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community might be given special recognition on the part of the

State. Such recognition must in no way create discrimination within

the civil or social order for other religious groups and Those

responsible for government are required to interpret the common

good of their country not only according to the guidelines of the

majority but also according to the effective good of all the members

of the community, including the minority.

Third, I am dismayed by preachers telling parishioners that support

for the RH Bill ipso facto is a serious sin or merits excommunication!

I find this to be irresponsible.

Fourth, I have never held that the RH Bill is perfect. But if we have

to have an RH law, I intend to contribute to its improvement as

much as I can. Because of this, I and a number of my colleagues

have offered ways of improving it and specifying areas that can bethe subject of intelligent discussion. (Yes, there are intelligent

people in our country.) For that purpose we jointly prepared and I

published in my column what we called talking points on the bill.

Fifth, specifically I advocate removal of the provision on mandatory

sexual education in public schools without the consent of parents. (I

assume that those who send their children to Catholic schools

accept the program of Catholic schools on the subject.) My reason

for requiring the consent of parents is, among others, the

constitutional provision which recognizes the sanctity of the humanfamily and the natural and primary right of parents in the rearing

of the youth for civic efficiency and the development of moral

character. (Article II, Section 12)

Sixth, I am pleased that the bill reiterates the prohibition of

abortion as an assault against the right to life. Abortifacient pills

and devices, if there are any in the market, should be banned by

the Food and Drug Administration. But whether or not there are

such is a question of scientific fact of which I am no judge.

Seventh, I hold that there already is abortion any time a fertilized

ovum is expelled. The Constitution commands that the life of the

unborn be protected from conception. For me this means that

sacred life begins at fertilization and not at implantation.

Eighth, it has already been pointed out that the obligation of

employers with regard to the sexual and reproductive health of

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employees is already dealt with in the Labor Code. If the provision

needs improvement or nuancing, let it be done through an

examination of the Labor Code provision.

Ninth, there are many valuable points in the bills Declaration of

Policy and Guiding Principles which can serve the welfare of thenation and especially of poor women who cannot afford the cost of

medical service. There are specific provisions which give substance

to these good points. They should be saved.

Tenth, I hold that public money may be spent for the promotion of

reproductive health in ways that do not violate the Constitution.

Public money is neither Catholic, nor Protestant, nor Muslim or what

have you and may be appropriated by Congress for the public good

without violating the Constitution.

Eleventh, I leave the debate on population control to sociologists.

Finally, I am happy that the CBCP has disowned the self-destructive

views of some clerics.