SUPPLEMENT TO THE HANDBOOKOF MIDDLE AMERICANNDIANS ^7*0 V I C T O R I A R E I F L E R B R I C K E R , General Editor

i VOLUME FIVE

EPIGRAPHYV I C T O R I A R E I F L E R B R I C K E R , Volume Editor

With the Assistance of Patricia A. Andrews

U N I V E R S I T Y O F T E X A S P R E S S , A U S T I N

Copyright © 1992 by the University of Texas PressAll rights reservedPrinted in the United States of America

First edition, 1992

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LIBRARY OF CONGRESS CATALOCING-IN-PUBLICATION DATA

Epigraphy / Victoria Reifler Bricker, volume editor,with the assistance of Patricia A. Andrews.

p. cm. — (Supplement to the handbook ofMiddle American Indians : v. 5)Includes bibliographical references and index.ISBN 0-292-77650-01. Indians of Mexico—Writ ing . 2. Indians of CentralAmerica—Writing. 3. Mayas—Writing. I. Bricker,Victoria Reifler, (date) II. Andrews, Patricia A. III.Series.

F1219.3.W94E65 1992497'.6—dc2() 91 14769

CIP

C O N T E N T S

1. IntroductionVictoria R. B ricker

2. The Zapotec Writing SystemGordon Whittaker

3. Mixtec Pictography: Conventions and ContentsMaarten Jansen

4. The Annals of the Tlapancc'sConstanza Vega Sosa

5. Aztec WritingHarms J . Prem

6. Noun and Verb Morphology in the Maya ScriptVictoria R. R ricker

7. A New Look at the Dynastic History ofPalenqueLinda Schele

8. Classic Maya History and Politics at Dos Pilas, GuatemalaStephen D. Houston

20

34

53

70

82

110

9. The Copan DynastyBerthold Riese

10. The Middle American Calendar RoundMunro S. Edmonson

Bibliography

Index

CONTENTS

128

154

169

187

VI

3. Mixtec Pictography: Conventions and Contents

MAARTEN JANSEN

A ANCIENT MEXICAN pictorial manu-script represents a special and unique

form of writing. It does not record anumber of sentences phonetically, hut con-veys information more directly through im-ages, with only incidental interference of thelanguage. Nevertheless, the result is a book,made up of a series of figurative paintingswhich can be read as a text. The possiblereadings may differ in their phonetic and idi-omatic realizations, but, given effective com-munication, their contents will agree. Thehigh degree of conventionalization of the im-ages arid signs certainly contributed to a con-ventional reading.

A specific group of codices was painted inthe Mixtec region, in the southwestern partof Mexico, during Late Postdassic and EarlyColonial times. These manuscripts containunique historical data about the elite lineagesthat ruled the different kingdoms, or caci-cazRos, of that region, especially those ofTilantongo and Teozacualco in the MixtecaAlta. The Mixtec provenance and historicalcharacter of these codices were firmly estab-lished by the works of Alfonso (,'aso, who laid

the foundation for modern Mixtec studies.'The challenge of interpreting the Mixtec

codices today is to "read" them, both by re-lating the pictographic images to the spokenlanguage and its concepts and by relating thecontents of the scenes to Mixtec culture. His-torical and archaeological studies have to becombined with an understanding of the lan-guage and the heritage that is s t i l l ulive today(Anders and Jansen 1988).

Colonial sources are few, and they are oftenincomplete and distorted. Mixtec religion isdocumented by an early Inquisition trial (1544)against nobles from Yanhuitlan (Jimenez Mo-reno and Mateos Higuera 1940). General de-scriptions of the region, its customs, and itshistory can be found in the Relaciones geo-Hraßca.f of circa 1580 (Acuna 1984). A firstsynthesis of this material was written by thechronicler Antonio de Herrera. The Domini-can friars Antonio de los Reyes (1976) andFrancisco de Alvarado (1962) published avery valuable grammar and dictionary ol theMixtec language in 1593, in which severalimportant traditions and concepts were alsorecorded. A crucial sacred text about the ori-

20

MIXTEC PICTOGRAPHY: CONVENTIONS AND CONTENTS

gins of the world and humankind was pub-lished in an abbreviated translation by Fray(iregorio Garcia (1981 [1607]). Later in theseventeenth century. Fray Francisco de Bur-goa discussed several aspects of Mixtec cul-ture and history in his history of the Domin-ican missions in Oaxaca.

Today the Mixtec region is poverty-strickenand suffering from social injustice and vio-lence, while the environment is threatenedwith an alarming desertification. In manyways, however, Mixtec culture and Mixteclanguage show a great continuity, whichmakes it possible to interpret the1 data of thepast through an understanding of the present,and vice versa. The participation of modernMixtecs on an equal footing in this study is anessential element and also an ethical impera-tive: it is their history and their culture.

On the basis of these various sources—both ancient and modern—one may ventureto "read" the scenes, identifying the objectsrepresented and the genre of representation,interpreting the themes and motifs as well astheir social and historical context, and evalu-ating the whole in terms of more general sci-entific, social, and human principles.

The basic elements of pictography are(often highly) stylized iconic images, in com-bination with a limited number of arbitrarysigns. They may merely represent the objectsthey depict, indicate an action or somethingelse directly related to the objects depicted,or have either a symbolic or metaphorical sig-nificance or a purely phonetic value ("hiero-glyphs"). These elements are ordered inscenes and, in most codices, are distributedalong hori/.ontal or vertical guidelines, fol-lowing a reading order of "as the ox ploughs"(boustrophtdon), Licnzos, which do not havethe sen-enfold form but are large pieces otcloth, have a different reading order. Codicesare well suited for conveying narrative se-quences. Lienzos, however, may be bettersuited for representing a spatial orderingand, in fact, are sometimes real maps, locat-ing toponymie hieroglyphs according to geo-graphical reality and associating historical

personages and events with these places.Generally speaking, the protagonists of the

historical narrative are human beings, the an-cient Mixtec lords and ladies. The individualsare identified by their names, which arepainted beside them: calendrical names, con-sisting of the day in the 260-day Mesoameri-can calendar on which they were born, andmore poetic so-called personal names, whichare given in a special ceremony at the age ofseven (Herrera y Tordesillas 1947: DecadeIII, Book 3, Ch. 12). The personal namesmay also be represented in the clothing. Forthe men these- names often refer to brave ani-mals (eagles, jaguars), fire, blood, or divinebeings (e.g., sun, rain, fire-serpent) and otherindications of strength, nobility, and courage.For the women they are used to representbeauty and value: quet/.al birds, butterflies,cobwebs, jade, flowers, fans, etc. (see Smith1937b).

The lords usually have short hair and wearloincloths, sometimes in combination withlong ceremonial shirts or attire in the form ofanimals—referring to their names and per-haps also their nahuales or tonales (animal al-ter egos). They often wear sandals. The ladiesnormally wear their hair long and braidedand are dressed in quechquemitls (shawls) andlong wrap-around skirts. Both men and womenmay appear adorned with gold and turquoiseor jade jewelry (earplugs, necklaces, brace-lets, etc.) and with feather ornaments.

Priests often appear painted black withsoot or a hallucinogenic ointment. Some-times they are represented as elderly personswith beards. Certain long skirts, known asxicolli in Nahuatl, are ceremonial garments.They are offered at special occasions (such asmarriages) and may also represent the differ-ent ranks of the priestly career. Priests maycarry on their backs precious gourds, in whichthe tobacco powder for the offerings is kept.A specific priestly function is indicated by thefire-serpent and the eagle-; according to An-tonio de los Reyes (1976:79), yaha yahui'eagle, fire-serpent' is a title, meaning 'nigro-mantieo senor' in Spanish, from which a ref-

21

erence to a shamanic nahual can be inferred.The existence of such a title explains why his-torical personages occasionally may appear inthis outfit (e.g., Lord 8 Deer "Jaguar Claw"in Codex Nuttall, pp. 44, 50).

A man and a woman facing each other usu-ally represent a marriage. The couple may beshown seated on a mat (petate) or just on aband, on top of the toponymie hieroglyph ofthe place they rule, or in a palace. Sometimesa vessel containing chocolate sits betweenthem and enhances the festive character ofthe event. The marriage had been precededby the proposals of a "marriage ambassador,"after whose successful mediation the bridewas carried off to the house of the groom, asis still the case in traditional Mixtec commu-nities (see the biography of Lady 6 Monkey ofJaltepec in Codex Seiden 3135 (A.2), pp. 6-8,and the story of Lady 3 Flint in Codex Nut-tall, p. 19).

A year bearer and a day sign often accom-pany the couple, giving the date of the mar-riage. Deer and Eagle, both associated with •the West in the mantic system, were consid-ered favorable days. The children are rep-resented as isolated persons, following thecouple and looking away from them.

Sometimes the couple is first followed by aprovenance statement of the bride or groommoving in, mentioning the names of his orher parents and the toponymie hieroglyph oftheir cacicazgo. The children arc sometimesexplicitly shown as having been born, bymeans of umbilical cords attached to them, orby means of footsteps leading from the par-ents to the children (Fig. 3-1). Their yearsof birth may be given, the days, of course,being the same as their calendar names.

In a detailed genealogical pattern, a coupleis followed by its children. Then one of thechildren is shown again, on the occasion of hisor her own marriage, forming a new couple.In a more condensed pattern, however, onecouple just follows another, making it difficultsometimes to determine the relationship be-tween the two, e.g., to ascertain which mem-ber of the second couple was the child of thefirst, and whether he or she was actually their

22

MAARTEN JANSEN

child and not a brother or sister.The Mixtec elite, as depicted in the codi-

ces, married within their own group. Fre-quently, the descendants of a couple tried toreunite the divided inheritance by intermar-riage, e.g., between cousins, or betweenuncle and niece (Spores 1974). This prac-tice resulted in an extremely complex webof family relationships, which are portrayedin the codices. To interpret these relation-ships one should keep to the Mixtec kinshipterminology.

In a few instances, the death of the individ-ual is explicitly shown by means of a mummy-bundle accompanied by his or her name andthe date of death.

Several people were so important thatmany more details of their biographies wererecorded. The most famous of them is Lord 8Deer "Jaguar Claw," born in a Year 12 Reedand killed fifty-two years later, also in a Year12 Reed. His life story is told in the CodicesColombino-Becker, Nuttall (p. 42-end), andBodley 2858 (pp. 7-14). In such biographies,we read about meetings, rituals, pilgrimages,battles, conquests, etc. They often reveal adramatic composition: tragedies, ambitions,and intrigues may be reconstructed from theimages, as well as the love of beauty and thedevout, ritualized respect for the divine pow-ers (see Troike 1974; Jansen and Perez 1986).

Meetings are represented by two or morepeople facing each other, often ol the samesex (i( not, the scene may possibly be con-fused with a marriage scene, but is generallyclarified by the context).

A special gathering is one in which peoplepay their ceremonial respects and present anoffering to one or two individuals. The offer-ing may consist of a decapitated quail, to-bacco, a burning torch, and some palm leavesor other plants. Sacrifices to divine beings(such as Bundles in temples) may includecopal incense with a smoking ladle and to-bacco powder, as well as a blood sacrifice in-volving ear-piercing with a bone perforatorand performed by priests and heirs to thethrone.

Human sacrifice is rarely depicted. Gener-

MIXTEC PICTOGRAPHY: CONVENTIONS AND CONTENTS

FIGURE 3-1. Codex Bodley 2858, p. 17-IV: Lord 2 Water "Fin- Serpent of (lie Mexicans" is married toLady 3 Alligator "Precious Fan, who has come from the Valley and is the daughter of Lord 11 Water"Main Flint" and Lady 13 Serpent "Plumed Serpent ofCuilapan. In the Year 8 House, Lord 5 Reed"Twenty Jaguars" is horn (the son of Lord 2 Water and Lady 3 Alligator].

Reconstructed Mixtee reading: l\'ti Caluta "Yahui Sami Nuu" ninduvui sihi lyadzehe Coquihui "Huichinisaa Yusi," nindesi Yod:<>, nicuvui dzayadzehe lya Situta "Dzavui Yuchi" sihi lyadzehe Siyo "Ctw NdodziiSaha Yucu." Nuu cuiya Nacuau nicacu lya Q huiyo "Oconana."

ally speaking, it is a form of execution of ene-mies taken as prisoners in battle. Those to besacrificed carry a white banner in one hand,have a black stripe painted across their eyes,and have their hair covered with white paperor white down.

Even though the character of the Mixtee co-dices under discussion is historical or, rather,descriptive and narrative, there are manyreferences to religious beliefs and conciseparallels with the religious, mantie, and pre-scriptive Codex Borgia group. The codicesshow the major Mcsoamencan gods in theirwell-known iconography. A central religiousconcept is nuhu 'God', which is painted inthe screenfblds as a stony being, often col-ored red, with large teeth and round eyes(Smith 1973b:65ff; Jansen 1982a:Ch. V:4). Thenuhu is associated with the Holy Bundle. ThisBundle, which is often related to the ancestorsof mythological origin who founded the dy-nasty, is a central element in the dynastic cult:it is carried by priests (cf. the A/tec teomama)and adored in temples. The Bundle also ap-pears in combination with the equipment fordrilling the New Fire. The New Fire cere-mony occurs in detail in the Codex Vindolw-nensis Mexicanus 1 and is related to the foun-dation of the cacicazgos.

Christian churches have since taken theplace of the ancient temples as huahi nuhu'Houses of God', and the fiestas of the Chris-

tian calendar have replaced most ancientpublic cults, but many elements and struc-tures of' the ancient worldview and ritualshave survived in private life and intimate ex-perience, enriched rather than destroyed byChristian beliefs. This is especially true ofhumanity s close relationship with nature, aswell as of the awe surrounding the temaz-cal (steam bath), traditional curing, and tin-whole complex of nahual experiences.

Mixtec religion today has preserved manyancient concepts and essentially the same di-vine powers, combined with or translated intoChristian saints. The nuhu. which is often im-personated by a special rock or stone, is thespirit of the land: San Cristobal and SantaCristina, who provide for the harvest andmay be responsible for cases of shock (soulloss, Spanish snsto). Lord Rain continues tolive in "his house' (a cave) and speaks inthunder. Lord Sim is the Eternal Father,who supervises our way and deeds. LordMaize (Jesus Christ) is our brother and suste-nance. Our Grandmother provides strengthin the temazcal and watches over births, pu-rity, and health. Obviously, these indigenousviews and feelings are the background to anysound interpretation of the codices.

Music—an important element in ritual—is seldom represented in the codices; how-ever, we occasionally find someone blowing aconch, shaking a rattle, or playing a drum or a

23

MAARTEN JANSKN

flute.Battles are represented by two or more

people standing opposite each other andwielding arms (spears, shields, axes, dartthrowers). Victory is expressed by someonetaking the enemy by the hair, making him acaptive to be sacrificed. Conquest is ex-pressed by a dart in the hieroglyph of theconquered place (see also Smith 1973a:33;Troike 1982).

In these scenes, as well as in the marriagescenes, toponymie hieroglyphs (place signs)play a crucial part: they indicate the exten-sion of the power of the lord and the legit-imization of the dynasty. These hieroglyphsfollow the Mixtec practice of giving names tothe diverse features of the landscape and gen-erally consist of two elements (Smith 1973a):(1) a natural or cultural feature—a mountainor river (both conventionally drawn in crosssection), a plain (a feather carpet), an altar, aceremonial precinct (with its characteristic"battlements"), a city (a frieze with a geo-metrical pattern), a house, a ball court,'or atemazcal; (2) a specifying element, such as acolor, an animal or plant, a structure, or anyother object that specifies the name of I liegeographical feature.

Not only the human beings but also thecacicazgos had their "calendar names": place-name hieroglyphs may form separate un i t swith dates that are outside of duration*] time;i.e., they do not have a chronological func-tion but belong to the place as a ceremonialor founding date, comparable to todays fiestadel pueblo. These place-date combinationsoccur where the beginning of a new dynastyis mentioned and are consequently qui te fre-quent in the in i t ia l segments of Mixtec his-toriography (Jansen 1988b).

In some cases, the toponymie hieroglyphsmay be identified through the glosses thataccompany them. Other places have to belocated in a more indirect way: The corres-pondence between the hieroglyph and t in -meaning of the Mixtec name has to be estab-lished, but, because individual place namesare repetitive, such a procedure should com-

FIGURE 3-2. Codex Seiden 3135 p. 6-II: Lord2 Rain "Twenty Jaguars' consulting the Jack- Heartof the Mixtec People in the rave above t l i e river.After an armed conflict in Jaltepee, Lord 2 Hain"Twenty Jaguars" (Oconana), a prince of Tilan-tongo, sits in front of a cave, faring a complex signcomposed of the AtlU-friexe surmounted hy a headof the Hain Cod, a heart, and above the heart ajewel or jade stone, i.e., 'the jade heart of thepeople of the Hain (Jod , 'the jewel which is theheart of the Mixtec people .

Fray Francisco de Bnrgoa (1934:1:319-333)describes the cul t of the 'Heart of the People' (Co-ra/on del Pueblo), which was an emerald wrappedin a Holy Bundle and adored in a rave in Arhiutla,where the Mixtee lords eame to hear oracles.

prise a significant cluster of place-name hi-eroglyphs or associated historical personagesin order to be convincing. The work wasinitiated by Alfonso Caso and continued byother investigators, especially Mary Eliza-beth Smith (1973a). Obviously, a study of theMixtee language and topography is a pre-requisi te for this work. Tonal and dialecticdifferences sometimes make it difficult to de-termine the etymology of 'a place name. It is,furthermore, important to know whether acertain modern town was already in existencein precolonial times or, vice versa, whethercertain precolonial towns were eventuallyabandoned and are now known locally onlyas archaeological sites. The toponyms as-sociated with rulers and dynasties, one mayassume, refer to the main towns of the ca-cicazKos. Others might refer, as well, to

24

MIXTEC PICTOGRAPHY: CONVENTIONS AND CONTENTS

FIGURE 3-3. Codex Nuttnll. p. 36. tin- landscape around Rivt-r with t hi- Hand Holding Feathers.Seated as rulers are Lord 1 Flower, Lady 13 Flower, and their daughter Lady 9 Alligator, married to Lord5 Wind. Above them are lour priestly ligures making an offering in front of a eave.

places that were important to the Mixtecs insonic other way, e.g., holy places, each witha small temple, hut not necessarily settle-ments (Fig. 3-2).

The Mixtec terms for cacirazgo. or "na-tion,"arc nuuteyu, literally, 'place of a throne ,and yuvui teyu 'mat and throne', which do oc-cur in pictography. Kuiers may sit on thronesand mats (e.g., Schien 3135, p. 5-11), placesigns may include the /;;/(/ Irie/.e and a throne(e.g., Rodleij 2858, p. 35-111).

Following are some of the more impor-tant toponymie1 hieroglyph! that have heendeciphered:

Kiver with the Hand Holding Feathers(= river that plucks or pulls out) (Nitttull.p. 3(i; Vfadobonenti» Mcxicanus I , p. 35):Yuta tnoho. Apoala, the place of Origin of the

Mixtec dynasties (Caso 1957:45; Smith 1973a :75; Jansen 1982a: Ch. 2; Figs. 3-3, 3-4).

Heaven. Place of the Rising Sun (Fondsmexicain 20; Vindohoncnsis Mc.\ic(iniis I .p. 13): Andevui or Nun nicana ndicandii. Kast.In some cases, this may he identical withthe "Place where Heaven was near Apoala,which is mentioned in the sacred text re-corded by Cregorio Carcia, i.e., Cahua caan-clihiii, the 'Rock on which Heaven rests' or'Rock that rises in to Heaven' (Jansen 19S2a:Ch. 4; Fig. 3-5).

Dark Mountain ("Checkerboard Moun-tain') (Fonds mexicain 20; VindoboitetuitMcvii'iniufi 1, p. 21): Yucunan, North ((ansen1982a: Ch. 4).

Kiver of Ashes (Fonds mexicain 20; Vitulo-Iwncnxis Mt-xicaniix 1. pp. 17-16: Ycut yutti.

25

MAARTEN JANSEN

FIGURE 3-4. Apoala as seen from the Mountain of Heaven Cahua candihui. To the left is one of thesources of the Yuta tnoho (locally pronounced as Yutza tohon), the cave called Yuhui coo maa. In the middleof the valley, this river is joined by another small stream coining from the opposite side of the valley. Tothe right the river drops into a valley below (yodo maa), forming an impressive waterfall not seen in thephotograph.

West, probably Rio Nejapa (Jansen 1982a:Ch. 4).

Temple of Death (Fonds mexicain 20; Vin-dobonensis Mexicanus I , pp. 15-14: Andaya,South, probably the cave near ChakatongOwhere, according to Burgoa (1934:1:337-341), the Freeolonial Mixtec elite were bur-ied (Jansen 1982a: Ch. 4).

Altar of Flowers (Seiden 3135, p. 5-1II;Nuttall, p. 5): Chiyo yuhu, Santa Maria Su-chixtlan (Smith 1973a:79).

Mountain of' the Rain (Nuttall, p. 2): Yu-cunudahui (Jansen 1982a: Ch. 4).

Black Town—Heaven Temple (Mapa deTeozacualco; Nuttall, p. 42): Nuu tnuu—huahiandevui, Tilantongo (Caso 1949).

Broken Frie/.e (Mapu <l<' Teoxacwdco; Mod-ley 2858, p. 16-111): Chiyo cahnu. Teo/aeualco.The Mixtec name means 'Big Altar'. Theword for 'big' (cahnu) is represented by thehomonym for 'breaking (cahnu), with a dif-ferent tone (Caso 1949).

Sand Mountain (Vindobonentil Mexicanus1, p. 42-IV) or Moun ta in of Mouth with Sand("Belching Mountain") (Seiden3135, passim):Anute, Magdalena Jaltepee (Smith 1983).

Fractured Mountain (Nuttall, p. 23): Nuunanuu, San Juan Tama/ola (Jansen 1982a:Ch. 4:13).

Temple of Beans (Seiden 3135, p. 13-IV):Yucun nduchi, Etlatongo (Smith 1988).

Place of Beans (liodley 2858, p. 18-1): Nuu

26

MIXTEC PICTOGRAPHY: CONVENTIONS AND CONTENTS

FIGURE 3-5. The hieroglyphs of the four car-dinal points in the LienzoqfTlapiltepi'c, combinedwith the \cfu war hand (drawing by Koss Par-Mien t e r ) : n. Heaven = Kast; />. Temple of Death =South; C, Checkerboard Hill = North, d Altar(elsewhere. Hiver) of Ashes = West.

nduchi, Etla (Smith 1988).Burning Town (Bodley 2858 reverse, pas-

sim; Seiden 3135, p. 2): Nuu ndecu, San Mi-guel Aehiutla ( Jiméne/ Moreno in Jansen andGaxiola 1978:12).

Place of Flints ( Vindohoncnsifi Mcxicanus 1,p. 42-III; Bodley 2858 reverse, passim): Nuuyuchi, Mogote del Cacique (Jansen I982a:276; Byland and Polil 1987).

Place of the Eye with Crossed Sticks orCrossed Legs (Bodley 2858 reverse, passim):Ndisinuu, Tlaxiaco (Smith 1973a:58-59; Jan-sen and Perez 1983).

Plain of the Year (Becker II, p. 3): Yodzocuiya, Juxtlahuaca (Smith 1979).

Plain of the Eagle (Becker II, p. 3): Yodzo

yaha, Tecomaxtlahnaea (Smith 1979).Place of the Axes (Licnzo de Zacatepec):

Nuu caa, Pntla (Smith 1973a:97).Mountain of 7 Water (Licnzo de '/,actite-

pcc): Yucusatuia, Zaeatepec(Smith 1973a:96).Stone of the Bird (with a human chin) (Bod-

ley 2858, p. 9-I1I; Nuttail. p. 45): Yucu dzaa,Tututepec (Smith 1973a:67).

Plumed Serpent (Licnzo de ('oi\ilalniaca.Licnzo de Tlnpiltcpcc): Yodzo coo, Coixtla-hnaea (Smith 1973a:65-66; Parmenter 1982).

Mountain of the Jewel (Sierra, pp. 4, 15):Nuu ndaa, Tejupam (Smith 1973a:60-62) orYucu yusi (Egerton 2895, pp. 20, 23, 24),Acatlan (Smith 1973a: 60-62).

Mountain of the Temazcal (Egci-ton 2895,p. 15): Nuu nine, Tonala (König 1979).

The Mixtecs refer to themselves as ' t in-People of the Rain', Nuu Dzavui, a conceptwhich is also present in the codices (Fig. 3-2).Other ethnic groups may be indicated by spe-cific attributes. The Nahnatl speakers (Tol-tecs. A/tecs) were called sami nuu 'those withthe burned or burning eyes or faces and con-sequently wen- characterized by dark circlesaround their eyes, flames emanating fromtheir foreheads, or holding a torch with eyesin one of their hands (Smith 1973a : 209). Then-capital was Cattail Frie/e, The ruler of th i stown entered into an alliance with the Mixtecprince Lord 8 Deer "Jaguar (Haw," on whomthe ruler bestowed royal honors in a nose-piercing ceremom (Cohnnbino, p. XIII ; Nttt-l<dl. p. 52; Bodletj2858, p. 9-II). Caso identi-fied Cattail Frie/e as Tula, the Toltec capital.-'Tin- Mixtee name for Tula was probably Nuucohyo 'Place of the Tule Reeds', which waslater also used for Mexico City. A later inter-play between Mixtecs and Nahnatl speakersis documented by the Licnzo of Tlapiltepec(formerly called "Antonio de Leon ; see ("aso1961). Ross Parmenter (1982) proved that partof the Licnzo de Tlapillcpcc was actually amap locating the hieroglyphs of the majortowns of the Coixtlahnaca Valley on the licnzo(upper right section) according to their actualgeographical distribution. A study of this geo-graphical arrangement of the Licnzo dc Tlapil-

27

MAAKTEN JANSKN

«n«

B l

FIGURE 3-6. Lower right section of the Lienzodt' Tlapiltepec (turned upside down).

tepee reveals a consistent orientation (east isin the upper left corner).

The map covers not only the CoixtlahuacaValley, but also the area extending toward thenorthwest (lower right section). An expedi-tion or conquest moves from Tlapiltepec (Hil lof the Knot) in the direction of the MixtecaBaja and the Valley of Puel>la. Given thisgeneral geographical framework (and also theinteresting parallels in the Lienzo Seler II andthe Lienzo de Tecamachalco), many placescan be identified. The towns closest to Tlapil-Irpec—Stone of the Heron and Mountain olthe Arrows, for example—have to be Aztatlaand Miltepec (which are also present on theLienzo de Tecamachalco). The expeditionends at I louse of the Eagle and Mountain with

Face, which can be identified as Cuauhtin-chan and Tepeaca, respectively (Fig. 3-6). 'Near Tepeyaca we find Altar of the Hut withPlant, which in Lienzo Seler II is glossed chiyotnuyaca 'Altar of the yaca tree', the Mixtccname for Tecamachalco.

The last two towns occur together with adynasty of rulers, which is also mentioned onthe Lienzo de Tecamachalco. The parallelallows this whole story of an expedition fromthe Coixtlahuaca Valley toward the Cuauhtin-chan region to be related to other historicalsources, especially to the Historia Tolteca-Chichimeca (Kirchhoff, Odena. and Heyes1976:205-206), the Mapus de Cuauhtinchan(Reyes 1977:59ft'), and the Anales de Tlate-lolco (Berlin and Barlow 1948:23).

The first couple in this dynasty shown onthe Lienzo of Tlapiltepec is Lord 8 Move-ment (in other sources, 1 Movement) andLady 6 Alligator. Their son, Lord 12 Lizard(Cuctzpaltzin), married Lady 5 Reed. Theyruled over Tecamachalco, and one of theirsons, Lord 8 House; (in other sources, 10House), became ruler of Quecfaolac, hen-represented as Mountain with River.

The comparison with the version on theLienzo de Tecamachalco (Burland 1960) showsthat this Lord 1 or 8 Movement was the sonof Lord 13 Rain, the Mixtec lord who had ledMixtecs and Chocho-Popoloca from the Coix-tlahuaca Valley to Cuauhtinchan and had es-tablished himself in that region, as the His-toria Tolteca-Chichimeca tells us (Kirchhoff,Odena and Reyes 1976:205-206). Accordingto the Nahuatl sources, the expedition tookplace in the fourteenth century A.D.

Probably related to this series of events isthe story in the Codex Seiden (pp. 11-12)about the military expedition of Lord 9 Liz-ard from Jaltepec and his ally. Lord 9 Housefrom Tilantongo-Teo/acualco (Fig. 3-7). Afterrituals in River of the Intertwined PlumedSerpents (Coixtlahuaca?) and Mountain ofthe Arrows (Miltepec?), they became involvedin a battle near Valley or Split Mountain (Te-peji?) against the People with Burned Elye-Sockets, that is, lay xami nuu, or Nahuatl

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MIXTEC: PICTOGRAPHY: CONVENTIONS AND CONTENTS

FIGURE 3-7. Codex Seiden 3135, pp. 11-12: The Ritual of Eagle ami Fire Serpent, of Coyote and Jag-uar, performed in the River of t in - Intertwined Serpents (CoKtlahuaca?). The Ritual of the Holy Bundleand the Nuhu of Arms, eelehrated in the Mountain of Flowered Arrows (Miltepee?). In an attack on theValley (Tepeji?), Lord 9 Li/ard overcomes the Nnhna l,ord "Mai/e Hair," and lx>rd 9 House takes theNahua Lord "Jaguar' prisoner and sacrifice's him on the day 13 Deer, during a ceremony in which Eagleand Fire-Serpent (the nahual priests) offer human hearts to (lie Sun (Joel in front of the Temple of theNuhu of Anns and the Holy Ri ind le in Jaltepcc. Then Lord 9 Li/.ard marries Lady 12 Deer "War Quech-quemitl," daughter of Lord 13 Serpent "Jaguar and Lady 2 House from the Temple of the Eagle(Cuauhtinchan?).

MAAKTEN JANSEN

speakers. Afterward, Lord 9 Lizard married aprincess from Temple of the Eagle (probablyCiiauhtinchan; see Caso 1964:39).

Contacts with the Zapotec area are alsomentioned in the Mixtee eodiees. Caso (1966)observed that a whole dynasty, described inthe Codex Nuttall (pp. 33-35), shared simi-lar clothing types and attributes with per-sonages represented in Tomb I of Zaachila.He therefore related this so-called "Xipe dy-nasty" to the Mixtee neighbor of Zaachila,Cuilapan, and consequently identified the as-sociated town Quetzal River-Bent Rock-Tree as Cuilapan. A closely related place is"Cacaxtli Plain," which is also identified byCaso as Cuilapan (Smith 1973a : 64; Caso 1977 :1:111-114; Paddock 1983). Closer analysis,however, makes it more likely that the Xipedynasty actually represented the ruling fam-ily of Zaaehila itself, because the same gene-alogy seems to be represented on the LienzoofGuevea (Jansen 1982a; Cruz 1983). Cacax-tli Plain, on the other hand, can be comparedto the Cacaxtli Hill, which appears on a paint-ing in Martinez Cracida's (1986) work. It canbe glossed as the Coat of Arms of the ancientCoyolapan, that is, Cuilapan (Figs. 3-8, 3-9).In the Codex Bodley 2858 (p. 24-111), thecacaxtli element is part of two place signs,the respective destinations of a sister anda brother, both belonging to the Tlaxiacodynasty:

(1) Cacaxtli Plain, ruled over by Lord 6Water, who belonged to the Xipe dynasty(see also Nuttall, p. 35 and fielden 3135,p. 13-1).

(2) Mountain of the Jaguar and theFlowers— Cacaxtli Mi l l . The second hiero-glyph is similar to the Coat of Arms ofCuilapan in Martinez Gracida's (1986) work,which shows the Cacaxtli Hill together with aHill of the Jaguar, a place of ancient walls andfortifications (Monte Alban?).1

The comparison leads us to the hypothesis

that, in concurrence with Caso, the cacaxtliclement refers to Cuilapan in both cases. Ac-cording to the Relationen geogrdfictu, Cuila-pan was given to the Mixtecs because of thebonds of marriage between the Zapotec andthe Mixtec dynasties. The first of these inter-ethnic elite marriages, according to the Rcla-cionefi, took place "more than 300 years ago,that is, shortly before A.D. 1280 (see alsoRabin 1982).

These interethnic contacts have implica-tions for the calculation and correlation of thedates in the chronological sequence of Mixtechistoriography. This chronology was a themeof research and debate duritig the 1970s. It isa very complex problem and is basic to theunderstanding of the codices.

After te l l ing the story of the dynastic ori-gins, the Mixtec codices depict long and de-tailed genealogies that connect the rulers ofthe Late Postclassic cacicazgos (Tilantongo,Teozacualco, Jaltepec, Tlaxiaco, and so on)with their divine ancestors. Within this genea-logical framework, Alfonso Caso analyzed thesequence of dates (years and days) associatedwith the lives of the protagonists. The dates,of course, are given in terms of the ancientMexican calendar, which means that they arerepeated in cycles of fifty-two years. Thedates are given irregularly in the dif ferentcodices, which raises the question of estab-lishing how many fifty-two-year cycles are in-volved in all that has been recorded of Mixtechistory. At the end of the sequence of cycles,it is possible to connect them with the Chris-tian chronology.

The basis of such a synchronization is thefact that a Mixtec year 1 Reed roughly corre-sponded to an A/tec year 2 Reed, as differentsources (the Cnilapan Stone, Codex Sierra,and others) make clear. These sources con-tain the equivalents of Mixtec dates for Az-tec or Christian years (Jimenez Moreno andMateos Iliguera 1940).

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MIXTKC PICTOGRAPHY: CONVENTIONS AND CONTENTS

FIGURE 3-8. Drawing of the eoat of arms of ancient Covolapan, showing the cacaxlli element, in tin-work of Manuel Martine/ Cracida (198(i).

FICUHK 3-9. Codex Kotlli-y 2858, p. 24-111: Lady 1 Reed "Jade Sim" married Ix>rd 6 Water "ColouredStripes" from Caeaxtli Plain, and her brother Lord 3 Reed "Smoking Kye" went to the Mountain of theJaguar and the Flowers— Caeaxtli Hi l l .

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Some of the last generations of the MixtecPrecolonial dynasties depicted in the codicesare also mentioned in Karly Colonial Spanishsources. Starting from these dates one cancalculate hack into the past and establish acomplete synchronization, as Caso (I960) did.A number of problems remain, however. Casohimself, stating explicitly that the correlationhe proposed was by no means indisputable,was the first to critic i/e his own work. For thedates in the two centuries preceding the Con-quest, he thought a change of one or twofifty-two-year cycles would be possible. Formore remote periods, he emphasized, hiscorrelation was merely tentative (1977:1:39).

Following Caso, we may distinguish twomain periods in Mixtec historiography for thesake of this discussion: (1) the period be-tween the lifetime of Lord 8 Deer "JaguarClaw" and the Spanish Conquest; (2) theperiod before Lord 8 Deer "Jaguar Claw,"i .e . , the period in which the cacicazgos we,refounded and the first generations of Lordsand Ladies ruled.

For the period between Lord 8 Deer andthe Spanish Conquest, the dates are rela-tively clear. Caso's analysis follows the datesgiven in the codices and as such is impecca-ble. There are, however, some problems re-garding the dates themselves. Emily Rabin(1981), who has made a careful and detailedanalysis of the chronology problem, has sug-gested that in the latter part of this sequenceof dates an error must have crept in some-where and one fifty-two-year cycle too manywas calculated. Rabin's hypothesis is sup-ported by the possible connections with theabove-mentioned Central Mexican and Zapo-tec data. If we follow Rabin's reasoning, thedates corresponding to the life of Lord 8Deer "Jaguar Claw would change from A . D .1011-1063 (as calculated by Caso) to OTICcycle later, A.D. 1063-1115.

The period preceding Lord 8 Deer "JaguarClaw" is that of the origins of the Mixtec dy-nasties. Here we also find among the chrono-logical dates a number of dates in nondura-tional time, i.e., ceremonial found ing dates

MAARTEN JANSKN

associated with the place signs of the caci-cazKos(see Fürst 1978; Jansen 1982a; 1988b).Caso, however, calculated those dates aschronological markers in the sequence of fifty-two-year cycles. Consequently, his correla-tion sequence became much too long hereand contained a number of inconsistenciesand biological impossibilities Therefore, inthis part of the chronology, Emily Rabin's re-vision of Caso s correlations is much more ex-tensive and completely changes the picture.

One of the implications is that Lord 8Deer's father. Lord 5 Alligator "Rain-Sun,cannot have been the successor of Lord 2Rain "Oconana," the grandson of Lord 12Lizard "Arrow Legs" and the last descendantof the "first Tilantongo dynasty," as Casothought. Nor was Lord 5 Alligator the founderof a "second Tilantongo dynasty. In fact, hewas a high priest in Tilantongo who must havedied fourteen years before this Lord 2 Raindid. It was Lord 5 Alligators son. Lord8Deer'Jaguar ('law" himself, who, shortly afterLord 2 Rain "Oconana died, seized power inTilantongo (Rabin 1981; Jansen 1982a: Ch. 6).

According to the revised chronology, Mix-tec historiography starts with the marriage ofLady 1 Death and Lord 4 Alligator in theYear 6 Flint, Day 7 Eagle, i.e., A.D. 940. Thisdate coincides with the beginning of the Post-classic period.

The interpretation of Mixtec chronologyand its correlation with dates in the Christiancalendar sti l l raises many problems, as doesthe overall reading of the Codices. Noticeableprogress has been made, however. In thefields of history and geography, as well as inthose of material and spiritual culture, thestudy of the Codices is moving closer to anunderstanding of Mixtec reality and, we hope,closer to the Mixtecs themselves.

NOTKS

1. A synopsis is Caso's (I965c) chapter inthe Handbook of Middle American Indian».Many data can also be loiuid in chapter! byGlass (1975) and Glass and Robertson (1975).

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MIXTKC PICTOGRAPHY: CONVENTIONS AND CONTENTS

Later reviews of progress in the field liuvebeen published by Troike (1978) and Gutié-rre/. Solana (1987). For a general consider-ation of the interpretive practice within thispmdigm, see Jansen (1988a). In anotherHandbook chapter, Robert Chadwick (1971)tried to relate the Mixtcc codices to CentralMexican sources, but his work contains manyunfounded speculations and is therefore ofdubious validity.

2. Smith (1973a:71ff) expressed doubtsabout this identification and Instead sug-gested Tnlixtlahuaca, a subject town of Jica-yan in the Mixtec coastal area. The impor-tance of the town and its consistent associa-

tion with people wearing the facial paintingcharacteristics of Nahnatl speakers, however,seem to support Caso's original hypothesis.

3. Lienzo Seier H (König 1984) containsthe same hieroglyphs with Mixtec glosses:Cahua dzoco yaa 'Rock of the Eagle Temple'.This gloss must be the equivalent of Huahiyaha 'Temple or House of the Eagle . whichis the Mixtec name for Cuaiihtinchan in thelist of place names given by Antonio de losReyes (see also Codex Mendo/a, p. 42).

4. A Hill of the Jaguar, Ocelotepeque inNahuatl. is part of the configuration of MonteAlban on the 1771 Map of Xoxocotlan. Seethe discussion by Smith (1973a:205).

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