Muslim Immigrants in Greece: Religious Organization and Local Responses

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Muslim Immigrants in Greece: Religious Organizationand Local ResponsesDimitris A. AntoniouPublished online: 24 Jan 2007.

To cite this article: Dimitris A. Antoniou (2003) Muslim Immigrants in Greece: Religious Organization and LocalResponses, Immigrants & Minorities: Historical Studies in Ethnicity, Migration and Diaspora, 22:2-3, 155-174, DOI:10.1080/0261928042000244808

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Muslim Immigrants in Greece: ReligiousOrganization and Local Responses

DIMITRIS A. ANTONIOU

Muslims are the second largest religious group in Greece. In this

essay their migration process, numbers, settlement patterns and

demographic characteristics are presented. It is shown that Muslims

in Greece include not only economic migrants but also an indigenous

population residing in the northern part of the country. The essay

discusses mainly the immigrants’ efforts to establish associations and

prayer halls as well as the state’s initiative to establish a central

mosque in the suburbs of Athens. It argues that although Muslims are

now an integral part of a multi-religious Greece, there is a long way

to go to achieving their integration.

Introduction

Sizeable immigration to Greece came almost 30 years after similar waves took

place in Western Europe. This occurred at a time when the Greek economy

began to prosper and Greece changed from a labour-exporting to a labour-

importing country. Although immigrants (mainly Egyptians and Pakistanis)

began to arrive in Greece at the beginning of the 1970s, the first major wave of

immigrants came in the 1990s. This movement is directly linked to the change

of regimes in Eastern Europe as well as to the economic difficulties facing

the growing and youth-based populations of African and Asian countries.

As expected, the influx of legal and illegal Muslim immigrants into Greece

led to conditions already experienced in other European recipient countries:

weak individual and political rights, social exclusion and (in some cases)

the emergence of racist reactions by the local Christian population.

There are four factors which play a role in discussions concerning the new

Muslim presence in Greece. First, Islam in Greece is usually identified with past

Ottoman-Turkish oppression, as Greece’s Muslim past is much more recent

than that of other European countries;1 second, the Eastern Orthodox Church

of Greece is not legally separate from the Greek state; third, an indigenous

Muslim population already exists in the northern part of the country; and

fourth, an Islamic non-governmental organization and some Middle East and

Eastern Mediterranean countries are interested in the welfare of Muslims in

IMMIGRANTS & MINORITIES, Vol.22, Nos.2&3, July/November 2003, pp.155–174ISSN 0261-9288 print/ISSN 1744-0521 online

DOI: 10.1080/0261928042000244808 q 2003 Taylor & Francis Ltd

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Greece. These issues have gained prominence in recent years, as Greek society

has undergone modernization and consequently has abandoned some of its

traditional characteristics. They underline the need to implement policies that

would gradually lead to the creation of an immigration policy taking into

consideration the new multi-religious reality in Greece.

Muslim Immigrants in Greece

The Legalization Programmes

Following the example of Spain (1985), Italy (1987) and Portugal (1992), Greece

in 1998 adopted a two-stage policy of massive legalization of foreigners. In the

first stage the illegal foreigners submit applications for a temporary residence

permit (white card). In the second stage, those who have attained a white card and

showed proof of both legal employment and registration at the Social Insurance

Board could then apply for a restricted residence permit (green card).

Within five months of implementing the legalization programme, 371,641

foreigners presented themselves to the National Employment Organization

offices in order to submit applications for a white card. Even though the

above-mentioned number may seem significant in relation to the total Greek

population, in reality it represents only a part of all the country’s illegal

immigrants. It is estimated that approximately 150,000 foreigners who could

have submitted applications did not present themselves. This was mainly due

to the lack of a publicity campaign, which led to the implementation of a

second legalization programme in the year 2001. Even though these two

programmes did not include any questions regarding religious affiliation, thus

making the calculation of the number of Muslim immigrants in Greece

extremely difficult, they are still a great source of information concerning

gender, age, educational level, citizenship and geographical distribution of the

immigrants for that period, since no official data had been hitherto collected.2

A Profile of the Muslim Immigrants

As indicated in Table 1, Albanians constituted nearly two-thirds of the

immigrants. Unfortunately, no research has been carried out about their religious

behaviour in Greece. Nevertheless, one could easily argue that most of them are

not interested in religion.3 Therefore, most Greeks do not perceive them as

Muslims. It is mainly the immigrants from Egypt, Syria, Iran, Morocco, Lebanon,

Bangladesh, Algeria, Sudan, Jordan, Iraq, Palestine, Pakistan and migrants from

Western Thrace who actually state that they are Muslims and practice Islam.

Three conclusions can be drawn from Tables 1–8. First, immigration from

the above-mentioned countries is in most cases a male experience.4 It is worth

noting that the percentage of males in the case of Pakistanis, Egyptians

IMMIGRA NTS AN D M INO RITIES156

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TABLE 3

DISTRIBUTION OF AGE CATEGORIZED BY GENDER OF EGYPTIAN IMMIGRANTS

Age Group Total Percentage Male Percentageof male

Female Percentageof female

15-19 111 1.8% 105 1.9% 4 1.2%20-24 627 10.3% 555 9.9% 51 15.0%25-29 1,645 27.0% 1,543 27.5% 64 18.8%30-44 3,260 53.5% 3,019 53.8% 166 48.8%45-64 436 7.2% 374 6.7% 53 15.6%65 þ 11 0.2% 9 0.2% 2 0.6%Total of valid ages 6,090 100% 5,605 100% 340 100%

Source: First Legalization Program (1998), Labor Employment Organization (OAED)Processing of Data: National Employment Institute

TABLE 4

DISTRIBUTION OF AGE CATEGORIZED BY GENDER OF SYRIAN IMMIGRANTS



15-19 133 3.9% 120 3.9% 2 1.3%20-24 368 10.9% 330 10.7% 27 17.2%25-29 898 26.7% 829 26.7% 40 25.5%30-44 1,849 54.9% 1,717 55.4% 75 47.8%45-64 119 3.5% 103 3.3% 12 7.6%65 þ 2 0.1% 1 0.0% 1 0.6%Total of valid ages 3,369 100% 3,100 100% 157 100%


TABLE 5

DISTRIBUTION OF AGE CATEGORIZED BY GENDER OF IRAQI IMMIGRANTS



15-19 225 8.1% 179 7.6% 44 10.7%20-24 609 21.8% 524 22.4% 77 18.7%25-29 777 27.9% 680 29.0% 89 21.7%30-44 982 35.2% 810 34.6% 157 38.2%45-64 193 6.9% 145 6.2% 44 10.7%65þ 4 0.1% 4 0.2% 0.0%Total of valid ages 2,790 100% 2,342 100% 411 100%


MUSLIM IMMIGRANTS IN GREECE 159

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TABLE 6

DISTRIBUTION OF EDUCATIONAL LEVEL CATEGORIZED BY GENDER

OF THE EGYPTIAN IMMIGRANTS

Level ofEducation

Total Percentage Male Percentageof Male


Gendernot stated

Illiterate 386 6.5% 351 6.4% 22 6.6% 13Primary

Education1,282 21.6% 1,189 21.7% 72 21.8% 21

SecondaryEducation

2,801 47.3% 2,593 47.4% 153 46.2% 55

HigherEducation

1,459 24.6% 1,338 24.5% 84 25.4% 37

Total 5,928 100% 5,471 100% 331 100% 126


TABLE 7


OF THE SYRIAN IMMIGRANTS

Level ofEducation



Gendernot stated


Education1,436 43.2% 1,336 43.5% 56 36.9% 44

SecondaryEducation

1,345 40.5% 1,245 40.5% 67 44.1% 33

HigherEducation

355 10.7% 325 10.6% 18 11.8% 12

Total 3,321 100% 3,072 100% 152 100% 97


TABLE 8


OF THE IRAQI IMMIGRANTS

Level ofEducation


Female Percentageof Female

Gendernot stated


Education957 35.1% 807 35.1% 142 35.4% 8

SecondaryEducation

1,230 45.1% 1,048 45.5% 169 42.1% 13

HigherEducation

459 16.8% 380 16.5% 74 18.5% 5

Total 2.729 100% 2,301 100% 401 100% 27



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and Bangladeshis applying for a white card, is extremely high. Second, the

vast majority of the immigrants originating from countries of the Middle East

and North Africa choose to reside and work in the greater Athens area. Around

three-quarters of Egyptians and Syrians and 98 per cent of Iraqis live in the

greater metropolitan area (see Table 2). The rest usually reside in other large

urban centres such as Thessaloniki, Patra and Heraclion in Crete. Third, very

few of them are more than 44 years old. More specifically over half of the

Egyptians and Syrians are aged between 30 and 44, 80 per cent between 25

and 44. Iraqis are younger, half of them between 20 and 29 (see Tables 3–5).

It is difficult to come up with solid conclusions regarding the immigrants’

level of education. As shown in Tables 6–8, 72 per cent of the Egyptians have

secondary, and 25 per cent have higher education; the figures for the Iraqis are

62 per cent and 17 per cent respectively, while for the Syrians the figures are

51 per cent and 10 per cent.

With regards to the immigrants’ employment it could be argued that they

carry out low-paid jobs and are generally considered by the public as cheap

and tax-free labour. Of the small number living in the Greek countryside, they

are typically employed in seasonal harvesting of crops such as tobacco, cotton,

olives and grapes. The majority of immigrants living in the larger provincial

cities, and especially Athens, are in most cases employed as unskilled manual

workers. Immigrants usually reside in underdeveloped districts of the capital,

due to the existence of small and cheap houses or big apartments which are

inhabited by large families or many unrelated individuals. Immigrants who

cannot find alternative housing arrangements also live in old hotels located in

the city centre. According to recent studies Egyptian immigrants usually

reside in the districts of Metaxourgio, Akadimia Platonos, Plateia Attikis and

Kipseli; Pakistanis in Perama; Bangladeshi in Patisia and Omonia.5

Relations Between Muslims of Western Thrace and Middle East

and North African Immigrants

The Muslim Minority of Western Thrace

What makes Greece a unique case in comparison with other European

countries is that the contemporary Islamic presence consists of both Muslim

immigrants and an indigenous population of Muslims residing in northern

Greece.6 The last group is usually referred to by Greek scholars as the Muslim

minority of Western Thrace and its status is defined by the Lausanne Treaty of

1923 (see Map 1).7

The Muslim minority of Western Thrace numbers 112,000 people. This

minority is composed of three different ethnic groups. The largest group is the

Turks and numbers 56,000. The second group is the Pomaks and numbers

38,000. There are also 18,000 Gypsies (see Tables 9–10).


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The Pomaks are slavophone population inhabiting the Rhodope mountains

that straddle the border between Greece and Bulgaria. To this day scholars are

in disagreement regarding their ethnic ancestry. Gypsies have lived in Thrace

since the middle of the eleventh century. Features of their language, and their

religious customs too, suggest that, after they settled in Thrace, they embraced

Christianity and came under the influence of the Greek language and culture.

After the subjugation of Thrace by the Ottomans in the mid-fourteenth century

most of the Christian Gypsies converted to Islam. Most Pomaks and Gypsies

usually view themselves as Turks and state that they belong to the Turkish

ethnic group. For these Pomaks and Gypsies, Turkish identity offers a higher

social status. Apart from that, statements like the above can also be considered

to be the result of the educational system, which has not targeted these

MAP 1

GREECE SHOWING THE AREA OF WESTERN THRACE (HIGHLIGHTED BY AUTHOR)

Source: US Central Intelligence Agency.


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communities for linguistic and cultural Hellenization. As Irini Lagani points

out, ‘the teaching of Turkish extends to the Pomaks as well, thus limiting the

use of their native Pomak language exclusively to the immediate family

environment. This fact contributes to the Turkification of the Pomaks, and to

the gradual absorption into the Turkish minority’.8

These Muslims are Greek citizens and enjoy full civil rights. This gives

them the right to establish associations, unions and political parties as well as

voting and/or being elected. The Muslim minority of Western Thrace is

concentrated in the specific prefectures of Xanthi, Evros and Rhodope, and

this has resulted in a high level of representation at the local/municipal level,

as well as at the national level. During general elections, all political parties

usually include Muslim candidates in their electoral lists for this region.

In almost all parliaments from 1927 onwards, the Muslim deputies (usually

two) were elected and participated in parliamentary work.

In contrast to the former communist countries of south-eastern Europe,

Islamic religious institutions in Western Thrace have continued to function

almost uninterrupted throughout the twentieth century. These institutions are

usually under state control (see Table 11). Thus, the Greek government

performs the following functions. First, it appoints muftis (Muslim jurists) and

respects Islamic family law, which is something unique in the European

TABLE 9

DEMOGRAPHIC COMPOSITION OF WESTERN THRACE

Prefecture Total Population Christians Muslims Muslims (percent)

Evros 144,000 135,000 9,000 6.25%Xanthi 91,000 51,000 40,000 43.90%Rhodope 103,000 40,000 63,000 61.16%Total 338,000 226,000 112,000 33.14%

Source: Thanasis Vakalios (ed.), To Provlima tis diapolitismikis Ekpaideysis sti Ditiki Thraki(Athens, 1997), p.23.

TABLE 10

DEMOGRAPHIC COMPOSITION OF THE MUSLIM POPULATION IN WESTERN THRACE

Ethnic Background Population Percentage

Gypsies 18,000 16%Pomaks 38,000 34%Turks 56,000 50%Total 112,000 100%

Source: Vakalios, To Provlima.


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Union, as Greece is the only state that knows a system of legal pluralism based

on the religious denomination of individual citizens. Second, it administers

Islamic endowments (vakif). Third, it trains minority teachers through the

Special Academy of Thesaloniki (idhiki pedagogiki akadimia), which was

established in 1968. Finally, it administers Islamic religious schools

(medrese). Of course the existence of the aforementioned legal provisions

must not give the impression that Western Thrace is an ideal place for Greek

Muslims. In fact, this Muslim minority has for many years been the victim of

administrative discrimination, and the region remains one of the most

underdeveloped in the European Union.

It was actually this underdevelopment that led up to 15,000 Muslims

originating from Western Thrace to migrate to Athens.9 Most of them reside in

the districts of Keramikos, Votanikos (Gazi), Iera Odos, Platia Vathis and in

the heavily industrialized areas of Drapetsona, Keratsini and Aspropirgos.

This internal migration movement, which goes back to the early 1970s and

continues up to this day, seems to be a result of the economic difficulties

plaguing mostly the Pomak and Gypsy population of Western Thrace.

Apart from this direct movement to the Greek capital, ethnographic field work

in Votanikos has also shown that some 20 years ago some of the above-

mentioned Muslims decided to leave Western Thrace, sell their property and

emigrate to Turkey.10 However, as the Turkish state has refused, since 1960, to

issue residence and work permits to Muslims with Greek nationality,

they decided to return to Greece as illegal immigrants, with no Greek

citizenship.11 Most of them are unemployed, without social insurance or

healthcare benefits. A recent report issued by the Greek Ministry of Health

states:

Some of these immigrants, who do not know how to read or

communicate in the Greek language, are inevitably enclosed within

Gazi boundaries incapable of working outside . . . Cases of social

exclusion are constantly multiplying. This is a result of unemployment,

poverty and despair . . . Cases of alcoholism and drug use, especially

TABLE 11

MOSQUES AND RELIGIOUS FUNCTIONARIES IN WESTERN THRACE

Prefecture No. of mosques No. of imams

Rhodope 163 291Xanthi 107 125Evros 14 21Total 284 437

Source: ‘O logos tou Mitropoliti stin Athina’, Chronos, 24 Feb. 1989.


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among the youth are constantly rising. Thus the general rise of

violations is inevitable . . . The identification of Greek Muslims with

foreigners by those possessing feelings of religious fanaticism results in

racism and xenophobia . . .12

Another problem that this community is facing has to do with the burial of the

dead. Since there are no Muslim cemeteries in Athens, these Muslims are

forced to transport their deceased back to Thrace. This fact has resulted in a

serious economic burden, as most families cannot afford the costs involved.

In this situation the entire community must raise funds in order to cover

the expense of these transfers. Recent educational initiatives, such as the

establishment of an intercultural school in the district of Votanikos and

the organization of afternoon literacy classes by volunteers and non-

governmental organizations, have pledged to improve the life of the Muslim

residents in this area. Despite these pledges, a great deal of time must pass

before decent living conditions will have been established.

Relations between Muslim immigrants and the pre-existing Muslim

minority in Western Thrace are very limited, owing to the fact that few

immigrants decide to reside and work in the poor areas of Western Thrace,

where the minority resides. Furthermore, Muslim MPs elected in Western

Thrace do not seem to be interested in the problems facing the Muslim

immigrant population in Athens. But the real questions arising from

the examination of relations between the immigrants and the minority are the

following. First, is the Greek state willing to use institutions developed for

the needs of the indigenous Muslim minority for Muslim immigrants

(for instance the appointment of a Western Thracian imam to the Athenian

Central Mosque)? Second, will the immigrants claim a right to Islamic

education and to be tried under Islamic family law like their fellow Muslims in

Western Thrace? And third, what will be the legal implications of such a

claim?

Mosques, Prayer Halls and Religious Organizations

The first mosque in Athens’ contemporary history was established in the

early 1990s, surprisingly enough on the roof of a luxury hotel in the city

centre in order to serve the devotional needs of Muslim businessmen from the

Middle East, mainly from Kuwait, Saudi Arabia and the Lebanon. Most of

them had moved to the Greek capital during the first Gulf War. As the

management of the hotel changed in the mid-1990s and most of these

Muslims moved to other European countries, the structure was removed.

Since then, the history of Islam in Athens has shown many examples of

ethnic communities moving from the initial stage of praying in private


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houses towards the more advanced stage of renting accommodation on a

temporary basis (basements, storehouses, garages, small shops) in under-

developed areas of the capital for use as prayer halls (masjid). In most cases

the above initiatives have been taken on a mono-ethnic and a mono-

denominational basis. For the immigrants, meeting with people of common

religion, language and origin tends to give them comfort in times of hardship.

Thus, these prayer halls provide a secure and familiar base for the Muslims of

the capital, in which useful information regarding employment and housing

opportunities are also exchanged.

Currently over 20 places in Athens are used by Muslims as prayer halls –

seven by Pakistanis, five by Bangladeshis, three by Egyptians and five by other

Muslims. Masjid can also be found in other Greek cities such as Thesaloniki,

Patra and Heraklio. Even though Islam is officially recognized by the Greek

constitution as a ‘known religion’, most of these prayer halls are illegal due to

the fact that the immigrants who gather in these places have not applied for a

‘house of prayer permit’ from the Ministry of Education and Religion.

Moavias Ahmet, a representative of the Sudanese community, tried to explain

this attitude to reporters of a daily Greek newspaper:

The immigrants believe it would be extremely difficult to register a

prayer hall and are reluctant even to make the effort . . . There have not

been any problems so far and they have been allowed to operate these

places of worship unofficially. However, I believe this situation must

change and that Greeks must understand that Muslims and their religion

should have a place in the society.13

Apart from the aforementioned communities, Muslims from Western Thrace

living in the capital recently rented accommodation in central Athens in order

to serve their devotional needs and established a centre where the Greek

language is taught. This became possible thanks to the assistance of a group of

Pomaks who established the Panhellenic Federation of Supporting the

Muslims in Greece (the Filotita) in 1997. The president of this association,

Mehmet Imam, was recently interviewed by a Greek newspaper and claimed

that more than 200,000 Muslim immigrants from 27 different countries are

now living in the greater metropolitan area. He stated, ‘We are Greek citizens.

We did not ask for the assistance of any embassy; it was us who financed the

establishment of the centre’.14 Members of Filotita try to represent all Muslims

residing in Greece, regardless of their ethnicity. They also collaborate with

left-wing/anti-racist organizations and participate in anti-racist events. Apart

from Filotita, the immigrants themselves over the last ten years have managed

to establish associations such as the Association of Pakistanis and Muslims,

the Association of Shia Muslim Pakistanis and the Cultural Association of

Muslims, which function along with nationality-based associations.


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Nevertheless, it could be argued that the immigrants are still far from

establishing a formal body that would represent all Muslim communities in

Greece. One can suggest several reasons for this. First, the primary concern

of the majority of Muslim immigrants in Greece is the politics and future

of their homelands. The reason for this is that they hope to return there

with enough money to establish a new life for themselves.15 Second, there

is an absence of Greek converts to Islam who could play an important role

in the processes of negotiation and intercultural communication between

Muslim groups and the Greek government and society. Third, the Muslim

MPs, the muftis from Western Thrace, and the Greek state have generally

shown very limited interest in supporting the religious organization of the

Muslim immigrants. It is worth mentioning that none of the above

associations have received any financial support from state bodies and

organizations.

Muslim Diplomats and Islamic Organizations

Diplomatic representatives of Muslim countries in Greece such as Saudi

Arabia, Morocco, Libya, Jordan, Kuwait and Indonesia, as well as an

international Islamic non-governmental organization, have also shown an

interest in the welfare of these emerging Muslim communities. The

diplomats’ efforts have mainly focused on the establishment of a Central

Mosque and an Islamic Cultural Centre in the suburbs of Athens. On the

other hand, the Islamic organization that is active in Greece, the Ahmadiyya

Anjuman Isha’at Islam Lahore USA (the Lahore Ahmadiyya Movement), is

more interested in translating several books on Islam into the Greek and

Albanian languages as well as turning the Albanian immigrants in Greece

into devout Muslims. This movement has been one of the most active and

controversial since its inception in British India in 1889. It was founded by

Mirza Ghulam Ahmad, who claimed to be a renewer (mujaddid), a Mahdi

as well as the promised Messiah (masih-I maw’ud). Six years after his death

the Ahmadiyya split into two factions known as the Qadiani and the Lahori.

The Lahori that are active in Greece regard the movement’s founder as a

renewer of the faith and favour the promotion of modern intellectual

liberalism in Islam. They usually try to dissociate themselves from the

Qadiani by stressing their belief in the finality of Prophethood with

Muhammad. Reports written in 1999 by the vice president of the movement

are indeed revealing regarding Ahmadiyya’s activities in Greece and the

Balkans:

Earlier this year Dr Anwari of the Indonesian Embassy in Athens, Greece

contacted us to supply him with Islamic literature for Greece, especially

for the Albanians. Dr Anwari is a very sincere and dedicated Muslim who


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was greatly moved by the plight of Muslims in Greece and the Balkans,

and especially those of Albania. Although Muslim in name, many

Albanians and Balkan Muslims know very little about Islam. This is

the result of decades of suppression of communist rule and

misunderstandings arising from the conflict between Turks and local

Christian populations. Dr Anwari has created the Al-Nur Foundation16 to

carry the message of Islam to this region . . . During our stay we met with

the translator whom Dr Anwari had arranged at our request. It was

decided to translate Islam the Religion of Humanity, The Prophet of Islam

and Introduction to Islam17 into Greek and Albanian initially. The books,

inshallah, will be ready in December. They will be printed by the

AAIIL USA and will be distributed by the Al-Nur Foundation. A search

for properly qualified university professors was also started for

the translation of the Holy Quran into Greek and Albanian . . .

Dr Anwari also had arranged for us to fly to northern Greece to meet

with the mufti of Komotini. Unfortunately the mufti had to leave on

urgent business in Brussels and the trip had to be cancelled . . . We thank

Almighty Allah for giving us this opportunity to accomplish so many

things in such a short time. Members are requested to pray for the success

of the Balkan Mission.18

The Case of the Athenian Central Mosque and the Islamic Cultural

Centre

On 30 June 2000, the Greek socialist government approved, with article seven

of the law, ‘Issues of preparation of the Olympic Games 2004 and other

arrangements’, the building of the first large-scale mosque and Islamic cultural

centre for the needs of the Muslims of the Greek capital.19 This will be a place

of worship, study and information, under state supervision.20 It is still unknown

if the mosque will be presided over by a board of governors or who is going to

take care of its maintenance. Both the mosque and the centre are to be

constructed in Peania in an area about 20 km east of the centre of Athens

comprising 35,000 square metres.

Despite the fact that the mosque is supposed to serve the needs of the

Muslims in Athens, representatives of Muslim immigrants have never been

contacted by the Greek state. This is because Greek officials have only

discussed this matter with Arab diplomats, thus excluding immigrants

completely. The Greek Ministry for Foreign Affairs has been drafting a statute

in co-operation with the Ministry of Culture, the ambassadors of Morocco and

Jordan and a PLO representative. Meanwhile, King Fahd of Saudi Arabia has

agreed to fund the construction of the mosque and Islamic centre. This follows


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a pattern similar to that been pursued by other European governments and

described by Yahya Michot as:

diplomatic sub-contracting – in effect, inverting the pattern of Ottoman

capitulations by virtue of a non-Muslim regime granting extra-territorial

privileges to Muslim powers. Because of the difficulty of finding

interlocutors in the newly arrived immigrant community itself, the

authorities preferred to deal directly with Muslim states.21

More specifically the Greek Ministry for Foreign Affairs is following the

French example of the Institute du Monde Arabe, without taking into

consideration that similar decisions continue to be highly criticized in other

parts of Europe. In other words, it is doubtful whether one central mosque can

really serve the devotional needs of highly diverse Muslim communities.

Before the bill had even reached the floor of the parliament, a heated

debate had already begun within the Greek mass media, with controversial

opinions being expressed by members of parliament and political parties, the

clergy of the Orthodox Church of Greece, local authorities and citizens and

the European Union.

Members of Parliament and Political Parties

The opposition expressed, virtually in unison, serious objections to the project.

But the objections were not so much directed at the issue itself, but to the way

the government was handling it. The main opposition party, New Democracy

(ND), disagreed with the choice of the locale. It argued that there had been no

prior study on the suitability of the area and the needs of the Muslims living in

Athens. New Democracy also disagreed with the fact that the government had

tried to incorporate the draft law on the mosque and the Islamic cultural centre

into legislation involving the 2004 Olympic Games in Athens. When the

Minister of Culture was challenged in parliament, he said a mosque was

necessary because half the athletes competing in the Olympic Games were

expected to be Muslims. After this statement George Kalos, ND MP in charge

of religious affairs, told reporters ‘the government’s reasoning is absurd.

The Olympic village is to be built 15 km north of the capital and the planned

mosque would be too far from the village for the athletes to use it’.22

During the parliament’s 2001 summer session, the Greek Communist

Party (KKE) MP, Ioanna Kanneli, mentioned that the Arab League had been

asking for a place of worship in the Greek capital since 1971 and that the KKE

had always regarded the establishment of the Athenian central mosque as a

necessity. She suggested, however, another place for the construction (Gazi),

which is closer to the historical centre of the capital. During the same session,

the Coalition for the Left and Progress (SYNASPISMOS) MP, Maria

Damanaki, spoke about the necessity of the establishment of a mosque in


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Athens and referred to respective decisions of the municipal council of

Athens, which suggested Gazi district as the most suitable area for the

establishment of the central mosque.23

Over and above these opinions, there were several deputies,

including deputies of the ruling party, who were totally against the

building of the Athenian central mosque and the Islamic cultural centre for

ideological reasons. A characteristic example is the case of a former minister

and member of the ruling party, who argued that there should be a quid pro

quo from Turkey, ‘There should be reciprocity. To open a mosque, they

should give us the keys of Aghia Sophia’ (a famous Byzantine church in

Istanbul, which was first turned into a mosque and then into a museum).

Another deputy of the ruling party also expressed his objections on the basis

that the Athenian central mosque and the Islamic cultural centre ‘could

become a centre of international terrorism’.24 These opinions show how many

Greeks still identify Islam with extremism, Greek–Turkish bilateral relations

and past Ottoman oppression.

The Orthodox Church of Greece

Before discussing the reactions of some members of the Orthodox

Church of Greece a few points should be stressed. First, the Greek state is

not legally separated from the Eastern Orthodox Church of Christ (Greek

Orthodox Church). Second, Greeks tend to link religious affiliation very

closely to ethnicity.25 In the minds of many Greeks, an ethnic Greek is also a

Christian Orthodox. Third, two laws from the 1930s require recognized or

‘known’ religious groups to obtain house of prayer permits from the Ministry

of Education and Religion. By law, the Ministry may base its decision to issue

permits on the opinion of the local Orthodox bishop.26

With regards to the establishment of the central mosque the

local bishop’s negative opinion was bypassed as the hierarchy of the

Greek Orthodox Church favoured the state’s decision. The Archbishop’s

spokesman stated that:

The church respects every individual’s particular religious beliefs, and

because Islam is a well known religion, it does not object to the creation

of a mosque under certain conditions – namely that the mosque is not

built in the centre of Athens because the average Greek cannot yet

accept the idea of a minaret in the city centre.27

Nevertheless it is still interesting to note that from the very beginning the local

bishop declared his strong disagreement with the idea of the construction of a

central mosque in the district of Peania, and he continuously tried to inform

the local citizens of the oncoming ‘danger’. Metropolitan Agathonicos, in his


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annual report of the Metropolis for the year 1999, referred to the issue of the

Athenian central mosque and Islamic cultural centre in the following words:

I owe to you, my beloved flock, to include in my annual report an issue

of great importance and interest. I would like to inform you of an

issue which will result in numerous problems and realignments. I am

referring to the Athenian central mosque and Islamic cultural centre,

which is to be built on a top of a hill in Peania. Our holy Metropolis in

co-operation with the local authorities and the local population will

strongly react to the effort to adulterate the religious, cultural, social and

traditional structure and life of the citizens of Mesogia . . . I call on the

citizens of Mesogia to struggle in order to prevent the establishment of

foreign, dangerous and heretical elements in our region . . .28

Citizens Living in the Area and Local Authorities

All local authorities tried to oppose the building of the Athenian central

mosque in Peania through protest and public meetings.29 The most common

objections against the mosque and the cultural centre were the following. First,

the establishment of the Athenian central mosque and the Islamic cultural

centre will encourage large numbers of Muslim immigrants to settle in Peania,

thus downgrading the quality of daily life. It would also result in the

devaluation of property. Second, there are no significant numbers of Muslims

living in the area in which the mosque is to be constructed. Third, the

establishment of a mosque in Peania district is not only culturally but also

stylistically inappropriate. Finally, the proximity of the future mosque to

Athens International Airport presents a further problem, as it will be among

the first things tourists will notice while landing.30 Only a few supported the

argument that the establishment of the Athenian central mosque and the

Islamic cultural centre would neither affect the region nor the local

inhabitants, and cited as an example the existence of a Hindu temple in the

area for more than 15 years, which, so far, had not caused any problems.

The European Union

In June 2002 the European commissioner Alvaro Gil-Robles visited Athens in

order to assess the human rights situation. After completing his short visit the

commissioner wrote a report for the attention of the Committee of Ministers

and the Parliamentary Assembly. With regards to the establishment of a

central mosque in Athens, he stated:

A question related to that of places of worship is the lack of an official

mosque in Athens where, apart from the Greek Muslims, several

thousand Muslims of foreign origin live as a result of the heavy


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migration flow. At present these worshippers, according to the report

which I received from several NGOs with official confirmation, meet in

clearly unsuitable places such as flats, basements, garages and other

private premises. When this question was raised, the Secretary General

for Religious Affairs – as well as Archbishop Christodoulos – assured

me that he had no objection to the building of a mosque, but invoked

potential local resistance. I appeal to the solidarity, spirit of tolerance

and good will of all concerned to pick out a place readily accessible to

worshippers on which to build a mosque for Muslims established in

Athens District.31

The Challenge Posed by the Muslim Presence in Greece

The questions arising both for Greece and for other European countries, once

it is accepted that they constitute a lasting destination for hundreds of

thousands or perhaps millions of Muslim immigrants, would be the following.

Are the Europeans prepared to accept a multi-religious Europe? What will be

the future of these diverse communities? Is it going to be integration,

assimilation or alienation as Tariq Ramadan points out in his book To be a

European Muslim?32

European countries have attempted to provide their own specific answers

through various immigration policies. On the other hand, Greece, one of the

most homogeneous countries in Europe (both ethnically and religiously), has

only recently been dealing with the growing presence of Muslim immigrants.

When the issue of the establishment of the Athenian central mosque and the

Islamic cultural centre surfaced, the inability of the Greek state and society to

deal with Islam became clearly noticeable. It was only in 1999, when the

debate on the Islamic cultural centre became public that people realized that

many immigrants living in the country were actually Muslims.

Unfortunately, what has not yet been understood is that Islam has become

a ‘domestic’ religion and not some foreign phenomenon. Furthermore, the

case of the Athenian central mosque is only one of the many issues that the

country will face in the near future. The movement towards a multi-religious

society is undoubtedly a difficult process. Therefore the Greek state must

develop special policies that would take into consideration the history of

Muslim communities in other parts of Europe as well as the existing legal

framework regarding the Muslim minority in Western Thrace.

NOTES

1. Large parts of present-day Greece remained part of the Ottoman Empire until the First WorldWar and the whole country was under Ottoman rule until the early nineteenth century.


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Plenty of evidence can be found in the landscape of mosques and other religiousbuildings from the Ottoman period. See for instance Richard Lawless, ‘The Economy andLandscapes of Thessaly during Ottoman Rule’, in An Historical Geography of the Balkans(London, 1977).

2. According to law 1438/1984 regulations for naturalization are even stricter. Hundreds ofspouses of Greek citizens have to wait for five years before three ministries examine theirapplications.

3. To understand this religious behaviour of the Albanian immigrants it is necessary tohighlight aspects of their twentieth-century history. The communist take-over of Albania atthe end of 1944 produced serious consequences for all religious communities. While allreligious activities were banned in 1967 during the so-called ‘cultural revolution’, theauthorities have been fighting against them since 1944. It was only in November 1990that President Ramiz Alia granted liberty of religion. Most of the Albanians residing inGreece usually state that they are either atheists or Christian Orthodox in the hope ofobtaining better employment opportunities. Nevertheless at this point we should mentionedTrix’s observation that some of the people of Muslim origin who have gone to Greece forwork ‘have come back strengthened in their Albanian identity and eager to reclaim theirMuslim identity as well’. For more information, see E. Cela, ‘Albanian Muslims, HumanRights, and Relations with the Islamic World’, in Gerd Nonneman, Tim Niblack and BagdanSzajkowski (eds.), Muslim Communities in the New Europe (Reading, 1996), pp.139–52; aswell as Frances Trix, ‘The Resurfacing of Islam in Albania’, East European Quarterly,Vol.XXVII, No.4 (Jan. 1995), p.538.

4. Some Greek scholars have tried to explain this trend by stressing the religious and culturalbackground of the immigrants. See for instance Jeni Kavounidi, ‘Oi metanastes tou protouEllinikou programmatos nomimopiisis’, in Gabriel Amitsis and Gabriella Lazaridi, Nomikeskai koinonikopolitikes diastasis tis Metanasteysis stin Ellada (Athens, 2001), p.100.

5. See for instance Marina Petronoti, ‘City Template Athens: Basic Information on EthnicMinorities and their Participation’, at www.unesco.org/most/p97city.htm.

6. Small Muslim communities can also be found in the islands of Rhodes and Kos, but their legalstatus is different from that of the Muslim minority in Western Thrace.

7. Under the Lausanne Convention of January 1923 there was a compulsory exchange ofpopulations between Greece and Turkey. The Muslims of Western Thrace and the Greeksof Istanbul and the two small islands at the entrance of the Straits, Imvros and Tenedos, wereexcluded from the exchange. The Lausanne Treaty (July 1923) nevertheless defined their legalstatus. For the Muslim minority in Western Thrace and the Greek Orthodox minority ofIstanbul, the convention provided a number of rights in order to preserve their religious andethnic character. For the Greek population of Imvros and Tenedos, the convention providedfor the establishment of a regime of limited autonomy.

8. Irini Lagani, ‘Greece’s Muslim Minority in Western Thrace’, Briefing Notes on Islam, Societyand Politics, Vol.3, No.1 (2000), p.9.

9. For more information, see the European Union Programme, ‘Muslim Voices’, inThe European Union: The Stranger Within, Vol.IV (Feb. 1997–June 1999).

10. The author conducted these interviews in 2000. Tozun Bahceli claims that emigration toTurkey is not a new phenomenon and that in the years 1939–60, 40,000 Muslims leftWestern Thrace for Turkey. With regards to the above issue another Greek scholar,Yorgos Christidis, also states that: ‘There has been a continuous trend of emigrationto Turkey, although precise figures are lacking. It is estimated that during the period1939–51 some 20,000 left for Turkey, followed by a further 20,000 in the course of the1950s’. For more information, see Tozun Bahceli, ‘The Muslim–Turkish Community inGreece: Problems and Prospects’, Journal: Institute of Muslim Minority Affairs, Vol.8,No.1 (Jan. 1987); and Yorgos Christidis, ‘The Muslim Minority in Greece’, in Nonneman,Niblack and Szajkowski (eds.), Muslim Communities, pp.153–63.

11. See Alexis Alexandris, The Greek Minority of Istanbul and Greek–Turkish relations1918–1974 (Athens, 1992), p.315. Members of the minority who leave the country, even fora temporary period, have been denied re-entry under Article 19 of the Greek Nationality Law


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3370/1955. Article 19 states that ‘a person of non Greek origin who leaves Greece with theintention of not returning, may be declared as having lost their nationality’. Originally this lawwas implemented in order to prevent former Greek communists, who had fled to the SovietBloc countries, from returning to Greece. Some Turkish scholars claimed that the law hasbeen used to deprive members of the Muslims minority of their Greek nationality when theytravel abroad. On 11 June 1998 this law was finally abolished.

12. For more information, see Antonis Skordilis, ‘Gazi: Pireos kai eksathliosis gonia’,Eleytherotipia, 10 April 2002.

13. Kathy Tzilivakis, ‘Little room for Islam inside makeshift temples’, Athens News, 11 Oct.2002.

14. Georgia Dama, ‘Oi mousoulmanoi ehoun tora to tzami tous’, Eleytherotipia, 12 June 2002.15. See the results of an MRB-Hellas opinion poll focusing on immigrants living in Greece

published in Panagiota Bitsika, ‘Pos zoun kai ti pistevoun oi allodapoi stin Ellada’, To Vima,7 July 2002.

16. The name of this foundation in full is the ‘An Nuur Foundation, Research & for InternationalDa’wah and Muslim Solidarity’. It was founded in Jakarta, Indonesia on 17 Feb. 1999.For more information, see http://www.annuur-afj.or.id.

17. The Lahore Ahmadiyya Movement publishes all these books. Unfortunately the movement’swebsite does not mention the names of the authors or the dates of publication.

18. See http://www.muslim.org/activities/greece.htm, accessed 10 Jan. 2002.18. See National Gazette, Issue 1, 30 June 2000.20. See ‘Apoktima gia tin Athina to Islamiko temenos’, Kathimerini, 19 Sept. 2000; as well as

Records of Proceedings, Greek Parliament, fourth sitting, 15 June 2000.21. Yahya Michot, ‘Muslims in Belgium’, Muslim Politics Report: Council of Foreign Relations,

No.15 (Sept.–Oct. 1997).22. See ‘Athens overrides objections to Mosque’, Reuters, 1 June 2000.23. See Records of proceedings, Greek Parliament, fourth sitting, 15 June 2000.24. See Records of Proceedings, Greek Parliament, fourth sitting, 15 June 2000.25. For more information on the relationship between Orthodoxy and nationhood, see Paschalis

M. Kitromilides, ‘“Imagined Communities” and the Origins of the National Question in theBalkans’, in Martin Blinkhorn and Thanos Veremis (eds.), Modern Greece: Nationalism andNationality (Athens, 1990), pp.23–66.

26. Art.1363/1938, for illegal proselytism.27. See Kathy Tzivilakis, ‘Little room for Islam inside makeshift temples’, Athens News, 11 Oct.

2002.28. M. Mantas, ‘Gia to Mousoulmaniko temenos tis Peanias’, Politis ton Mesogeion, March 2000.29. Dimitris Markopanagiotis, ‘Antidraseis gia tin anegersi temenous stin Peania’, Attikos

Kirikas, 20 June 2000.30. It is interesting to note the similarities arising from the reactions to the establishment of

mosques in many European Countries. See for instance Jørgen Nielsen, Muslims in WesternEurope (Edinburgh, 1995), p.82.

31. See ‘Report by Mr Alvaro Gil-Robles, Commissioner for Human Rights on his Visit to theHellenic Republic 2–5 June 2002’, Strasbourg, 17 July 2002.

32. Tariq Ramadan, To be a European Muslim (Leicester, 1999).


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Muslim Immigrants in Greece: Religious Organization and Local Responses

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Transcript of Muslim Immigrants in Greece: Religious Organization and Local Responses