N.°5

N EWS A N D N O T E S

Stalinists Steal 10 TanksSince the.P. O. U. M. was put out of the Council of the

Generality, the workers of Barcelona have not taken so ser-iously the professions of ANTI-FASCIST UNITY, so insistentlypreached by the middle class and Stalinist parties. Everyorewas rudely shocked, however, when 10 tanks were taken fromthe Barcelona warehouse by means of falsified documents andhidden in the Voroshilov Barracks. Tre Lieutenant Colonel ofthese Barracks (of the P. S. U. C.) at first denied that he hadthem, later admitted that he had five and finally the ten. Henow claims to have only followed «orders».

«Camarades»This is the name of a new publication of the P. O. U. M.

and the Iberian Communist Youth of the town of Olot, nowappearing in Catalan.

Another New WeeklyOur party has another new weekly paper, «Guia», the

organ of the Pins del Valles local.

Picture Stories of Our StruggleThe first number of «Socorro Rojo» (The Red Aid of the

P. O. U. M.) was such a success that the new issue is beingexpanded to eight pages. Although the tit'es and text are inSpanish, 90 % of the space is devoted to a picture story ofthe heroic struggle of the revolutionary Spanish workers. Thisreview can be obtained in bundle orders at 25 centimes percopy; we recommend it to the comrades everywhere.

Trade Union UnityRepresentatives of the two trade union federations, the

C. N. T. and! the U. G. T., for the provinces of Zaragoza, Hues-ca and Teruel, met together at Caspe on February 26th andagreed to the fusion of the two organizations in these pro-vinces. A basis of representation was also accepted.

Municipalization UrgedThe urban property must become the patrimony of the

organized working class and should be administered by theTown Council in co-operation with the Trade Union Centrals.The former owners should in no wise be irdemnified, as thereformists and republicans demand. The P. O. U. M. will standfirmly by this position, as it did when the Council of the Gen-erality was discussing the collectivization decree.

The working class should stop the reformist manoeuvresto indemnify the owners by making them bondholders in amunicipal enterprise, which would mean adding to the num-ber of idle owners.

In view of this danger, the P. O. U. M. urges the work-ers of Barcelona to socialize the urban wealth and real estateand to municipalize the public services, as several of the Cat-alan towns have already done.

(From page 7)leisure to enjoy them. Today, when our comrades and militiamen on leave find a little time, they turn either to the tech-nical books, such as ballistics, topography or geometry or tothe political works, such as the history of the Russian revol-ution, the class strugg-e in Spain, and various socialist ar.dMarxist books.

The Spanish, as well as the English, German ar.d Frenchcomrades, back from the front on leave, want to see what hashappened while they were fighting. We often take them to ourlibrary, which we believe to be a socialist irstitution inasmuchas it aids our political struggle behind the lines, and pointsthe way to a higher culture in which the whole people shallparticipate.

A P L O T

Our party, in the name of the Spanish Revolution,sends its warmest «Salud» to the revolutionary workerswho have come to our frontiers but who are prevented'>y international democracy from coming to our aid.

To understand the attitude of the so-called de-mocratic powers toward the Spanish revolution, wemust go much deeper than the fact of their being«democracies».

Whether democracies or not, these powers are,first of all, capitalist powers. Consequently they areby their very nature interested in combatting every-thing which threatens the basis of their economicregime.

Just as they fought the Russian revolution from the be-ginning, not consenting to treat with the Soviet Union untilshe had renounced her original revolutionary positions, theynow do everything they can to avoid a socialist republic inSpain whose very existence threatens the capitalist regimeitself.

This explains how, in face of the fascist military insurrec-tion sustined by Germany and Italy, other powers have re-mained neutral, even if their neutrality leads to the victory ofFranco. In fact, for the English and French capitalists, afascist Spain is preferable to a revolutionary Spain.

But, when it became evident that a victory of Franco wasnot possible due to the resistence of the Spanish workers,Germany and Italy increased their intervention to the pointwhere Spain was being turned into a colony, semi-German andsemi-Italian. Only then did France and England begin to feeluneasy over the results of a victory which would seriouslythreaten their imperialist positions, while strengthening therival bloc a; the same time.

The problem of the so-called democratic powers, then, isto avoid both the victory of Franco and of the working-class.They must find a way between the two extremes of fascismand social revolution; they must impose a third «solut;on»:the victory of the legitimate government on a basis of respectfor democracy. To that is due: 1. The efforts to establish inter-national control, destined to prevent Italy and Germany fromputting Spain completely under their power. 2. The aid fromRussia, which is just enough to resist Franco, but not todefeat him. 3. The defensive tact cs of Largo Caballero, whoseobjec: is to prolong the war in order to fatigue the two oppos-ing camps. 4. The propaganda of the official Communist partyand of those socialists under Moscow's influence, propagandawhose aim is to hold the Spanish workers within the boundsof capitalist democracy at any price.

All this is a plot directed against the Spanish revolution.Only the working-class, with its revolutionary conscience,achieving a revolutionary unity, will succeed in unmasking anddefeating this plot. Then the revolution will be possible.

j R"A^TonpToruTi^Jj Station E. C. P. 2. jfP English every night at 8. jf.1 Greenwich time. 4

m

Imp. Nova Ibiria / Barcelona (Bspafla)

Vol. II N.° 6 Barcelona, March 31, Please reprint

THE SPANISH REVOLUTIONBULLETIN OF THE WORKERS' PARTY OF MARXIST UNIFICATION

A G E N T S F O R E N G L A N D :The I. L. P.The Marxist League

P R I C E I N E N G L A N D : 2 d .

P, O, U. M

P R I C E I N U . S . A 05

E D I T O R I A L O F F I C E :SPANISH REVOLUTION*

10. Rambla de los Estudios

BARCELONA

1: The Problem of Power.Reformism; Revolution. 4:

C O N T E N T S1: The Workers Defend «La Batalla*. 3: The Role of the Anarchists:The P.O.U.M. and the Middle Class. 5: Trade Union Unitg. 6: La

Editorial Marxista. 7: News and Notes

A N D R E S N I N

T H E P R O B L E M O F P O W E RThe fundamental ideas of Marx on the sub-

ject of power can be summarized in the followingpropositions:

1. The state is an instrument of coercion at the ser-vice of the dominant class with the object of oppressingthe other classes.

2. While classes exist, the state exists and its aboli-t'on cannot be «agreed» upon or ((decreed)).

3. The proletariat, if it wants to defend its interests,must struggle for the conquest of power which it mustutilize to create a new society without classes.

4. To break the resistence of the capitalists — theexploiting class will never renounce its priv'leges — andto undertake the organization of a new society on social-istic bases, the proletariat, on taking power, must tern-porarily install its class dictatorship. This per'od oftransition between capitalism and communism is inevit-able. Without it, the emancipation of the workers is im-possible.

5. ((The working class cannot limn, itself to takinginto its own hands the state machine and putting it intooperation as it is for its own ends» but must destroy it,creating its own organs. (Example which can serve fororientation: the Paris Commune.)

6. With the disappearance of classes, the state, pro-perly defined, disappears, yielding its place to purelyadministrative institutions. <cA government of men isreplaced by the administration of things.))

7. In order that the working class can fullfil itshistoric mission, an indspensible condtion is that itorganize itself into a class party, independent of theothers and with an independent class policy.

From these seven propositions, it developes thatthe political doctrine of Marxism is based on twofundamental ideas: the conquest of power and thedictatorship of the proletariat.

The working class, in its struggle for its eman-cipation, does not hurl itself only against the econ-omic force of the enemy class, but also against itspolitical force. The conquest of political power is an

indispensable condition of the socialist transforma-tion. In September, 1920, the Italian workers occupiedthe factories; but as the potver remained in thehands of the capitalists, they frustrated the revol-ution, which was rapidly advancing, and, as a con-sequence of this, created the necessary conditions forthe rapid and victorious advance of fascism. In ourcountry, as an answer to the military fascist rising,the workers in arms, occupied the factories, minesand shops, destroying the economic power of thecapitalists; but they did not complete this action withthe conquest of the political power, but gave theenemy class the possibility of going ahead to recon-struct the disorganized mechanism of the state, toplace it at the service of its own interests and toutilize it against the proletarian revolution.

This profound error of the working class will naveirreparable consequences for the cause of its eman-cipation if it does not decide to react energetically.The fascist insurrection of the 19th of July createdall the objective conditions for the conquest of power.The state mechanism had become so seriously disor-ganized that it had ceased to exist. The forces ofpublic order were demoralized, indisciplined anddisinherited. The army was destroyed. All the jurid-ical mechanism was liquidated. The local organs ofpower were virtually suppressed, replaced by revolu-tionary committees. The proprietors of the land wereexpelled. The factories and shops were confiscated.The arms, indispensable premise of victory, were inthe hands of the workers and peasants, the absolutemasters of the situation. And, as a corollary of thisstate of affairs, there was the feeling, among theexploiting classes and the middle class masses, thatthe former regime had disappeared forever.

(Continued on next page)

THE SPANISH DEVOLUTION H.°6

It would have sufficed to want to destroy the im-potent remains of capitalist power definitely and toinstitute the power of the working class. But theworking class parties and organizations which hadthe most influence did not want this. The CommunistParty faithful to the scandalously reformist orient-ation of the Third International, has consecrated itsforces from the first moment to diverting the revo-lution into the channel of a democratic republic andclass collaboration. The Socialist Party has followedthe same road, in spite of the revolutionary spiritand enthusiasm of the greatest part of the massesivho follow it.

The C. N. T. - P. A. I. deserves to be impeached apart.The workers of the Confederation threw themselves intothe struggle with admirable spirit. Their tremendous class in-stinct led them to take energetic, audacious, revolu;ionaryaction. But their magnificent impulse has been considerablyneutralized by the tradi.ional anarchist conceptions of power.The militants of the C. N. T. and the F. A. I. realize that thetitanic s:ruggle which is developing in Span now demandsimportant corrections; but they do not dare to carry theseto their logical conclusion. Correction of their inveterate apoli-ticlsm has led them to participation in the governmental or-gans, that is to say, collabora.ion with the bourgeois parties.If they arrive, with us, at the conclusion that the only solutionof the situation is a workers and peasants' government, therevolution will be saved. What obstacle can there be to this? Itis easier to make the workers of the C. N. T. understand theconsistency of participating in a revolutionary workers' govern-ment, than of collaborating with a capi;alist democratic govern-ment. Can the Marxist concept of the dictatorship of the pro-letariat be an obstacle? We will not d spute over mere words.What is important is to agree on their content. And we havenot the least doubt tha; the anarcho-syndicalist workers areconvinced, with us—practical experience has demonstrated it—of the necessity of smashing the capital sts, of denying themall political rights, of not letting them breathe again until theworkers have destroyed the roots of all possibilities of a restor-ation of capitalism. Destroy all classes, and as a result revol-utionary power will become superflous and human societywill be freed of the chains of the state. Do they hate the term«the dictatorship of the proletariat))? We can do withou; it.And we will all contribute—you, anarchists and we, revolut-ionary Marxis;s, that this total power of the proletariat —absolutely Indispensable during a certain period—be based onthe most ample form of workers' democracy and not transformitself, as happened in the U. S. S. R. into the dictatorship ofa bureaucratic caste.

If the C. N. T., the P. A. I. and the P.O.U.M. who alreadyagree on the most* important matters, could come to an "agree-ment over this fundamental, immense prospects would openbefore the revolution. The clarity of the objective pursuedwould produce a rebirth of confidence among ;he workers; therevolutionary tens on of the masses would reco^r the rythmnof the first months; their enthusiasm would be wonderful, be-hind .he lines as well as at the front.

The objective, on the other hand, is relatively easy toreach. The working class is not yet completely disarmed. Itretains stra:egically important positions. Its specific weightpower Is enormous. Nothing can be done without it. And, if itwishes, nothing can be done against it. Although no. so favor-able as in the first months, the balance of forces is such thatthe working class, in the present circumstances, could takepower without the recurrence of an armed insurrection. It isenough to bring into play all Its armed force -with the irrevoc-able decision :o carry the revolution through to its final con-clusion.

But how must the workers' and peasants' government thatwe propose be formed? Basing his position on the experienceof the Paris Commune, Marx held thai the working class can-not limit itself to set.ing into motion the machinery of thecapi.alist state, but that it must destroy it. Herein lies thenecessity, not only of annihilating the whole bureaucraticmechanism of the capitalist state, but also its fundamentalinstitutions, and, in the first place, the Parliament, a remnantof the period of the «democratic» domination of the bourg-eoisie, or, to pu; it in other terms, of the «demoeratlc» politicalform of the capitalist dictatorship.

The source of the new power cannot be the Parliament,but rather the organs which have surged up from the revolut-ion and which express the will of the masses more faithfully.This is why our party proposes the calling of a ConstituentAssembly of delegates of the factory committees, of the peas-ants' organizations and of the combatants at the front, fromwhich would spring the Workers' and Peasants' Governmentand the fundamental lines of the Constitution which wouldgovern the new Spain, freed from the oppression of the capit-alists and the landlords. A Workers' Government formed fromabove would be a step forward in the present situation, butwould not be the government which the interests of the revol-ution imperatively demand.

There is no time to lose. If we wait we ass st passivelyin ;he systematic and progressive reconstruction of themechanism of capitalist power; the Spanish working class willhave lost the exceptional occasion which h story offers it toemancipate itself and give a tremendous impulse ;o the worldrevolution. AFTERWARDS it will be too late.

We must strike while the iron is hot.

ALL FOR MADRID!Madrid has offered to the entire world an ex-

traordinary example of resistence to the armed hordesof all the fascists united. For months Madrid hasresisted the most violent attacks of the mercenaryforces of Moors and legionaries, of Germans andItalians; for months she has endured the barbarousbombardments of German and Italian aeroplanes;for months, too, she has been subjected to all kindof material privations. Fascism will not succeed insubduing red Madrid.

New contingents of foreign troops have begunan offensive on the Guadalajara front, intending tocut communications. The workers, combatants fromall Spain, who struggle on the fronts of Madrid, givenew proofs of their limitless heroism. New pages of

the history of our revolution are being written atthese moments on the Guadalajara front.

Now, more than ever, Madrid needs our aid, oursolidarity. They are our brothers; it is our cause whichis being decided on the battlefields near the capital.Whatever we have must be offered and placed at theimmediate disposal of the valiant fighters on thefronts of Madrid.

Men for the Madrid Front!General mobilization!Attack on all fronts!Supplies for Madrid!Everything for Madrid!

THE EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE OF THE POUM.

N,° 6

The Workers Defend "LA BATALLA"Persecution of "LA BATALLA"

The Council of Defense of the Generality ordered thesuspension of «LA BATALLA» for four days, starting March17,upon the charge of having eluded the control of the warcensor by publishing reports which had recently been punishedby a fine of 5 000 pesetas.

«LA BATALLA» can prove by the galley proofs submitteddaily to the Censor Office that :'t has not evaded the censor-ship of anything which could be considered logical and neces-sary at the present time, All telegrams and reports referringto military operations have been submitted to the censor andhave repeatedly sufered from the red pencil, as have those ofthe other papers.

Readers of «LA BATALLA» can plainly see that the heavypenalty sprung from the desire to silence a revolut'onaryworkers' newspaper.

The Government of the Generality was forced to liftthe four day suspension of LA BATALLA after two days,so great was the stirring of the workers.

* * *«It Is Time We Opened Our Eyes»

The news worries us very much. LA BATALLA, the centralorgan of the P. O. U. M., has been suspended in Barcelona.The suspension is a significant symptom.

We already knew of the persecution :n Madrid of membersof this party, which, once having bridged dootr'nal differences,we consider revolutionary because of its decisive conduct in thestruggle aga'nst criminal fascisme.

The violence w't-h which our comrades of the P. O. U. M.were attacked' in Madrid obliged us pay attention to that fact,to learn from it what might be used by the Government, ata later date, to turn against larger sectors of the revolutionaryproletariat, :n which the F. A. I. holds a predominant place,we consider revolutionary because of its decisive conduct in thestruggle against criminal fascism.

We knew of the raids on the printing works of EL COM-BATIENTE ROJO and on the broadcasting station of thisparty in the capital of Spain. We never thought, however, thatin Catalonia, where the P. O. U. M. plays an important partin the pol'tical concert of the autonomous region, the capitul-ating middle class would dare to initiate such sharp attacks.

Has the P. S. U. C. attained positions of sufficient advan-tage over the revolutionaries?

Or is th"'s governmental abuse a trial of what some day—:n our country things happen with amazing rapidity—maybe used against the citadel of our organizations.

The suspension of LA BATALLA :'s deeply significant and,together with other similar facts, shows grave symptoms. Itis time to open our eyes and prepare our line of conduct.

Our brothers, taken from the clear mountainous he'ghtsof Liberty to the infamous darkness of gaols, teach us imper-ative duties to be fulf lied. To save them for a free and crea-tive life means saving the revolution from treacherous handsever trying to strangle it.

NOSOTROS, likew'se unjustly suspended, raises its protestin order that the struggles of the Russian steppes may notcome to the plains of CasMlle.

From the Anarchist «Nosotrns» — Valencia.

Militia TooFrom «ALERTA», published by the fighters at the very

gates of Huesca:

((The thousands of fighters of the P. O. U. M. demand thecancellation of the suspension of ((LA BATALLA». While themen of the P. O. U. M. Militia fall fighting against fascism,behind the lines they are insulted and their sacrifices aremocked. The suspension of uLA BATALLA» i$ a proof of it.»

TO ALL WORKERSThe increasing danger, due to the furious offensive of na-

tional and international fascism, has excited a tremendousreact'on from the working class of our country. The prolet-ariat, thanks to whose heroic force the military rebellion wascrushed in the principal cities of Spain, has understood withits sure instinct that only a new effort on its part, only thegreatest possible effort can give the struggle a great enoughdrive to finish fascism: attack on all fronts, send all usefulmen to the field of battle, place at their disposal all the armsbehind the lines, as well as those of such organizations as theforces of public order; in a word, to make a supreme effort towin the war and push the revolution forward. The workingclass knows that it can only count on its own initiative andits own force and that its decision signifies the automatic mo-bilization of all the forces of the people.

The events of the last days make this supreme mobiliza-tion of all force and all energy more necessary than ever. Nowmore than ever the working class needs adequate organs of ex-press'on, which will interpret its feelings, recognize its anxietiesand its irrevocable decision to struggle until the final victory.In these circumstances, to deprive the working class of one ofits organs is to weaken the front of the working class and togive arms to the enemy. And if this organ represents the w'lland the sentiment of a party, which before the 19th of Julyhad struggled boldly against reaction and after the 19th ofJuly had sacrificed its best elements in the armed struggleagainst fascism, to suppress this is an insult to those who havefallen glor'ously in the struggle, is a mockery of the sacrificesmade and an aid to those who are trying to smash the move-ment of emanc;pation of the working class. For these reasonsthe Executive Comittee of the P. O. U. M. considers it absolut-ely imperative that its journalistic contact with the workingclass should not be interrupted. And we are absolutely surethat we can count on the sympathy and unanimous aid of thisclass, the working class, wh'ch has fought for scores of yearsfor the liberty of the press, and which in the present c'rcum-stances hold the least diminuition of this liberty totally inad-missable. Today, as ever, we defend the interests of the work-ing class and devote all our strength to the struggle againstfasc'sm on every ground.

THE EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE OF THE P.O.U.M.

* * *

The Revolutionary Youth Front Protests((The Revolutionary Youth Front makes public its protest

against the suspension of a revolutionary paper: the workers'daily «LA BATALLA».

«In this suspension we see an attack on the freedom ofcriticism, so indispensable to the advance of the revolution, andan attempt to silence revolutionary forces, such a§ was madein the suspension of the Madrid ((C. N. T.» and the Valencia«Nosofros».

((The Revolutionary Youth Front likewise expresses its de-cision to struggle energetically for the respect of the freedomof criticiscm and expression of the working class, since withoutit the revolution is seriously threatened.))

«Long Live ((LA BATALLA», the Newspaper of the Revolu-tion and of the Work'ng Class!»

The Iberian Communist Youth.

AGAINST FASCISMAGAINST REFORMISMFOR THE SOCIALIST REVOLUTION

THE SPANISH REVOLUTION N.° 6

THE ROLE OF THE ANARCHISTSTwo Studies By JUAN ANDRADE

REFORMISMHitherto in all revolutions that have taken place, An-

archists have not intervened directly, nor have they beenable to influence seriously the course of events. This wassimply due to the fact that Ar archism as an organised forcedid not possess sufficient numerical strength to count in therevolutionary action. Only in Spain and in certain SouthAmerican countries does Anarchism possess sufficient weightto throw ir.to the balance of events and to determine theircourse. For these reasons Spain presents us with a case whereAnarchism finds itself faced with the necessity of passingfrom theory, or better expressed, from idea" ism, to revolut-ionary practice. The Spanish revolution is in realty the testingground of international Anarchism where it is obliged to revealto workers what it is capable of achieving.

The time is past when anarchism could take refuge ina position of «apolitical» opposition in order to isolate itse'ffrom all political activity. In fact the C. N. T. has becometransformed: into a political party which even has its respon-sible ministers in the Governments of Valencia and Barcelona.

It is becoming clear to all that we are rapidly approachingan attempt to strangle the revolution completely. The petty-bourgeois which were believed to be dead, are reviving and arein the process of reconquering the levers c,' power, with thebenevolent complicity of the reformist elements of the labormovement. The conquests of the workers since the 19th ofJuly are being annihilated. All activities are being placedwithin the strct limits of bourgeois legality, i. e. the capitaliststate apparatus.

The C.N.T. possesses sufficient weight to be able to in-fluence the course of events in one sense or another. But thisit can only do if it arrives at a concrete and consistent opinionconcerning the present crisis and concerning the duty of theorganisations that represents the aspirations of the workingclass.

Prom the very first, knowing that we did not dispose ofsufficient forces to change completely the trend of things,we tried to make clear to the anarchist comrades the role thatbelongs to them in the development of the revo'ution, andthe need for pursuing a well-defined line of action. We muststate frarkly that each day there becomes more apparent acontradiction between the public statements of the anarchistsand their real, practical policy. We have reached a pointwhere it is no longer possible to wangle out of issues bypostponing their solution or simply by means of phrases.Between denouncing reformist soc'alism as «professional pol-itics» and playing the game of the reform'sts there is adistance that the anarchists have travelled without transit-ional deve'opment. We are well aware that abstract idealismis easily given to corruption. The best way of doing awaywith «irresponsibility» is not to fall into the cor.cept of «res-ponsibility» in the sense of the old social-democratic gentry.

The reformist parties and organisations, the U.G.T. and theSocialist and Communist Part'.es. know perfectly well the roadthat they are travelling. Unfortunately we are unable to saythe same tlrng of the C. N. T. A party as a rule defines itspositions through its spokesmen and its press. If a neutral foreignobserver attempted to deduce from the columns of «SolidaridadObrera» which attitude the C.N.T. was adopting towards thevarious problems posed by the revolution, we feel certain thathe could arrive at no coherent conclusion. And still more per-plexing is the task for Spanish observers who have not onlythe Anarchist press to go by, but also the independent acti-

vity of various sections of the C. N. T. and the conduct of itsministers in the government.

One of the most constant paradoxes that the activity ofthe C. N. T. provides us with daily, is that of political pact£,which, even though they might not mean very much, inpractice serve to shatter the effective revolutionary unity ofthe working class.

Recer. tty the Confederation has begun once again toadvance its slogan for a revolutionary working class alliance.We welcome this since.it expresses our own point of view aswell. But the propaganda for the revolutionary Workers'Alliance is meaningless if it is not followed by an agreementbetween the pro etariar organizations, on the basis of a con-crete revolutionary program. Launched in an abstract fashionand accompanied by a day-today policy of acquiescence in themutilation of the revolution, the slogan only reveals the utmostpolitical confus'on.

The C. N. T. concludes pacts, enters compromises whichJimit-its liberty of action ard! make it the accomplice of thepetty bourgeois policy of strengthening the positions of thedemocratic republic. At the same time its organizations, or atleast some cf them, carry on an irresponsible activity ofextremist phrase-mongering, and finally at times its press,and more frequently its public speakers, adopt more or lesscorrect positions through sheer revolutionary instinct. It wouldbe impossible to imagine a greater contradiction.

Those people with whom the C. N. T. comrades, strongin their «concept of responsibility)), are pleased to travel,know where they are go'ng, and by flattering the Anarchiststhey are managing to strengthen their counter-revolutionarypositions. At the same time, although we stand closest tothem, the Anarchists are ready to tolerate a campaign ofincitation against us, without realizing that they are thuspaving the way for a similar attack against themselves.

The C. N. T. Tightens Its OrganizationThe C.N.T. has issued a very interesting documen; central-

izing authority in the Reg'onal Committees. It is signed bythe National Committee of the C. N. T., delegations of theF. A. I. and of the Libertarian Youth. It is addressed to allthe trade union locals. It s ates that only the Reg onal Com-mittees can declare mobilizations, give orders etc. The RegionalCommittees are the only bodies empowered to act on politicalquestions. No mobilization can be carried on at the front exceptw'th the express consent of the military chiefs and the politicalcommissars. The Federations of Industries and the Committeesof different branches of industry are no longer authorized toissue slogans—only the central directing body, the RegionalCommittee, can do this. All who do not act according to theserules and agreements will be publicly expelled from the organ-ization.

These steps are significant, as they indicate the extentto which the C, N. T. is changing its organization and theoryin face of the present situation,

N,° 6 THE SPANISH REVOLUTION

RE VOL UTIONThe Spanish revolution presents espec'al peculiarities, not

only as compared wi;h the Russian revolution, but also withthe revolutionary movements which arose since the Great Warin Germany, Hungary and Austria. Our revolution brings awhole train of experiences which should be of value to thefuture of the in enational workers' movement.

In the majority of countries where revolutionary move-ments have arisen, the politically organized working class wasdistributed between two great parties: the reformist (socialdemocrat) and the revolutionary (communist). This situationbecame clear and the workers could choose, without any compli-ca ions, between the agents of capitalism within the workers'camp and the unflinching defenders of the social revolution.

The problem in Spain in 1936-1937 is quite different.The two «Marxist» parties, formerly so irreconcilable inall countries, now find themselves in agreement in theirdemocrat'c, reformist, counter-revolutionary policies. Onthe other hand, two tendencies which were traditionallyirreconcilable, the revolutionary Marxists (of the P. O.U. M.) and the Bakuninists (of the F. A. I.) now holdsimilar ideas concerning the hopes and perspectives ofthe revo!ut"on.

In Spain, we find the following part'es in the workers'movement: the Socialist Party (split into righ:, centre andleft, the majority of this latter si'rongly Influenced by Stalin-ism, but in certain respects more progressive), the CommunistParty (wh ch s.ill to many workers represents the revolution-ary tradition of the Russian October), the Anarcho-Syndical-ists of the C. N. T. - P. A. I. (which represents the masses withthe'r great revolutionary instinct, but is polit cally confused)and the P. O. U. M. (which assumes the functions of theCommunist Party in the days of the International of Lenin andTrotsky).

For the first time in the h'story of a great revolution An.archism is playing a, leading role. Furthermore, it is takingpart with an extraordinary influence based upon its tremen-dous numerical strength and its great influence among theworking masses. Hitherto, Anarchism has not taken a dec'sivepar; in any European revolution, but in Spain to-day it does.

It can be said that the future of the course of the Span-ish revolution absolutely depends upon the attitude taken bythe C. N. T. and the P. A. I., and upon the ability of the rleaders to guide the masses under their influence. The possi-bility of the revolutionary Marxist party, the P. O. U. M., turn-ing, itself into a great mass party which could succeed in tak-ing the lead n the revolution, is limited by the existence ofAnarchism, with its magnificent history of struggle and sacri-fice. The d'sillusioned worker, turning away from the demo-cratic tendencies of the socialists and commun'sts, has a greaterinclination to join a powerful organization such as the C.N.T.-P.A.I., which holds radical positions even if they are not applied:n fact, than to join a minority party which is bothered by allsorts of material d'ficultles. The workers already in the -C.N.T.in genera] do not see ,the need of leaving it to join a revoluary Marxist party, because in contrasting the surface revolut-tionary posit ons of the C.N.T. - P.A.I, with the simply demo-cratic ones of soclal'sm and Stalinism they believe that thetactics and policies of their organization st 11 hold the guaran-tee for the continued development of the revolution towardthe building of a socialist economy. In this sense, all thosewho hold a. strictly sectarian, schematic concept of how am'nority with a correct political line can rapidly become adecisive force, can learn a valuable lesson from the events inSpain.

These are not just theoretical comments — they are realfacts. We must face them, not hide them, and we must tryto find a solution. Whether or not the revolution is success-fully achieved in Spain depends entirely upon the policy whichour party pursuses with respect to the C. N. T. - P. A. I.

In the present circumstances, the most press'ng need isthe constitution of a Revolutionary Front between the twomost advanced workers' organizations: the P. O. U. M. and theF. A. I. In the post-war revolutions of Europe, the problem con-s'sted in gathering all the revolutionary workers into the Com-mun'st Party. In Spain, the problem of the Revolut onary Frontdoes not consis: s mply in regrouping all the workers in oneparty but rather in getting a united front between the twoorganizations which in fad agree substantially in their im-mediate outlook towards events.

The difficult'es in the way of the rapid development of agreat mass party which would assume the effective leadership

THE REVOLUTIONARY FRONT

The Revolutionary Youth Front Points the Way

of the struggle, can be largely resolved by the establishmentof the Revolut'onary Front between these organizations. Atfirst sight, it may seem to think that two organizations of suchwidely different points of view could come together to formthe powerful revolutionary vanguard which is needed. How-ever, it must be remembered that nothing is left of classicalAnarchism in the acts and political conduct of the two greatlibertarian organizations of Spain: the C. N. T. and the P.A.I.As they themselves say, they have had to sacrifice their ideol-ogy in face of the circumstances. In fact there still exists adefinite contradiction .between their ideological statementsand their practical application. The Revolutionary Front, withits Marxist contribution, would afford them the standardswhich they eagerly seek and which they fail to find except tomake concessions to the democratic and reformist groups.

Furthermore, we must remember that i; is always prefer-able for informed revolutionary Marxists, who aspire to havean active influence upon the course of events, to make con-cessions to instinctively revolutionary confusion rather thanto any reformist or bourgeois group. Revolutionary instinct canbe informed, but reformism cannot turn into revolution. Inany case, in the present Spanish situation it is impossible tothink of the sudden growth of a party by means of individualproselytizing. The solution for the revolutionary minority lies,

(Continued on page 6)

THE SPANISH REVOLUTION N.°6

In our struggle for the revolution a factor of the utmostimportance is to win the so called middle class to our cause.In every country the conquest of this intermediate and oscil-lating class is attempted in the struggle between the capitalistsand the workers. This is especially true in the concrete caseof Spain, where the middle class is of great specific importan-ce, where it is of a greater size than the working class. Andit can be said in general, that the working class cannot triumphcompletely if it fails to win the middle class to its cause. Thatis, then, the problem in Spain. Nevertheless, how can we winover the middle class, how can we succeed in attracting themto our camp, how can we utilize them as an auxiliary forcewithout falling under their domination?

The middle class :'s incapable of realizing an independentpolicy as are the capitalists and the working class. Their rolein history has been reduced to that of an auxiliary agent,although an agent of primary importance. So they are eitherfollowing the workers or support ng the capitalists. All theirintentions of working as an independent force, all their at-tempts to restore a liberalism where free competition wouldguide economic policies and all the'r attempts to conciliatethe two fundamental classes now disputing the power havebeen crowned with more and more open disaster.

The most characterist'c feature of the middle class is itsrepugnance for any events of a social character wh'ch mightbe called disorderly or disturbing. All-its policies can be re-duced to the clamour for a state of order where there wouldbe no signs of class conflict. The middle class does not under-stand that all of these disorders and d'sturbances are alwaysthe direct consequences of the economic chaos wh'ch reignsin our present society, that is to say, an immediate reflectionof the anarchy of the capitalist system. For this reason oneof the most immediate objectives of the revolutionary proleta-riat is to bring this class to see that as capitalism is a stateof extreme chaos and economic disorganization, only soc'alismrepresents order. The order of socialism must be described asone based on a preconceived, planned economy, one where' theestablished plan corresponds at any given moment to thenecessities of the community, but not to those of a group orgroups of cap'talists who work solely for their private gain.

We must, then, win to our cause, to the cause of the rev-olution, the so-called nrlddle class. How? We must make themsee that faced with all kinds of solutions, more or less Utopian,the working class has concrete methods for solving each andevery one of these problems. They must be made to understandthat the solution to their problems, that the order and socialpeace to which they asp're, can only be found through achange in the present economic structure, that is to say, by

the way of the revolution. We must demonstrate to them thatwe, the revolutionary working class, are not going against theirsmall interests, against their present ways of 1'fe, against theirsmall shop or Industry. The transition to socialism cannot bemade suddenly, avoiding the necessary intermediate steps.For this reason the work'ng class in power cannot precipitatean inopportune socialization without studying the problem,but at the first can take over only the most easily socializedand important Indus ries. At th's moment it can only go—andthis Is a more than sufficient guarantee of the revolution—asfar as the socialization of the heavy industry, transportation,the large commercial enterpr zes and, above all, banking. So-cialization of the small industries and shops does not interestus because i; would result in economic damage and occasionmuch waste. Since it would cost more to soc'alize these smallindustries than to let them remain as private property, itwould be better to incorporate them into the socialized sectorwhen the time arrives by means of agreement and by theexample of a better way of 1'ving.

Stating the problem in its essence and in the light ofMarxism, it would no; be difficult to realize an authenticallyrevolutionary policy which would attract the m'ddle class toour cause. So far well enough, but it is one thing to attract themiddle classes to the revolution, and another to form a coalit-ion with them in the interests of the capitalists. That is whywe were against the Popular Bloc and against the Republicanpart'es, which, in general, have done little from April, 1931 uptill the present but betray "he Interests of the middle classitself. We oppose giving the middle classes a decisive role asa governing force which would allow then to act as the agentsof the capltal'sts, but we uphold their econom'c claims andthe solution of their interests within the framework of therevolution. In this statemen; there is not the slightest equivoc-ation or the least dupl'clty. And we interpret in this manner,not only the classical policies of Lenin, but also the sentimentsof the working class in the interests of the revolution.

From this explanation wh'ch we have given of our policyrespecting the m'ddle class our objectives can be deduced: so-cializa'iion of the heavy industry and the large commercialenterprizes, of transportation and especially banking.

All political liberties are nothing, and are doomed to dis-appear, if they are not guaranteed by social emancipation andeconomic guidance. For this reason the question of power ap-pears again, a stark necessity. Only a government of the work-ers, surging from their own revolutionary depths, can forgean adequate instrument; only this kind of a government canemancipate the working class and the middle class and onlysuch a government can lead us to victory and to socialism.Only one government: a Workers' and Peasants' Government.

R E V O L U T I O N(Continued from page 5)

then, in having sufficient tactical flexibility to guide the actsof its allies.

There are some to whom the powerful influence of An-archism in the Spanish Revolution only proves the politicalincapacity of the Anarchisms. To these people, many of whomcall themselves Marxists and Revolutionaries, our only taskwould be to let the «Anarchist experiment* take place so asthen to be able to proclaim its death, historically speaking.That is a stupid interpretation of Marxism, without relation tothe actual facts and without interest in contributing towardsmoulding the course of history.

The collapse of Spanish Anarchism would mean the collapseof the fanatical faith which many workers, certainly the mostgenerous and enthus'astic ones, have placed in the »C. N. T. andthe P. A. I. The problem, then, of the revolutionary Marxistsconsists in helping these organizations to overcome their pre-judices and to provide them with a leadership.

SELL OUR BULLETINTHE SPANISH REVOLUTION can be had through our

agents for two pence or five cents a copy. Order from:The Independent Labour Party, 35 St. Bride St. London.The Marxist League, 238 Edgeware Road, London, W. 2.The Marxist Group, 25 Aubert Park, London, N. 5.The League for a Revolutionary Workers' Party (U. S.) 126

E. 16th Street, New York City.The L. R. W. P. (Canada) 4, Alexander St., Toronto, Ontario.Friends of Workers Spain, Box 785, Chicago, Illinois.Socialist Book Shop, 35 So. Dearborn St., Chicago, Illinois.THE SPANISH REVOLUTION, 10, Rambla de los Estudios,

Barcelona, Spain.Other agents are requested. Money for the P.O.U.M. can be

sent by money order or the American Express Co. to the I.L.P.London, to be forwarded to us here.

THE SPANISH REVOLUTION

T R A D E U N I O N U N I T YThe workers of Spain are organized in the Anarcho-synd-

icalist National Confederation of Labor (C. N. T.) and the Soc-ialist General Workers' Union (U. G. T.). Since the revolutionbegan, the problem of trade union unity has become more pres-sing every day, especially in Catalonia where most of the indus-try has been collectivized. In Catalonia, the unions have losttheir character as instruments in the struggle against thecapitalist exploiters and have taken on more the character ofadministrators in the economic field and directors of the newcollectivist organizations. But an orderly administration andthe complex problems of socialist organization make a singletrade union structure quite indispensable.

The attitude of the two federations, of course, dependsupon their political positions, which in turn depend upon theorganizations wielding control over them.

The C. N. T. has grown considerably since July. Workersin heavy industry have gone to the C. N. T. It is predominantlyinfluenced by the Iberian Anarchist Federation (F. A. I.),which is dedicated to overthrowing the capitalist system.

The U. G. T. has also greatly increased its membership,but its recruits have been from the reformist workers andthe middle class. In Catalonia, it has fallen almost completelyunder the influence of the P. S. U.. C. (Stalinists), who areagainst the revolution, and who are playing a high-handedgame with the U. G. T. to block effective socialism.

Thus the reformist and revolutionary tendencies come faceto face in the question of trade union unity.

The problem of trade union unity is taking on the charac-teristics of a political problem of the deepest interest to theworking class. To the quest on of a single union for each pro-fession, there are innumerable secondary questions which cropup in every town to make trouble between the workers' organ-isations. Moreover, dual unionism necessitates a duplication ofjobs, of organization, of transactions and of material facilities.It means a duplication of work for a single purpose and anexcessive trade urion bureaucracy.

The Catalan Secretariat of the U, G. T., has published areply to the unity proposals of the Barcelona Central of the,C. N. T., in which it states its position on trade union unity.The document, penned in abstract phrases in praise of unity,is fundamentally a formidable barrier to unity. Throughout,it attempts to revive the existing differences in order to justifypostponing the reality of unity.

The statement of the role and character of the trade unionsgiven in this document is fairly accurate: «The trade unionshould be the grouping of the working class regardless of theirpolitical ideas, but clearly class conscious. The joining of thevarious ideologies within the trade union organization will onlybe possible with a true internal democracy: free discusions inthe assemblies, free election of responsible comrades of eachof the unions, without regard to their political ideas.»

But there is a great way between the word! and the deed-Between their theory and their dally practice, between thepublished statement of the U. G. T. of Catalonia and whattakes place from day to day, there is an essertial difference.The majority of the U. G. T. trade unions of Catalonia do nothold deliberative assemblies. The leaders of the U. G. T. elev-ate themselves to the posi:ion of savants, who interpret thesituation, decide questions and take posit'ons without payingany attention to the mass of union members. Calling them-selves representatives of the U.G.T., members of the UnifiedSocialist Party sit in the Council of the Generality, where theypursue a policy that has not been accepted by the regionalCongress of the U. G. T. What is still worse, they turn theofficial newspaper of the U. G. T. into the voice of the P. S.U. C. and a tribune to slander and attack comrades active inthe ranks of the U. G. T. itself.

The activities of the trade union bureaucracy are wellknown and we are not deceived by the contents of their stat-ements. A favourite tactic of the trade union bureaucracy is todelay their response to the questions of interest to the workingclass to which their attention may be called.

To the proposal of the Barcelona C. N. T. to hold jointmembership meetings of the two unions in order to achievegenuine trade union unity, the leaders of the U. G. T. replythat what is needed is to set up contact committees in eachlocality—committees which, it has already been plainly shown,have no real effect and which serve no other purpose thanto delay the basic problem. To accept the U. G. T. programmeis to continue dual unionism.

Now is no time to speculate about trade union unity, andstill less to rekindle the old hatreds. Unity is absolutely neces-sary and must be achieved in spite of the difficulties placedin its way by the bureaucrats. The workers know its impor-tance, and in the final analysis they will impose unity.

A single trade union federation will be thecreative force of the new society. This unioncannot have any particular narrow, sectariancharacter.

The economy, the heritage of the com-munity, should be administered and organizedwith the cooperation of all. A continued rivalrybetween the trade union organizations wouldrob them of their force again and perpetuatethe selfish motives of individual profit, nur-tured by capitalism. This cannot be tolerated.

L A E D I T O R I A L M A R X I S T AEverywhere in Catalonia, in the kiosks and bookstores, in

the villages, in the hospitals and refugee homes and on theAragon front, one sees the pamphlets issued by the EDITORIALMARXISTA of the P. O. U. M. S nee July 500.000 copies ofvarious publications have been distributed.

After October, 1934, the Editorial Marxista had beenworking underground, turning out quantities of revolutionarymaterials under the initials S. A. P. Last July it came out intothe open again. Us aim ;s to bring the fundamentals of revolutionary theory to the workers, and, since in time of revolutionvital problems come up regularly, the work of teaching Marx-ist theory has to be pushed intensively. Since July, the aver-age rate of publication has been one pamphlet a week. Theregular sized book editions have averaged 4000, whereas ordi-nary non-revolutionary well-known authors always average lessthan this for Spain as a whole. The pamphlets are now turnedout in editions of 25.000 and have doubled this figure.

The pamphlets of the EDITORIAL MARXISTA, inSpanish and Catalan, can be used in other countrieswhere Spanish is read. Consult back issues of THE SPAN-ISH REVOLUTION for lists and prices. Comrades whoare interested may order a sample bundle of the dif-ferent pamphlets by sending 2s. or 50 cents. Forwardthe money through the I. L. P., 35 St. Bride St., London.

The Editorial Marxista announces the following pamphletsin Spanish at the price of 30 centimes:

apolitical work in the Red Army», by S. Guaslev.«The Military Program of the Commun:sts», by Bukarin

and Preobrakensky.

THE SPANISH REVOLUTION N.a6

NEWS A N D N O T E S

Comrade Wolf Killed in ActionThe staff of the International Secretariat of the P.

O. U. M. is deeply grieved by the sudden loss of one ofits most able comrades, Herbert Wolf, of the Germansection, who, during a visit to the Huesca front, took partin an attack by the shock troops of our party in thecourse of which he was killed.

Comrade Wolf, of the German Socialist Labor Party(S. A. P.) has worked for several months as the editor ofthe German bulletin of the P.O.U.M., ((DIE SPANISCHEREVOLUTION)), which he established and succeeded inmaking the most attractive paper of our party. He workedfaithfully and brilliantly and when the occasion calledhe lay down h'.s life for the Socialist revolution.

American Sailors Against FrancoThe revolutionary Spanish workers are most encouraged

by the news from Boston that the International Seamen'sUnion has threatened the British Consulate in New York wi.hreprisals if the ship «Linaria» leaves for fascist Spa n to delivernitrate to Franco, with a scab crew hired to replace the originals.riking British sailors.

Student HelpAt Oxford and Cambridge, a lively campaign to support the

Spanish workers' cause is under way. At Oxford metals, foodand clothing are being collected in almost every one of the 30colleges.

In the women's club the students are knitting sweatersfor the Spanish militias.

At Cambridge, two meetings were held for the aid of Spainand another in memory of John Cornford, Cambridge student,killed on the Cordova front.

Likewise in Bulgaria a number of student organizations ofvarious tendencies have set up a committee in aid of Spain,which has collected 30.000 levas.

Italians in SpainThe entire world should know the truth: Spain is being

invaded.. It is absolutely certain thai four Italian divisions —and probably six—are operating on the Guardalagain front.

THE INVASION OF WORKERS' SPAINBy Africans of various races 78.000

Germans 39.000Italians 82.000Irish, Poles, etc 12.000

Total 211.003

(Some observers estimate the number of Italiansmuch higher.)

Prom the hundreds of Italian deserters and prisoners onthe Guadalajara front, many enlightening facts were learned.

There is a special post for correspondence from Italy.Among documents found was a mobilization order to join

the ranks of the 35th Legion NUSN at La Spezzia, Novem-ber 25, 1936, with the threat of summoning those who failed toappear before the fascist courts.

Many of the Italians were heads of families, who had beenunemployed and thought they were getting a new start in lifein Ethiopia.

The BalanceAccording ;o data furnished by the Madrid C ty Council,

since November 7th the fascist bombs and shells have destroyedwithin the city 980 buildings, wholly or partially, of which 14were schools, 8 churches, 9 old people's and orphan's homes,4 hospitals, 2 museums and one the Academy of History andLanguages.

The victims number 907 k lied outright and 2889 wounded,of whom 370 have died. Furthermore, 430 have disappeared.

These figures do not include heavy damages in the sub-urban towns.

Red Generationis the new monthly review (in Spanish) of the Iberian Com-munis; Youth, when appeared on March 15. It will serve astheir theoretical organ. The s'ze is 32 pages and the cost

50 centimos.

The P.O.U.M. militia on the Huesca front are now publish-ing their own da ly paper, «Alerta». It is at the center oftheir efforts to forge a Bed Workers' Army of the Revolution.

The workers' revolution hag a new champion — anothernewspaper of the P. O. U. M. and the J. C. I. of the VallesOriental, published in Granollers «Lluita» (Fight) appearsin Catalan. We salute our contemporary, which is a new ex-ponen; of the Soaalist Revolution.

P. O. U. M. PostcardsWe have put on .sale a collection of 24 picture cards repro-

duced from posters, some of which have appeared in thisbulletin. The collection sells at 2.40 pesetas, or the price ofeach card is 10 centimes. Order from the General Secretariato ? Propaganda, Plaza del Teatro 2, Barcelona, Spain

Donation From ScotlandThe I. L. P. Section of Larkhall, Scotland, has sent a don-

ation to swell the Rotogravure Fund of «La Batalla». Foreigndonations are quite welcome, in as much as this machinerymus: be purchased abroad and the exchange rates make itvery expensive in terms of Spanish money.

The Public Order DecreesIn our last issue, we discussed at length the Public Order

Decrees. The authorities find it much easier to pass laws fordisarming the workers than to actually disarm them. Af:erthe C. N. T. councillors have voted for these laws, the F. A. I.finally awakens to their significance and demands their repeal,the Generality Government has issued several confused notesconcerning their application. We say they should speak outclearly.

We believe that the capital st and reformist elements ofthe Generality Government want to put a veil over these de-rees, to leave them unenforced for several weeks, until anopportune occasion arises to apply them by surpr se.

As ever, we stand for a Public Order under the control ofthe working class.

R A D I O P. O. U. M.Station E. C. P. 2. - 42 meters.

English every night at 8.Greenwich time.

Imp. Nova Ibftria / Barcelona (Espafla)

Vol. II N.° 7 Barcelona, Spain; April 21, 1937 Please reprint

THE SPANISH REVOLUTIONBULLETIN OF THE WORKERS' PARTY OF MARXIST UNIFICATION

A G E N T S F O R E N G L A N D :The 1. L. P.The Marxist League

P R I C E I N E N G L A N D : 2 d .

P. O. U. M

P R I C E I N U . S , A 05

E D I T O R I A L O F F I C E :SPANISH REVOLUTION*

10. Rambla de los Estudios

BARCELONA

C O N T E N T S

1 The Crisis of the Government of Catalonia. - 2. Revolution vs. Counter-Revolution. - 3. The ThirteenPoints - 4 Treachery at Malaga. — 5. Catalonia Losses Her Army. -6. The Democratic Countries Against

the Spanish Revolution. - 7. The Agrarian Question in Spain

After twelve days the crisis of the Governmentof the Generality continues in the same state as onthe day it first broke out. The unexpected decisionof the President of the Generality in appointing arestricted government from above, instead of facil-itating a solution, has only complicated and defer-red it. This threat of a «coup d'etat* has miserablyfailed, covering the actor with ridicule and consid-erably diminishing his authority, already badly dam-aged,. The result can be foreseen. If the formerGovernment, constituted with the support of theorganizations represented, was unable to stand up,what fate other than complete failure can awaitthe new manoeuvres of the President? The idea ofhurriedly naming a government, simply because theorganizations concerned cannot reach an agreement,is most dangerous.

The C. N. T. councillors have not taken over theirposts; the Government was still-born; the crisis con-tinues and at the very time we write these lines nosolution can be found.

The C. N. T. and the P. S. U. C., the two principalrivals, stubbornly hold to their positions. The former,demands fundamental^, as a necessary condition totheir continued collaboration, the modification of thePublic Order Decrees, decisive support for socializinglarge agricultural estates, the encouragement of in-dustrial collectivitzation, a rigorous cleansing of thearmed forces, the setting up of advisors in each ofthe Councils made up of delegates from the otherorganizations represented in the Government, etc.The reformists flatly refuse these demands andthemselves demand the immediate application of thePublic Order Decrees, oppose all attempts to socializethe countryside, desire a slow pace in collectivizingindustry and demand full authority for the Coun-cillors without interference by the organizations.

In these circumstances, a solution is only pos-sible if based upon concessions of principle.

Will the C.N.T. (Anarcho-syndicalists) give inagain? It appears improbable. The evident retreatmade by the revolution during recent weeks hasproduced a lively discontent in Anarchist circles. Thisdiscontent among the workers of the C.N.T. is grow-ing every day, and the recent Congress, of the Cata-lan trade unions ordered the directing committee notto retreat a single step further.

Will he P.S.U.C. (Stalinists) give in? If the C.N. T. stands firm by its position, the P. S. U. C. canonly do likewise, because it lacks the strength and theprestige to govern against the C. N. T. and the P. O.U. M., the organizations which represent the revo-lutionary will of the masses of Catalan workers andwhich hold strategic positions.

In this case, a government analogous to the ori-ginal one would be formed, but with a reinforcementof the positons of the C. N. T. Without doubt thesolution would be as transitory as the earlier ones,because the basic problem in question is the problemof power, and the problem has no solution other thanthat proposed by our party—the formation of a gov-ernment made up exclusively of the representativesof the workers' parties and organizations, which wouldimmediately put into effect a series of socialistmeasures (such as envisaged in the 13 points framedby the Central Committee of the P. O. U. M.) andcall a Congress of delegates of Workers' and Peasants'Unions and of soldiers, from which would spring theWorkers' and Peasants' Government so badly neededin the present circumstances.

ANDRES NIN