduction of foreign workers belonging to one of the big transactional oil companies. The hostage is usually released after a period of time (see Appendix 1) under not clear circumstances - many believe that after a ransom is paid, which is a common practice of criminal groups operating in Delta, but MEND denies this. Assault also has its role in MEND tactics. Usually foreign contractors are not targeted, even though few were killed, but more importantly MEND sometimes attacks military personnel on duty, but this is not relevant to the definition conditions as they are not civilians. The condition of use of violence or threat of it against civilians or civilian targets (the infrastructure) is fulfilled, even though that for example Oliviera argues that the private oil companies are in the eyes of local population seen as a part of government. Firstly, even if it were considered part of governmental institution it still would be civilian targets and secondly, author's opinion is that in case of MEND this can not be argued because it did not abduct personnel of the Nigerian National Oil Company - proof that it can distinguish one from another. Nigerian personnel probably do not pose the symbolic value and most importantly it does not bring the media in. But the kidnapping of foreign workers does that and it can put pressure not only on transnational companies, but also on government. All the rest is to decide whether the aims of MEND are political. The key demands of MEND are: resource control (25-50% of oil revenues should be channeled back to communities and not via state and its bureaucracy but through foundations controlled by communities); release of two key ethnic leaders (Dokubo Asari, who was released by Umar Yar'Adua in 2007 and Dieprey Alamieyeseigh - an ex-governor of one of the Delta states, contemporary demand is the release of Henry Okah who is deemed to be one of MEND leaders); force Shell to pay 1.5 billion USD as redemption for environmental damage. Even though that the political agenda of MEND is heavily economically embedded and orientated it should not blur the fact that it is still primarily political. The argument about "revenue cake" is characteristic for many oil exporting countries and most of the politics in states of the Gulf of Guinea is oriented this way. Using Hoffman's approach The term guerrilla could perhaps be also applied to MEND, but our point is to show that terrorism suits it better.

MEND meets all of the definitional criteria for TerroristZelinka 2008- MA candidate in security and strategic studies at Masaryk Univ, Brno [Petr “Conceptualizing and Countering the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta”,

https://www.obranaastrategie.cz/en/articles/conceptualizing-and-countering-the-movement-for-the-emancipation-of-the-niger-delta.html, Obrana a Strategie vol 2 7-11-2019]

What speaks for applying guerrilla concept are the military-like operations and training, according to some sources also the support of local population. On the other hand Hoffman offers some points which help distinguish terrorism from guerrilla, and they prove the opposite. According to him "terrorists, however, do not function in the open as armed units, generally do not attempt to seize or hold territory, deliberately avoid engaging enemy military forces in combat...exercise no direct control or governance over populace at either the local or national level". MEND is characteristic for being exactly like this. Operating clandestinely, deliberately attacking civilians, military objects are engaged rarely, if they are then usually using indirect approach, such as bombing. Also MEND does not to try to hold a territory or implement its way of governance there. Additionally when applying Geneva Conventions criteria, as for example Miroslav Mares recommends, we conclude that MEND does not have distinct leadership accountable for local actions, neither does it have uniforms or insignias, does not carry arms in an open way and does not comply with regulations and customs of warfare (primarily targeting civilians as sound example). When taking in account the number of members of MEND which in the estimate could be around low thousands it speaks more for terrorist organization than for guerilla. There is also the power of analogy which favors MEND as terrorist organization because even more guerrilla-like organization as FARC or Sendero Luminoso are considered terrorist organization. According to author some similarities which MEND poses with guerrillas are outweighed by characteristics which MEND has in common with terrorism, most of all, targeting civilians and not military forces and objects.

MEND contributes to the current corruption in Nigeria – they were paid off after their violence, and are now part of the corrupt systemDiCristopher 2016- CNBC Energy Reporter [Tom, 5-20-16, “‘Niger Delta Avengers’: Who they are, and what they want”, https://www.cnbc.com/2016/05/20/niger-delta-avengers-who-they-are-and-what-they-want.html, 7-12-19] “Going forward, Buhari’s biggest challenge is making sure this doesn’t spread and become a greater movement,” Bey said. This week, another group calling itself the Red Egbesu Water Lions vowed to join the fight if some of the Avengers’ demands were not met within a week, local news reported. A ‘massive payoff’ doomed to fail If the attacks come at the worst possible time for Nigeria, they were also to be expected. Experts say the amnesty deal was always a short-term solution. Under the program, the government handed out multimillion-dollar contracts to the top leaders of the last round of militants, paying them to guard oil infrastructure. The rank and file were compensated with stipends and job training. “Essentially, the amnesty was a massive payoff system,” said former U.S. Ambassador to Nigeria John Campbell. “The leaders of MEND, of the insurrection, were paid off essentially with government contracts. The rank and file were supposed to be paid off with vocational training. Of course, there aren’t any jobs in the area,” he told CNBC. Buhari has extended the program through 2017, but he’s also reduced payouts, circumvented the former militant leaders who previously distributed them and stopped funding security contracts. Bearing in mind these changes, Ambassador Campbell said the Avengers could be acting on a “cluster of motivations” that are both selfish and selfless. The attacks are likely born out of resentment over amnesty payments drying up and an anti-corruption campaign that has disrupted traditional patronage, as well as concern about environmental damage and the long-held belief the Delta region does not get an equitable share of oil revenues, he said. The structure of the amnesty also offers clues about the Avengers’ makeup. Midlevel commanders were left without opportunities that matched their expectations and sense of their own standing, said Akin Iwilade, a research student at Oxford University who studies why Nigerians join gangs and has interacted with former militants. “Many of these guys, they got into the amnesty, but they didn’t get half of what they expected,” he said, though he cautioned there is no hard evidence to suggest the Avengers are comprised of former midlevel commanders.

MEND was not motivated by environmental justice – they were looking for a Pay Off – that makes them extortionistsZelinka 2008- MA candidate in security and strategic studies at Masaryk Univ, Brno [Petr “Conceptualizing and Countering the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta”, https://www.obranaastrategie.cz/en/articles/conceptualizing-and-countering-the-movement-for-the-emancipation-of-the-niger-delta.html, Obrana a Strategie vol 2 7-11-2019]

MEND AS VNSA VNSA is defined as: "non-state actor that uses collective violence" and to make it even

clearer "VNSA resort not only to random or opportunistic aggression, but to collective violence as a tool to achieve goals". Although the precise strength of MEND is not known, estimates of its size range from the low hundreds to the low thousands. Also the condition of use systematic violence has been proved beyond any doubt (see Appendix 1). From this it is clearly visible that MEND is well suited for the category of VNSA, if anything, than thanks to general scope of this concept. Thomas, Kiser and Casebeer emphasize the role of environment and society when it comes to understanding the creation of VNSA. The deeds and act of government could also be very strong reinforcing factors concerning the spawning of VNSA. It's clear that when devising counterinsurgency strategy this must be taken in account. They name five environmental and societal factors: resource scarcity, demographic pressure, socio-economic deprivation, organized crime and corruption, identity cleavages and three reinforcing factors caused by government: illegitimacy, incapacity, extensive use of coercive force, all have effect on forming the VNSA. Resource scarcity Because of environmental degradation caused by extensive oil extraction in Niger Delta the amount of fresh potable water decreased, damaged was also the natural habitat of fish - one of main sources of food for people in Delta. Even that this lead to creation of demonstrations and political campaigns, according to the author it is not the main source of resentment of local people which lead to creation of MEND. Because as was shown some of the oil leaks and environmental pollutions was caused deliberately by the inhabitants themselves to get some money from the multinational corporations. It is clear that environmental degradation is important but probably only as a reinforcing factor. Demographic pressures Delta is one of the most populated regions of Nigeria, but the problem of overpopulation never appeared in rhetoric of militants as an issue. It can only support the violence secondarily - because of the swelling number of unemployed youth. Socio-economic deprivation The violence and MEND itself is clearly driven by economic deprivation - people of Niger Delta feel deprived of rents and income from oil extraction, by now the regional states receive only 13% of Nigerian oil revenues. It is clearly articulated in rhetoric of MEND when its main goal is to achieve that 25-50% of oil revenues would get to the foundations maintained by community. The vision of easy cash is symptomatic for all countries of the Gulf of Guinea.

AT Corruption

Turn – Arms sales reduce corruption – military to military contacts strengthen weak institutions. At worst, they don’t Worsen corruptionGoure, 2016 – vice president of the National Security Program at the Lexington Institute [Dan November 21, “5 Reasons Why Selling the Embraer A-29 Super Tucano Attack Aircraft to Nigeria is a Good Idea” https://nationalinterest.org/blog/the-buzz/5-reasons-why-selling-the-embraer-29-super-tucano-attack-18467 acc 7/3/19]

Withholding vital military assistance will do nothing to address weaknesses of Nigerian government There is no question that Nigeria has much work to do to strengthen governmental institutions, root out corruption and institute the rule of law. But indirectly punishing the Nigerian military for problems with deep roots in that country is misguided. Moreover, it will not work. It might make frustrated ex-diplomats and NGOs feel good, but it will not cause a substantive change in the level of corruption in Nigeria or temper any excesses by the military. Working with partner countries is the best way to help them reform An arms-length relationship with partner countries struggling to address problem of corruption, weak legal systems and poor military discipline is exactly the wrong way of improving their situation. Military-to-military contacts, collaborative training and even advisory support are proven ways of influencing the behavior of partner countries’ militaries. But to have this effect, the U.S. must have an ongoing working relationship with those militaries. Expanded U.S. military cooperation with Nigeria also figures into Washington’s strategy for encouraging the new government of President Muhammadu Buhari to continue its efforts to fight corruption The Air Force’s Office of Defense Cooperation, Africom, the Defense Security Cooperation Agency and the Department of State have all worked very hard to make sure that the A-29 is the right solution to Nigeria’s requirements. At the same time, they have not forgotten about Nigeria’s problem with corruption or its military’s violations of human rights. But this is a matter, first and foremost, of the right priorities. Boko Haram must be defeated.

The US will still continue to push Nigeria on corruption after the sale of US planesCooper and Searcey, 2017—Pentagon and West Africa correspondents for The New York Times [Helene and Dionne, April 12 “U.S. Plans Sale of Warplanes to Nigeria for Fighting Boko Haram” ProQuest]

After Mr. Buhari, a former Nigerian Army major general, defeated Mr. Jonathan in an election in 2015 on a campaign pledge to root out corruption, ties began to warm between the two militaries. But a prolonged absence from Nigeria by Mr. Buhari caused additional uncertainty at the Pentagon. When Gen. Thomas D. Waldhauser made his first visit to Nigeria in February as the top officer of the United States Africa Command, he met with Vice President Yemi Osinbajo, not Mr. Buhari, who was still in London for medical care. Officials said the airplanes would not be ready for delivery until the end of the year. New pilots must also be trained, a process that takes several months. American officials said the United States would continue to emphasize to the Nigerian government that human rights abuses and violations by its security forces, as well as corruption, impede efforts to defeat Boko Haram.

Nigeria is attempting to address corruption now – it is their new president’s top priorityMarkey and Greenfield, 2016 – Senator and Asst Sec of State [May 10, 2016 Federal News Service “Full committee hearing on ‘Terrorism and Instability in Sub-Saharan Africa.’” Lexis]

MARKEY: Thank you, Mr. Chairman, very much. I'm just going to follow up on Senator Corker and Senator Cardin's point which is that while Nigeria's people most need help with daunting governance and corruption issues, United States is planning to sell the government attack aircraft known as the A-29 Super Tucano to Nigeria and it would be to fight Boko Haram, a group everyone opposes but the Nigerian military has a long standing history of human rights abuses including under the current administration. Just last month, Amnesty International accused the Nigerian Army of killing hundreds members of the Shia minority sect in December and unfortunately, that's happening in other countries in East Africa as well. So, what is your perspective on that, given the fact that the people of Nigeria increasingly are seeing USAID move from humanitarian or anti-corruption efforts over to more military aid for those who they believe internally are the ones who are a greater risk to the security of their families. THOMAS-GREENFIELD: Our aid is not moving away from corruption. The new president of Nigeria has made clear that corruption is one of his highest priorities. He named three priorities when he came into power; that was dealing with Boko Haram, dealing with corruption and dealing with the economy and we are working very, very closely with this government.

Nigeria’s public supports US military cooperation – polls prove they see it as necessary for securityMarkey and Greenfield, 2016 – Senator and Asst Sec of State [May 10, 2016 Federal News Service “Full committee hearing on ‘Terrorism and Instability in Sub-Saharan Africa.’” Lexis]

THOMAS-GREENFIELD: It has to be multifaceted. It has -- we have to do the security but we absolutely have to do the capacity building, the development assistance, the good governance -- we have to do both. We can't do one or the other or we will fail and it will be long term but I have to say,

the Nigerian people want us there to assist them on the security side as well. Because they know that their government doesn't have the capacity alone, they want us there on both of those... MARKEY: Let me ask you this internally, how do you think it will affect the views of the people inside of Nigeria as we increase military aid to

the very people who they fear are using it to harm them, harm the Shia inside the country, for example, the government forces themselves. How do you think that will affect how they perceive, how the United States is playing inside of Nigeria? And what could be the consequences of that, if that persists? THOMAS-GREENFIELD: The poll show that we're extremely popular in Nigeria and that the Nigerian people are victims of Boko Haram and they know that there has to be some kind of security and military solution to addressing Boko Haram. And they want us there to help their military and I think they think that if we're there to help their military, we'll be less abusive to their people and that is a point that we've made to the Nigerians, we're training two battalions of Nigerian soldiers right now. They have human rights training as part of that training and all of them have been Leahy

vetted to ensure. So, we're working with the government to moderate and stop human rights abuses by the military but on the security side, I think the Nigerian people who are victims of Boko Haram also wants to see us help their military address the security threat that they're facing.

Corruption arguments are colonialist excuses made by oil companiesObi 10- Nordic Africa Institute [Cyril, 12-13-10, Review of African Political Economy Volume 37, 2010 - Issue 126Oil as the ‘curse’ of conflict in Africa: peering through the smoke and mirrors, , https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/03056244.2010.530947, acc. 7-12-19]

In the case of the oil industry, corruption is not an entirely internally driven process. Oil MNCs are complicit with political and economic elites in engaging in corruption and violence , taking advantage of the character of the Nigerian petro- state and elites to reap super-profits. Commenting on the scale and scope of corruption in Nigeria, the former chairman of the country's Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), Nuhu Ribadu recognised his limitations (while in office) when confronted with multinationals bribing top government officials, thus: ‘Most of this is happening outside Nigeria. The documents are not in Nigeria. The money is not in Nigeria. The entire transactions do take place outside’ (Quoted in Bergman 2009 Bergman, L., 2009. Interview with Nuhu Ribadu. Corruption case exposes scope of bribery in Nigeria. PBS Newshour, April 24. Available from: http://www.pbs.org/newshour/bb/africa/jan-june09/nigeria_04-24.html [Accessed 29 July 2010]. [Google Scholar]). This

underscores the transnational nature of high-level corruption based on the common interest in profit and wealth by foreign MNCs and Nigerian political elites. The transnational nature of extractive oil actors operating in oil-producing enclaves such as the Niger Delta underscores

the point that the global political economy plays a defining role in power and social relations around oil and its ‘curse’. Therefore the oil curse is not entirely internal to the oil-rich state, nor is the conflict or corruption limited to local and state actors, rather it is embedded in the commodification of oil by transnational economic forces as an object of high profit and strategic value in the global market, making such actors central to the negative spin-offs from globalised oil extraction in Africa.

The Nigerian public supports the military – they understand the difficulty of fighting Boko HaramPreskitt, 17 – Forum on the Arms Trade writer [Danielle, May 8, Forum on the Arms Trade, “Proposed Arms Sale Is Not the Road to Peace in Nigeria” https://www.forumarmstrade.org/blog/proposed-arms-sale-is-not-the-road-to-peace-in-nigeria accessed 7/10/19]

The Nigerian population appears to understand the difficulty associated with targeting shielded Boko Haram insurgents during asymmetrical warfare. “The military is no longer a feared presence within the country, this is because we have been in a democratic regime for over 17 years now, and the military have been in the duty of protecting civilians…” The military, as a whole, has purposefully taken steps toward earning trust within the population. “We have also engaged the Armed Forces in several trainings

on ‘Protection of Civilian Courses’,” she said. In July of 2015, under a new joint United States Department of State and Department of Defense initiative, the Global Security Contingency Fund (GSCF) partnered with African nations in the fight against Boko Haram. However, since 2000 US security aid funding has significantly dropped. There was a small resurgence in 2012 and 2015, but 2016 remains to be the lowest since 2000. When asked what had changed since Obama blocked the sale, Sarah Margon, Washington director of Human Rights Watch, stated: “President Trump has made really clear that fighting terrorism, as they define this, is going to be the top foreign policy priority. And that means that the consideration of mitigating circumstances and other issues that could create a problem in the long term will not be at the forefront.” While Margon may lament that situation, Senator Bob Corker, R-Tenn., the chairman of the Foreign Relations Committee, stated, "We need to deal with human rights issues, but not on weapons sales.” Senator Ben Cardin of Maryland, the top Democrat on the Foreign Relations Committee, said in mid-February he was "leery" of the sale due to the Nigerian military's impunity. "Ultimately we hope that the sale goes forward," Cardin added. "But there is progress that needs to be made in protecting the civilian population."

AT Amnesty InternationalAmnesty International has lied about the situation in Nigeria and cost thousands of livesThe Lagos Vanguard, 2017 – [Vanguard March 23, 2017 AllAfrica Global Media “Amnesty International Must Account for Lives Lost in Boko Haram Attacks” Lexis]

A group, Global Peace and Life Rescue Initiative (GOPRI), has said it will not backtrack on its insistence that Amnesty International (AI) must quit Nigeria, saying it will not give in to intimidation or blackmail from those it described as "colluding citizens who had hitherto posed as activists and moral compass of the society." Speaking at a parley with the press on day four of it's protest to kick Amnesty International out of Nigeria at Unity Fountain Abuja, GOPRI executive Director, Melvin Ejeh insisted that it will not give in until the international organization accounts for every life that was lost to the Boko Haram terrorists as a result of lies sold to the United States Government to deny us the procurement of arms. He said the group has commenced procedures to challenge the unsubstantiated lies and barefaced falsehood which they author to the United States of America in a letter to stop the sale of arms to Nigeria to fight terrorism. He said AI must be made to account for the lives and property of citizens that were lost to Boko Haram within the said period of time. According to him, "it is an expansive venture to go to the International Criminal Court (ICC) but the struggle for the Sovereignty of the Nigerian state cannot be compromised until we are totally rescued from all the enemies of Nigeria." Ejeh disclosed that at least 100 civil society organizations have written to their organization indicating their interest to jointly hold the protests across the various states in Nigeria starting from next week. He said through its sustained campaign, Nigerians now know the double standards of amnesty international and are willing to join the protests at every location. He said, "We announced that we shall begin a series of protests, sit-ins, die-ins and other acts of protestation against this entity until such a time it heeds the legitimate demand from Nigerians to leave Nigeria in view of its confirmed subversive activities in support of terrorists and insurgent groups in the country. He said through it's double standards, the international organization has proved that it has no regards for Nigeria and it's citizens. He said, "For context of how much regards Amnesty International has for us as a people and the value it places on the lives of citizens depending on their nationality, an alleged terrorist who stabbed a police officer in the United Kingdom was promptly executed on the crime scene. Incidentally, this happened in London, Amnesty International's headquarters and there has been no outrage from this criminal entity. "It would be simply explained as taking action to safeguard other citizens. But if security agencies were to so gun down a Boko Haram terrorist or insurgent in Nigeria, Amnesty International will rush to issue a report about extra judicial killing. The message here is clear, it is fiat to say the life of a Nigerian is less than that of a Briton or any other European in terms of how terrorism should be combated. "A few hours ago, a US airstrike targeted a school in Mansoura, Raqqa District of Syria in which more than 30 innocent civilians, victims already suffering

under the Islamic State, were killed. Amnesty International, which has serious presence in the United States has not come out to condemn this even when a less intense incident in 2014 was the basis on which it wrote a letter to the then President Barack Obama in which it argued for the stoppage of the sales of Super Tucanos attack aircrafts to Nigeria. Ejeh described as shameful attempts by some civil society groups to discredit the activities of GOPRI, accusing them of "selling their conscience to the devil and think that they are the only right thinking persons in a population of more than 180 million persons." He said, "these set of persons believe that they are the only ones that know the rudiments of the civil society and therefore any other practitioner in the fourth sector is an outsider or must participate in sharing their evil foreign currencies gotten in the name of grants, fellowships, scholarships or sponsorships "We make bold to state that no one has the monopoly of intellectual dominance and we shall match them intellect for intellect. Their desperate attempt to discredit this group whose only sin is its insistence on protecting our people from activities that promote acts of terrorism."

AT Leahy Law The Leahy Law only applies to military aid, not arms salesLumpe and Pray,15 - Senior Policy staff at Open Society Foundations [Lora Lumpe and Sarah Pray July 25, 2015 Saturday “Nigeria; How the Leahy Law Can Help Nigeria” Africa News Premium Times (Abuja), Lexis]

The Leahy Law does not apply to arms sales financed with Nigeria's own funds. It only applies to assistance being drawn from the U.S. Treasury. Decisions by the Obama Administration to refrain from selling U.S. weapons or technologies to Nigeria in the recent past may have been due to concerns about the human rights (or corruption) record of Nigerian forces, but those decisions were not based on the Leahy Law.