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Transcript of Nationalism, Society and Culture in Post-Ottoman South East Europe
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Oxford Balkan Society
South East European Studies Programme (SEESP)
European Studies Centre, St Antonys College_______________________________________________
Nationalism, Society and Culture
in post-Ottoman South East Europe
St Peters College, Oxford29-30 May 2004
Turkish Political Culture and Minorities
Ioannis N. Grigoriadis, SOAS/University of Oxford
_______________________________________________
The conference was convenedby Kerem Oktem and Dimitar Bechev
St Antonys College, Oxford
The conveners acknowledge the financial support of the SEESP, the
Tsakopoulos Foundation, and the Programme on Contemporary Turkey(University of Oxford)
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OXFORD UNIVERSITY BALKAN SOCIETY
2ND
OUBS GRADUATE WORKSHOP 2004
Author: Ioannis N. Grigoriadis
Paper Title: Turkeys Political Culture and Minorities
Institutional Affiliation: PhD Student, School of Oriental and
African Studies (SOAS), University of
London/University of Oxford
Paper Abstract:
This paper is attempting to provide an account of mainstream Turkish political culture as
well as of the political sub-cultures of Turkeys most significant minority groups, Kurdsand Alevis. It will be argued that political and social developments in the late Ottoman
Empire and early republican Turkey had a crucial impact on the formation of a subject
mainstream Turkish political culture. Yet political culture diversity was maintained at the sub-national level through the hammering of minority group political sub-cultures.
Kurdish and Alevi political sub-cultures were shaped under the influence of Ottoman
parochial and republican subject political culture elements, while their distinct historicallegacies were also influential. Being a resultant of mainstream and minority politicalcultures, Turkish political culture indicates the extent to which liberalisation of the
Turkish state and society has been successful.
London, 28/05/04
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CONFERENCE PAPER
Turkeys Political Culture and Minorities
By Ioannis N. Grigoriadis
1. Definitions of Political Culturea. What is Political Culture
The failure of purely institutional descriptions of political systems to offer adequate
explanations of post-Second World War political developments led scholars to delve into
the reasons why similar political institutions performed so divergently in different
countries. Gabriel Almond and Sydney Verba attempted with the introduction of the term
political culture to offer a new tool for the study of political systems. Political culture
soon attracted the interest of academics whose debate gained intensity in the ideologically
polarised environment of the Cold War era. The building blocks of political culture are,
therefore, the knowledge, beliefs, opinions and emotions of individual citizens toward
their form of government (Hague and Harrop, 2001: 78). Political culture is understood
as a set of citizens orientations toward political objects based on their knowledge, beliefs,
opinions and emotions and is classified into parochial, subject and participant (Gabriel A.
Almond and Verba, 1963). In parochial political culture there are no specialised political
roles in societies, and for members of these societies political orientations to these roles
are not separated from their religious and social orientations. In subject political culture
Ioannis N. Grigoriadis holds an MIA degree from the School of International and Public Affairs,Columbia University. He is currently a PhD student in Turkish Politics at the School of Oriental andAfrican Studies, University of London and a Research Associate at the South East European StudiesProgramme, European Studies Centre, St. Antonys College, University of Oxford.
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there is a high frequency toward a differentiated political system and toward the output
aspects of the system, but there are almost no orientations toward specifically input
objects, and toward the self as an active participant. It is essentially a passive system as
far as government influence is concerned. In participant political culture, citizens tend to
be explicitly oriented to the system as a whole. Close attention is paid to politics, while
popular participation is regarded as both desirable and effective.
It should however be clarified that applying the political culture model is not
tantamount with endorsement of culturalist theories. Political culture should not be
understood as an immutable property that precludes the possibility of political change and
favours the perpetuation of status-quo. Processes of political socialisation are highly
important for the formation of political culture. School, family and other social groupings
have their contribution in the hammering of perceptions, affects and evaluations that
constitute political culture. Although historical memories and political socialisation have
considerable impact on the formation of political culture, political culture can to a large
extent- be considered as independent variable in political science research. While the
relationship between political culture and political structures is interactive, the survival of
traditional attitudes even in states where most intensive political socialisation
programmes were enforced has indicated that there are certain limits to the plasticity of
political culture (Almond, 1980: 31-32). In other words, political culture should not
always be considered as an independent variable in the study of political behaviour and
institutions. Whether political culture is influenced by or influences political behaviour
and/or institutions, is to be examined ad hoc, on the basis of the idiosyncrasies of the
political phenomenon under examination.
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b. The Political Sub-culture DebateThe question whether the political culture of a people is further divisible into smaller sub-
national units (sub-cultures) has resulted to controversy among the exponents of the
political culture concept and a part of their critics that still viewed political culture as a
useful analytical tool in the study of comparative politics. Whether population groups,
distinct on the basis of their ethnicity, religion, class or gender, could hold different
cognitions, affects and evaluations of political systems and states, has been the crux of
this debate. The view that sub-national groups and not only peoples can serve as unit of
political culture analysis has opened new ways in the comparative study of political
systems and states.
Almond and Verbas lack of emphasis on political sub-culture was challenged by
a group of scholars who argued that ethnic, social and gender divisions have a crucial
bearing in the formation of distinct orientations toward political systems and states. In
other words, in parallel with existing national political cultures, minority political
cultures exist and have significant influence on national political cultures. Kavanagh
succinctly pointed out in his study of British political culture the usefulness of a study on
British political sub-cultures, both on ethnic and class bases. A comparison of Scottish
and English political sub-cultures as well as of British working- and middle-class
political sub-cultures could be illuminating for many aspects of British political culture
(Kavanagh, 1980: 166-67).
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c. Aims of this PaperThis paper is attempting to provide an account of mainstream Turkish political culture as
well as of the political sub-cultures of Turkeys most significant minority groups, Kurds
and Alevis. It will be argued that political and social developments in the late Ottoman
Empire and early republican Turkey had a crucial impact on the formation of a subject
mainstream Turkish political culture. Yet political culture diversity was maintained at the
sub-national level through the hammering of minority group political sub-cultures.
Kurdish and Alevi political sub-cultures were shaped under the influence of Ottoman
parochial and republican subject political culture elements, while their distinct historical
legacies were also influential. Tribalism and peripherisation were two critical
determinants in the shaping of a parochial/participant Kurdish political sub-culture, while
resistance tradition, peripherisation and support for Atatrks reform programme resulted
in the hammering of a subject/participant Alevi political sub-culture. Political
liberalisation steps since the 1960s have also imbued Kurdish and Alevi political sub-
cultures with more participant elements.
2. Features of Turkish Political Culturea. Mainstream Turkish Political Culture
Prevalence of state interests over fundamental human rights, the model of passive,
deferential citizen, the lack of tolerance for cultural, religious and ethnic diversity, the
exalted role of the military and bureaucratic elite as guardian of the Western and secular
character of the Turkish state and society are all indicators of Turkeys lack of democratic
consolidation. Despite the Kemalist Westernisation agenda and the introduction of multi-
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party politics since the end of World War II, Turkish political culture remained firmly
attached to the late Ottoman and early republican model, which was dominated by subject
elements. Active participation of citizens in political and social activities remained
insignificant, while the state viewed any citizens effort to engage with issues of broader
social interest with suspicion, if not outright hostility. Citizens had to curtail their critical
thought and individual human rights to the extent that they diverged from the officially
sponsored political, cultural and national models. Dissidents had to choose between
persecution whose intensity would vary according to political circumstances and
emigration.
It would be inaccurate to argue, however, that Turkish political culture has
remained unchanged and void of participant elements or that there has been no interest of
citizens in political and social developments. The 1950-1960 rule of the Democrat Party
has been described as the first attempt to debureaucratise Turkish society. DP policies
attempted to loosen the ideological grip of the Kemalist elite over Turkish society by
allowing for the dissemination of alternative political, social and economic programmes.
The military coup of 27 March 1960 can be rightfully seen as a reaction against the
decline of elite influence in Turkish society (zbudun, 1993: 256-58). Nonetheless, elites
had to come into terms with societal demands. The 1961 Constitution could thus be seen
as a compromise between elites and emerging societal forces: Under the relatively
favourable circumstances of the 1961 Constitution, citizens and civil society associations
engaged in activities aiming at increasing popular participation in politics. Yet any
incremental steps made toward the adoption of participant political culture elements were
weakened by two more military coups that struck Turkish democracy in 1971 and 1980.
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The 1980 coup, in particular, was the biggest setback in the quest to introduce participant
political culture in Turkey, as it occurred at a time when participant political culture and
democratic stabilisation was spreading all over southern Europe, in Greece, Portugal and
Spain, states formerly run by military dictatorships. By restoring illiberal interwar
Kemalist ideology and enforcing subject political culture elements, the leadership of the
1980 coup succeeded in obstructing Turkeys democratic consolidation.
b. Minority Political Sub-cultures in Turkey
The importance of studying political sub-cultures becomes evident in the case of Turkey.
Despite long, systematic efforts to forge a unitary Turkish national identity, Turkeys
population is still characterised by considerable ethnic and religious diversity. A study of
Turkish political culture cannot, therefore, be rendered complete, unless it accounts for
the political sub-cultures of Turkeys minority groups. Turkeys Kurds, Alevis and other
minor Muslim and non-Muslim minority groups continue to claim a separate identity,
which does not necessarily conflict with Turkish national identity or adopts an inimical
approach toward the Turkish state. While the quest for a Kurdish identity resulted in
insurgency and terrorism in the late 20th century, these acts were by no means
representative of the whole Kurdish identity movement and did not significantly impact
the stance of other minority groups. Due to their different historical and social
backgrounds, Turkeys minority groups differed in the way they attempted to define theirrole inside the Turkish society and negotiate their recognition by the Turkish state. In the
following chapter the political sub-cultures of Turkeys Kurds and Alevis will be
examined. A brief historical account will introduce a discussion on the divergent
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cognitions, emotions and opinions of Turkeys minority groups toward the Turkish state
and society, while their impact on the formation of minority group sub-cultures will also
be assessed.
3. Kurdsa. Introduction
Turkeys Kurds are the largest minority1 group in republican Turkey and have repeatedly
challenged republican nation-building policies. Their allegiance to the Ottoman Sultan
and Islam was not translated into willingness to submerge their identity into the modern
Turkish national identity. Kurdish minority rights have been among the most prominent
issues of political debate since the 1960s, while the armed insurgence of the Kurdish
Workers Party ( Partiya Karkaren Kurdistan-PKK) in Kurdish-inhabited provinces of
eastern and south-eastern Turkey posed the gravest threat against Turkeys security and
territorial integrity throughout the 1980s and 1990s.
b. The Birth of Kurdish NationalismThe spread of nationalist ideas among Kurds was not as successful as in the case of other
ethnic groups that comprised the poly-ethnic mosaic of the Ottoman Empire. Ottoman
Kurds remained attached to their religious and tribal identities until the very last years of
1 There is no universally accepted definition of the term minority due to its complicated and politicallysensitive nature. For the purposes of this study a minority will be defined as a group of citizens of a state,constituting a numerical minority and in a non-dominant position in that state, endowed with ethnic,religious or linguistic characteristics which differ from those of the majority of the population, having asense of solidarity with one another, motivated, if only implicitly by a collective will to survive and whoseaim is to achieve equality with the majority in fact and in law. See UN Subcommission on the Preventionof Discrimination and Protection of Minorities, (United Nations, 1985), as quoted in Ivn Gyurcsik, "NewLegal Ramifications on the Question of National Minorities" in Jane Leiibowitz, ed., Minorities: The New
Europe's Old Issue (Boulder CO: Westview Press, 1993), p. 22
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the Ottoman Empire. Despite the formation of Kurdish nationalist groups, the vast
majority of the Kurdish population remained loyal to the Ottoman rule and sided with
those forces that opposed the partition of the Ottoman Empire along ethnic lines. Strong
tribal identity was an additional reason for the failure of Kurdish nationalism to appeal to
the majority of Kurds. Tribal allegiance was stronger than national, which allowed for
state intervention in intra-Kurdish affairs by means of siding with some tribes against
others Intra-Kurdish feuds substantially weakened prospects for the forging of a strong
common Kurdish national identity. Ottoman Kurds fought on the side of Ottoman Turks
in the wars that sealed the demise of the Ottoman Empire. Although the Treaty of Sevres
provisioned the formation of an independent Kurdish state in the territory of todays
south-eastern Turkey, the vast majority of Kurds joined Turkish nationalist forces in their
struggle against foreign invaders of Anatolia. The decision to ignore their own nationalist
ambitions and fight on the side of Ottoman Turks showed that religion was still the
primary defining factor of Kurdish identity to be followed by tribal and not ethnic
allegiance. When Atatrk-led republican Turkey declared its intention to break its links
with its Ottoman, Islamic heritage and establish an ethnic-based Turkish national identity,
Turkeys Kurds had to choose either assimilation or resistance.
c. Early Kurdish Rebellions
The first armed Kurdish rebellion against Kemalist secularisation and ethnichomogenisation plans took place in 1925. Atatrk had already become the undisputed
leader of Turkey and set forth his plans for the formation of a modern, secular nation-
state. Atatrks position on that issue was not clear during pre-republican years (Gunter,
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1997: 5-7). His wartime statements implied that protection of Kurdish minority rights in
post-war Turkey might even get to the point of recognising Kurdish autonomy, while his
aide and eventual successorsmet nn argued that the new state would be a homeland
for Turks and Kurds. Despite all that, the abolition of the Caliphate, the proclamation of
the Turkish Republic and the limitation of public role of Islam were necessary steps
toward ethnic homogenisation of Turkeys population. In 1925 it had already become
apparent that Atatrk would rid Turkey of all Ottoman and Islamic elements that bound
Turks and Kurds together. Under the leadership of Sheikh Said of Palu, a number of
Kurdish tribes rebelled against Turkish rule. The character of the Sheikh Said revolt was
two-fold, religious and ethnic: Reaction against the forced secularisation of the Turkish
state and society initiated by Atatrks modernisation programme was matched with
willingness to resist against state efforts to forcibly homogenise Turkeys ethnically
diverse population through the propagation of an ethnically defined Turkish national
identity. Turkish armed forces succeeded in quickly suppressing the rebellion, which,
nonetheless, became a watershed: Large-scale purges against Kurdish and other dissident
elements in Turkey followed shortly after. The Turkish regime engaged into violent
policy measures to suppress Kurdish resentment and also gave greater impetus to
Atatrks secularisation programme (Barkey and Fuller, 1998: 11-13). Nonetheless,
military and police measures could not extinguish Kurdish opposition to the Kemalist
programme and willingness to resist. A second rebellion occurred in 1930 in Ar and a
third in 1937-1938 in Dersim (Tunceli). Both of them were less important than Sheikh
Saids rebellion in terms of geographical spread and popular participation, yet they
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certified enduring Kurdish resistance against the Kemalist ethnic homogenisation
campaign in republican Turkey.
d. The Re-emergence of Kurdish Nationalism in the 1960s and 1970sThe advent of multi-party politics in 1946 improved the condition of Kurds in Turkey as
competing political parties had to provide them with incentives in order to attract their
vote. The coup of 27 March 1960 did not prevent the ongoing politicisation of the
Kurdish issue in Turkey. Interest in Kurdish identity and cause would re-emerge under
the suitable political environment created by the 1961 Turkish Constitution. The liberal
air of the 1961 Constitution favoured the development of a wide spectrum of political
activities. Political groups like Turkish Workers Party (Trkiye i Partisi-TP) and
Revolutionary Youth (Devrimci Gen-Dev Gen) viewed political developments from a
socialist perspective; showing clear interest in Turkeys dispossessed social classes, they
also became interested in human rights and the status of Turkeys minorities: The
problems of Turkeys Kurds were articulated, and steps toward their representation in
Turkish politics were made. The 1971 coup and constitution compromised some of the
most liberal elements of the 1961 Constitution, yet the emergence of the Kurdish issue, as
one of the most important political issues in Turkish politics could not be prevented.
Kurdish political groups were formed addressing their agenda in a socialist or nationalist
backdrop. The Revolutionary Eastern Culture Hearths (Devrimci Dou Kltr Ocaklar
-DDKO) and Kurdish Socialist Party or Road of Freedom (zgrlk Yolu) and Kawa
(named after a legendary Kurdish folk hero associated with the Kurdish New Years
holiday Newroz) are only a few of the founded Kurdish groups. Political turmoil and
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violence between radical leftist and rightist political groups, which characterised Turkish
politics of the 1970s, played an important role in the radicalisation of Kurdish politics in
Turkey.
e. PKK and the Radicalisation of the Kurdish QuestionThe Kurdish Workers Party (Partiya Karkaren Kurdistan-PKK) was one of the several
Kurdish groups with leftist political leanings. The figure of Abdullah calan, founder and
undisputed leader of the group, would gradually rally most Kurdish nationalists and leave
a heavy personal imprint on the Kurdish issue. Founded in 1977, PKK originated from
the National Liberation Army (Ulusal Kurtulu Ordusu-UKO), which was founded in
1974 by former Dev Gen members; thus, it had a strong Marxist/Leninist political
foundation to which Kurdish nationalism was added. The PKK founding document, titled
The Path of Kurdish Revolution (Krdistan Devrimi Yolu) described Turkeys south-
eastern and eastern provinces as colonies and argued that the Kurdish feudalists and
bourgeoisie had chosen to side with the Turkish ruling classes in order participate in the
exploitation of the Kurdish peasantry and working class. (Kirii and Winrow, 2003: 109-
11) PKK differed from most other Kurdish political groupings in its social composition.
While traditional Kurdish political groups usually had specific regional and tribal
association and were led by Kurdish notable family members, PKK attracted its
membership from the poorest and most marginalised strata, regardless of regional ortribal affiliations, and eventually succeeded in asserting itself as a fighter for the
disenfranchised (Barkey and Fuller, 1998: 23-25). PKK benefited from political anarchy
and turmoil in the late 1970s and severe restrictions in political freedom in the aftermath
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of the 1980 coup. Unfavourable political circumstances led to the dissolution of moderate
Kurdish political groups that opted for a peaceful resolution of Turkeys Kurdish question,
while the ascent of military regimes nurtured political extremism among Kurds. The
hardening of state policies in the aftermath of the 1980 coup, which included abolition of
human rights legislation and came to the point of denying the existence of a separate
ethnic Kurdish group in Turkey, increased the popularity of armed struggle among many
disaffected Kurds. State attempts to champion political Islam as a counterweight to leftist
Kurdish nationalism in south-eastern and eastern Turkey, which were articulated in the
Turkish-Islamic synthesis (Trk-slam Sentezi) doctrine, did not deter the growth of PKK
popularity. PKK started attacking Turkish military and police outposts in south-eastern
and eastern Turkey effectively challenging Turkish sovereignty. Turkeys reaction was
fierce involving major military operations and the establishment of a village guard system
whereby armed local villagers of mostly Kurdish origin would supplement the work of
military forces. The attempt of Prime Minister Turgut zal in the late 1980s to modify
Kemalist national identity doctrine through its inoculation with elements of the Ottoman
millet system, aimed at accommodating the existence of a separate Kurdish ethnic
identity in Turkey but had little success in reducing violence and PKK appeal to Turkeys
Kurds (Ataman, 2002: 127-29). The fall of the Communist bloc facilitated the
transformation of PKK from a Marxist/Leninist to a nationalistic group. PKK reached the
peak of its activity in the late 1980s and early 1990s when it effectively challenged
Turkish sovereignty over considerable parts of territory and -in effect- monopolised
political representation of Turkeys Kurds.
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in a minimal presence of the central state, whose interest was limited in tax collection and
male conscription without limiting the fundamental religious and social values of their
micro-societies. When republican Turkey attempted to enforce its Westernisation
programme, it disturbed the perennial balance of state-society relations by separating the
political from the social and religious. Tribal, religious and local affiliations were
disregarded, and citizenship of republican Turkey was seen as the sole acceptable
affiliation. The Turkish state was actively introducing a novel type of subject political
culture, which could not tolerate the continuation of alternative allegiances. Kurdish
uprisings were suppressed by Turkish armed forces, yet the dissemination of a subject
political culture among Turkeys Kurdish population was not as successful. On the
contrary parochial elements survived and contributed in the formation of a separate
Kurdish political sub-culture in republican Turkey.
Kurdish political sub-culture was also influenced by the centre-periphery divide
within the Turkish state and society. Since the beginning of the Tanzimat in the 19th
century Ottoman modernisation was characterised by an effort to bring Ottoman
periphery under the firm control of the Ottoman state administration and elites. The same
struggle continued in republican years, when the Kemalist elite attempted to take
Turkeys periphery under its ideological control. Kurds were among the biggest periphery
groups, and state efforts for their ideological proselytisation were often met with
opposition. While a significant part of Turkeys Kurdish population was eventually co-
opted2, other Kurds resisted the imposition of subject political culture championing an
2 The migration of a big part of Turkeys rural Kurdish population from eastern and south-eastern Turkey tourban centres in the west of the country, part of a gigantic urbanisation trend in post-World War II Turkey,greatly facilitated state homogenisation programmes. These populations, uprooted from their original
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end of the centre domination over periphery. In order to achieve that, they engaged in
political mobilisation activities, which imbued Kurdish political sub-culture with
participant elements. Since the 1960s there has been Kurdish political extremism and
terrorism could be viewed as unfortunate outcome in a rapid liberalisation process of a
strongly parochial political sub-culture. The obdurate opposition of the Turkish state to
any form of political culture other than the state-sponsored model of subject political
culture was instrumental in that radicalisation process.
4. Alevisa. Introduction
Alevis3, the second most numerous ethno-religious minority of republican Turkey, have
attracted increasing attention since the 1960s due to the largely unexpected revival of
their communal identity. At a moment when Alevis were expected to merge with the
mass of the Turkish secular population, Alevi identity became instead the focus of
political and cultural mobilisation for a significant part of Turkeys population
(amurolu, 1998: 79-84).
Alevis represented heterodox Islam in the Anatolian provinces of the Ottoman
Empire. The legendary figure of Hac Bekta Veli inspired the formation of two main
religious groups: a. Kzlba, nomadic or semi-nomadic populations of Anatolia, later to
be called Alevis and b.Bekta, sedentary populations based mainly in the Balkans
communities and in need for recognition in their new social environment, easier adopted state-sponsoredsubject political culture.3 The word Alevi most probably comes from the name of Caliph Ali, son-in-law of the Prophet and mostrevered among Shiite Muslims.
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(Inalcik, 2000: 193-95). Alevis formed a distinct religious and quasi-ethnic group, 4
Although religion is the primary identification factor of Alevis, the paramount
importance given to descent and family lineage for membership eligibility has
differentiated Alevis from Bektais and added an ethnic element to the Alevi identity. As
Irne Mlikoff put it, Everyone can become Bektai, but no-one who is not born Alevi
can later become one (Melikoff, 1999: 10). While Sultan Selim I was claiming the title
of Caliph after the conquest of the Islamic holy cities of Mecca and Medina in the early
16th century, monopolising the Sunni political and religious authority, Alevis challenged
the dominant Hanefi Sunni version of Ottoman Islam through their own syncretistic,
tolerant and flexible version of popular Islam, a blend of Shiite Islamic, Turkic, Christian
and other local religious and cultural influences. The wars between the Ottoman Empire
and Shiite Safavid Iran would challenge the loyalty of heterodox Alevis toward the
Ottoman Sultan, while the Celli insurrections would further indicate Alevi
disenchantment with Ottoman administration (Inalcik, 2000: 50-51).
The preservation of a distinct Alevi identity would necessarily cause conflict with
dominant Sunni Hanefi orthodoxy. Sunni Muslims classified Alevis among non-believers
to Islam (gvur): Alevi faith was denigrated as apostasy from Islamic faith and heresy or
in the best case as a misunderstanding to be rectified through unconditional Alevi
integration into Sunni Islam. Soon the Sunni majority of the Ottoman Muslim population
developed a series of prejudices against Alevis considering them to be stupid, uneducated,
or immoral. Alevis would be exposed to Ottoman state discrimination, which would be
4 The Alevi case has striking similarities with the Druze in that respect.
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positively correlated with the role of Islam as a shaping factor of Ottoman politics and
identity.
b. Early Republican TurkeyGiven the increasingly important role of Islam in the formation of Ottoman political
ideology in the last years of the Ottoman Empire, Alevis welcomed Atatrks political
programme, which offered an attractive alternative to the Islamic theocracy advocated by
Sultan Abdlhamid and Ottoman Pan-islamists. The abolition of the Caliphate and the
proclamation of the Turkish republic nurtured Alevi hopes that religious discrimination
against them would come to an end. Further steps that Atatrk made in order to introduce
and solidify secularism found support among Alevi circles, although these measures were
among others also targeting the Alevi faith. The banning of religious orders (tarikat)
and associations as well as the decisive removal of religion from all aspects of public life
did not exclude Alevi institutions, customs and practices; yet Atatrks secularization
programme still found resonance among Alevis, as they could only welcome the radical
diminution of the role of Sunni Islam in republican Turkey, planned through these
measures. Alevis joined republican secular political forces in their effort to combat Sunni
Islamic political and cultural domination: A strictly secular Turkey equally repressive for
the public manifestation of all religions and faiths was deemed preferable to preferential
treatment of Sunni Islam against Alevism, which was the rule in the Ottoman times.
c. Increasing Sunni Influence and Alevi RevivalAlevi relief over the decline of Sunni Islam influence on Turkish state and society would,
nonetheless, come to an end after a series of measures that mitigated the strictly secular
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character of the Turkish republic. The opening of religious vocational schools (imam-
hatip), the reluctant return of Islam into visible aspects of the social sphere and its
rehabilitation as a legitimate element of Turkish politics led to resurgence of Sunni Islam,
which was largely identified with the policies of DP, Turkeys ruling party in the 1950s.
Alevis were then identified with the opposition Republican Peoples Party (Cumhuriyet
Halk Partisi-CHP), which had lost power in the 1950 elections. The ideological shift of
the party toward the left coincided with Alevi secular and socialist leanings, and Alevis
constituted one of the major CHP support groups, as the attempt to found in 1966 an
exclusively Alevi political party, the Turkish Unity Party (Trkiye Birlik Partisi-TBP),
found little resonance among Alevi voters (Kaleli, 2000: 32-34).
The military coups of 1960 and 1971 polarised Turkish politics, and Alevis found
themselves on the leftist camp. Their identification with leftist political forces led to
debates whether Alevi identity should be retained or fused into the secularist, leftist strata
of Turkish society. Urbanisation and immigration trends moved a large part of Alevi
populations from rural Anatolia to Turkish urban centres or Western Europe. Traditional
Alevi institutions and customs like dedelik5 or endogamy were challenged by an
increasingly educated and modernity-exposed Alevi youth. Liberation theology, social-
democratic-liberal, mystical-Islamic, or Shiite-inclined versions of Alevism were then
developed (Bilici, 1998: 51-62). Alevis took active part in the ideological debates that
dominated Turkey in the 1970s and were finally among those to count the most civil
strife victims. The slaughters of Kahramanmara and orum in 1978 may well be
evaluated as examples of anti-leftist as well as anti-Alevi violence.
5Dedelik is the office of dede, the religious leader of an Alevi community, who claims his religiousauthority on his descent from an elite Alevi family (ocak).
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The 1980 military coup signalled the overt return of Islam into Turkish politics
and increasing re-alienation of Alevis from official state policies. According to the
Turkish-Islamic Synthesis (Trk-Islam Sentezi) political doctrine, which was selected
to become the official ideology of the Turkish state, Islam (namely Sunni Islam) was
considered to be one of the cornerstones of Turkish identity and culture; this came in total
contradiction with Atatrks intense efforts to dissociate Turkishness and Islam in the
early years of the Turkish republic. Mandatory religious (i.e. Sunni Islamic) education
was introduced, while the State Directorate of Religious Affairs recognised and
financially supported only Sunni Islamic institutions. No special provisions were made
for Alevi citizens, who again felt that their distinct identity was threatened by state
homogenisation policies in favour of Sunni Islam. The threat of Alevi fusion into the
Sunni majority acted as cementing factor for the protection of a distinct Alevi identity
(Zeidan, 1999: 82-84).
The emergence of the Kurdish nationalist movement in the 1960s and 1970s and
the advent of guerrilla warfare in the 1980s would also galvanise Alevi efforts to
articulate their own distinct voice in Turkish society. Although the challenge of Turkeys
ethnic and religious homogeneity as well as increasing demands for human and minority
rights found stronger resonance among Kurds, their activities helped shape similar
movements within Alevis. The latter never came to the use of violent means in order to
further their goals, yet they demanded that their distinct religious and cultural identity be
respected by the Turkish state. This influence was particularly strong among Kurdish-
speaking Alevis, a community whose existence verified the complexity of Turkeys
ethnic and religious map.
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The fall of communist regimes in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union comprised
an additional reason for the revival of Alevi identity. Socialist political ideas had become
very popular among Alevis in the 1960s and 1970s and were thought to become a
substitute for Alevism itself. As religious faith became less popular, Alevi social and
cultural elements were viewed through a socialist lens and supplemented accordingly.
Nonetheless, the end of communist domination in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union
in the late 1980s dramatically reduced the popularity of socialist ideas. This ideological
vacuum was filled through greater interest in Alevi culture and identity; an increasing
number of young people became interested in exploring their Alevi religious and cultural
heritage.
d. Alevi Political Sub-cultureAlevi political sub-culture was formed under the influence of a long resistance tradition,
peripherisation and identification with the modernisation campaign of the Kemalist elite.
Alevis have historically been suspected by the Ottoman Empire for their religious links
with the Shiite Persian Empire. Persecutions were not uncommon, and their frequency
increased for the additional reason that the Ottoman Empire started adopting a more
explicitly Sunni Islamic character. Like Ottoman Kurds, Ottoman Alevis were influenced
by Ottoman parochial political culture. Yet their long-standing struggle against Ottoman
state religious persecution policies resulted in the instillation of antiauthoritarian elementsthat complemented their established parochial political sub-culture. Alevi
antiauthoritarian political sub-culture was reaffirmed when Ottoman authoritarianism
took the shape of modernising centralisation policies and active support toward Sunni
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Islam in the 19th century. Increasing power concentration and Islamisation 6 in the
Ottoman state, two processes that became clearer than ever in the late Ottoman years,
reinforced Alevi resistance spirit.
The centre-periphery divide was an additional factor in the formation of Alevi
political sub-culture. Ottoman Alevis were disproportionately represented among the
rural and dispossessed populations of Central and Eastern Anatolia, which had little if
any- influence on decision making processes. This situation changed only marginally in
the republican period as the basic elements of centre-periphery relations in the late
Ottoman Empire persisted (Mardin, 1973: 308-09). Multi-party politics, urbanisation and
political liberalisation steps facilitated the emergence of Alevi civil society movements
that aimed at renegotiating centre-periphery relations and securing greater Alevi
influence in the Turkish state and society. Despite setbacks brought about by political
turmoil, the instillation of participant elements into Alevi political sub-culture was largely
successful, and a growing degree of Alevi self-conscience and mobilisation has been
observed since the 1960s.
Overt support toward Atatrk and its modernisation programme also crucially
influenced Alevi political sub-culture. Atatrks modernisation campaign was seen as
liberating Alevis from centuries of Sunni oppression and was, therefore, fully supported,
despite Alevi Islam was also among the victims of Atatrks militant secularisation
campaign. Alevis considered the secular Turkish republic to be much more tolerant
toward them than the Islamic Ottoman Empire and identified with the programme and
6 Ottoman Islamisation policies referred to the introduction of Hanefi Sunni Islam rules to all aspects ofOttoman political and social life and were by no means accommodating toward the rest of the schools ofSunni Islamic jurisprudence (Hanbali, Maliki and Shafii) and even less so toward heterodox beliefs (Alevi,Shiite Islam).
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aims of its Kemalist elite. State-sponsored subject political culture was, therefore, often
well-accepted, and the convergence of Alevi political sub-culture with the dominant one
was remarkable. Yet the Alevi revival of the 1960s showed that despite being closer to
the dominant Turkish political culture paradigm that Kurdish political sub-culture, Alevi
political sub-culture retained a considerable degree of independence and originality
(Kk, 2000: 189-92).
5. ConclusionsStudying the political sub-cultures of Turkeys minority groups reveals a surprising
degree of diversity and points out that the role of sub-national groups as political actors is
all but marginal. Turkeys Kurds, Alevis and other religious and ethnic minority groups
all share to a degree a political culture rooted on the legacy of the Ottoman Empire and
the policies of republican Turkey. Nevertheless, their divergent historical backgrounds
and state policies toward them resulted in the formation of distinct political sub-cultures,which in turn influenced mainstream Turkish political culture. Being a resultant of
mainstream and minority political cultures, Turkish political culture indicates the extent
to which liberalisation of the Turkish state and society has been successful.
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