#268 7 - 13 October 2005 16 pages Rs 30

Weekly Internet Poll # 269. To vote go to: www.nepalitimes.comQ..... How would you characterise thesituation in Nepal one month after theceasefire?

Weekly Internet Poll # 268

Q..... As what kind of a festival do Nepalisprimarily regard Dasain?

Total votes:3,009

I Pod

ust about everyone agrees thatKing Gyanendra iscontemplating a new move

but no has a clue what it will be.Trial balloons from the royal

regime could indicate he isconsidering the option ofscrapping the constitutionaltogether, after all there isn’tmuch left to destroy. Hardlinearmy brass make no secret of theirpreference for a ban on parties andstill seem to have the king’s ear.

More moderate advisers,however, argue that the royaltakeover instead of helping crushthe Maoists has actually put themonarchy in serious jeopardy andhave told the king he shouldquickly backtrack.

The question is whose advice

KUNDA DIXIT

The next movewill the king take? He has been onthe road constantly for the pasttwo months and has met a slew ofbusinessmen and advisers. He hasadmitted to them his regime hasfailed to deliver. Exactly threeyears after 4 October, 2002 andseven months after 1 February2005 things are not goingaccording to plan and KingGyanendra knows it.

“The capable are not loyal andthe loyal are not capable,” he wasquoted as saying during a recentget-together. But the king retains adeep distrust towards thepolitical parties, appears tobelieve that the Maoist-party linkis a plot hatched by the India-US-UK and still seems to be believehe can go at it alone.

The king’s immediate agendais to reduce domestic and

international pressure on hisregime. A reshuffle after Dasain toinduct less-tainted faces fromcentrist parties could be in thecards, but few will want to beseen as being coopted. He couldfollow this up with anannouncement of local andgeneral elections after municipalpolls to show the parties asrecalcitrant.

The king didn’t meet the EUTroika, which warned onThursday of “a strong risk ofpolitical collapse”. The Troikastatement added: “The changes of1 Feburary have been self-defeating.” It said the Maoistceasefire offered an opportunityfor the government and that theremay be a role for third-partyinvolvement.

In meetings with the

Europeans, party stalwartsrejected elections outright butthere will be pressure on them tocontest given their thaw in tieswith the Maoists.

Elsewhere, efforts areunderway to forge unity amongconstitutional forces. The US-based Carter Centre is organising atwo-week retreat in Bostonbetween selected representativesof the seven-party alliance andmonarchists next week. If theparties and the palace can ironout their differences and give theking a face-saving way to climbdown, the hope is that theycould begin negotiations with theMaoists at an internationalvenue. Unless someone sabotagesit first.

The Maoists’ unilateralceasefire ends on 3 December, anddespite sabre rattling by radicalroyals there is hope the next eightweeks can be used to build alasting peace process. Althoughunder strong pressure from itsrepublican rank-and-file the NCand UML could still give the kinga face-saving way to backtrack to aconstitutional monarchy whilethere is still time.

Two months of ceasefire left to build a peaceprocess and the clock is ticking

IN BUDDHA'S BIRTHPLACE:Saleha Fakir’s husband and his

two brothers were killed byMaoists last year in a villagenear Lumbini, she now takes

care of her children and 29members of her clan.

(See: ‘Homeward bound’ p 9)

NARESH NEWAR

J

2 7 - 13 OCTOBER 2005 #268EDITORIAL

LLLLL E T T E R SE T T E R SE T T E R SE T T E R SE T T E R S

Published by Himalmedia Pvt Ltd, Chief Editor: Kunda DixitDesk Editor: Marty LoganDesign: Kiran Maharjan Web: Bhushan ShilpakarVicepresident Corporate Affairs: Sneh SayamiAdvertising: Sambhu Guragain advertising@himalmedia.comSubscription: Pushparaj Sharma subscription@himalmedia.comSanchaya Kosh Building, Block A-4th Floor, LalitpurGPO Box 7251, Kathmandu Tel: 5543333-6, Fax: 5521013Printed at Jagadamba Press, Hatiban: 5547018editors@nepalitimes.com, www.nepalitimes.com

I

STREET WALKSI am appalled of the writers thatcontradict themselves. Whilethe visit to Mangal Bajar citedas a ‘PR event’ is endrosed byD Mahat from Baltimore USA insupport of Kunda Dixit’s writeup in ‘The Royal Trek’ (#266) ina subsequent sentence hewrites: ‘Why did the king waitfor 7.5 months to go to thestreets? Why did he not go tothe people on 1 Februaryitself?’ So what’s the problem DMahat of Baltimore? If the kinghad gone earlier then it is fineand not a ‘PR event’? Is it aquestion of timing or is it aquestion of the act?

Samjhana Poudyal,Nairobi, Kenya

Regarding all the letterspublished in your feedbackregarding the royal trek I beg todiffer to some misconceptionsthose letters tell the public.People ask in their letters‘instead of building somethingconstructive with the moneyspent on arches, why not spendit on development? Why doesn’tthe king do this? Why not that?’Instead, I ask these people whynot tell the political parties notto destroy the sidewalk railings?Why not let the people go totheir offices in peace? Why notlet the students go to theirschools? Questions are all wehave. Lets not be biased.Democracy doesn’t necessarilyneed yellow journalism.

Prasanna KC, Kathmandu

The overwhelming responseabout to Kunda Dixit’s article‘The royal trek’ makes me want

GUEST COLUMNRita Thapa

DON’TWe’re not mind readers. And you have to be these days to predictwith any degree of certainty what the next royal move may be.

October Fourth, 2002 may have been driven by a genuine beliefthat such intervention was needed to save the country from the self-destructive activities of the political parties and the recklessanarchy unleashed by the Maoists. That is the charitableexplanation.

But in the past three years it has become abundantly clear thateven if that was the plan, the palace has strayed from it. Thedecisions since have been so retrogressive, the trial-and-errormethod so erratic, and the end result so devastating for democracyand the nation that it is hard to believe such irrationality isdeliberate. The monarchy may need to be saved not from therepublicans in the political parties or in the rebel ranks, but fromitself.

Tulsi Giri’s trial balloon in Biratnagar and the less articulateramblings of his colleagues have set alarm bells ringing so loudlythat ironically even neo-radicals in the mainstream parties who werecalling for scrapping the constitution are rallying around in itssupport now. There has also been a chorus of outrage from the partyleadership, opinion makers, genuine monarchists and politicalmoderates. If Giri’s scorn for the constitution was indeed a trialballoon it has been pierced in no uncertain terms. The message tothe king from just about everyone is: “Don’t do what we think you arethinking of doing.”

The spontaneous respect Nepalis had for the monarchy has injust three short years turned into a situation where the palace needsto rent crowds and make school children line up for televised streetwalks. The monarchy needs to gain back the respect of the peoplebut this is not the way to do it.

There has been ample proof in the past three years that level-headedness is not the forte of the absolute obscurantists who aretaking the kingdom back to the days when partial solar eclipseswere holidays. But we believe even they are not so daft as to scrapthe constitution and take absolute control. But if experience sinceOctober Fourth has taught us anything it is not to underestimate theircapacity to be rash and obstinate.

The Friday before Dasain has traditionally been the preferredoccasion to spring nasty suprises on the people. But this Dasain, letit instead be a surprise gift of peace and democracy.

to put something to you: 1 When the political parties

block the streets and burn tyresin the middle of the road, Nepaliintellengesia stays quiet. Are weso afraid of their hooligamismthat we take upon ourselveseverything the parties throw atus? If it is the king’s turn to walkalong the streets of his kingdom,why such a hue and cry?

2 The welcoming crowdduring the king’s trek might havebeen school children. Granted.But look at the crowd thepolitical parties manage to pull:career students who havenothing better to do than maketheir rounds from one campus toanother spreading mayhem andarson on behalf of their partybosses.

3 One gets the feeling thatthe agitating parties are merelybarganing for the power. Do theyreally want to save democracy? Idoubt it. Just look at their recordwhile they were in charge.

4 the king is able to rousenationalistic sentiments amongus. We feel patriotic when he isaround. Good on him. Theparties, on the other hand, seekIndian assistance in everythingthey do. Why do they invite theIndians to meddle in Nepal’sinternal affairs? Answer: theywant help to get back to powerso they can hand our naturalresources to them.

Sridhar Ghimire, email

After reading ‘The royaltrek’, I couldn’t help thinking thatsince the country is also his, theking walk around as much as hepleases. His ancestors took theinitiative to build the country

while ours hopefully helped. Thatis the most we can claim. If myfather decided to walk, jump, runor just inspect the house hisfather built, what right do I haveto complain? While all the hooplaabout the king’s walks is goingon, no one seems bothered aboutIndian leaders who came to ourcountry to lecture us. Is India soprosperous, so dignified and sopeaceful that these leaders,virtually unknown in their owncountry, have the time to comehere and lecture us? What iseven more unfortunate is theundue media coverage thatfollowed. While the Indianleaders were here, they didn’tbother to talk about Bhutanirefugees, or the encroachment ofhundreds of sq km of land nearthe Nepal-india border, or themistreatment ofNepalis by Indian security inNepali territory. No siree, theycame here to lecture us ondemocracy.

P Chhetri, email

SANCTUARYNepali tour operators shouldlearn not to discriminate againstAsian tourists and westerntourists (‘Peace sanctuary’,#267). With more than two billionpeople across both sides of theborder, Nepal could reap a good

haven’t celebrated Dasain inthe almost 17 years since myhusband’s death. Since then I

pretty much keep low on socialevents because initially I couldn’tcope with the responsibilities ofbeing single. Now, my two girlsare married and do their own

things but we do sit together toeat a meal as a family. Also sinceI’m a practising Buddhist, I donot believe in animal sacrifice.

Initially as a Hindu widow, Ifled from its ritualistic demandsbecause you are expected to fulfila certain role. You can’t befighting for feminist principles insuch personal family and socialsituations. I respect all religionsand if there had been teacherswho could educate me more on

Hindu philosophy I may havestayed with it. However, after myhusband’s death I realised whatit was like not to be in themainstream.

If widowhood happens at aripe old age so what if they getyou a white sari or yellow tikabut when it happens at 35 andyou have to look after threechildren and hold your own? Itstrips you not only of colours butof your very dignity and esteem.So luckily I found solace inBuddhism. I chose to study andeducate myself and I luckilyconnected with my spiritualteachers. It felt like I had finallycome home.

I created a space for myselfthat was more conducive to mybeing and my work and thissupported me. At the same time,if you go with clarity andunderstanding you can shield

The art of givingyourself. What worth are ritualpractices which insult yourdignity and self esteem and arenot at all compassionate andtolerant?

Our class system is verydefined. I used to see my fatherfeed many hungry people duringDasains past. We gave throughour cultural and religiouspractices. Traditionallyphilanthropy was ingrained inthe institution of religion butwith modernisation wedisengaged ourselves from thatand didn’t replace it withsomething else. There is no morepressure to give. That is whyeducation and awareness ofphilanthropy is very important.All of us receive so much fromour communities, we have tofind a way to give back as well.

Perhaps there are not manywho give but there are some and

A new kind of Dasain sacrifice: self-sacrifice

DEEPENDRA BAJRACHARYA

in Letter section, #263). Thetrekkers that come are going tothe Khumbu, which will againbecome overcrowded andproblematic with a lack ofbedspace, pricey food andaccommodation, and flightdelays to and from Lukla. Theimpression is set: Kathmanduand the Khumbu/SagarmathaNational Park areas are safe,the remainder of Nepal is not.Sad, because that is not true.

We can’t pretend there are noproblems but trekkers to theAnnapurnas, Manang, Langtangor elsewhere will face nothingworse than perhaps a requestfor a ‘donation’. Also the roadfrom Mugling to Narayanghat isnow fine and driving to Chitwanor Pokhara is once again apleasure. So let us all try to givePokhara and Chitwan a boost

harvest of tourists with properpublic relations.

Sandhya Amatya,Philadelphia, USA

I see September touristarrivals have gone up. If thingsgo well we might total 250,000this year, half of the total for1999. Tourism is now more ahobby for the few than a nationalindustry for the many. Like manyother things tourism toNepal has become ‘Kathmanducentric’. Your page onepicture (#267) shouldhave featured HanumanDhoka Square not aChitwan elephant safari.I was in Pokhara lastweek and Chitwan beforethat. Both are hurtingbadly and have been forthe last few of years. Myguess for hotel andlodge occupancy and treknumbers in those areas willbe running at no more than 30percent of what they were. Theimplcations are grave.

Tourists are coming toKathmandu for sightseeingIndians for the casinos, goingonto Tibet and Bhutan(Incidentally how many doingthat are booked into the countrytwice and count as two touristsnot one, as argued by Hans Nix

37 - 13 OCTOBER 2005 #268

CORRECTIONThe correct spelling in thephotocredit in ‘Workers ofthe world, unite’ inHappenings #267 shouldhave been AnnaShneiderman.

We inadvertently mis-spelled Kedar SharmaBadu’s name in his StarGazing column, #267.

STATE OF THE STATECK Lal

ilm South Asia’s fitting finalethis week of documentariesdepicting violent conflict titled

‘Barrel of the Gun’ showed thatterror like other human emotionsis a universal trait. Theimmobilising fear that anunpredictable enemy generateshas become a part of everyday lifeall over the world.

Insurgency and counter-insurgency operations have nodifference other than thegeographical location of theperpetrators of excesses. Themilitary and the militants are oftenexact opposites, mirror images ofeach other. Dhruba Basnet’s TheKilling Terraces and Ellen Perry’sThe Fall of Fujimori are differentlytold stories of a similar reality.

In retrospect, thetransformation of AbimaelGuzmán’s Sendero Luminoso intoPushpa Kamal Dahal’s PrachandaPath in Nepal was a historicnecessity. Hisotrians have beenprophesising a Peruvian parallelin Nepal for more than 10 years.But will the Fujimori story repeatitself here? Developments sincethe sudden dissolution ofparliament by King Gyanendra on22 May 2002 point towards aparallel trajectory of autogolpeand Fujimorism.

Nepal and Peru share striking

I’d like to think that thenumbers are growing.

When we look back at theold Nepal of our forefathers wesee philanthropy was ingrained:people built satals, temples,roads, water taps. Today, peoplewho are privileged tend tobecome self-indulgent.Globalisation has turned usinto individual consumers andthis can literally eat up allwandering beings who are havelost their traditional mooringsbut have not yet been inductedinto modern philanthropy. Thisis why the organisation Tewawas begun—to promotephilanthropy for social justiceand the empowerment of Nepaliwomen.

At a time when there are somany people displaced by theconflict, if each and every oneof us extended support to onefamily from the displacedcommunity and helped themhave a better celebration thisDasain it would mean allNepalis could be taken care of.

It is the same in society as itis in politics: you can wake upsomeone who is asleep but youcan’t wake up someone who ispretending to be asleep. Each ofus must lead by example. Itbegins and ends with everyindividual Nepali and that ishow brick by brick we cantogether build a self-reliant, justand equitable society.

Rita Thapa is the founder of Tewa,the Nepali Women’s Fund, and ispresently engaged in peace-buildingwork through Nagarik Aawaj

similarities. The Himalaya and theAndes are two of the harshestmountainous terrains in the world.Basking in the glory of the Incacivilisation till the end of sixteenthcentury, Peruvians thought theyhad historic justification for theirhubris, primitivism, intolerance,xenophobia, jingoism, andtotalitarianism. The Sugauli Treatywas a diplomatic compromise, butmany Nepalis choose to believethat it was our military might thatkept the British at bay. Delusionsof greatness are inherentlydangerous, it dulls people intodoings things that they wouldn’t doif they knew that past glory is noguarantee of future survival.

Nepali revolutionaries alsohad this curious affinity to aninsurgency raging on the otherside of the planet in Peru. Butmaybe there was a reason for thissimilarity. After all, ComradeGonzalo was a professor ofKantian philosophy, a cousin ofVladimiro Montesinos (theirgrandmothers were sisters), theman from SIN and an achieverwho had joined the ranks of theoppressed out of a sense of theobligation of nobility.

Kathmandu’s chatteringclasses are in similar awe of the‘first-class-first’ degrees ofBaburam Bhattarai and his JNUPhD. We all know that theacademic achievements of Badal,Bhattarai and Prachanda neverswayed the Maoists away fromexcesses.

Bahadur Deuba to offer apologiaand is now depending on Tulsi Girito hardsell his ambition. Here atleast there is no comparison: forthe Nepali media and rightsactivists, autogolpe had no futurefrom the day it began.

Ironically, Fujimori’s fall beganthe day he captured Guzmán. Hadhe read the writing on the wall, hewould have changed tactics andreversed gear, but he took anauthoritarian course. Finally, hehad to flee into political asylum inthe land of his ancestors where henow leads a life of quiet leisure, aminor celebrity in Tokyo’s socialcircuit.

Peru’s brutal insurgency andits ruthless suppression hold atleast seven important lessons forus in Nepal:1 Legitimacy doesn’t come out ofthe barrel of a gun anymore,anywhere2 Delivery of promised politicalresults is no guarantee of thesuccess of an authoritarian regime3 Every leader has to face theconsequences of his actions nomatter how unchallenged heinitially appears4 In the court of public opinion,perception is the most powerfulproof of guilt5 The world keeps a careful vigilon all dictators6 There are no waivers in theUniversal Declaration of HumanRights7 History treats its challengerswith unconcealed contempt

From Shining Path to Prachanda PathA Peruvian parallel

F

for non- trekkers and pointtrekkers north and west. Not east.

Robin Marston, Sanepa

I look forward every week tologging onto the internet andreading in Nepali Times ornepalnews.com all about Nepalwhich is for better or worse myfavourite place in the world. Thistime I came across the letter bySam Bleha (‘Candid camera’,#267) that struck a chord with meand brought back memories from1997 of my first glide down overthe Kathmandu Valley on a ThaiInternational jet and touching downat Tribhuban International Airport.Three things stand out:

Firstly, the ‘magic carpet’ rideover an enchanted faraway land,walled in by mountains and undera sunny sky and the many greenspastures and crops, red brickkilns and buildings, winding roadsand paths with a few slow movingvehicles and people, and ageneral aura of peacefulness .Secondly, the contrasting andoverwhelming impression ofchaos upon exit from the airportinto crowds waiting for transportinto the city, mixed inextricably itseemed with innumerablespectators and would-be portersand helpers of all sorts. Thirdly,as so aptly described by Blehathat inflight announcement justbefore landing that “the use ofcamera over Nepal and atKathmandu airport is strictlyprohibited”. Of course, Nepal andher people very soon and foreverafter won me over with all theirreal beauty so that cabinannouncement was consigned tothe recesses of my memory untilreading that letter in your paper

today. My dream is to return fora third and, hopefully, longermore relaxed time inKathmandu Langtang, even theAnnapurna Sanctuary. Andmaybe by then Thai will havedropped that silly inflightannouncement.

Ron Tiesler, Melbourne

ZOOLOGYAnother great Under My Hat(‘Nepal’s zoological society’,#268). The line about MountainGuerrillas ‘...where theirnumbers are in declinebecause the species is knownto devour its own children’struck a true and sad chord andcorroborated Suchana Oli’sstory in the same issue(‘Tortured by both sides’). Ishake my head in patheticdisbelief at what Nepal is doingto itself. There were periodswhen I felt Nepali Timesseemed to have lost its edge,but it appears to be back up tothe early days when I couldn’twait to get hold of it on Fridaymornings. And don’t stop thegolf column!

Shahdev Mehta, email

In Peru, Fujimori’s US degreesand his tv persona helped himcounter the charisma of Guzmánbut the twin pillars of his regime’sstability were the unflinchingsupport of the IMF-World Bank andthe Peruvian military. Theconstructive monarchy in Nepal issimilarly blessed, but with animportant caveat: no matter howhard he tries, King Gyanendra’scarefully orchestrated road showsare no match for Fujimori’s street-savvy populism. Fujimori tells thecamera why he made theimprisoned Guzmán wear prisonstripes even though Peruvian jailsdidn’t have such uniforms: to makehim look like a captured villain asseen in Hollywood movies.

Fujimori cultivated the press,shackled the judiciary andbefriended activists in anunorthodox style. King Gyanendrahad to rely on the services of Sher

4 7 - 13 OCTOBER 2005 #268NATION

n Friday in Geneva and New York theUN is launching an appeal for about$65 million in humanitarian aid for

Nepal. Although the amount is not huge,the World Bank alone has beenproviding aid of $120-$200million a year, it does raisesome large questions: isNepal now a ‘failed state’? Isthe appeal the first, smallstep in a grand power play bythe internationalcommunity?

“By no means shouldanyone think that suddenlythe cowboys are arriving,” saysUN Resident and HumanitarianCoordinator Matthew Kahane,“money will be contributed forclearlydesignated projects, beneficiaries, etc.Money going to buy food for refugees willnot go to fund protesters on the streets.”

The request will be made officially inNovember, via the Consolidated Appeals

Process (CAP). Last November CAPs wereissued for 14 crises, all but two of them(Palestine and Chechnya) in Africa. ByJune, the UN’s Office of the Coordinator ofHumanitarian Affairs (OCHA) was askingfor $2.6 billion to assist people in 29

countries, including thosewhose lives were shattered bythe Indian Ocean tsunami.That appeal raised an amazing$1 billion of the $1.26 billionrequested, according to OCHA.But most CAPs attract justover 60 percent of the moneysought within a year.

Nepal’s CAP will includeabout 60 projects in fiveareas: human rightsprotection, refugee support,expansion of basic services,

natural disaster risk management andcoordination. Setting up and running theappeal will cost only four to five percent ofthe money pledged, says Kahane. “It willbe carried out through existing channels.”

The government has two major concerns

with the CAP, says Bidhyadhar Mallik ofthe Peace Secretariat at Singha Darbar. Cana process developed in a relatively shorttime address the complexities reflected inthe government’s own development plans,and will donors be taking money fromsorely needed long-term developmentprojects to fund emergency needs?

“It’s not just a matter of thefunding…ultimately things have to trickledown to the community if they are towork,” Mallik said, citing the issue ofinternally displaced people (IDPs). Anynew programmes must recognise that inNepal, unlike other nations, the majorityof IDPs are not gathered in camps, they arescattered in various communities or inIndia, while the poorest of the poor havebeen left behind in the mountains.

Mallik says it would be wrong for theCAP to “make a policy to assist the ‘haves’who had enough resources to travel fromtheir homes to safe areas and not for the‘have-nots’ who have been left behind”.The government’s own Poverty ReductionStrategy Paper (PRSP) is flexible enoughto accommodate the facts on the ground,he added. “The PRSP is focussed broadlyon the Millennium Development Goals(MDGs) and our commitment to thepopulation. It does include emergencyhumanitarian assistance but it isintegrated into a wider framework,” Malliktold us.

Kahane said work towards the MDGstargets for meeting the most basic needs ofthe people by 2015, “should not besidetracked by the CAP”. He adds thatsome of the projects are anyway designedto provide essential services to peopleaffected by the conflict and by doing thata setback in progress towards the MDGscould be prevented.

Foreign Minister Ramesh Nath Pandeymet UN Under-Secretary-General forHumanitarian Affairs Jan Egeland duringhis recent New York trip and gave thegovernment nod to CAP, as long as aiddoesn’t leak to the Maoists.

The appeal is designed by 13 UNagencies, 12 NGOs and the Red Cross ascontingency planning for humanitarianneeds in case an emergency arises. “Wehope it doesn’t,” Kahane added, “none ofus is looking for a humanitarian crisis.But neither do we think it’s prudent to sit

back and say there won’t be one.”Jean-Marc Mangin of the Canadian

International Development Agency (CIDA)says: “We want to protect people’slivelihoods so they don’t have to move…tostop a bad situation from getting worse.”Mangin pledged that Canada wouldn’tshift aid money from development projectsto fund the appeal. “We need to adapt ourdevelopment programmes to the reality onthe ground but (for the CAP) we’re talkingabout specific new resources.”

Keith Leslie of Save the Children(USA) says his organisation chose toparticipate in the CAP because thehumanitarian needs of the country must bekept in perspective with the developmentneeds. “Within the humanitarian crisis,Nepal is still facing a much largerdevelopment crisis,” he added.

INGOs have also established a systemof working with local communities so itwas important that they be included torepresent those communities, particularlypeople from disadvantaged groups. “It wasalso to push against this sense that Nepalis a failed state,” added Leslie. “It’s facinga major disruption at the national level.But at the district and community levels alot of work is going ahead.”

MARTY LOGAN

Aid appealThe UN seeks funds for Nepal’s humanitarian needs

O Organisation Requirement(as of 23 Sept)World Food Programme $12.8 million

UN High Commissionerfor Human Rights $11.9 million

UN High Commissionerfor Refugees $9.2 million

UN Children’s Fund $7.3 million

UN Coordinator ofHumanitarian Affairs $3.2 million

Save the Children Alliance $3.0 million

UN Food and AgricultureOrganisation $2.9 million

UN Development Programme $2.2 million

UNFPA $1.9 million

World Health Organisation $1.4 million

Lutheran World Federation $1.2 million

SC Alliance and Plan Nepal $1.1 million

Largest CAP requests

KIRAN PANDAY

57 - 13 OCTOBER 2005 #268BUSINESS

BDo we fear becoming productive and contemporary?Economic eclipse

ECONOMIC SENSEArtha Beed

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Happy endingThe government has lifted thefive percent tax it imposed onbooks imported from abroad inits last budget. The revenueordinance issued on Sundayalso lifted the 1.5 percent localtax. The Nepal Booksellers andPublishers Association haswelcomed the move and saidthat the necessary paperworkwill soon be completed socompanies can collect the bookspiling up in Customs at theNepal-India border. (‘Balancingthe books’, #267)

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Tourism upTourist arrivals soared 47percent in September comparedto the same month last year,reports the Ministry of Culture,Civil Aviation and Tourism. Itsaid 27,511 tourists visitedNepal in the month, versus18,785 in September 2004.Leading the increase were Indiantourists, whose arrivalsskyrocketed 151.1 percent to8,590 last month. Tourismentrepreneurs said many touristswere encouraged to visit afterthe Maoists announced theirceasefire on 3 September.

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MelamchiThe meeting of the Joint Reviewmission of the Melamchi WaterSupply Project (MWSP) startedin Kathmandu this week toassess the project’s progressand discuss its schedule,working environment, safety,security and funding shortfall.Representatives of all donoragencies are at the meeting withofficials from the NationalPlanning Commission, Ministryfor Physical Planning andWorks and Ministry of Finance.It is the first meeting sinceNorway decided to withdraw itsassistance of $28 million. TheRCCC detained former PrimeMinister Sher Bahadur Deubaand former Minister for PhysicalPlanning and Works PrakashMan Singh for irregularities inthe project deal. Norway is alsoparticipating. “We areconvincing Norway to reconsiderits decision as the project ismaking good progress,” SaileshDevkota, deputy team leader ofthe meeting told Nepalnews.(See: ‘The Melamchi mirage’,#263)

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NRN meetThe Non-Resident Nepalese(NRN) Association will hold itssecond global conference inKathmandu from 7 to 9 Octoberat Hyatt Regency Hotel. DrHemant Dawadi, executivedirector of the Federation ofNepalese Chamber ofCommerce and Industries, saidthe meeting would focus onissues concerning Nepaliworkers in foreign countries,particularly how to earmark theirearnings to the country’s overalldevelopment.

have to shut the same day, NewRoad could close one day andPutali Sadak another.

This plethora of holidays,especially in the financial sector,does not make sense. Today, moreand more financial transactionsare being done 24 hours a day vialocations such as ATMs and theInternet. How can Nepal’s banksclose down for so long?Apparently because the NepalRastra Bank is closed. So, whycan’t NRB devise a system to workall days of the week so banks neverhave to close? The fact that bankemployees will still work just fivedays but not all on the same daysis an issue that should not beconfused with the banks’ hours ofoperation.

We need to escape legacies thatare ridiculous in today’s world, bethey holidays on eclipses or thestate sponsoring animal sacrificesduring Dasain. How can the stateactually pay for animal sacrifices

esides turning xenophobic,the country seems to begoing backwards to

medievalism by declaring anational holiday for a solareclipse. Our quests forinternational acclaim and fewer

working days have come tonaught. But what would happenif Nepal was clearing a majorglobal financial settlement or afirm here was performingfinancial transactions outsourcedfrom the other side of the globe?Would we tell the person at theother end of the phone: “Sorrywe’re closed, there’s a solareclipse.”

As we become more deeplyembedded in the globalised worldwith its 24/7/365 workingregimes, how can we still cling tothese antiquated customs? We

always complain that ourproductivity is low but how manyworking days do we have to reallydemonstrate productivity? Westill believe in keeping marketsclosed for weekly holidays. Wehave one of the shortest workingdays and in this age of 24-hourelectricity and transportation, weclose offices at 4PM in the winter.We still cling to the outdatedsystem of working only to 3PM onFriday, making it practically auseless day. Days off for eclipsesand the departures and arrivals ofroyal visits add to our already longlist of holidays, making us one ofthe few countries in the world thatcloses more days than it opens.

We also confuse state holidayswith a five-day working week. It isimportant that people work eighthours a day five days a week andthen get two days off but thosedays don’t have to be Saturday andSunday. Markets should close oneday a week but all markets don’t

in the name of religion? In ourquest for identity as a Hindunation, why are we being so cruelwhen the majority of Hindusliving south of our border andelsewhere have graduated tomaking offerings of coconuts orother vegetables? Our myopicregard for the khasi reflects thestate of our vision, our reluctanceto accept globalisation andmodernisation.

It is important that we embarkon these debates and hopefullythe holiday-hungry statemachinery will realise that theother players in today’s globaleconomy do not close for eclipsesbut that every state is racing toeclipse the other. Wishing allreaders a happy sacrifice-free andnon-violent Dasain.

6 FROM THE NEPALI PRESS

SELECTED MATERIAL TRANSLATED EVERY WEEK FROM THE NEPALI PRESS

7 - 13 OCTOBER 2005 #268

QUOTE OF THE WEEK

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King’s priorityInformation Minister TankaDhakal in Nispakchhya, 4 October

In a democratic system it isnatural for political parties to taketo the streets. Every movementhas a specified objective, whichshould be about establishingsustainable peace and solidifyingdemocracy. But how can thesegoals be achieved when stones arepelted from college rooftops?Such activities have perturbed thepeople. On the other hand,businessmen and shopkeepers arebearing the brunt of the chaoticsituation in the streets. Shopsremain closed due to thesedisturbances. On the eve ofDasain, this has had a hugeeconomic impact. The activitiesof the parties have furtherdeteriorated the law and order.They have added terrorism. Thismovement has achieved nothing.The parties have been saying thattheir activities are aimed atdemocracy. But the fact remainsthat multiparty democracy hasnot been snatched because westill have a democratic system,the parties have been able to holdtheir conventions, meetings andprotests. Free speech through themedia has been allowed. Thesituation is conducive foreveryone to join hands to worktogether. The parties should stoptheir street protests and reach foran understanding. Everyoneknows that the main contributingfactor to today’s crisis is Maoistterrorism. Even that quartershould do away with all thestrategic tricks and come uphonestly to fulfil the people’swish for peace. Peaceful activitiesare what we need today. Thegovernment is very much willingto establish peace. It was not thegovernment that declared the waryesterday. That is why it is notfor the government to announce a

ceasefire. The government iscommitted to protecting the lawand the constitution. Dasain is agreat festival. The government isalert to maintaining law andorder so that people can celebratethis festival happily. The king’spriority has been the people. Themark of a true people’s leader ishis desire to remain with thepeople. In the present situation,the king wishes to stay withinthe country, with the people,instead of going on foreign tours.It had not been decided that theking would attend the UNsummit so how could it becancelled?

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Leo E RoseObituary in Samaya, 6 October

Leo E Rose’s first academictribute to Nepalophiles was thebook he co-wrote with BhubanLal Joshi, DemocraticInnovations in Nepal written 39years ago. They had dedicated thebook to two personalities whohad their own ideas aboutNepal’s future: King Mahendraand the first elected primeminister, BP Koirala. The twostood at opposite ends of Nepal’spolitical spectrum, yet they alsorepresented a meeting point.That analysis was proven rightwhen 10 years later BP Koiralareturned to Nepal from eightyears exile in India with theslogan of ‘nationalreconciliation’ withthe king.

Today, the republican sloganis in the air and the king ishankering for a more active role.

Born in Oakland, Rose’sinterest and worry was alwaysabout Nepal. Rose first came toNepal in 1957 and did his PhDon Nepali history in 1959 fromthe University of California.Even though his book publishedin 1966 was banned by the

Former Chief Justice Bishwonath Upadhyaya inDeshantar, 25 September

If efforts are on to abolish the present constitution, it will besuicide for the monarchy. The king’s close aides know that, whichis why they are inclined to continue with the current one. If it isabrogated, a new constitution will be needed to rule the country.But the people are not prepared to accept a new constitutioncreated alone by the king. And there is a danger that a constitutionprepared by the people may not include room for the monarchy.

As for Tulsi Giri’s words on the constitution, they might havebeen his personal comment and they are not surprising. It is quitenatural that a staunch supporter of the undemocratic, partylessPanchayat system vent his ire on a democratic constitution. Whatmore can one expect of a person who indulges in politics under theblessings of the palace?

It would not be unusual forpeople to assume thatwhatever the second man inthe government says is in linewith the king’s wishes. But ifthis is what Giri thinks aboutthis constitution, he should nothave accepted his present joband taken an oath to abide bythe constitution. If the kingwants to retain the presentconstitution, he should not letGiri continue in his presentposition.

One needs to realise thatthe constitution did not comeabout just because the kingand the political partiesbacked it. It was possible onlybecause the people were for it.It is for this very reason thatthe parties support the presentconstitution. Personally Ibelieve this constitution hasgiven the political parties morethan what they had aspired.

I fail to understand what kind of new, inclusive constitutionpeople are talking about. Has the present one excluded anycommunity or class from any constitutional process? If intentionsare good and clear, all the nation’s goals can be achieved throughthe present constitution. I don’t believe that a new constitution withwhatever new provisions will be able to solve all the existingproblems.

There should not be a caste or communal-based constitutionalsystem created in the name of inclusion. That would create riftsbetween the Nepali people. Such a constitution would not favourNepal’s social stability and development.

“Keep the constitution”

Two letters in Himal Khabarpatrika, 2 October

My youngest son, Kubir Prasad Apgain, was disappeared by the statetwo years ago. He was living in a rented room in Biratnagar near theAppellate Court from where he was taken by about 15 armed men incivilian clothes. As he was being abducted, eyewitnesses said heshouted out that he was being detained. No one has seen him since.International and local activists looked for him but to no avail and hisname is not on the Home Ministry list. All of us friends and relativesare drinking tears. There is some information that my son, handcuffedand blindfolded, was first taken to Itahari barracks and tortured. Thenwe heard he was in Ilam barracks. We still haven’t lost hope that wewill see him. If he has broken any laws he should be tried underexisting laws—that would be acceptable. But imagine the torture hismother and relatives are going through not knowing whether he isalive or dead. The state should understand this.

Subhadra Apgain, Urlabari, Morang

My husband, Gyanendra Tripathi, was the former education chief ofthe ANFSU (Revolutionary) and was detained two years ago. No onehas any ideas where he is today. Krishna KC, whose whereaboutswas made public because of international pressure and was detainedat the same time as my husband, said in an interview last week thatmy husband is being held in the Yuddha Bhairab barracks inMaharajganj. Another news report recently quoted a prisoner taken toSundarijal who said Gyanendra Tripathi and 48 others were being heldin Maharjganj. In another news report in July, human rights activistSudip Pathak said my husband had been located and was alive.Despite these reports, the government is not concerned about theuncertainty and grief this situation is causing us, his family members.Pleasefind him.

Sharmila Tripathi, Kathmandu

Where is my son?

Panchayat government, everyoneincluding King Mahendra whocould read English had read it.

Besides Nepal, Rose was alsointerested in the rest of the SouthAsia including Sikkim. Evenwhen terrorism spread and therewere restrictions on foreigners,Rose had access to thosecountries. Although he was agovernment employee only for ashort period 1984-5 he was, for 60years, an unofficial South Asianresource person for the USgovernment. Rose was also animportant person in academia.After suffering Alzheimers, Rosedied two weeks ago in Oakland.He was always single and till theend he was in contact withexperts in Nepal.

Rose helped make the SouthAsia Centre at Berkeley animportant thinktank. Today it has5,600 books and documents onthe Nepali language, history andpolitics. Rose said the Maoistswould never capture state powerin Nepal but would remain an“irritant”. Being a believer inreconciliation and democracy, hemay have not given politicalviolence too much credence.There is a rumour that Rose had acopy of the draft 1990constitution even before therulers in Nepal had theirs. Hissource seems to have been thedrafters and not the US

Robin Sayami in Himal Khabarpatrika, 17 September -1 October

“There is still a possibility of reconciliation between the king and the political partiesand the government is open to dialogue with the parties.”

Vice-Chairman, Tulsi Giri on Kantipur TV, Sunday 2 October.

Dove: Ceasefire“Oops”

MIN BAJRACHARYA

7FROM THE NEPALI PRESS 7 - 13 OCTOBER 2005 #268

Khagendra Sangraula in Kantipur, 25 September

Your Excellency,We are thankful to you, the British governmentand citizens of Britain for the firm support youhave provided the Nepali aspiration for freedomand democracy at a time when it is being cutdown by the monocracy of King Gyanendra’smedieval feudal ambitions.

But that is not why I am writing this letter. Iam writing to you from my own experience aboutthe British visa procedures which is reminiscentof the abusive reign of the Nepali king. I wasinvited to Britain to speak at the first anniversaryof Nepali Sandesh, a weekly published there. Ithad sent a letter of invitation guaranteeing thatmy travel, lodging and living expenses in Britainwould be taken care of. My visa application wasrejected in the most insulting manner. I was givena written note explaining that this was becausethere was a possibility I may not leave Britainafter entering.

Any embassy can reject a visa application. Iunderstand that. But if adiplomatic mission in Nepalinsults and demeans a Nepalicitizen in his own country it is notacceptable. Later, a Nepaliemployee of the British Embassywhose name I forget called me upto apologise and say that if I stillwant to go I could apply again. Isaid thank you but I am not goingto Britain out of someone’s mercy.I have a small question for yourexcellency: after insulting me inwriting and filing a copy of thenote is it enough to verbally saysorry?

My bitter experience is thatthere is still the residue of a feudalcrown and its arrogant, ugly,conservative and inhuman face atthe British Embassy. And this isnot directed at anyone in the visasection, they are just the actors. The issue is ofpolicy. What I went through was just an exampleof the way ordinary Nepali applicants are treatedevery day.

I was interviewed in Room No. 6 by anofficious looking woman who interrogated me in arude manner asking me irrelevant questions.Where is your previous passport? Why didn’tyou bring any of your articles printed in NepaliSandesh? What do you usually write about?Where is the anniversary being held and whatare you going to be speaking about?

Excellency, Britain is known as the countrythat gave the world the concept of democracy. Iwant to ask you what does such nakedlyfeudalistic behaviour have to do with suchdemocratic values?

The rejection letter I got says: ‘I am neither

Letter to His Excellency Bloomfield

Samaya, 29 September

While small schoolchildren were elbowing each other on the sidewalksin the scorching heat waiting for someone to give them water, thevolunteers responsible for coordinating the royal visit to Birganj lastmonth were drinking Real juice. The children had been waiting in the hotsun and were watching this with their parched throats and eyes swollendue to dehydration. They were made to skip classes, weren’t given anyfood or water and had to stand in the sun for over five hours. All thisbecause the organisers wanted to gather a big crowd to welcome theroyal couple. Some of the children and a few women fainted due to heatstroke. Pravin Manandhar, chairman of the Parents Association ofParsa protested against the practice of forcing children as props forroyal tours. “By making children stand in the heat, the organisers havementally and physically tortured them,” he said, adding, “theseorganisers have to be punished, can they do anything in the name of theking?” Coordinator of the committee entrusted with giving the king atumultuous welcome, Sambhu Chaurasiya, said over 150 volunteerswere on duty for the visit. “We never put pressure on the schools tomake their students miss classes,” Chaurasiya added. But the childrenwere made to line up at 11AM even though the royal couple only arrivedin Birganj at 3 PM. When the king and queen did arrive, they sped pastwaving at the children from inside the car.

satisfied with the reasons you gave for enteringthe United Kingdom nor am I convinced that atthe end of your visit to the United Kingdom youwill leave the country.’ This makes a directaccusation against me and also hints that allNepalis want to stay on illegally in Britain. Youmust know that the reality is different. Nepalicitizens have spilled their blood for theexpansion of the former British Empire. Nepaliswho have gone to Britain have contributed withtheir minds to British intellectualism and withtheir sweat to the British economy. It is not in theNepali ethos to lie to go somewhere and hangaround there being a burden to the host country.It is when you start to generalise based onsensationalised exceptions that democracydisappears and a Hitlerite culture emerges.

Excellency, suppose the Nepali embassy inBritain rejected in writing the application of aBritish citizen and gave him a slip saying:‘Since we suspect you are going to be asmuggler when you go to Nepal, your visaapplication has been rejected’. Imagine the

uproar this would set off in Britain.The British Embassy lacks

the basic democratic culture oftreating everyone equally. In thethree days that it took me to wait, Ifound it was a long distancebetween the guards at the gateand the counter where the officialssat. I tried to look for a shortcutbut couldn’t find any. Meanwhile,people in cars and suits could beseen going in easily. Dressedsimply, I got to personallyexperience the offensive andundignified way ordinary Nepalisare treated at the embassy. Thegates were open for anyone at thepinnacle of political power, partypower, economic power, religiouspower or academic power or thosewho could twist their tongues andspeak in British English. And

those who couldn’t were insulted and cheated.Not only was my visa refused, but the Rs

7,000 I paid for it was not returned. I thoughtsuch cheating was restricted to sleazy third ratemanpower agencies preying on the poor.Excellency, I now know better.

In the waiting area outside the visa sectionthere isn’t a single bench to sit on. Why is it sodifficult to provide at least a place to sit? Andwhy not use a fraction of the money charged forvisas to place someone at the gate who canpolitely answer some basic questions peoplemay have? Is it representative of British cultureto torment those who are the weakest? There isa contradiction between your avowed support toNepali democracy and the feudal and insultingbehaviour of your visa section.

Regards.

Too hot for kids

government channels. Althoughhe told friends his relations withKing Mahendra soured after 1960,Rose was an admirer of KingBirendra. His other books onNepal include Strategy forSurvival, the Politics of NepalChange in an Asian Monarchy andthe journal, Asian Survey. The USand Nepal have lost a prolificacademic who introduced Nepalto the world.

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Boys beatenJana Aastha, 5 October

Shovit Rai, 13, from Bhojpur wasamong a group of childrenarrested on 20 May for allegedlybeing Maoists. They were takenfrom Panitanki Bajar in Bhojpur

by drunken army personnel andbadly beaten. Among thosearrested, Jasin Rai was freed fourdays later while Shovit and BamBahadur Rai were only released on16 August. After he was released,Shovit said, “Three drunksoldiers beat us up real badly andtold us to sign a paper that saidwe were sent by CommanderDipesh to do reki and then theylocked us up.” Bhojpur DSPNalprasad Upadhya saysinvestigations showed thearrested were innocent so theywere released. However the DAOforced the three children who hadnever been involved in Maoistactivity to sign ‘surrender’ papersbefore their release. Another boyarrested with Shovit, Santosh,has not yet been released.

MIN BAJRACHARYA

CEASEFIRE ROUNDUP8

ast week we travelled to Chingar in westernNepal, hoping to interview some Maoists whocontrol the area. As we walked on jungle

trails outside the village of Dasrathpur, we spotteda girl in a blue and white school uniform whoapproached to tell us she was hiding fromMaoists. It was clearly a cry for help and she wasnot alone, a boy and a girl in the same uniformwere standing some distance away.

The three were among some 300 students whowere abducted from their school on Thursday 29September and taken on a long march into thejungle for what the rebels called The 16th District-Level Gathering Program.

Despite the ceasefire, this was just the latestreport of abductions of teachers and studentscoming in from all over Nepal in the past month.

One of the girls, Ganga, is 16 and in GradeTen. She told us nine unarmed rebels arrived atSatakhane School on Thursday, exam day,ordering the class to follow them to the districtmeeting. No other explanation was offered. Somestudents fled, many were recaptured, beaten withsticks and forced to march. The children said theteachers offered no resistance and some evenencouraged students to go with the rebels.

“I am so worried. My parents don’t knowwhere I am. I thought they would take us away andkill us,” said Ganga, wiping tears from her eyeswith her white shawl. The other girl, Shoba Thapa,also 16, seemed worried in equal measure abouther exams and her life. “I thought about my examsand I thought they may kill us,” she said sitting ona rock. Shoba said she knew nothing aboutMaoism, she just wanted to go home. “We werereally scared, they beat up those who ran away,”said the boy, Khum Chapai.

The Maoists had marched the students intothe jungle. They walked the entire day beforeGanga and her friends took a chance and justpeeled off from the rest when no one was looking.They had no money, they did not know where theywere and had nowhere to stay. Overnight, thestudents stayed in the village with a family whogave them shelter but they left first thing in themorning without having eaten. When we met them,they were looking for a way home.

We decided to change our own plans and takethe children home. But already a number ofvillagers had gathered around us and we felt therecould be Maoist sympathisers among them. Wehad to move quickly or we could lose the childrento the rebels. We started walking back through thejungle towards a bridgehead to take a shakytween across the Bheri. But alas, we had notmoved quickly enough.

A young woman in a pink salwar kamijappeared from nowhere to corner the students.Before we noticed, she was in deep discussiontelling them to follow her. The Woman in Pinkclaimed to be a cousin of two of the students. Sheinsisted she would take them to their parentsthrough a shortcut. I couldn’t tell what was beingsaid and whether her claim to be a relative wastrue.

After about 20 minutes of arguing, two of thestudents decided they wouldn’t accompany usafter all. But they were certainly not happy aboutit judging from the miserable looks on their faces.There was nothing we could do, we couldn’t forcethem. But Ganga remained unflinching during thearguments with the Woman in Pink. She wantedto go with us and she had no doubts.

Fearing more rebels would arrive to preventus from leaving with the girl, we took the first cart-lift across the river, the bridge having been longsince blown up by the Maoists. Across, westopped at an open village café, where Ganga hadher first meal of the day. As we headed back toChinchu, we gave the girl some money and puther on a bus home. She was in tears asshe left.

Kasra Naji is a tv journalist who also works for CNN.

ife has not changed one bit for the people of the Arun Valley amonth after the Maoists declared their ceasefire on 3 September.The locals are now asking why it was called in the first place.

The Maoists continue to collect taxes, abduct locals, force othersinto indoctrination programmes and restrict people’s movements fromvillages to the district headquarters. The attacks on the army may havestopped, but the attacks on the civilians continue.

The situation is especially bad for teachers and young students forwhom the ceasefire announcement has meant being force-marched toattend Maoist indoctrinations and training. Last week, 150 students andteachers in the Jaljala and Barabise areas were abducted and forced towalk to Maoist areas. This week another 300 students and teacherswere marched off in Panchthar. “Many students stay in class with fearas we don’t know what’s going to happen next,” says Dinesh Katwalfrom Mamling Higher Secondary School.

The Maoists have stopped many villagers from travelling to themarket to sell their livestock and other goods in the runup to Dasain.“They won’t let us sell anything. Instead, they eat our food and meat,”said local trader Rajan Sakya. Villagers are getting poorer by the dayas each of them has to pay Rs 5,000 every month to the rebels as tax.Families whose relatives work abroad reportedly have to hand over halfof their monthly salaries.

ne month into the Maoist’s unilateral ceasefire and two months to go,the people along the trails leading north from Okhaldhunga towardsSolu are still reluctant to talk.

There is a resigned air as teashop owners, farmers and womencollecting fodder shake their heads and refuse to speak to strangers. AtJantarkhani, a trader mutters under his breath: “Hard to tell who is aMaoist and who’s a monarchist. Despite the ceasefire I am still forced togive rice to the guerrillas and then the soldiers come and kick me becauseI fed them.”

These spectacularly scenic mountains of Okhaldhunga wereimmortalised by poet Siddhicharan Shrestha and the contrast between thenatural beauty of the place and the strain of conflict couldn’t be morestark. Okhaldhunga is also one of the few remaining districts in easternNepal that doesn’t yet have road access.

Even so, there is a sense of relief that there haven’t been any majorbattles for the past month. People here say they have just two wishes: thatthe ceasefire is extended and that the army also declares a ceasefire.“Why should the government keep quarrelling with everyone?” asks alodge owner in Samle. “It should be trying to find a solution, not makethings worse and try to kill people. How can guns ever bring peace?”

Bhala Kaji Magar lived for 40 years in Bhutan before coming back tohis ancestral village of Patale near Okhaldhunga. Over the years heestimates he has been forced to hand over Rs 200,000 to the Maoists. Heis glad the rebels have said they will not be extorting money in the districtanymore. “We have come to a point now where we can’t find a solution ifwe keep distrusting the Maoists, the government should take the ceasefireas an opportunity. But these days around here we hesitate to even say thatthe government is making a mistake by not reciprocating.”

“We want to go home”A television crew rescues students abducted

by Maoists in western NepalKASRA NAJI in SURKHET

SCHOOL SAGA: (From top to bottom) Afterrescuing the students, Naji leads them back to theroad. Ganga tells her story and breaks down. At thebridgehead, the Woman in Pink talks to Shoba andKhum convincing them to go back. Ganga decidesnot to return and accompanies Naji across theBheri. Ganga has her first meal of the day andboards a bus back to her home in Chinchu.

he Maoist ceasefire will notbring back Saleha Fakir’shusband but she believes it

is one way to prevent moreNepali women from becomingwidows. “The only justice for thedeath of my husband is peaceand no more guns in our village,”she says.

Last year, when Maoists shother husband Namdan and his twobrothers in cold blood in MasinaVDC, 20 km from the birthplaceof the Buddha, hundreds ofMuslims and Hindus fromsurrounding villages fled acrossthe border to India leaving behindtheir wives, children and elderlyparents.

Since then, Saleha and twoof her sisters-in-law have beenlooking after 29 family members.“We eat rice and salt. Thegovernment didn’t give us anysupport even after the police

Nepalis just

came and saw our miserablestate,” she tells us.

But one month after theceasefire, the men are tricklingback from Uttar Pradesh border,including a son of the murderedFakir brothers, 12-year oldKamrauddin. The boy had droppedout of Grade Seven in Mahadiyamato go all the way to Mumbai to workin a ration shop, earning Rs 1,000a month to support his family. “Ithought it was safe now and cameto check on my family,” saysKamrauddin, who intends to goback to Mumbai.

Returnees are now confidenttheir lives will not be at risk fromthe Maoists, who had been on awitchhunt against members of thenotorious Krishnanagar vigilantegroup of Kapilbastu. The Fakirbrothers were the first victims,killed to make the point that no oneshould dare challenge the rebels.

The first Dasain at hom

Rebels now abduct s

NARESH NEW

KISHORE NEPAL

OL

T

DAMBAR SHRESTHA

L

7 - 13 OCTOBER 2005 #268 9

The local district leader of the UML agrees: “The ceasefire has notreally made that much of a difference, abductions are going on and thegovernment side is also not showing tolerance.”

But over and over, from young and old, farmers and children goingto school, attendants at water mills and porters, visitors hear the samerefrain: “The ceasefire has brought some relief, now we want thegovernment to also declare a ceasefire.”

Kul Narayan Shrestha is a civil society activist in Solu andrecently went into the hinterland to secure the release of two people theMaoists had abducted. “There is no doubt in anyone’s mind that thereshould be negotiations, life in the villages is at a standstill. You havewalked these trails, you have seen with your own eyes what it is like,”he tells us.

It used to be just two hours from the airfield in Rumjatar to theridge-top bajar of Okhaldhunga. After 1 Feburary, Maoist activities sawa spurt and most local politicians haven’t dared walk the trails. “Itseems Okhaldhunga has been divided into two parts– they can’t comehere and we can’t go there,” says Harka Maya Gurung of Rumjatar.Despite the ceasefire and a thaw in ties with the Maoists, the activitiesof the political parties here are minimal.

Okhaldhunga’s isolation is complete– only eight of the former 650telephones work after the Maoists destroyed telecom towers. The roadfrom Udaypur via Katari is not open because there is no bridge overthe Sun Kosi. The people have many grievances against the Maoistsand the government but they have stopped expressing them because itdoesn’t seem to make any difference.

But for now the Maoists have reaped a public relations bonanzahere with their ceasefire.

t want peace

“Our fears have subsided fornow, the ceasefire has lifted ourhopes,” says Ram Naresh Lodh inJituwapur, who returned home afew weeks ago. Most of the rebelswho used to visit this villageregularly, have themselves fled toUttar Pradesh and Bihar to evadesecurity dragnets– yet anotherreason for locals to feel insecure.

On Monday morning, the armyarrested three young men nearhere. None of the villagers knowwhy. “Dasain is coming, I don’tknow if I will ever see themagain,” says the mother of one ofthe arrested men.

Security was scaled up on theeve of King Gyanendra’s visit toRupendehi district last month.While his tour was all the buzz inButwal and Bhairawa, not many inthe villages know about it. Theirmain concern has been peace.

Adds villager Rajendra Yadab,

“there is no reason to hide andrun. Now the government has tomake a positive move as wellby declaring a ceasefire.”

At the Sunauli bordercrossing near Bhairawa,hundreds of Nepali families arereturning every day from NewDelhi, Mumbai and other citiesafter many years. “My motherfinally called me home. She isnow certain that the rebels willnot cause any harm,” saysRamesh BK as he gets on abus to Butwal, from where hewill walk five hours to reachArgakhanchi.

“At last we can celebrateDasain with the whole family,”says 50-year-old Uttam BKfrom Gulmi, who had come tofetch his young sons and saidthe situation was much betterin his village after theceasefire.

me in Nepal after years

Those who have fled their homes live miserable lives in districtheadquarters Khandbari. “Only Kathmandu seems to be safe,” saysPalpasa Gurung who fled from her village in Sidhapokahri VDCfearing forced recruitment by the rebels.

The government has totally withdrawn from the villages. VDCsecretaries and development offices health workers are all inKhandbari with no work to do. “All the VDC buildings have beendestroyed and the Maoists have not called us, so how can we goback?” asked former DDC Chairman Tulsi Prasad Neupane. A seniorUML leader, Neupane says the rapprochment between the parties andthe Maoists has had no impact on the ground. Police officer YagyaPrasad Shibakoti says the Maoists are simply exploiting the vacuumleft by the parties in the villages but the police don’t venture out to thevillages either.

Business and trade are in shambles. In Chainpur, a third of theshops are locked and the owners have left, says trader Ashish Sakya.Besides lack of customers, the rebels’ demand for money has takenits toll. “Until now the business community has been very patientlywaiting for peace to return so that business will pick up,” says hotelierMadhab Karmacharya who runs a lodge in Khandbari. He remembersa time when 300 tourists stayed at his hotel every season but onlythree of the 40 lodges here are now open.

students, not soldiers

WAR in LUMBINI

in OKHALDHUNGA

A in SANKHUWASABHA

10 REVIEW 7 - 13 OCTOBER 2005 #268

utside Nepal, the TroubledKingdom is often in the news thesedays, although rarely for

encouraging reasons. Triumphantaccounts of ever faster Himalayan ascentshave given way to puzzled field reportsby foreign journalists about Nepal’shome-grown Maoist revolutionaries and

theirviolentbattleswithan

increasingly unforgiving state.Even though John Whelpton’s very

readable History of Nepal was not writtenas a primer on the nation’s presentpolitical crisis, it nevertheless provides

much helpful context for understandingthe thorny question now posed so often bycommentators on the situation: How andwhy did seemingly peaceful Nepalsuddenly erupt into brutal civil war? Inkeeping with the seriousness of the subjectmatter, the author’s position is historicallynuanced and judicious, providing ahealthy corrective to the ‘from Shangri-Lato Hell’ type of reports which are commonin the international press.

‘Sudden and violent political changehas…been a recurrent part of the country’s

history’ (page 1), and the history ofNepal’s royal lineages is one of intrigue,assassination, poisoning, exploitation andcorruption. As a case in point, one maybegin with Prithbi Narayan Shah, king ofthe principality of Gorkha and thefounding father of the Nepali nation state.As ruthless as he was shrewd, this firstShah king issued an order to ‘cut off thelips and noses of the inhabitants ofKirtipur after its surrender in 1766’ (page38).

A History of Nepal will be of interestto any student of South Asian studiessince it fills a serious lacuna inscholarship on the region. An example ofthe narrow scholarly gaze on Nepal is thatwhile ethnographic descriptions ofNepal’s Sherpa and Thakali communitiesare plentiful, Whelpton’s text appears tobe the first accessible overview of Nepal’spolitical history published by a universitypress in English. Well, not quite. Almost130 years ago, in 1877, Daniel Wright,surgeon to the British Residency inKathmandu from 1873 to 1876, submitteda manuscript of the same title to the samepublisher. Wright’s text, essentially anedited compilation of manuscript sourcestranslated by Shiva Shanker Singh andGunanand, would become the first Historyof Nepal to be published by CambridgeUniversity Press, and Whelpton’s thesecond.

Whelpton’s choice to use a photo of astreet scene in the tarai town of Birganj onthe front cover, rather than a clichéd imageof a plume of snow above some Himalayanpeak or one of Kathmandu’s muchphotographed temples, deserves specialmention and is a gesture that will beappreciated by the still underrepresentedinhabitants of the tarai.

After a slightly choppy first chapter onthe environment, state and society ofancient Nepal through the mid 1700s, thebook settles down to six increasinglyrobust sections with ever more specificfocus. Whelpton is particularly fluent inthe political history of Nepal’s last 150years and his observations about thisperiod are insightful and impressive.Since Whelpton’s reading of Nepalihistory is on the whole even-handed, it issurprising that he is so restrained when itcomes to evaluating the vicissitudes ofRana rule. The Rana family autocracy,lasting 104 years and finally overthrownin 1950-51, was striking for its nepotismand violence, with the titles of maharajaand prime minister passed on by direct

A new look at Nepal’s history‘Sudden and violent political change has…been a recurrent part of the country’s history’

descent and agnate successionrespectively. Passing off the ‘systematicdiscrimination against those at thebottom of the caste hierarchy’ assustaining ‘values that had underpinnedthe Nepalese state since its creation’ andtherefore as a ‘more positive ideologicaldefence’ (page 84) of the Rana’srepressive and bigoted policies, strikesthe reviewer as unnecessarily charitable.Most scholars and citizens regard theRana century as a dark age from whichthe nation is still recovering. Themonograph also suffers from anunfortunate number of errors for such abasic primer, although these will surelybe weeded out in the second edition.

Regardless, Whelpton deserves muchpraise for rising to the challenge ofwriting a comprehensive yet orderlyhistory of the nation that ranges from thegeological formation of the Himalayamany millions of years ago to thepolitical intrigue of 2003, and all inunder 300 pages.

Mark Turin is a linguistic anthropologist anddirector of the Digital Himalaya Project,Department of Social Anthropology, University ofCambridge. An earlier review of this book waspublished in the Times Higher EducationSupplement (THES) in the UK.

A History of NepalJohn WhelptonCambridge University Press2005, xxiii + 296ppISBN 0 521 80026 9 and 80470£40.00 (hardback) and£15.99 (paperback) in the UKAsian edition by Foundation BooksISBN 0-521-671418, Rs 375 available inNepal

FROM THE COLLECTION OF SHANKER RAJ SATYAL

O

BOOKMark Turin

FIRST TIME: The hasty enthronement ofKing Gyanendra in 1950 by the last Ranaprime minister Mohan Shumshere after KingTribhuban escaped to India.

117 - 13 OCTOBER 2005 #268REVIEW

Atlas of Nepal’sdevelopmentpicture is worth athousand words and thisis also true of the newly

published Population andSocio-economic Atlas of Nepal.

With 210 maps on 10different themes related tosocial, economic anddemographic indicators, theatlas offers graphic versions ofdata from the 2001 census,dissecting Nepal into cross-sections viewed through a hostof parameters.

Want to know whereChepang-speaking people livein Nepal? Which districts havethe most disabled people?Where is the sex-ratio mostglaring? How does Kathmandu’smigrant population comparewith Chitwan’s? Where are themost young people living?Which districts are the farthestbehind in girl enrolment?Where are the female-headedhouseholds?

Find all the answers inthese clear, colourful andilluminating maps that put thedata at your fingertips. “All ittakes is one glance to see thedensity of population inKathmandu and how the rest is

Transforming dry census data into colourful mapsdistributed over the country,”says Suresh M Shrestha fromthe government-run NationalGeographic InformationInfrastructure Programme(NGIIP) implemented by theSurvey Department.

Shrestha and his small teamof GIS experts, cartographers,statisticians and demographersworked hard to make the atlasof international quality,developing new software toensure perfection in alltechnical inputs.

“The atlas will be a veryuseful tool for geographers,development planners, policymakers and researchers,” saysShrestha, who believes theproject is the first of its kind inthe country. Jointly conceivedand produced by the SurveyDepartment and Central Bureauof Statistics (CBS) with supportfrom the EU, the main objectivewas to present demographicsocio-economic indicatorsbased on the last census. Sincesocio-economic indicators havechanged rapidly because ofinternal displacement and othereffects of the conflict in thepast four years, some of the datacould be outdated today. Also,there is a puzzling lack of data

and parameters for Kalikot andSallyan.

In 2003, ICIMOD and Dutchaid group SNV published asimilar atlas with the same 2001census data, which was a lot lessbulky and also carried a trendanalysis of district-by-districtfigures from previous censusesthat allowed comparisons ofhow socio-economic indicatorswere changing over time. (See: ‘Atime atlas of Nepal’, #185) To besure, this atlas makescomparisons between the 1991and 2001 censuses for male andfemale literacy but it could havedone that for more parameters.

The atlas carries a mine ofdata and some of the maps standout to remind readers whichethnic groups are concentratedin certain areas of the country. Iteven includes the population ofnon-Nepali origin like the Sikhsand Marwaris. This atlas willtell you that Brahmins andChettris make up the largestsegment of the poplulation andalso where they live.

The Population and Socio-economicAtlas of NepalHMG Survey Department and CentralBureau of StatisticsKathmandu 2004Rs 2,500

NARESH NEWAR

A

MIN BAJRACHARYA

12 INTERNATIONAL 7 - 13 OCTOBER 2005 #268

ecently, visiting Los Angeles, I wentwalking through the neighbourhood ofVenice and saw a restaurant called

Mao’s Kitchen, and at that very instanttripped on the sidewalk, twisted my ankleand fell with a thud on the curb. I lay flat onthe asphalt, stunned. Mao’s Kitchen? Therewas a long queue outside. The interior wasdecorated with posters of rosy-cheekedfactory workers. Customers, blithe andjovial, huddled over Gang of Four FriedShrimp and Model Citizen Noodle Soup.

I got up, brushed myself off and tookpictures to show the folks back home.

Thedaybefore Ihadattended

a ‘Friends of Nepal’ potluck at the house ofits president, Jo Anne Pandey, in SanFernando Valley. There had been only alittle talk about the Maoists back in Nepal.At a time when Nepalis are leaving Nepal atrecord rates, the destination of choice isAmerica. The numbers of Nepalis in LA hasgrown exponentially in the past few years.Yet there is not much nostalgia for thehomeland. To me, most people seemedbusy shoring up their positions in America,as though they knew they were lucky. Theirproblems—of long work hours, of mouthyAmericanised children, of the health/home/car insurance blues—seemed minor, evento them.

Long-time residents estimate that thereare now about 10,000 Nepalis in SouthernCalifornia, of whom a couple of thousandlive in LA. In a metropolis of 15 million,such a small migrant community is almostinvisible. It does not help that Nepaliseasily pass for Chicano or CentralAmerican. Many Nepalis also blend intoLA’s Punjabi and Bengali enclaves,working at Indian restaurants, renting fromIndian landlords and living in Indianneighbourhoods.

Almost 200 Nepalis live in LA’s ‘LittleIndia’ in Artesia, in cosy apartmentssplashed with hand-carved wood, hand-woven carpets and even odd-shaped Nepaliflags.

In between taking in LA’s tourist sites, Iwent there to talk to families who had comeafter winning the ‘green card lottery’. The

State Department’s Diversity ImmigrantVisa Program gives out over 50,000 greencards each year, over 5,000 to Nepalis. Formost winners, the move to America—though much desired—provesunexpectedly difficult.

Durga (who asked that I not use herreal name) was seven months pregnantwhen she and her husband came toAmerica on the green card lottery. “A lotdepends on whether you know anyonehere,” she said to me, sitting with her son,now two years old. “We didn’t know asingle person when we got here. We didn’tknow the language and we didn’t know howanything worked. And there was no one toexplain things to us.”

A new non-profit centre—the firstNepali non-profit in America—has openedin Artesia to address exactly thisproblem. Kiran Upadhyay, the executivedirector of Nepal Sewa Centre, saysit was launched after threeincidents.

The first was the discovery, byprominent Nepalis here, of a 67-year-old Nepali woman who hadbeen physically abused at an Indianrestaurant where she worked. Thesecond case involved a Nepali manwho lost his sanity, unable to adjust tolife in America. And in the final case,a Nepali couple nearly lost custody oftheir daughter because they did notknow where to obtain medical care forher when she fell ill.

Though individual Nepalishelped out as best they could,they recognised the need toreach out more systematically tothose in need, explains Upadhyay.“The South Asia Network and othernon-profits do help,” he says. “Butthey are dominated by Indians andPakistanis and we come from veryparticular circumstances.Trafficking is a problem for us: ourown middlemen swindle newimmigrants, charging for servicesthat should be free. And our peoplehave a very unreal sense ofAmerica, they have no inkling ofthe way things work here. I haven’tmet a single Nepali who hasn’t atsome point cried, overwhelmed,

wanting to go back.”Upadhyay and other members of the

Nepal Sewa Centre counsel new arrivals,setting them up with jobs, orienting them toschools and health services, and evenhelping them to seek professional training.

This has made adjustment easier forrecent arrivals. When Karma Raj Sharmalanded in LAX with his family last May, theytook a taxi straight to an apartment inArtesia.

“We thought America would be veryalien,” his wife said, laughing. “But that firstevening we had a home-cooked Nepali

meal. The next day, the Centre showedus the neighbourhood and took us

to the grocery store. And theday after they helped myhusband find work.” She too

has since found work and is learningto drive, preparing to take the test in

Hindi.In any immigrant community

there is, of course, economicdisparity and social tension. The

better-off Nepalis in LA—white-collarprofessionals—need less communitysupport and they tend to keep aloof fromthe newer arrivals.

“We who live in San Fernando andSan Gabriel, have our own circles,” a

software expert had

explained to me at the Friends of Nepalpotluck.

Another professional had said, “Weearned our green cards working for yearson an H1. The DVs just win their greencards in a lottery and all they can do withthem is wash dishes at a restaurant.” Heshook his head. “I don’t know why theAmerican government makes it so easy forthem and so hard for us.”

Yet it was obvious to all of us that aslong as Nepal continues to self-destruct,increasing numbers of our compatriots willcome to America with peace, rather thanprosperity, as their main goal.

At the very fringes of the Nepalicommunity here are the political refugees,who are fleeing Maoist persecution at homeand the undocumented workers, who arefleeing hardship and poverty. These are theNepalis whose personal stories one doesn’tinquire about in too much depth, lest it feellike prying. One man I met told me he wasapplying for refugee status, and talkedabout his case, then begged me not toidentify him. “It’s sensitive,” he said. “It’srisky. We have to be discreet.”

The Nepal Sewa Centre is now startingto help refugees and undocumentedworkers as well, arranging pro-bono legalservices. Lamu Stadtler, the organisation’sboard president, says the need for legalcounseling is urgent and growing. Word ofthe organization’s work has spread throughthe Nepali diaspora through the US, andrequests are pouring in for help in settingup similar organisations elsewhere.

I ended my tour of LA at a Nepalirestaurant off Venice Boulevard. Thoughnot ultra-hip (like Mao’s Kitchen), theKathmandu Kitchen has a cheery décor andreasonable prices. I got off on the wrongfoot, though, offending chef Premu Rana byasking if the food was actually Nepali (asmany ‘Nepali’ restaurants in the US serveIndian food).

“Oh, it’s Nepali,” he snapped. “Real,100 percent authentic Himalayan cuisine.”

I mumbled a hasty apology.It was indeed very authentic. It was also

very good. Polishing off plates of spicedsoybeans and lamb kabab, I realised that Ihad rarely had such tasty Nepali food evenin Nepal.

Being Nepali (in LA)The diaspora settles down and begins to take care of its own

NEPALI PANManjushree Thapa

SOUTHASIA BEATKanak Mani Dixit

R

here was a time when thejubaan of a large part ofNorth Southasia used to be

called Hindustani, and films ofLahore and Bombay both used itun-self-consciously as theirlingua franca. Then came the

terrible partition, and Hindustanilost out. To the extent that youcould not even say ‘Hindustaniclassical music’, with somepeople veering towards‘Southasian classical’ as a wayout.

Hindustani’s decline wasdictated by the hegemonic rise ofHindi and Urdu in India andPakistan. While there wasgenuflection towards Urdu in thebeginning (including the openingcredits of Bombay flicks in Arabicscript), the politics ofdemography and language hasmade Hindi the true hegemon of

the Subcontinent as a whole. Inthe last decade, it is Hindi’sBambaiya patois which hasbecome ascendant (“Apan ko rozroz ka lafada nahi mangta hai!”).

Now television has slippedinto the role prepared for it bylatter-day Bollywood and Hindiis the unquestionedtransnational mass-marketvernacular, having crushedMaithili, Braj Bhasa, Bhojpuri,Rajasthani, Magadhi, Awadhi,Bundeli and others along theway. In the larger region, thepower of Indian multinationalsatellite television makes Hindithe medium of entertainmentright across the east-west expanseof the Subcontinent.

Hindustani has lost this warof the vernacular. As the name ofa language, it supposedly doesnot exist any more, with theIndian state and societypreferring Hindi and Paksitanfavouring Urdu. For the parochialIndian establishment,‘Hindustani’ refers to the tongue

of the Muslims (almost as muchas Urdu), whereas for thechauvinists of the Pakistaniestablishment, ‘Hindustani’ ismarred by the reference to‘Hindu’ which is retroactivelyinconvenient.

It is all very confusing. Itturns out that Hindi and Urduare one and the same tongue thatdiffers only in the upper reachesinfiltrated by Persian andSanskrit. As the scholar Afroj Taz(born District Etah, UttarPradesh, now teachingSouthasian languages in NorthCarolina) says: “Hindi and Urdu,which share a common, identicalgrammatical structure must beconsidered a single language:Hindi-Urdu.”

The fact that Urdu is in factHindi and vice-versa would be amatter of some discomfort to afew on either side of the LoC, butthe very fact that Bollywoodfilms are consumed voraciouslyin Pakistan proves the point. Noone would claim that Pakistaniswatch Bollywood blockbustersbecause they know Hindi. Ergo,they are listening to Hindi-Urduas one and the same language.Which means that even thoughthe Bombay producer anddirector thought they weremaking a film in Hindi, they areheard in Lahore as Urdu. Whenthis Nepal-based writer goes toLahore, he is ridiculed for hisbad Urdu, and in Delhi for hisatrocious Hindi. Or Hindustani.

In heavyweight gatherings ofSouthasian states, diplomatsfrom Kathmandu, Dhaka, NewDelhi and Islamabad alike arefound succumbing to what is/hasbecome the common jubaan ofNorth Southasia, quoting Iqbal,

Faiz and Shair Ludhianvi. Awayfrom diplomatic decorum, theyascend to a language that isneither Hindu nor Urdu but anevolved medium of conversationcarrying the heritage of the IndusValley, Awadh, the Padma, TipuSultan and Dilip Kumar.Hindustani.

Naming of the sharedlanguage as ‘Hindi-Urdu’ doesnot really work. Nor would ithelp to call the tongue‘Hindurdu’ or ‘Urdhindi’.Another time, another day, whenthe geo-political hackles aredown permanently, perhaps wecan indeed go back to‘Hindustani’, which would bemost satisfying. It is an evolvedname, it packs in just the rightamount of multi-layered-ness ofSouthasian society. With‘Hindustani’ there would be noneed to invent a new word.

It is just possible that theneed for a name for the jointlanguage will be felt among thepeople once the India-Pakistanthaw accelerates, and theeconomic, social and culturallinks between Northern Indiaand Pakistan take firm root.When that happens, letspronounce it and spell it as theoriginal ‘Hindostani’.

There is no need to invent a new word for an old languageUrdu, Hindi, HindostaniT

TEE BREAKDeepak Acharya

137 - 13 OCTOBER 2005 #268SPORTS

ntil a decade ago manyclimbers favoured thespring season for

expeditions on the peaks of theNepal Himalaya because theweather was more stable than thecolder shorter days of autumn. “There has been a perceptibleshift in monsoonal patterns, theystart later and stay longer,” saysmeteorologist Ngamindra Dahal,“we don’t know whether it is aresult of climate change, but it ishappening.”

But the jet stream whichlashes the tops of the mountainsis now less predictable, snow isless firm and there is moreobjective danger from avalancheseven in the autumn season. Thishas influenced major changes interms of seasonal choice amongserious mountain climbers.

“The weather is much moreunstable. There is more risk ofsnow in the spring and themonsoon is more unpredictable.While autumn is drier,” saysJames Frush former president ofthe American Alpine Club andmanaging editor of the AmericanAlpine Journal. Frush attemptedMakalu in 1983 and has beencoming back to Nepal sincepreferring to go after remote area

Is climate changechanging climbing?

ALOK TUMBAHANGPHEY

Mountaineering patterns in the Himalaya seem to be affected by global warming

mountains like the unscaled6405m Fwaksakang west ofDhaulagiri which he is climbingthis season with a team of twoother Americans and a German.

This year, the monsoonsputtered out in July and waslingering long after thetraditional end of monsoon dateof 22 September. Even in thetrans-Himalayan areas likeManang, there was little rain tilltwo weeks back and mostexpeditions were patiently tryingto wait out the weather.

Historically, during the age offirst ascents in the 1950s,climbers preferred the spring oneight thousanders because thetemperatures were higher andthere would be less wind. But asclimbing gear and clothingimproved, many mountaineersswitched to the less-crowdedautumn season despite the jetstream. Now, because of the shiftin monsoonal patterns it seemsclimbers prefer spring again.

There were a total of 133expeditions last spring, 141 inautumn and five in winter.Sagarmatha however continues toattract more climbers in spring.There were 64 expeditions inspring 2004 and a phenomenal101 this year compared to onlytwo last autumn and one this

season.Although the ceasefire has

come as a much needed blessingto the trekking andmountaineering industry, therehas been no big surge in thenumber of expeditions thisautumn. The royalty to climbfrom peaks from the Nepal sideis much higher than for the samepeak from the China so Nepal islosing out to Tibet, even thoughthe high altitude porters andguides there tend to be Nepalisand Kathmandu-basedcompanies do the handling. Lastyear the Ministry of Tourismeven announced a 50 percentdiscount on all 8000m peaks, butthere seem to be few takers.

For example, there are 41expeditions are headed for ChoOyu, considered the easiesteight-thousander but all are fromthe Tibet side this season, evenan expedition to mark 50 years ofNepal-China diplomaticrelations.

Lakpa Sherpa who is a part ofthe Nepali delegation isconfident about the success ofthe expedition but has hisfingers crossed about theweather. “We are ready, now it isup to the weather,” he told uslast week before he left forTibet.

KOICHIRO OHMORI

BIG EASY: 42 expeditions areheading for Cho Oyu, all fromthe Tibet side.

pringtime, and Dasain, often brings windy conditions to golfcourses. Facing headwinds, tailwinds and side-winds,amateurs get puzzled and flustered when trying to make

adjustments to compensate and unnecessarily add at least fivestrokes a round to their scores.

When Mother Nature huffs and puffs, your expectations must bereadjusted upwards. Tour pros know that a 20mph wind will raisetheir scoring average 2-3 strokes. For bogey golfers I reckon anincrease of 5 to 8 strokes a round. However, you can play your

handicap on gusty days if youcorrectly judge the wind’s effect,know how to hit a low, controlledshot and take advantage of windat your back. Constant

adjustments are demanded but you mustn’t let frustrations take over.If they do, your judgment will get clouded.

Most golfers underestimate the wind’s impact. For example, ashot that carries and rolls 270 yards on a calm day will only travelabout 235 yards if hit into a 20mph wind, while the same shot mightcarry 295 yards on a downwind, a 60 yard difference. Increase thew