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LETTERS TO NATURE
a 2nd formant (Hz)
2,000 1,500 1',000
Language-specific phoneme -:
representations revealed by
electric and magnetic brain
responses
Risto Naatanen*, Anne Lehtokoski*, Mietta Lennest,
Marie Cheour*, Minna Huotilainen*S, Antti livonent,
Martti Vainiot, Paavo Alku ll, Risto
J.
Ilmoniemi ,
Aavo Luuky, Juri Alliky, Janne SinkkonenaS
Kimmo Alho*
Cognitive Brain Research U nit, Depar tmc r~t t Psychologx
University o f Helsinki,
FIAT-00014,
Fillland
D e p r i r t ~ n ~ ~ r tf Phonetic-s, University of Helsinki, Finland
Biohlag Laboratory, ,i4ediral Engineeri~lgCentre, Hclsinki University Central
Hospital, Finlarrtl
4 1)cpartment of.4pplit.ii Physics, Electronics and Iniorwlation Eclrnolc~gy,
U n i ~ w s i t yf Errku, Fitilond
Acoustic5 Ltrbilratory, Helsirrk~ L 11iversityof Tcchtlology, Finland
Departrrrort qfPsychologj: University of Tartu, Estonicl
There is considerable debate about whether the early processing
of sounds depends on whether they form part of speech. Propo-
nents of such speech specificity postulate the existence of lan-
guage-dependent memory traces, which are activated in the
processing of speech -3 but not when equally complex, acoustic
non-speech stimuli are processed. Here we report the existence of
these traces in the human brain. We presented to Finnish subjects
the Finnish phoneme prototype /el as the frequent stimulus, and
other Finnish phoneme prototypes or a non-prototype (the
Estonian prototype lo /) as the infrequent stimulus. We found
that the brain s automatic change-detection response, reflected
electrically as the mismatch negativity (MMN)4-10, as enhanced
I when the infrequent, deviant stimulus was a prototype (the
Finnish 101 relative to when it was a non-prototype (the Estonian
101 . These phonemic traces, revealed by MMN, are language-
specific, as lo1 caused enhancement of MMN in Estonians. Whole-
head magnetic
recording^",'^
located the source of this native-
language, phoneme-related response enhancement, and thus the
language-specific memory traces, in the auditory cortex of the left
hemisphere.
O ur subjects were Finns and E stonians, who spe ak closely related
languages with very similar vowel structures ~'except that only
Estonians have the vowel 161, which is roughly b etween 101 (as in
'sir') an d lo/ ( as in 'sore') (Fig. la ). To determine the phonem es best
representing the vowel prototypes /el (as in 'net ' but longer in
du rat ion ), o1 and lo / ( an d also 161 for Eston ians), we asked subjects
to categorize ph oneine stimuli varying in the second-forma nt (FZ)
frequency while the F1, F3, and F4 frequencies as well as the
fundamental frequency were kept constant. Finns and Estonians
, .
~ ~ d g e dhe vowels comm on to the two languages similarly (Fig. lb ).
In a dditio n, the 101 category could also be observed in the responses
of Estonians (Fig. lb ). Finns had a gap in this position of their
response profile, su g~ es tin g hat they could perceive the stim uli
giving rise to the proto type 161 perception in Estonialis as different
from the prototype phonemes of their own language. Thus,
although perhaps forming a perceptual category, the Finns did
not consider this foreign phoneme prototypical, because they had
not experienced it in their own language.
We then presented to 13 normal-he aring Finnish subjects (aged
18-29 years, right- han ded, females and 9 males) the prototype /el
as the sta nda rd stimulus, randomly replaced by infrequent deviant
stimuli that differed from the standard stimulus only in F2 (Fig. la) .
In furth er stim ulus blocks, simple sinusoiddl tones with frequencies
1 9 1,311
I
Frequency (Hz)
el [e lo ] lo1 I81 lo1
Finns
0
I t t
t t
0
1,794 1,311
Frequency (Hz)
Figure
1
a
The arrows sh ow locat ions o f the vowel s t imu l In t i le F1-F2 spz
The standard snrnuus was the Finn ish and Est onan proto type e i ; the devl
s t imulus [e lo ] was ar , In termedia te between . e l and 101; the deviant s tm u u s
was a pro to type shared by the two languages; ihe devlant s t imulus 61 was
Intermediate betw een the Flnnlsh and Estonian prototyp es 101 and l o 1
(;
c lose l y co r respo~ ided o the Estonian prototype ;dl); the deviant stimulus
was a prototype in both languages. b The percentages of 'good phon eme' ,
:o l and 10 ' responses n F lnns (top ) and of ' good phoneme ' /e l , ' d l , Id 1
10: responses n E ston ia l~sbo t tom) n the behavo u ra task The ten s tl n -~u l :
in the judgement task are Indicated with t c k m arks. The frequency sc ales
o g a r l t h m c .
equal to these F2 frequencies were used in an otherwise identi
paradigm. Brain electric responses to these stimuli were recorc
while subjects were reading self-ch osen text un de r the instruction
ignore all auditory stimuli.
Responses to the simple tone a nd its frequency changes are sho
in Fig. 2. Th e stand ard stimuli elicited a PI-N1-P2 wavefor
while the d eviant-stimulus resvonse was dominated bv the MM
an auditory response generated by an attention-independ(
change-detection process'. As expected, the
h I M N
amp lit^
increased as a functio n of the frequ ency deviance' (Fig. 2) .
TI
the Dresent MM N to ~ h o n e m e s ccurred independently of attc
tion was supported by the 'ibsence of any subsequent sl
positivityb- (P3 or P3a; Fig. 3) .
Brain responses to ph one mes are presented in Fig. 3a. Consist,
with results indicating that
M M N
is enhanced with increas
frequency deviation' (Fig.
2 ) ,
the MM N am plitude was, in gene
larger with greater F2 deviation from the standard stimulus /el F
3a an d 4a). In striking contrast, the deviant lo (pro totyp e) elicite
larger MM N than d id the deviant 161 (non -pro totyp e), although
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8/17/2019 Nature1997
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letters to nature
Figure
2
Top, the electr ic response ( f rom he f rontal Fz electrode; grand-average
waveforms o f F i nnsh sub jec ts ) o the s tandard s i nuso ida tone o f 1,940Hz ( s o l d
l ine ; equa l to the F2 o f l e i used as the s tandard s t m uu s n the present phoneme
experiments ) an d to devant s~nuso ida l ones o f 1,704,1,533. 1,311 and 851 Hz
(brokei, l ine; equal to the
F2
o f t he d e v ~ a n t t ~ m u l elo]. /dl , 161, and lo:.
respec tve ly ) . The s tandard-s t imu lus response shows rea tve l y smal l P I , N1 and
D 7
- Ic f icc t ions . The negat ive displacement of the de van t-s t~m ulus espons e
rea tve to the s tandard-s timu lus response is caused by the mismatch neg atv~ t y
( M M N ) , wh i ch can be seen by subt rac tng the s tandard-s t~mulusrace f rom that
fo r the devian t st imu lus (bo ttom) . M M N s tead il y nc reases i n ampli tude w ~ t hhe
Inc reas ing ma gntu de o f f r equency change
deviated acoustically less from /el than did 161. Thus MMN was
enhance d in size for prototype deviants from that attributable to the
mere acoustic difference. In contrast to the hIMN amplitude, the
M M N latency was an orderly function of the m agnitude of acoustic
deviation, with the pro totypicality of the deviant st in ~u lu s aving
no effect (Fig. 4b).
The dev iant 161, although not a phon em e in the Finnish language,
is a phon em e in Estonian. Thus, in Estonians, the M M N amplitude
should n ot dro p fro m deviant 101 to deviant lo /. To verify this,
11
normal-he aring Estonian subjects (19-31 years old, right-handed ,
females and 5 males) were subjected to the same experimental
paradigm as the Finns. The dro p in MM N amplitude from lo1 to 161
seen in Finns did not occur in Estonians (Figs 3b and 4a), which
must be du e to Id/ being a prototype in Estonian bu t no t in Finnish.
A two-wa y ANOVA (lang uage versus deviants 101 and 161) showed a
significant interaction term
F 1.22)=
11.16,
P 0.005),
indicat-
ing that the h lM N ampli tude as a function of deviance was different
in Estonians a nd F inns. This language-specific prototypicality effect
suggests the existence of neu ral traces of language-specific ph on em e
representations.
Magnetic responses to the deviant stimuli (MMNM, the mag-
netic equivalent of the electric MM N) were recorded from 9 of the
Finnish subject^^^ ^'^. The pa ttern of responses over the left hemi-
sphere was the same (the dim inished 161 response) (Fig. 4c, d) as
that shown by the electric responses (Fig. 4a). Furthermore, the
magnetoencepllalogram showed that MhsINkl was larger in
the left than in the right hemisphere when the deviant stimulus
was a proto type (left, 34 m
;
right, 22 m -
;
ANOVA,
laterality X prototypicality interaction,
F 1.8) =
6.27,
P 0.05;
see Fig. 4d, top). The equivalent current dipole ^ of the left-
hemisphere response showed that hlMNM originated at the left
auditory cortex and, further, that its dipole moment (strength)
was considerably greater for all prototype deviants than for the
non -proto type deviant 161 (see Fig. 4c, d) . The right-hemisphe re
responses were not strong enough for LLS t o d e t e rn ~ i n e h e
corresponding equivalent current dipole for each subject. As
was the case with the electric MMN, the MMNM latency
steadily decreased with increasing acoustic deviation, there
being no prototypicality effect.
Thus a vowel prototype of the subject's native language presented
as the deviant stimulus elicited a considerably larger MMN
(M M NM ) tha n could have been expected on the basis of the
acoustic (F2) distance from the frequent, standard phoneme
alone. That is, the
M M N
amplitude was enhanced when the deviant
st imulus was a prototype as opposed to an equal ly complex n o r
prototype. F urthermore, this MM N-am pli tude enhancement pat-
tern reflected the native-language phonology: when the deviant
stimulus was a pho nem e prototype in Estonian, but no t in Finnish,
the e nhancem ellt occurred in Estonian subjects but not in Finns. tl ie
therefore suggest that, in principle, ou r MM N paradigm could help
to unravel the experience-dependent neural memory traces for
phonemes of ally given language.
We found cortical memory traces of speech sounds. These traces
probably serve as recognitioll patter ns for speech soun ds, an d
allow the correct perception of a given language: they are a ctivated
by correspo nding ( an d roughly corresponding, the category effect)
speech sounds. These recognition patterns presumably develop
gradually with exposure to the language; behavioural data suggest
they develop within the first year of life1'.
The left-hemisphere dominance of the M MN hl enhancement to
pho nem e prototypes (Fig. 4c, d ) suggests that the neural p hon em e
traces are located in the left auditory cortex. That the locus of the
mem ory t race is indeed indicated by the locus of MM N ( hIh tN M )
generation is supported by the feature-specific loci of MMN
generation in the auditory cortex1'- . In contrast to the left-hemi-
sphere results, in the right auditory cortex both prototypes an d no n-
prototypes elicited a small MhINM of a similar size that resembles
the response elicited by non-prototypes in the left auditory cortex.
Thus the magnetic results indicate that the left auditory cortex is
involved in phonemic discrimination, presumably because the
neural phoneme traces are located there, whereas both the left
and right aud itory cortices serve acoustic discrimination.
Methods
Stimuli
T h e
F2
frequency for the semi-synthetic standa rd stimulus was chosen
so that it produced the
best
exemplar representing /el (pro totyp e),as judged
bv
the subjects when the
F2
frequency was changed in
4O/o
steps. The first
i F 1 ) .
third
( F 3 ;
and four th
(F4)
fonn ants were constant
a t 450 2,540
and
3,500 Hz,
respectively.
The
average fundame ntal frequency
(FO)
of each semisynthetic
vowel was 105 Hz . \'owels were genera ted
by
the produc tion of synthetic st imuli
from n atura l glottal excitation in con junc tion with
a
vocal-tract inodel ~ . Thir
method is based
o n
a speech-production model assuming that speech
15
produced as a cascade of three independent processes: the glottal excitation,
a
Finns
Figure
3
The am p~ tu de f the mismatch r~egat l v l ty MM N, f ron ta l Fz e lec t rode,
grand-average dev iant-s tandard d~f ferencewaveforms) ref lec ts the language-
spe c f i c phonem e ca tegor ies o f the F~n n i sh nd Es ton~ananguages. N ote that
the M M N ampl tud e fo r the deva nt , d l , a non-pro to type i n F inn i sh ,
IS
clearly
sm ale r th an that for the adjacent prototype dev iants wi th F innish subjects
a )
but
not w t l i Es tonian sub jec ts b) or whom 16 w as a pro to type.
N TURE \'OL 385
3 0
JANUARY 1997
-
8/17/2019 Nature1997
3/3
4 inns
N
stonians
Right
MMNm
-
-* Finns
Finnish subject
RH
Figure4 a
MMN peak amplitude (a t Fz) in Finns (blue)and Estonians (purple) a s
a function of the deviant stimulus, arrang ed in the or de r of increasing F2
difference from the sta ndar d stimulus. Bars indicate s.e.m. b MMN ( at Fz) (solid
lines) and MMNM (left hem isphe re) (broken line) peak laten cies a s a function of
the deviant stimulus b r Finns (blue) and Estonians (purple).c, Strength of the
equivalent current dipole (ECD; average of
9
Finnish subject s) modelling the left
audi tory-cortex MMNM for the different devian t stimuli. d Left- and right-
the electric measurements. The magnetic responses were measured using
helmet-shaped, whole-head Neuromag-122 magnetometer (sampling rat
397Hz). The stimuli were delivered through plastic tubes and earpieces
60 dB above the individual hearing level. Epochs with an electro-oculogram o
magnetoencephalogram change exceeding 150 r 1,500
6
m - , respec
tively, were omitted from subsequent analysis. The locus of the neurona
activity was estimated by determining the equivalent current dipole at th
MM NM peak latency using 40-44 channels separately over the left and
rig
frontotemporal cortices.
Received 12 Auausc accepted 2 December 1996.
I . Kuhl, P. K. Percrpl. Pryrhophys.50,93-107 (199 1).
2. Liberman, A.
M.,
Hams, K. S., Hoffman, H. S. Griffith, B. C. I.
Erp
Plychol. 54,358-368 (195
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I.
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W
K. Mintysalo, S Acia PsychoL 42,313-329 (19 78) .
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Lank A. H. I.Amusr. SOE Ant. (in the press
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10. Kraus, N. eta . Science 273,971-973 (199 6).
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Grandori, F., Hoke, M. Romani, G. L. 222-282 (Karger, Basel, 1990).
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Liiv, G. Remmel, M.
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, 7-23 (1 970).
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R. I.
Alho, K. Trends Neurosci. 7,38 9-39 5 (199 4).
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44
179-185 (1995).
18. Kuhl, P. K., Will iams , K. A. Lacerda, F ScienceZ55, M)6-M)8 (199 2).
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H.
el aL
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Cogn. Neurowi. 7, 133-143 (199 5).
20. Alho, K. et a/. Psychophysiology 33,3 69-3 75 (19 96) .
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Hari, R., McEvoy, L. Sam, M.
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Cortex6 288-296 (19 96)
22. Fant, G. ntc Amtistic Theory ofspeech Producrion (Mouton, Hague, 1960).
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E. T. er a/. l Trans. Magnet. 29, 3315-3320 (199 2).
hemisphere MMNMs of on e typical Finnish subject for deviants /o / and
/ j/
Acknowledgements.WethankG.Nyman H.Tutinen.P.Laurinen E.Se~ceandJ.Kek~nif~rc
presented n
(spacing
mcm
,) maps of the
magnetic ield-gradient
on previo us versions of this manuxript, and T. Rinnefor technical support. This work was supported t
the Academy of Finland.
amplitude at the MMNM peak latency. Th e squ are s indica te the arrangement of
the
magnetic
sensors.
The arrow
representECDs indicatingactivity
n
the
Corresponden ce and requests for materials should be addressed to R.N. (e-mail: risto.naatanen
helrinki.fi). Further material, includina the sound stimuli, are available at http:l/wmv.psych.helsin
auditory cortex; the black dots in these a rr o w sh ow the cen tres of gravity of
hl~aprrslnafure3/.
MMNM. Note that the prototype 161elic itsa much larger MMNM in the leftthan in
the right hemisphere, wher eas non-prototype 161 resp on ses in both hemi-
sp he re s are small and q uite similar in amplitud e.
the vocal tract, and th e lip-rad iatio n effect?. In this way we could accurately
adjust the formants of the stimuli without mak ing sound quality too artificial.
The excitation process was computed from a m ale voice (vowel la/, normal
pho natio n) using a n autom atic inverse filtering technique2'. The vocal tract was
modelled using an eighth-order all-pole filter with coefficients adjusted t o shift
the second formant. The lip-radiation effect was modelled with a fixed
differentiator.
Behavioural ask. Th e stimuli, presented at 1,400-ms onset-to-onset intervals,
were 75 dB in intensity and 400 ms in du ration (with rise and fall times of 10 ms
each). Each stimulus was presented about 30 times. Finnish subjects were
instructed to press the /el, 101 or lo t but ton when the stimulus sounded as a
good representative of that category. For Estonians, there was also a response
button for their 161.
Electric measurements. Measurements were performed in an acoustically
and electrically shielded room. Blocks of the vowel /el were binaurally
presented (75 dB, with a d uratio n of 400 ms includ ing 10-ms rise and fall times)
through headph ones as thesta ndard stimuli, 15 of the stimuli were randomly
appearing deviant soun ds (one type per block). The onset-to-onset inter-
stimu lus interval was 900111s. The nose-referenced electroencephalogram
(EEG, samp ling rate 250 Hz ) was averaged and digitally filtered (passband 1-
30H z). Epochs with artefacts exceeding 100 pV at any electrode o r with a n
electro-oculogram (EOG) response exceeding 15 0p V were discarded. The
baseline for the waveforms was defined as the mean am plitude between - 0
and 0 ms relative to stimulus onset. The MMN am plitude was determined from
the Fz electrode (where it was usually largest) separately for each subject as the
mean am plitude of the 150-ms period centred at the largest peak between 100
and 240 ms.
Magnetlc measurements. The experimental paradigm was the same as for
VOL