Music at a Venetian Confraternity in the Renaissance

Music at a Venetian Confraternity in the RenaissanceAuthor(s): Denis ArnoldSource: Acta Musicologica, Vol. 37, Fasc. 1/2 (Jan. - Jun., 1965), pp. 62-72Published by: International Musicological SocietyStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/932339 .

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62

Music at a Venetian Confraternity in the Renaissance

DENIS ARNOLD (HULL/ENGLAND)

The religious independence of Venice is seen in many subtle ways in the growth of its church music. Politically, there was only one open breach with Rome, that of the early years of the seventeenth century; but Venice was never in the close communion with the Holy See which other states maintained, and looking at the work of its famous school of composers, from Willaert to Monteverdi, it is not diffi- cult to detect signs of this detachment. One of these is the apparent reluctance of Venetian musicans to set the Ordinary of the Mass. The whole corpus of the maestri di cappella of S. Marco can hardly produce as many settings as did Palestrina alone. Another sign is that the motets of the Venetians echo the great politico-religious festivals of the Republic, rather than reflect the great occasions of the Roman church. Yet another lies in the institutions in which church music flourished.

S. Marco naturally was the focal point of music making in Venice. But the basilica was the private chapel of the Doge. The musicians (and indeed some of its clerics) were appointed by the Procurators, who were politicians not church officials, and it was their tastes which dominated the choice of organists and maestri and which maintained the size of its choir and orchestra at that considered appropriate for the

glory of the Republic. Elsewhere in the city, church music was less well served. Such records as have been preserved of the churches of the Frari and SS. Giovanni e Paolo show that these were content with an organist who taught plainsong to the boys and

monks. For the greater festivals they employed the singers of S. Marco, who came,

together with the Doge and Senate, in the processions which were a characteristic

display of Venetian splendour. Elsewhere in the city, there is little evidence that

church music was even in as healthy a state as this. There were well over a hundred

churches in Venice in the later sixteenth century, yet the publications of Vincenti

and Gardano reveal little activity on the part of their musicians-a sure sign that all was not as flourishing as is commonly believed.

There is one exception to this moribund state, and this exception is also characteristic of Venetian independence. The religious confraternities, or Scuole grandi, as

they were called, were among the most active of Venetian organisations in the

Renaissance. Typically enough for the Most Serene Republic, their main aims were

practical. They existed to protect the interests of their members, and to help the poor. Their funds were secured from subscriptions and investments, especially in property. Thus they were essentially associations of laymen who controlled their activities

through an elected council. But no less typical of Venetian life was the fact that these confraternities all wished to contribute to the pomp of Venice, to take part in the great processions, to show that the glory of God could be best served by the

display of the glory of man. In this way, they became perhaps the most opulent patrons of the arts in Venice. It is no coincidence that the facade of the Scuola grande



D. Arnold: Music at a Venetian Confraternity in the Renaissance 63

di S. MarcoI is one of the most interesting pieces of Venetian architecture; that the Scuola grande di S. Rocco commissioned the most ambitious collection of paintings by Tintoretto; nor that the Scuola grande di S. Giovanni Evangelista had the finest series of processional paintings on its walls.2 In Venice, lay democracy was a surer- and wealthier-patron than the Church. This was the temper of the Republic.

If the Scuola grande di S. Rocco was at its prime the most wealthy of the confraternities, and could employ the most distinguished musicians of the age,3 the Scuola grande di S. Giovanni Evangelista was in many ways more characteristic of these societies. Lacking the immense resources of the S. Rocco confraternity, its financial vicissitudes were bound up with those of the Republic itself, and its history, as revealed in its preserved minute books,4 shows how society in general influenced music making. Music at the Scuola di S. Giovanni Evangelista began some years before that of S. Rocco. The first reference of importance in the minute book5 is dated 31 December 1430, and is a resolution to provide an organ 'che sia decente e de bon e de honor della nostra Scuola' in place of one which 'non esser di quella bonta e perfescion ch'el doveva esser'. Who was to play the organ is not stated, but it was probably one of the members of the scuola, for there is no mention of any professional musicians for some years after this. And indeed the employment of professionals was clearly bound up with the public display of the confraternity's relics in the great processions of state, for it was only in 1446 that the Scuola petitioned the Council of Ten to be allowed to have in their procession singers who were not members of the confraternity.6 This was granted, although the Council of Ten was to keep a close watch on such expenditure, which essentially diverted charitable funds from their primary purpose. At this stage, however, this employment of singers was sporadic and no great burden. Ten years later, the confraternity found itself in disgrace because it had not kept up its resources. Its governors decided to approach the Council of Ten yet again:

Perche i officiali della Scola de San Zuane Evanzelista ha esposto che quando i andano a sepelir el Nobil Homo Sier Marin Sanudo sier Francesco Rabbia olim Guardian non havendo Cantadori perche alcuni son Morti et i altri se Trovavano fuora e pero i hanno suplicado de poder tuor altre el suo numerosie Cantadori come l'altro di fo comesso a Santa Maria della Carit' e della Misericordia.

L'andera Parte che alla ditta Scuola sia concesso come humilmente i hanno suplicado7.

The element of desire to fare una bella figura is clear from this resolution, not least in the reference to two rival confraternities, those of Santa Maria della Carita and the Misericordia. Certainly at the beginning of the next century, rivalry of this

1 Now the Ospedale Civile. 2 They are now in the Accademia delle Belle Arti. 3 v. D. ARNOLD, Music at the Scuola di San Rocco, in: Music and Letters, 40 (1959) p. 229 ff. 4 In the Archivio di Stato in Venice. All future references are to this collection except where other- wise stated. s Scuola di S. Giovanni Evangelista Notatorio I, Registro 140f. 90v. * ibid f. 157 v. dated 20 July 1446.

7 ibid f. 165 dated 7 February 1458 [Ven. 1457.]



64 D. Arnold: Music at a Venetian Confraternity in the Renaissance

sort became keen. All the confraternities were looking for distinguished musicians and the Scuola di S. Rocco had raised the salaries of its singers 8 considerably. The Scuola di S. Giovanni Evangelista found for itself as organist Fra Marc'Antonio Zuccheto, who probably played the organ elsewhere. Until 1527 he played only in the church of the confraternity, then agreed to play both in their church and in the building of the Scuola itself, 9 receiving a salary of ten ducats. This was an attempt to improve the music of the confraternity, while at the same time effecting economies, since Zuccheto had accepted the dual duties 'li sia cressudo qualche puoco de salario

appresso quello lui ha al presente'. But, as other organisations were to find, using part-time musicians was hazardous for they tended to send substitutes when more

profitable duties took them elsewhere. By August of the same year, the confrater-

nity was complaining that Zuccheto had sent one Pre Hettor to play at the Scuola and 'uno fratello del ditto M. fra Marcanto a sonar in Giesia'. His excuse was that there was a case of the plague in Marc'Antonio's monastery; but the confraternity's officials reduced his salary to six ducats and while permitting him to play only in church, demanded that only with real cause should he be allowed to send a substi- tute. 10 Less distinguished figures continued to play at the Scuola, and finally Zuc- cheto resigned in 1535 to be replaced by Vicenzo Crivelli. 11

By this time, the pattern of music in the confraternity was changing. The organist, whose duties were after all mainly domestic, became much less important than the musicians whose presence was indispensable to the honour of the Scuola when it

appeared in public. In March 1536, the Warden was empowered to come to an agreement with five singers.

che ....

siano obligati accompagnar la scuola et cantar Juxta et consueto, quando la ditta scuola va fuor di casa, et la scuola li habbia a dar per sua mercede ducati doi per uno all'anno, et questo a beneplacito della bancha di tempo in tempo. 12

Two months later, a similar agreement was made with four instrumentalists, and the contract shows that these were more highly valued than the singers. They were

paid 15 ducats each-an income only equalled by the players of S. Marco-and were given candles to carry on the feast of S. Giovanni Evangelista (thus making them the equals of the members of the confraternity). For this they had to promise to play for no other Scuola and had to obey the instructions only of the confraterni-

ty's officers. At the bottom of the regulations a list of festivals is appended.

Le feste sono queste notade qui de sotto, Nelle quale gli sopraditti sonadori de violetta et lironi sono obligati a sonar. Et prima Adi 25 marzo el di dell'Annunciation Adi 16 April el di della procession de S. Isidoro. Adi 25 ditto la festa de' San Marco

la festa del corpus diii, doe [= due] procession

8 S. Rocco, Rubrica Generale Indice 2, entry dated 11th April 1506. 9 ibid Notatorio II, Registro 141 f. 2v. to ibid f. 4v. 11 ibid f. 47v. entry dated 18 July 1535. 12 ibid f. 57v. the "bancha" is the council of the confraternity.




Adi 15 luio el di de San Vido Adi 25 ditto la procession de San Marco dall'acqua rosa Adi 10 Auosto el di de San Lorenzo Adi 16 ditto el di de San Rocho Adi 8 Sette el di della Madonna che se porta la puerella a San Job. Adi 8 Decembe alla festa della misericordia

E tutte le altre feste che la scuola andasse.13

This formal resolution probably only made regular a situation which had been in existence for some time. It is significant that Gentile Bellini's picture of the procession on Corpus Domini 1496 shows the confraternity's players prominently,14 and presumably the Warden had paid instrumentalists either privately or out of funds set aside by the Council. But from this formal contract, it looks as though rivalry between the Scuole had forced them to try and obtain exclusive rights-and this is certainly a sign that instrumentalists were now well in demand in Venice.

But the uncertainty of musician's employment in the sixteenth century is shown by the next entry in the minute book to concern them. In 1537, the Republic had to find money to pay for the Wars of the Archipelago, and a tax was imposed by which various organisations in the city had to find men for the galleys, or pay a sum in lieu. So on September 6th, the Council of the Scuola di S. Giovanni Evan- gelista came to the conclusion that it could no longer afford its singers and they must be paid off immediately since

... non voler pifh questa spesa de cantadori, attento a tanta gravezza che al presente ha la nostra Scuola per gli hui [= huominil se hanno midata in galia. 15

There is no mention of the instrumentalists, which probably shows that greater prestige attached to their employment, but a renewal of their terms of appointment a few years later suggests that their pay had been reduced, for by this time, their fees were being paid again per diem rather than on annual basis.1" Even so, within a decade, the situation had improved. All the Scuole began to employ musicians on a more opulent scale. The Scuola di S. Rocco paid its organist and singers more " and the other confraternities followed suit. That of S. Giovanni increased the fees for singers (who had now reappeared on the scene unobtrusively) by making these payable for funerals1s and by increasing various benefits. Old singers were now eligible for pensions (if this is not too grand a term) in the same way as old brothers of the confraternity.19

Whether this meant that the actual music at the Scuole was now better provided is something about which we have no evidence, for it was only in the early

is ibid f. 65v. 14 v. reproduction in Istitutioni e Monumenti dell'arte musicale Italiana Vol. I, Milan (Ricordi) 1931. 15 Scuola di S. Giovanni Evangelista Reg. 141 f. 66. 16 ibid f. 103v. entry dated 11 December 1541. 17 Scuola grande di S. Rocco, Rubrica Generale Indice 2. entry under Cantori and Organista. 18 Scuola di S. Gio. Ev. Reg. 141 f. 190v. 19 ibid f. 191.




seventeenth century that foreigners began to mention it in their travel diaries; but

by 1553, the Republic's authorities at least became worried about the amount of

money which the confraternities were spending on such things. The Scuola della Carit" was the immediate cause of a regulation which reduced its expenditure on

singers from 180 ducats to not more than 70 or so per annum; and although it is too verbose a document to quote in full, the general concern felt by the State can be gathered from its preamble.

Quelli boni, e santi Padri, che fonderono questa benedetta Confratternita, ma mossi dal Spirito Santo, et infiamati della Carita, la fondorno con devotione, dissiplina et oratione, et postponendo le cose mondane e le pompe hanno sempre invigilato con ogni suo pensiero e diligentia di usare la Carith verso i poveri, come cosa gratissima al Sigr Iddio, et per fino, che quelli, che se hanno trovato al governo di essa nostra Scola, sono stati di questa bene mente, e caritatisimo animo, sono sempre augmentate, non solo le devotioni, ma etiam l'entrate, De li a un tempo poi essendo nasciuta la pompa mondane nelli cuori di quelli, che . . .20

The effects of this resolution were felt a few months later by the other confraternities when the Council of Ten, while acknowledging that singers were a necessary part of the confraternities 'cosi per conservatio delle solite et antich' Cerimonie pertinete al

Culto Divino come per honor di questa Citta,' that the total expenditure on them was

to be 50o ducats a year per confraternity. No extra fees were to be given them, and the

Scuole must not try and ignore the regulations by individual members giving fees out

of their own pockets. 21

The Republic had these periods of puritan restriction from time to time, making all the gondolas black, or insisting on the austerity of women's clothes; they rarely lasted for long. In 1558, the Scuola di S. Giovanni Evangelista managed to move

away from this atmosphere by appointing singers as its chaplains (on whose number

there was no restriction).

Acci6, che la nostra Chiesa sia fornetta de Sacerdotti virtuosi, e che le feste se possi cantar in canto figurato, et perche el Magnifico pre francesco de Domenico Lappi possi et debbi servir all Coro poiche per la soprascritta Mansionara de Piero Pochatera non ha questo obligo, per6.

L'andera parte che mette el Magnifico Missier Francesco Basalu, Guardian Mazor che sia datta all ditto Missier Pre Francesco de Domco Lappi D [= ducati] 6 all'anno a ?6:4 della Cassa corente, ... et sia obbligatto attender all Coro come fanno quelli altri sacerdoti che anno tal obligho et sia a beneplacito della Banca.22

In this way, not only could the number of singers be unobtrusively increased; the

confraternity also were more certain that their music was kept at a higher standard

than was possible if singers were to be hired on a more casual basis. At this time, the Scuola was again having difficulties with the singers of S. Marco, as the preamble of a minute appointing new singers from the Minorite order shows.

20 Inquisitori et Revisori sopra le Scuole Grandi, Cap I f. 99. 21 copy in Scuola di S. Gio. Ev. Reg 141 f. 306. 22 ibid f. 489v. 18th December 1558.




Havendo per esperientia conoscuto li Incomodi, che si patiscono nell' aspettar, li Cantori soleii obligati alla Chiesa di S. Marco, et havendo li Rdi Diii Cantori di fratti Minori; che sono detto Anzoletto e compagni, vicini alla nra scola, et comodi, et che comodamente, Possano et si offriscono servirla.

L'andera Parte, che mette il Mco M. Marc. Silvestri D. Guardia Mazor, che li ditti quatro Cantori sijno accordati per cantori dlla Scuola Nra per aiji cinq. Prossimi venturi c6 sallario di Ducti cinquanta al aiio a ?6, s.4 per ducto; et regalie cosuette quali li ssiano datti...23

The salary of over 12 ducats for each singer was high; in fact, more than four times that of the players of the Scuola di S. Rocco at this time.24 But the basic problem, that part time musicians have a tendency to move to wherever the pay even tempo- rarily increases, still was not overcome. In December 1571, the Scuola di S. Giovanni

Evangelista had enough money to spend fifty ducats on candles for the festivities celebrating the victory at Lepanto.25 The next financial year accordingly needed economy, and in 1573, the singers were once again removed from the list of salaried officials and paid separate fees for processions:

Che li cantorj isolennj ni siano pii salariatti a ragion di alio a sallo fermo ad solitto di dtti cinquanta, ma siano adoperarj se acordatti per li magni guardianj come meglio gli parera purche aconto dj scolla n6 sj eccedi la suma di dtti vinticinq. all' ano.26

Not surprisingly, Father Anzoletto took his singers elsewhere and a quartet including his name turns up in the register of S. Rocco a few years later. 27

Yet if the more ambitious musicians were willing to move from place to place to obtain higher fees, there were distinct advantages in being faithful to one confraternity, especially when these accepted their musicians as full members. The Scuola di San Rocco looked after its musicians when they were old or ill,28 and that of S. Giovanni Evangelista eventually followed. When three of their sonadort di lironi found themselves 'in poverth grande, e con poco aiuto' they applied to be given the monthly charity payments made to the poor, under various endowment schemes. The confraternity was generous. It gave them not only alms, but continued their salary and gave them double pay for playing at the procession of Corpus Domini.29 Alas for musicians' honour and honesty, when this generosity had continued for some six years, the procession to Castello in celebration of the Republic's foundation, found the Scuola di S. Giovanni Evangelista, not only without its players, but, adding insult to injury, with its players in the ranks of the Scuola grande della Carith! An indignant minute dismisses them. 30

23 Scuola di S. Giovanni Evangelista Reg. 142. Notatorio III f. 38v, entry for 15 February 1562 [V. M 1561]. 24 Archivio della Scuola di S. Rocco, Registro delle Terminazioni II f. 235. I am indebted to Dr Brian Pullan, of Queen's College, Cambridge for these and other references to this Archivio. 25 Scuola di S. Gio. Ev. Reg. 142 f. 242v. 26 ibid f. 273. 27 Archivio di S. Rocco op. cit. f. 379. The other singers were Baldissara Donato (tenor), Galeazzo da Pesaro (bass) and Niccoleto da Castello (soprano). 28 ibid f. 340v. 29 Scuola di S. Gio. Ev. op. cit. f. 88v. so ibid f. 154.




Mette parte esso magco Vardian che li sopa dettj pasqualin ide Cancian et batista de damian siamo privj et casj della scola nra et de beneficij haiio da da scola et Ancho de suoj frattj.

The confraternity soon found a new group of players31 and agreed to pay them 12 ducats each per annum, and for some years, everything seems to have gone smoothly. It was at the end of 1594 that once more the galley tax menaced the musicians' livelihood. A resolution of the Council of Ten made the six major confraternities find 4,000oo ducats between them, of which the Scuola di S. Giovanni Evangelista had to pay 500 ducats. It decided, as did the Scuola della Carita and Misericordia to dismiss both singers and players.

... potendossi per6 in alcuni giorni solenni ci6 i giovedi santo, Processioni di S. Marco, Corpus Diii et Visite delle Scuole ad arbitrio del Guardian tuor quatro cdtori straordinarij di volta in volta . . .32

The total expenditure on singers was not to exceed 20 ducats, that on players 25 ducats. The Warden was even forbidden to pay more musicians out of his own pocket, since that would raise the demands of the musicians for higher fees and increased numbers. 33 It was by no means just musicians that were affected. The Scuola della Carita was continually petitioned at this time for help by people who found 'questi tempi cosi aclamatosi'.

Fortunately, the slump was not long lived. By 1597, the confraternities were again able to employ musicians, and it was probably during the next twenty years that their music reached its full glory. The Scuola di S. Giovanni Evangelista seems to have been later than the others in its revival, at least by its own account in the minute book.

Havendo tutte le altre Scole grande nelle procession solite hauto li suoi sonadori et Cantori, et essendo la scola nra a una procession andata senza sonadori et cantori qualle e statta di molto scandolo si alla nobilitat come ad altri dicendo parole diverse per esser usa la cita a sentir ditti sonadori et cantori e per6 son statto necesitatto per onor della scola fira di far cosi come a fatto le altre Scole et havedo trovatto il redo padre fasuol et tre altri suoi compagni qualli sono venutti a tutte esse processioni et venirano anco a quella della Carita alli qualli non li a ancora datto il suo pagamento fino che no sara finita ditta processione della Carita, Perb.

L'andera parte che mete all Magco Sig. Gi6. per la G. M. che quanto si essi Cantori et sonadori e sij. fatto ben.34

In the event, the tardiness of the Scuola della Carita in paying its musicians proved of great benefit to the confraternity. Fasuol, who had been its chaplain since 159135 was one of the most experienced of the musicians of S. Marco, and indeed, acted as maestro in the interregnum between the death of Croce and the taking up office

31 ibid f. 160. 32 ibid Notatorio V f. 155. :3 ibid f. 155v. 34 ibid f. 186v. 35 ibid f. 87v.




of Martinengo. And by this time, the confraternity had an organist who was a thoroughly competent musician in Francesco Sponga.

Sponga was a professional composer who later became the organist of the church of S. Salvador. He and his nephew published a book of motets in 1614 which shows them to be among the earliest composers to realise the possibilities of the concertato motet in the manner of Viadana. Since the difficulties of obtaining a full choir which lead to Viadana's invention of the motet with an essential organ part, were precisely those which so often plagued the Venetian confraternities, it is not hard to see why Sponga was highly valued by the Scuola di S. Giovanni Evangelista. His dealings with the officers of the confraternity are fully documented (he was a voluminous letter writer and petitioner) and are amusing in the way that they show his skill in gradu- ally obtaining better conditions for himself. His first petition, dated 1st March 1598 36 shows that the school had agreed to let him live in one of their houses (a major source of its income came from rents) when it appointed him organist. Apparently, Sponga had been absent from the festivities of the confraternity's nameday, and the Warden threatened to evict him. After the petition, however, they agreed that

ditto pre fco sij ritornar la sua casetta come prima haveva c6 obligo che debba pagar tutti li affitti scorsi et qto termine di giorni quindese se n6 il tutto s'intendi niun valor.

From this, it is clear that Sponga was paying rent, and in fact in his next petition in the January of the following year,37 the situation is clearly set out. The house was worth 20 ducats a year. His salary was 8 ducats (it had not risen since the days of Zuccheto), and thus he paid 12 ducats to the Scuola and played the organ without stipend. He now pleads that the house is extremely old and with leaky roof. Moreover, he brings his organetto to the school on festival days, and plays 'senza premio di sorte alcuna'. He complains that 'non e zago di qta Sta Scola che non habbia doi, et tre volte maggior sallo di me'. Thus he asks for the house to be given him rent free, and this will be an adequate salary in itself. But although the governors of the confraternity agreed to this, something went wrong, for in the next September,38 Sponga complains that he is still expected to pay rent and asks for confirmation of the agreement. This was done, and from them on, Sponga's prosperity increased. In

1606,39 he was elected chaplain to the confraternity with a salary of 40 ducats; and since he now vacated his house, we find that his rent was now worth 25 ducats, at least to the next tenant. Moreover, his successor as organist was to receive only 12 ducats as salary. Evidently Sponga was an expert bargainer.

The appointment of this successor was now done in a more orderly fashion, with the official governing body electing him by ballot. The minute book reveals the contestants:

s3 ibid f. 213. 37 ibid f. 224. 31 ibid f. 242.




Nominati per Organista et Balotadi S. Giacomo Rondenin allievo del Gabrielli + de si

22 de no 5 S. Zuane Picchi Organista di Frari + de si

20 ode no 7.40

That Picchi should not be elected seems a little surprising, since he was a composer of some distinction, whose works were known outside Italy (one piece even being copied into the Fitzwilliam Virginal Book). Rondenin remained a nonentity, and we

may suspect owed his election more to this distinguished master than his own merits, for Gabrieli's influence was enough to gain another pupil the post of organist at the church of SS Giovanni e Paolo about this time.41 In the event he proved unsatis-

factory and finally resigned in April 1609; 42 and if his successor was also a nonentity, at least influence was probably not at work, for Zuane Battista' Rizzon's unsuccess- ful rival was one Gabriel Sponga.

It was at this time that music in the confraternities reached its most opulent. The travellers in Venice several times record its splendour and clearly there was renewed

rivalry between the Scuole. The Scuola grande di S. Rocco set the highest standard, and by its large payments to musicians seems to have caused the others to raise their fees. In November 1609, Fasuol and his companions requested an increase which was turned down by the officers of the confraternity, 43 but in the following year, the

confraternity had to succumb and make an agreement with some new singers, who were to receive 5o ducats between the four of them. In return, the confraternity insisted that they should serve on more festival days and that in the event of their absence they should be fined.44

But again, music was the first thing to suffer when times became hard. In 1612, the office of the Milizia del Mar was once more demanding money for its galleys and

taxes were increased. The organ of the church of S. Giovanni Evangelista was in

disrepair and the Warden was concerned to put this to right.

Essendo stato ordinario per il passato di tenir un organo nella sala della scola nostra per il celebrar la messa grande ogni pma Dominica de mese, et essendo sta gia molti anni questo distrutto, et essendo di molta dignita della scola nra, et maggior honor del culto divino, il ritornarlo, tantto pidi, quando che con pochissima spesa di pidi tornar esso organo.

Pero l'andera parte, che sia dato aiitta di poter spendere D. 50 [6] 60 al piui per far il sopra dto organo 45.

This modest resolution, involving a sum which was small by the side of the income of the Scuola, was turned down by 31 votes to 26. Worse still, early in 1614, the

31 Notatorio Vol VI, Reg. 145, f. 121. 40o ibid f. 126. 41 v. D. ARNOLD, Towards a biography of Giovanni Gabrieli, in: Musica Disciplina, XV (1961) p. 202. 42 Notatorio VI f. 182v. 43 ibid f. 191v. 44 ibid f. 201v. 45 ibid f. 237v.




brothers told their two officers to consider how to reduce expenses,46 and they came up with a most stringent regulation to cut down the musicians.

Che sijno levato a fato li Cantori, et Sonadori si che resta solevata la Scolla di spesa Cosi grade, Come se e fato si hora.

Ma perche e neccessario nelle quatro processioni principali come Giovedi Santo, Sd Marco, Corpus Domini, et Redentor, et nelle cinque visite delle scolle, haver cantori, et cosi nelle processioni di San Marco, Corpus Domini, et Redentor, et cinque visite de Scolle haver Sonadori; perb habbi autorit" ii Magco Guardia di accordar una Compagnia di Catori et una de Sonadori, per I'effetto sodetto, et alla Compagnia di Cantori ni possi ecceder duccatti vinti all'anno, et a quella di Sonadori ducatti sedese...47

And since Wardens and Grand Masters had a habit of spending more when the honour of the confraternity was at stake, this regulation was to be revoked only if 70 brothers were present at a meeting and gave permission by a 5/6ths majority.

This economy drive, which affected all the services of the confraternity including the medical staff and the charitable payments (everything in fact except Sponga's stipend which, as chaplain, was now 48 ducats and his house), was almost the end of music at the Scuola Grande di S. Giovanni Evangelista. It was not alone in its poverty, for the scanty records of the Scuola Grande di S. Teodoro nevertheless in- clude a resolution about this time

. che siano cassato tutti li quattro Cantori e cinque sonadori della Scola nra, et quelli medesimi volendo siano di novo accordati secondo il bisogno pite . . .48 The Scuola grande di S. Maria della Misericordia also restricted its expenditure on musicians to ten ducats a year for processions in 1615,49 and although some four years later was able to be more generous, 50 in fact the evidence suggests that except for special occasions, the confraternities no longer were major employees of musicians. The expenditure revealed in a tax return in the 1620's,51 shows clearly that however much the Scuola di S. Giovanni Evangelista desired to put on a public show, it was no longer prepared to keep up a permanent establishment. Out of a total expenditure of 3210 ducats, the stipends of medical staff, musicians, organist, and other paid officials came to only 308 ducats, while over 400 ducats were spent on public pomp of various kinds. If Monteverdi could augment his income from S. Marco because he was

pregato et ripregato da Sigri Guardiani di ,scole,

da ducento ducati al anno perche chi pub havere il maestro di capella in far le loro musiche oltre al pagamento di trenta, anco di qua- ranta, et sino a cinquanta ducati per duoi vespri et una messa non mancano di pigliarlo, et li rendono anche gratie di belle parole dopo.52

Nevertheless, the confraternities did much less now to support regular music making in the Republic.

46 Notatorio VII Reg. 146 f. 37. 47 ibid f. 39v. 41 Scuola grande di S. Teodoro Reg. 15 f. 25v. 49 Scuola grande di S. Maria della Misericordia Reg. 169 f. lOv. 50 ibid f. 91.

15 Milizia del Mar Fasc. 706 f. 2.




The final straw came with the Great Plague of 1631. This reduced the number of brothers who enrolled in the Scuole Grandi, and for a time, even the processions for the festivals were practically unobserved.53 By 1633 that of S. Giovanni Evan-

gelista managed to find 22 ducats to pay Pre Iseppo Alberti and his company

. . . per cantare in tutte le processi che occorrano conforme all' obligo che haveva il q. pre Bernardo Trinitani .54

In the same year it also found some players, who were so far in dire financial straits, that they mortgaged their property in order to receive their pay in advance.55 Thereafter, music played a small part in the confraternity's existence. In 1647, the Council of Ten, seeking ways to raise more money for the wars against Turkey, insisted on further austerities on the part of the Scuole Grandi, and although a tiny index to the rules of S. Giovanni Evangelista56 shows that musicians were employed at the beginning of the 18th century, in fact the confraternity need no longer be counted as important as many other organisations in Venice.

If this account of music at a confraternity can shed no light on the life of the

great Venetian musicians, it at least adds to the evidence for a new appraisal of the

relationships between musical and social organisations. Very often, music, in common with the visual arts, has been considered the flower of the Republic's decadence. The decline in Venetian power has usually been dated from the Battle of Cambrai in the

early 16th century, and the idea of a time lag between economic and cultural decline

has been invoked to explain the richness of its artistic activity. 57 Yet, today, economic

historians are by no means so sure that the early 16th century is the true dividing line. It seems clear that if the relative power decreased as other maritime nations

became more important, nevertheless its absolute prosperity continued in many

respects until a century later.58 If this is so, there must surely be a link between

economic and cultural forces, for there can be no doubt that the real decline in

Venetian public music making dated from about 1612 when Giovanni Gabrieli, the

last of the great indigenous musicians to work in S. Marco, died. The reign of Monte-

verdi is a period of slow decay in the basilica, for his major interests were elsewhere;

and after 1637, the opening of the public opera houses turned everyone's attention to

the pursuit of pleasure in music. In the minute books of the Scuola Grande di S.

Giovanni Evangelista we see the process of decline with the greatest clarity-and the cause of decline is equally clearly to be found in its financial state. But to know

the truth is a poor consolation for the present silence of its walls.

52 G. F. MALIPIERO, Claudio Monteverdi, Milan (Treves) 1929, p. 199.

53 S. Gio. Ev. Notatorio VIII, Reg. 147, f. 21. 54 ibid f. 23. 55 ibid f. 24v. 56 Rubrica di tutte le parti, Constitutine et Ordini della Scola Gde di S. Gio. Evangta di Venetia fata Panno 1702. Biblioteca Marciana ms 7709. 57 BENVENUTI in the preface to Istitutioni e Monumenti loc. cit. is typical in this respect. 51 For a summary of recent opinion see F. C. LANE, Recent Studies in the Economic History of Venice, in: The Journal of Economic History. XXIII (1963) p. 312 ff.



Music at a Venetian Confraternity in the Renaissance

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