Moved by the mountains - DiVA portal798935/INSIDE01.pdfwho have made my time as a PhD-candidate so...

Moved by the mountains

To my family

Örebro Studies in Human Geography 9

MARIA THULEMARK

Moved by the mountains Migration into tourism dominated rural areas

© Maria Thulemark, 2015

Title: Moved by the mountains Migration into tourism dominated rural areas.

Publisher: Örebro University2015 www.oru.se/publikationer-avhandlingar

Print: Örebro University, Repro 04/2015

ISBN 978-91-7529-077-5

Abstract Maria Thulemark (2015): Moved by the mountains Migration into tourism dominated rural areas. Örebro Studies in Human Geography 9 The purpose of this thesis is to investigate migration into tourism domi-nated rural areas. The study has a particular focus on mountainous plac-es characterised by a large tourism industry. Studying how in-migration to tourism dominated rural areas can be conceptualized, what character-ise in-migrants and how various types of migration relates to the tourism destination as a place is of particular interest.

The study is based on four individual papers using material from three case study areas: Sälen and Idre in the county of Dalarna, Sweden and Wanaka, in the region of Otago, New Zealand. The thesis utilizes a mixed method approach where different qualitative interview methods are used and complemented by a quantitative study with longitudinal individual data derived from Statistic Sweden. Tourism related migration is, in this study, focused on tourism as a labour market, lifestyle and amenity related migration and its relation to the creative class theory.

The thesis makes three main contributions as it offers new ways of studying lifestyle migration as closely related to place, therefore theories of lifestyle and amenity migration are blurred. The thesis stresses the meaning of place attachment when studying community formation among temporary tourism workers. The thesis also calls for a re-conceptualisation of the creative class theory to complement explana-tions of regional development in rural tourism dominated areas.

The results of this thesis stress the importance of place in different types of research on tourism related migration. From a policy and plan-ning perspective, this thesis suggests that if in-migration is desirable to rural tourism dominated areas, there is the potential to attract tourists and seasonal workers, as both groups are attached to the place, albeit in different ways.

Keywords: tourism, mobility, lifestyle migration, amenity migration, life-style amenities, creative class, occupational communities, tourism em-ployment, seasonal workers, rural Sweden, Bergslagen Database, interview study, focus groups. Maria Thulemark, School of Humanities, Education & Social Sciences Örebro University, SE-701 82 Örebro, Sweden, [email protected]

List of papers

Thulemark, M. (2011). A new life in the mountains: changing lifestyles

among in-migrants to Wanaka, New Zealand. Recreation and Society in Africa, Asia and Latin America, 2(1), 35-50.

Thulemark, M. (2015). Community formation and sense of place among seasonal tourism workers. Resubmitted 20150129

Thulemark, M., Lundmark, M. & Heldt Cassel, S. (2014) Creativity in the recreational industry, Scandinavian Journal of Hospitality and Tour-ism, 14(4), 403-421

Thulemark, M. & Hauge, A. (2014). Creativity in the recreational indus-try. Re-conceptualization of the Creative Class theory in a tourism-dominated rural area. Scandinavian Journal of Public Administration, 18(1), 87–105.

Table of Contents

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT ................................................................................... 11

1. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................ 13 1.1 Purpose and research questions ....................................................................... 15 1.2 Limitations ........................................................................................................ 15 1.3 Outline of the thesis .......................................................................................... 16

2. THEORETICAL POINTS OF DEPARTURE .............................................. 17 2.1 Tourism and migration ..................................................................................... 18 2.2 Job-related tourism migration ........................................................................... 19 2.3 Lifestyle migration and recreational amenities ................................................ 21 2.4 Rural urbanity.................................................................................................... 22 2.5 Creative (lifestyle) migrants to rural areas ........................................................ 24 2.6 Recreational amenities, hotspots and rural gentrification................................ 26 2.7 Research gaps and relevance of this study ....................................................... 27

3. STUDY AREAS, MATERIAL AND METHODS ........................................ 30 3.1 Study areas ........................................................................................................ 30 3.2 Combining research methods .......................................................................... 35 3.3 Quantitative data and methodology ................................................................. 35 3.4 Qualitative data and methodology .................................................................... 36

3.4.1 In-depth, semi structured interviews - In-migrants ................................... 37 3.4.2 Semi-structured interviews – tourism entrepreneurs and managers,

politicians and planners ...................................................................................... 37 3.4.3 Focus group interviews – seasonal tourism workers ................................ 38

4. PAPER SUMMARIES ....................................................................................... 40 4.1 Paper I – A new life in the mountains: Changing lifestyles among in-migrants

to Wanaka, New Zealand ....................................................................................... 40 4.2 Paper II – Community formation and sense of place among seasonal tourism

workers .................................................................................................................... 40 4.3 Paper III – Creativity in the recreational industry ........................................... 41 4.4 Paper IV – Tourism employment and creative in-migrants ............................ 42

5. FINDINGS ......................................................................................................... 44 5.1 In-migrants’ relationship to tourism and place ................................................ 44 5.2 Lifestyle amenities and the (re)creative class ................................................... 46

6. CONTRIBUTION OF THE THESIS ............................................................ 50

SUMMARY IN SWEDISH ................................................................................... 53

LIST OF REFERENCES ....................................................................................... 56

Figures

Figure 1. Theoretical points of departure and research gaps.

Figure 2. Location of Sälen, Idre, Malung-Sälens- and Älvdalens Municipaity.

Figure 3. Location of Wanaka and the Otago region.

Tables

Table 1. Population in the case study areas (SAMS-areas) 1990–2010.

Table 2. Overview of the reconceptualisation of the four T’s in Florida’s urban-

orientated studies and in rural tourism areas.

Appendices

Appendix 1. List of papers with aim, theory, methods and results.

MARIA THULEMARK Moved by the mountains 11

Acknowledgement

After six and a half years, two children, a trip to New Zealand and countless hours

in front of my laptop I am finally writing this acknowledgement to thank all of those

who have made my time as a PhD-candidate so inspiring and meaningful.

I have to start by expressing my warmest gratitude to my parents, Pia and Stefan,

for giving me a childhood filled with experiments, an exploratory spirit and discus-

sions around the dinner table. Such a childhood is truly inspiring. A special thank

you to my father for being a walking dictionary, your intelligence and knowingness

is impressive and it has encouraged me to read, learn and understand new things

throughout my life.

As I started as an undergraduate student at Dalarna University my present (and

former) co-workers were my teachers. Therefore I would like to thank Magnus,

Solveig, Daniel, Susanna, Johan, Tobias, Helén and Albina for introducing me to

the academic world in such a nice way that I decided to come back for more. I

would also like to thank the extended tourism research group for interesting dis-

cussions during seminars, coffee breaks and lunches.

I have met numerous fellow PhD candidates during PhD courses, workshops

and conferences. You have both directly and indirectly contributed to this thesis.

We are seven PhD candidates in the tourism research group at Dalarna University

and I would like to thank you all. Peter, we have been doing this side by side since

the start in 2008 and I can’t imagine how it will be without you. Neither can I put

words on how much your presence has meant to me. But one thing is for sure; att

dela denna resa med dig har varit bra, inte onus. Christina, our extended lunches

has been a source of laughter, inspiration, reflection and a breeding ground for

great friendship. Zuzana, thank you for always being so honest and a special thanks

for helping me with the maps. Anna E, Anna K and Jonathan, you have all become

friends and I wish you all the best on your continued PhD journey.

I had the honour to be a visiting PhD candidate at Department of Tourism at

University of Otago, New Zealand. This trip was enabled through a grant from

Kungliga Vetenskapsakademin. Thanks to James Higham for welcoming me to the

department, Anna for helping me with my fieldtrips and Hazel for letting us rent

your house. Donna, Jan, Gunn and Karla, you made us feel at home and I often

think back on all the fun things we did. I am looking forward to the day we will

meet again. Tara, you became a voluntary supervisor, co-author and friend. Thank

you for inviting me to co-work with session proposals, article writing and book ed-

iting. I hope our roads will cross again, soon! And Scott, to work with you is a great

pleasure.

12 MARIA THULEMARK Moved by the mountains

I have partly been funded by an EU-Interreg project and through this I met my

co-author for article III, Atle. Thank you for guiding me through Florida! Your

guidance also led me to the (re)creative class - a phrase coined by Markus Bugge.

I thank Kristina for your constructive comments and friendly attitude during the

final seminar and thank you for letting me use your great idea for the title of this

work.

There are countless more that have meant something for this work. Yet, two

persons have meant the most; my supervisors Susanna and Mats. Without your

guidance this would have felt insurmountable. Susanna, you have been the one

following my writing from when I was an undergraduate student to what I am today,

and without you by my side this thesis would never have been written. As with Peter,

I can’t find words on how important you have been.

Last by not least, I am happy to have such a wonderful family. Elli and Tuva,

you are my sunshine. Fredrik, my best friend and partner in life, thank you for

letting go of everything and following me on my PhD-journey, taking you from Jä-

mtland to New Zealand to Dalarna, at least you have always had some mountains

around.

Maria Thulemark, a sunny day in March in Leksand, 2015


1. Introduction He hated the winter! It was cold and rainy in the city and the ground was sometimes

un-appreciably covered with snow. He was a ‘summer person’. He didn’t really

know why he had accepted the temporary job as a chef in a mountain tourism des-

tination in mid-winter. When he arrived in his loafers, he shivered in the cold and

longed to be back in the city. After a week he tried snowboarding and was immedi-

ately hooked. Now he sees the summer as little more than a prelude to the winter.

He is still a seasonal worker but he can see himself moving to a small house in the

forest, yet in close proximity to the skiing areas and their supply of services.

The above story was told by one of the interviewees in this study. Another inter-

viewee had his office right at the bottom of the ski slope when I visited for an inter-

view. The office was quite large, but the space was limited by all the skiing equip-

ment, ready to be used when the perfect weather conditions appeared. He had

started as a ski instructor, spending time in the mountains during the winters, and

studying during the summers. He and his wife started to spend more time in the

mountains and they soon considered the mountains their ‘home’, even though they

spent a lot of time elsewhere. When I first met him, he was a father living perma-

nently in the locality closest to the mountains and held a position as a destination

manager at a large ski resort. He had no formal education, except for a few univer-

sity-level business courses, and had worked his way up to a managerial position.

Today he is a co-owner of a large restaurant company located at the same destina-

tion and still takes every opportunity to ski.

Yet another interviewee had a seasonal job during the summers and wanted to

travel around with her husband during the winters. They decided to go to the moun-

tains for snowboarding and hoped that he could find a job as a carpenter some-

where. By coincidence, they stopped at this location as her husband’s former boss

had given him the phone number of a person he knew in the construction business.

The husband was offered a short-term job, after which they just kept coming back,

since they had made some really good local friends and fell in love with the sur-

roundings. After the couple had their first child, they decided to move permanently

to this locality due to its rural characteristics, the active life they had seen among

young families, and the outdoor focus the schools offered. She was still a full-time

mother, but felt that she could easily find a part time job within the tourism industry.

Although her husband was not directly employed in the tourism industry, his work

as a craftsman enabled him to become immediately cognizant of the impact of that

industry.


These are examples of the various life trajectories that brought my interviewees

to the mountains. They all see the tourism industry as a contributor to rural locali-

ties. The industry offers a broader range of restaurants and entertainment than is

usually found in rural areas. Increased tourist demands often require a well-devel-

oped supply of services, which spill over to the residents and contribute positively

to the development of the population by attracting young families. The natural

beauty, the extended social and commercial services, together with the labour mar-

ket makes the rural locality an attractive dwelling place.

Development of tourism has long been seen as important for the economic re-

structuring of rural areas (Jenkins, Hall, & Troughton, 1997). In these areas, tour-

ism may serve as an engine for positive transformation of business structures and

regional development (Briedenhann & Wickens, 2004; Fleischer & Felsenstein,

2000; Fossati & Panella, 2000; Williams & Shaw, 1991). Tourism generates in-

creased income (English, Marcouiller, & Cordell, 2000), new business opportuni-

ties and jobs (English et al., 2000; Lundmark, 2006b), along with population

growth, which is mainly caused by in-migration (English et al., 2000; Lundmark,

2006a; Pettersson, 2001).

In Western countries, rural areas often encounter depopulation, as a result of

out-migration and an aging population. But there are exceptions and some tourism

destinations attract in-migrants to a larger extent than other rural areas. Visiting

tourists, second home owners, entrepreneurs and tourism employees, each of

which may be motivated by different factors, are among the potential in-migrant

groups to tourism destinations (Williams & Hall, 2000). In general, rural (tourism-

related) migration is motivated by an attractive living environment (Amcoff, 2004),

together with the natural and social values of the rural area (Garvill, Malmberg, &

Westin, 2000; Stenbacka, 2001), which is also evident in migration to rural tourism

destinations. In recent years, place amenities (see, for example, Moss, 2006) and

the choice of living a desired lifestyle (see, for example, Benson & O’Reilly, 2009a)

have been in focus when discussing socially orientated migration that occurs when

people are engaged in a search for a more fulfilling life in a rural area.

However, the importance of employment opportunities is seldom mentioned as

a primary motivational factor for working-age individuals in rural (tourism-related)

migration. In Garvill et al.'s (2000) study on rural migration in Sweden, almost 70

percent of survey respondents identified social and environmental motives for mi-

gration, whereas only about 20 percent mentioned work-related reasons, including

education, unemployment and finding a new job. Such a division of motives is in

line with the idea that jobs follow people rather than people following jobs, where


Richard Florida (2002) argues for the importance of a ‘people’s climate’ as a com-

plement to the ‘business climate’ in discussions of urban and regional development

(Florida, 2002).

1.1 Purpose and research questions It is clear that some rural areas face in-migration as a result of a flourishing tourism

industry. However, little is known about how and why individuals migrate, espe-

cially in relation to the dominant tourism industry. To clarify, tourism-related mi-

gration is understood in this thesis as individual movement with some permanency,

where the tourism industry affects the move. Thus, the purpose of this thesis is to

investigate migration into tourism dominated rural areas. The study has a particular

focus on mountainous places characterised by a large tourism industry. From this,

the following questions are derived:

How can in-migration to tourism dominated rural areas be conceptual-

ised?

What characterises in-migrants moving to tourism dominated rural areas?

How do various types of migration relate to the tourism destination as a

place?

This thesis is based on four papers each with an individual aim (see appendix 1 for

an overview). Their focuses are on the motives behind migration and post-migra-

tion thoughts among permanent migrants (paper I), community building as well as

the development of a relationship with a particular location by seasonal workers,

(paper II), the need for a re-conceptualisation of the creative class theory (paper

III) and studies of a ‘creative workforce’ moving to rural municipalities that have

considerable tourism industry (paper IV).

1.2 Limitations Several limitations to this study should be noted.

Firstly, this is a study on the relationship of individuals to the place and the la-

bour market, not a study of the tourism industry per se. The focus is on individuals

affected by the industry through work and/or by living in areas for which tourism is

the primary economic endeavour. In the selected case study areas, community life

is highly influenced by tourism, which means that studies on the relationship be-

tween individuals and tourism is inevitable.

Secondly, tourism destinations are discussed as a place and not primarily as a

network of businesses. In this study, destinations are geographical areas, both phys-

ically and socially constructed, including localities that are the centres for social and


commercial services which have been established to support permanent inhabit-

ants. I am interested in determining if and how tourism can contribute to develop-

ment within these localities and their surroundings; that is, the destinations.

Thirdly, I have not studied motives for migration among all categories of in-

migrants in every paper. In papers I and II, motives are discussed with individuals.

In paper IV, it is assumed that the tourism industry, as an employer, is a motivation

for relocating to a specific area.

Fourthly, this is a study focusing mainly on domestic migration. Therefore issues

related to immigration is not given any particular emphasis.

Finally, each method used has its own strengths and limitations. These are dis-

cussed in more detail in chapter 3.

1.3 Outline of the thesis This chapter is followed by theoretical points of departure covering regional de-

velopment, tourism-related migration, rural urbanity and the creative class theory.

Regional development has long been studied through economic measurements,

hence in this thesis regional development is seen as an indirect effect of in-migra-

tion. Tourism-related migration is, in this thesis, divided into job-related migration

and place-related migration under which amenity- and lifestyle-migration are dis-

cussed. Tourism dominated rural areas may have a sensed urbanity which opens

up a discussion of the urban focused theory of the creative class and its usefulness

and consequences for rural areas; such as the issue of hotspots and rural gentrifica-

tion. Finally, this chapter presents the research gaps covered in this thesis. Subse-

quently, chapter 3 presents the case study areas, the research material and multiple

methods as a way to study tourism-related migration. Chapter 4 summarizes the

four individual papers, which, later in the thesis, are included in full-length. Chapter

5 presents a discussion of the theoretical points of departure in relation to the over-

all aim and the research questions of the thesis and presents the main findings of

the research. Chapter 6 summarizes the contributions of the thesis in relation to

migration literature, the creative class theory and policy implications.


2. Theoretical points of departure

Development as a concept has evolved from solely economic measures to include

social, cultural, political, environmental and economic aims and processes

(Sharpley & Telfer, 2002). The term development is “used descriptively and nor-

matively to refer to a process through which a society moves from one condition to

another […] development can be thought of as a philosophy, a process, the outcome

or product of that process, and a plan guiding the process towards desired objec-

tives” (Sharpley, 2002 p. 23).

Although tourism activities in absolute terms are highly concentrated in metro-

politan areas, they tend to have a more profound impact in relative terms in rural

areas. Tourism contributes to local and regional development as it can be estab-

lished in peripheral areas and stimulate economic activity in remote areas (Fossati

& Panella, 2000; Jenkins et al., 1997). Tourism is often claimed to be a tool for

development (Briedenhann & Wickens, 2004), even though the importance of

tourism as an engine has been challenged (Paniagua, 2002; Sharpley & Telfer,

2002). As tourism commodities are spatially fixed (Agarwal, Ball, Shaw, & Wil-

liams, 2000), destinations (especially those heavily dependent on tourism) must at-

tract capital through visitors. However, these visitors may not always return to the

same destination as they are influenced by new trends, better prices, the opinions

of others etc. (Zampoukos & Ioannides, 2015). Neither can many of the tourism

companies be seen as spatially fixed as they exhibit limited loyalty to the destina-

tions in which they operate (Ioannides, 1998 cited in Zampoukos & Ioannides,

2015). For rural tourism destinations major players, such as property developers,

transnational hotel chains and the visitors themselves, influence the flow of (tour-

ism-related) capital. Adding the factor of seasonality which for many rural destina-

tions is common, some destinations become even more vulnerable in the uneven

geographical development and circulation of capital (Zampoukos & Ioannides,

2015). Yet, tourism have “become significant agents of social and economic change

in many rural areas” (Butler, 1998 p. 211) and the outcome of tourism develop-

ment is often measured in quantifiable terms with economic indicators. However,

it is unclear whether the outcomes only are indicators of developmental contribu-

tions of tourism (Sharpley, 2002 p. 20) as “a multi-directional relationship exists

between the nature of tourism development, the consequences of development in

destination areas, the nature of local development and the environment external to

the tourism system” (Sharpley & Telfer, 2002 p. 3). Hence, it is difficult to distin-

guish factors for regional development and, in many cases, it can be difficult to


measure and define these factors as solely or partly tourism-related (Fossati & Pan-

ella, 2000). Again, the main focus has been on economic contributions of a specific

industry within the development discussion and a great deal of attention has been

focused on the notion of enterprises as drivers of (economic) regional develop-

ment. However, it is important to study development in a broader context, where

migration, for example, is a prerequisite for endogenous development as it in-

creases human capital through ‘new’ in-migrants and young adults returning to rural

areas after leaving the area for career purposes such as education and employment

opportunities (Stockdale, 2006).

In this thesis, the study of regional development in tourism dominated areas will

be shifted away from solely economic measures and will be approached through

studies of the relationship between tourism and migration with development being

studied as an indirect effect of migration. However, there are numerous theories of

migration that capture processes of human mobility (Samers, 2010) which enforce

further narrowing. An initial point of departure to describe the processes in which

migrants to rural tourism destinations can be captured is through the broad litera-

ture on rural in-migration. However, the general literature on rural migration is well

documented through existing reviews that accurately summarise the research in the

field (cf. Boyle & Halfacree, 1998; Champion, 1989).

The present study could further be placed in the counter-urbanisation field, with

an urban-rural flow of migration (Gregory, Johnston, Pratt, Watts, & Whatmore,

2009). However, Halfacree and Rivera's (2012) thoughts on using ‘pro-rural migra-

tion’ rather than counter-urbanisation – since the latter has been subject to debate

about how to be understood and defined (Mitchell, 2004) – opens up for a more

focused study on migration towards rural areas independent of migrants’ origin.

For rural economic regeneration, it is not only ‘new’ (urban) in-migrants that con-

tribute to the development; returners and ‘stayers’ are visibly important, even

though new and returning migrants are the best generators of the important human

capital (Stockdale, 2006).

2.1 Tourism and migration There is a strong tourism–migration relationship, in which concepts are sometimes

blurred. Williams and Hall (2000) elucidated the importance of economic, social

and tourism-related trajectories as inducers for the relationship between tourism

and migration. Symbiotic relationships exist between temporary mobility, such as

tourism trips, and permanent mobility/migration. They are either complementary,

where neither excludes the other, or temporary moves, which may act as precursors

for permanent relocation (Bell & Ward, 2000, p 104). Williams and Hall (2000)

focused on the five following types of tourism–migration relationships: tourism and


labour migration, tourism and entrepreneurial migration, tourism and return mi-

gration, tourism and retirement migration, and tourism and second homes. With

the exception of retirement migration and people visiting their second home(s),

these types of migration are related, in different ways, to the tourism labour market.

Second home tourism, on the other hand, is tightly related to retirement migration

as second homes can be converted into primary residences among owners of re-

tirement age (Müller & Marjavaara, 2012). However, tourism development does

not automatically lead to increased numbers of permanent inhabitants (Kuentzel &

Ramaswamy, 2005) as factors other than developed (tourism) infrastructure influ-

ence migration decisions.

Migration to tourism destinations is also visible in the counter-urbanisation liter-

ature (Dahms & McComb, 1999; Löffler & Steinicke, 2006; Williams & Hall, 2000)

where amenity- and lifestyle-seeking (and working) individuals move to rural places

in which they can rely on tourism experiences and infrastructure (Löffler & Stein-

icke, 2006). This type of migration has been conceptualised lately as lifestyle-migra-

tion (cf. Benson, 2006; Benson & O’Reilly, 2009a and b; Fountain & Hall, 2002)

and/or amenity-migration (cf. Marcouiller, Kim, & Deller, 2004; Moss, 2006; Ne-

pal & Chipeniuk, 2005) and it is argued that there are strong links between these

theories (see paper I), especially when it comes to scenic rural areas. This will be

further discussed in section 2.3.

2.2 Job-related tourism migration Even though employment is not the single most important motive for migration

(Garvill, Lundholm, Malmberg, & Westin, 2002; Lundholm, Garvill, Malmberg, &

Westin, 2004; Paniagua, 2002), there are strong connections between tourism em-

ployment and migration, as declared by Williams and Hall (2000). For rural areas,

tourism development creates and maintains jobs and in-migrants choose tourism-

related employment to a considerable extent (Müller, 2006; see also paper IV).

This is, at least partly, due to the dual structure of the tourism labour market where

the market is separated into primary and secondary sectors where “jobs in the pri-

mary sector generally have high status, recognized career paths, job security, and

higher education or skill requirements. Secondary sector jobs are poorly paid, have

little or no job security, poor working conditions, and few training opportunities”

(Ladkin, 2014: 133). Labour mobility most often occurs in the secondary sector

(Duncan, Scott & Baum, 2013) where low entrance barriers make it possible to

‘seek refuge’ in the area of tourism employment (Riley, Ladkin & Szivas 2002),

both as an in-migrant with experience(s) from other industries before migrating and

as a ‘local’ with experience from a declining industry. On the other hand, Gunn


(1994 p. 51) argued that there is a misconception in the common view that un-

trained workers can perform all the diverse tasks needed in the development of the

tourism industry. However, studies of mobility into the tourism labour market show

that the ease of accumulating skills and knowledge facilitates the shift (Szivas, Riley,

& Airey, 2003; Szivas & Riley, 1999).

Low entrance barriers and relatively low start-up costs also produce opportuni-

ties for entrepreneurs where, for example, ‘travel-stimulated entrepreneurial migra-

tion’ (Snepenger, Johnson, & Rasker, 1995) involves movement of existing and po-

tential businesses, regardless of industry, to areas previously visited by the entrepre-

neur, as a tourist. Another relationship between tourism, migration and entrepre-

neurship is lifestyle entrepreneurs who establish businesses in places they have vis-

ited as tourists and have relocated due to factors such as the environment (as in the

example of a surf tourism entrepreneur in Cornwell, UK (Shaw & Williams, 2013))

or due to perceived community relationships (such as among lifestyle entrepre-

neurs in New Zealand (Ateljevic & Doorne, 2000)).

In many tourism destinations, the industry faces seasonality, and in some cases

the seasonal difference is so pronounced that a large part of the labour force in the

tourism industry can only be employed for a short period of time. The impact of

such (labour market) seasonality depends on whether the workers are local or re-

cruited from elsewhere (Shaw & Williams, 1994). In many rural areas, the local

labour force is too small to cover these seasonal fluctuations and seasonal tourism

employment (Lundmark, 2006a), migrant workers (Bianchi, 2000; Janta, Ladkin,

Brown, & Lugosi, 2011; Joppe, 2012), working tourists (Uriely & Reichel, 2000;

Uriely, 2001), travelling workers (Uriely, 2001), backpackers (Duncan, 2004), gap-

year budget travellers (Duncan, 2008) working or professional holiday employees,

and hobbyists (Tuulentie & Heimtun, 2014) provide various solutions to cover this

type of labour gap. In this study, these employees are conceptualised as seasonal

tourism workers. These workers can be seen as temporary migrants to a tourism

destination as their length of stay is often considered to be longer than the length

of stay of typical tourists.

For rural areas, seasonal tourism workers can be considered as potential and

important permanent residents as they are usually young adults, which is vital for

the age distribution of the population (Lundmark, 2006a) given that young adults

raised in rural areas often leave their home environment with aspirations of starting

a career (Stockdale, 2002). In a recent study on seasonal tourism workers in north-

ern Finland and Norway, Tuulentie and Heimtun (2014) discussed place attach-

ment among different types of seasonal workers. Most of their interviewees did not

consider relocating to the area, but there were some exceptions. A favourite leisure

activity, career opportunities and a chance to start a new and fulfilling life were the


main motivations among those expressing interest in permanently settling down in

these destinations (Tuulentie & Heimtun, 2014 p. 381).

Seasonal tourism workers show a strong relationship to each other when working

and living at the same place, as in the case of (seasonal) tourism workers on cruise

ships (Lee-Ross, 2008) and at mountain destinations (see paper II), and (seasonal)

tourism workers can be studied as creators and members of occupational commu-

nities (Dennett, Cameron, Jenkins, & Bamford, 2010; Lee-Ross, 1999, 2008; Riley,

Lockwood, Powell-Perry, & Baker, 1998; Sandiford & Seymour, 2007; Engstöm,

2011; paper II). Therefore, their relationship to the place in which they live and

work is influenced by their relationship to other employees within an occupational

community (see paper II), which could influence later-life migration as temporary

migration can affect permanent relocation (Bell & Ward, 2000).

2.3 Lifestyle migration and recreational amenities The second theme in the tourism and migration nexus concerns place-related mi-

gration including lifestyle-related migration and migration for the environment; that

is, amenity migration. As argued in the previous section, these two conceptualisa-

tions are strongly related to job-related tourism migration where, for example, mi-

grating entrepreneurs were motivated by lifestyle and/or amenity reasons or, vice-

versa, where self-employment is perceived as the best means to live a desired life-

style (Stone & Stubbs, 2007). Furthermore, many types of seasonal workers are

attracted to the destination as tourists, influenced by lifestyle reasons and/or natural

amenities.

Research on lifestyle migration is one approach with which to study the relation-

ship between migration and tourism through a social lens. In these studies, migra-

tion is motivated by seeking “a route to a better and more fulfilling way of life,

especially in contrast to the one left behind” (Benson & O’Reilly, 2009a, p. 1). Like

travel-stimulated entrepreneurial migration, lifestyle migration is often preceded by

tourism-related visits. This approach is based on the premise that the migrants “are

relatively affluent individuals of all ages, moving either part time or full time to

places that, for various reasons, signify, for the migrant, a better quality of life” (Ben-

son & O’Reilly, 2009b, p. 609). This type of migration often leads to (tourism)

destinations where the climate is warmer than that of the location the migrants have

left (e.g., Benson & O’Reilly, 2009a and b; O’Reilly, 2003). Therefore, this migra-

tion generally moves in a north-south direction and often crosses international bor-

ders. However, a few studies have given evidence of northward lifestyle migration

(Eimermann, 2013a andb; Müller, 2002) and to places within a country that the

migrant associates with a better quality of life (Fountain & Hall, 2002; Hoey, 2009;


see paper I). Many lifestyle migration studies have associated ‘quality of life’ with

social relationships and community building and/or belonging. For many migrants,

the importance of the environment/nature and the culture may be just as important

for their perceived quality of life and should not, therefore, be treated separately

and independently from amenity migration.

Amenity migration refers to migrants whose moves are motivated by improved

environmental quality as well as a differentiated culture (Moss, 2006); that is, the

attraction of natural and/or cultural amenities (Gosnell & Abrams, 2009). This type

of migration often takes migrants to rural areas where the environment’s recrea-

tional aspects are pull factors (McCarthy, 2007) and is common in studies on so-

cially orientated migration to mountainous areas; Moss' (2006) edited book gives

evidence of this from examples around the world. In line with job-related and life-

style migration, Stewart (2002, cited in Gosnell & Abrams, 2009) emphasised that

tourism-related amenity migration can emerge from being a tourist in the area and

renting a cottage, for example, to owning property and making a more permanent

relocation. Mountain resorts have managed to attract permanent residents due to

their non-traded goods that cannot be consumed unless you are located in the area

(Müller, 2006). Natural amenities are also associated with employment growth,

where the appeal of nature draws entrepreneurs to high-amenity areas (McGrana-

han, 2005, cited in McGranahan & Wojan, 2007 p. 200; Dahms & McComb,

1999).

These two theories have emerged alongside each other in the literature and are

sometimes interwoven (see paper II and Gosnell & Abrams, 2009). The theories’

subject areas may explain why they have arisen and evolved side by side, albeit with

some similarities, especially when it comes to the study of tourism destinations. It

can also be explained by the tendency of academics to cite their own work, where

Gosnell and Abrams (2009) argued for the benefit of more iterative interactions

among geographers, rural sociologists and other scholars studying tourism and rec-

reation. However, this discrepancy can also be related to a significant regional di-

vide among researchers on a geographical level, where the theories have emerged

and developed on different continents (Gosnell & Abrams, 2009).

2.4 Rural urbanity Rural places of today competes in a global market and the, all too often, existing

presumption that globalisation is an urban process (Woods, 2007) is met by ideas

that theorise trends and effects of globalisation in rural areas (see for example

Woods, 2007; 2011; Woods & McDonagh, 2011; McCarthy, 2007). Harvey’s

(1989) idea of a neoliberal governance where attractive (urban) sites do well in the

competition for global capital is still current and can be argued to be spread to rural


municipalities where proactivity, through private-public investment, meets the in-

creased global competition. As summarised by Mackay, Perkins and Taylor

(2015:43) rural areas have “changed from being a place mainly of primary produc-

tion to one also arranged for the sale of an increasing array of non-traditional rural

commodities, services, lifestyle products and experiences” where “global influences

interconnect with local action in the creation of new rural tourism spaces, products

and experiences” (Ibid. p. 45). Mackay et al. (2015) puts rural tourism in New Zea-

land in relation to a global multifunctional countryside in which tourism growth is

related to other economic and cultural activities in a globalised world.

Lifestyle and amenity migrants are both attracted by rural areas (see Benson,

2006, 2010, 2011; Hoey, 2009 for lifestyle migration; and Dahms & McComb,

1999; McCarthy, 2007; Moss, 2006 for amenity migration) and the search for the

‘rural idyll’ has been negotiated in both amenity migration (Kondo, Rivera, &

Rullman, 2012) and lifestyle migration (O’Reilly 2007c cited in Torkington, 2012).

Many migrants view the rural idyll through images they have seen as tourists in well-

developed rural destinations (Neal, 2007 cited in Torkington, 2012). This leads to

a paradox as higher numbers of tourists and increased in-migration ‘urbanises’

these same rural tourism destinations (Torkington, 2012) as they are dependent on

and related to global influences.

In line with Torkington's (2012) paradox of a rural idyll in urbanised rural tour-

ism destinations, Möller, Thulemark, and Engström (2015) examined how the

tourism industry can affect the perception of the locality as either rural or urban

where a sense of urbanity can be recognised. As increasing numbers of tourists and

migrants come from more urbanised areas, such localities can be seen as ‘urban

satellites’ (Pettersson, 2001:171), which grow more rapidly and gain urban influ-

ences. Möller et al. (2015) followed Kūle's (2008) idea of an urban-rural continuum,

where the concepts of urban and rural should no longer be seen as binaries. The

increased interaction between urban and rural areas, particularly through new life-

styles and types and forms of human settlements that occur both in urban and rural

areas, call for each place to be positioned along a continuum instead of just given

either/or options. For tourism-dominated areas, Möller et al. (2015) called for a

two-dimensional continuum, where rural-urban is one dimension and modern-tra-

ditional is the other. The flow of (mostly urban) people and the influence generated

from elsewhere affects the rurality to such an extent that the area can hardly be

described as rural. Rather, the place cannot be associated with traditionalism, which

is common for rural areas. The authors argue for this place to be described as

embodied in a modern rurality, in which the place still has its rural characteristics

but is highly affected by more modern elements, such as those found in urban ar-

eas.


2.5 Creative (lifestyle) migrants to rural areas This feeling of urbanity among lifestyle and amenity migrants and long-standing

residents, described in Möller et al. (2015), could open up a discussion of the use

of more urban-orientated theories of development. This has already been intro-

duced in such works as Heikkilä and Pikkarainen (2009), McGranahan, Wojan,

and Lambert (2010), McGranahan and Wojan (2002), Nuur and Laestadius

(2010), Ström and Nelson, (2010) and Argent, Tonts, Jones, and Holmes (2013),

all of whom tested one of the best-known contemporary theories on economic de-

velopment: Florida’s work on the creative class (Florida, 2002, 2005b) in rural set-

tings.

Florida’s theory has its origin in urbanised areas, but has attracted a lot of interest

in non-urban settings. Even among planners and policy makers in rural Sweden –

far away from San Francisco and Seattle (two of the most creative cities in Florida’s

study) – Florida’s (2002) book “The Rise of the Creative Class” has attracted inter-

est in the author’s ideas of the importance of attracting the creative class. However,

it could be misleading to adopt an urban-focused theory in a rural setting and the

requested development might not occur. Little is done to re-conceptualise the the-

ory to better suit areas in which it could be fruitful to use the theory, even though

the characteristics of the place differ from those of the cases in Florida’s work.

The theory is well described by McGranahan and Wojan (2007 p. 198) as eco-

nomic development that is “dependent largely on novel combinations of knowledge

and ideas, that certain occupations specialise in this task, that people in specific

occupations are drawn to areas providing a high quality of life, and thus the essential

urban development strategy is to attract and retain these workers.” What Florida

hoped for was a shift of focus in the field of economic development, from firms

and industries towards people and places (Florida, 2014), from a ‘business climate’

to a ‘people’s climate’. To be able to attract and retain the members of the creative

class, a locality/city must have the ‘four T’s’: talent (human capital measured

through occupations), tolerance (a diverse and inclusive community), technology

(an economy with a high level of knowledge-intensive businesses), and territorial

assets (physical and intangible amenities) (Florida, 2002, 2005a). Attributing these

Ts to a locality/city is seen as a process whereby some must be pioneers. It is note-

worthy that the fourth T is seldom used when testing the theory, as its indexing is

problematic and it could require the use of more qualitative methods as it cuts

through three key dimensions: what’s there, who’s there, and what’s going on (Flor-

ida, 2014).


Florida (2002) argued that members of the creative class value active outdoor

recreation and are drawn to (urban) areas with particular amenities where they can

enjoy their preferred activities. These places also signal creative lifestyles. Based on

the idea of the importance of outdoor recreation and natural amenities, rural areas

would attract the creative class (McGranahan & Wojan, 2002) and it is evident that

highly skilled workers are drawn to tourism areas with a high level of recreational

amenities (Goe, 2002). Hence, rural tourism areas could attract members of the

creative class as they not only share similar attributes with urban areas – such as

restaurants, bars and cultural services – but they also have a high level of favourable

natural amenities (Argent et al., 2013; Stolarick, Denstedt, Donald, & Spencer,

2011). Stolarick et al. (2011) concluded that regions hosting tourism destinations

should use tourism amenities to attract new residents; that is, attract in-migrants in

the same way that tourists are attracted (Morgan, Lambe, & Freyer, 2009).

The theory of the creative class has been subject to criticisms such as being part

of the neo-liberal discourse, making cities locales for the rich (Peck, 2005), extend-

ing processes of class, gender and racial inequalities (Leslie & Catungal, 2012;

Åquist, 2007), having a vague conceptual framework (Markusen, 2006) and a weak

empirical foundation (Glaeser, 2005) that make it pliable (Hoyman & Faricy, 2008).

When tested in a European setting, there was evidence of less mobility among the

creative class members (Musterd & Gritsai, 2010). In a Swedish study, job-related

factors were the most important factors when migrating as a member of the creative

class (Hansen & Niedomysl, 2008) – which is contrary to Florida’s theory. One of

the main criticisms is that the theory of the creative class is biased towards large

urban areas (Andersen, Bugge, Hansen, Isaksen, & Raunio, 2010; Hansen, 2008).

In short, as Asheim and Hansen (2009, p. 428) and Eimermann (2013b p. 34)

argued, the critique can be divided into the following main categories: questioning

the (lack of) empirical evidence, its classifications and conceptualisation and criti-

cising its policy recommendation.

Florida's (2014) recently published article “The Creative Class and Economic

Development” responded to most of these criticisms. Based on his own studies and

those of others, Florida still argued for the use of the theory to explain economic

development. The resemblance of the theories focusing on the creative class and

human capital as engines for development is one of the main critiques presented

by Glaeser (2005), and Florida (2014) agreed that both theories can test develop-

ment. Florida argued that human capital may reflect economically richer places, in

relation to the creative class that make a place more productive. Thereby the use

of occupations rather than education grasps economic development better. Accord-

ing to the results from a survey study Florida conducted with the Gallup organisa-


tion and Knight Foundation of ten thousand individuals in larger metropolitan ar-

eas, the most highly valued attributes of communities were social offerings (places

to meet and entertainment venues), openness (acceptance of diversity) and the ar-

eas’ natural amenities (Knight Foundation 2010, 2011, cited in Florida, 2014).

Hence, the use of the fourth T is even more urgent when using the theory to explain

growth in rural areas.

2.6 Recreational amenities, hotspots and rural gentrification Members of the creative class are “drawn to places and communities where many

outdoor activities are prevalent – both because they enjoy these activities, and be-

cause their presence is seen as a signal that the place is amenable to the broader

creative lifestyle” (Florida, 2002 p. 173). This confirms Morgan et al. (2009) and

Stolarick et al.'s (2011) suggestions to use tourism amenities to attract not only tour-

ists but also the creative class. As noted, migration to rural tourism areas is not

significantly related to employment (Pettersson, 2001). Rather, rural tourism areas

are often amenity-rich, such as in the mountains or by the coast. Examples of at-

tractive tourism areas in Sweden include the mountain destination Åre, the island

of Gotland, and Österlen (a part of the Scania region). In these cases, and many

others around the world, amenities could work well as pull factors for people other

than tourists.

Tourism-dependent rural areas may face in-migration, increased incomes and

increased housing prices. Hence, rural tourism areas could be seen as ‘hotspots’;

that is, “a place that appears side by side with other places considered to be degen-

erated or deprived, but where a certain process has taken place – a process which

over time transforms the place into an attractive destination” (Turner, 2012 p. 237).

Hotspots are often located close to urban labour markets to which migrants can

commute. They feature natural beauty and initial low housing costs, which will in-

crease due to increasing demand, turning the hotspot into a high-status place (An-

dersson, 2013). In a study on hotspots in the Swedish rural north (Andersson,

2013), in-migrants to such areas were described as ‘foot-loose’; that is, without any

family ties or other strong connections to the area, which meant they could easily

move on to other places if conditions changed. This is in line with Lundmark

(2006a), who concluded that many of the people who move to mountain tourism

destinations then moved on within ten years; although her study did not provide

any explanations for why these persons moved away.

It could be that mountain tourism destinations are hotspots to which foot-loose

in-migrants move due to amenity-, status- and job-related reasons. This formation

of hotspots and increased in-migration may lead to rural gentrification (Turner,


2012), which in its simplest form can be explained as a consequence of in-migration

to rural areas (Guimond & Simard, 2010).

Rural gentrification has been described as “a change in the socio-economic com-

position of its citizens; an emphasis on the cultural or national heritage and aesthetic

aspects of both the built heritage and the natural environment; the emergence of

new institutions leading to the closing of older ones; a diversification of products

and services; changes in property values (speculation and private investment), etc.”

(Guimond & Simard, 2010 p. 451), often caused by ex-urban dwellers moving to

rural areas. Rural gentrification is not necessarily connected just to negative attrib-

utes, even though this type of gentrification along with the formation of hotspots

leads to issues such as expensive housing, which could drive away local inhabitants

(Andersson, 2013). Rural gentrification is often consumption-led, where the in-mi-

grant wants to consume the idyll that the rural represents (Guimond & Simard,

2010), indicating strong connections to the idyllic rural places discussed in research

on lifestyle migration and rural urbanity.

2.7 Research gaps and relevance of this study This section summarises the gaps found in previous research and offers further

arguments for studies on the significance of tourism-related migration for regional

development in remote areas. It can be argued that lifestyle-, amenity-, and job-

related migration, together with the theory of the creative class, are important for

regional development in rural tourism destinations. As shown in figure 1, both tem-

porary and permanent migration is influenced by the tourism industry. In this thesis

tourism-related migration is divided in two main themes; place-related and job-re-

lated. But there are, of course, other types of tourism-related migration that are not

emphasised in this thesis. Research gaps are found in the themes of lifestyle- and

amenity migration, occupational communities and the creative class theory. These

themes are connected to the migration literature in different ways and they are also

interconnected and in some cases interdependent.

Lifestyle migration has long been studied from a European perspective, often in

a north-south direction, with some exceptions (see for example Benson's, 2013

study on migration from North America to Latin America). This thesis contributes

not only to shifts of lifestyle migration in a direction towards Nordic countries, as

initiated by Eimermann (2013a and b), but also contributes to the scarce literature

of domestic lifestyle migration. Lifestyle migration could also be related to the more

commonly used theory of amenity migration in the context of mountainous areas

(see paper I).


Figure 1. Theoretical points of departure and research gaps.

The perceptions of seasonal tourism workers regarding potential permanent mi-

gration to the destination in which they work is another gap in the existing literature,

since this group of workers are seen as not only potential but also important in-

migrants who will, due to their age composition ,vitalise rural areas (Lundmark,

2006a). The present study conceptualises seasonal workers as members of an oc-

cupational community and adds to the understanding of the relationship between

community members’ and the place in which they work (see paper II). This

knowledge is essential when planning to attract this group as in-migrants to rural

tourism destinations.

The discussion opened up in the context of a sensed urbanity in rural areas and

the use of a more urban-orientated development theory leads to the final gap that

have been identified in this study. Florida noted, humbly, “that at least some of [his

own] insights have been heeded by mayors, economic developers, arts and cultural

policy makers, and city builders” (Florida, 2014 p. 202). His theory has not only

had a major impact in urban areas, but has also been taken into consideration in

rural areas. It has also been argued that the assumption that all members of the

creative class should share the same location preferences is too broad and that it is

important to modify the theory if used outside its original setting (Asheim & Han-

sen, 2009). This includes the idea that occupations are better indicators for eco-

nomic development than human capital measured through education. For tourism

destinations, types of occupations other than those identified in Florida’s work


might be required in order to create development. For tourism destinations, it

might be fruitful to adjust not only the occupational index or the Talent index, but

rather the whole theory (see papers III and IV), as the indexes supplied by Florida

are very much US-orientated.

In summary, this thesis will add to lifestyle migration research by focusing on

domestic migration, it will add a place dimension to the theory of occupational

communities, and it will re-conceptualise the creative class theory to better explain

and suit a rural place dominated by tourism and partly test if the theory of the

creative class can be adopted to rural tourism labour markets. With this said, the

study will not justify the use of an urban theory in a rural setting but will instead

consolidate the ideas put forward by Florida on a ‘people’s climate’ with the pre-

conditions of rural tourism destinations.


3. Study areas, material and methods This thesis consists of quantitative and qualitative collected material, which is used

together and individually in the papers. The use of mixed methods is due to the

focus of each paper. Appendix 1 lists each paper and indicates the method(s) used

in relation to the aim, study area and findings.

3.1 Study areas Based on the idea of studying regional development in terms of migration, with

a special focus on tourism-dominated areas, smaller localities that host relatively

large tourism destinations were selected. This was further narrowed down to studies

of destinations that use their mountainous location as the main driving force for

their tourism development. Two localities, Sälen and Idre, are located in the north-

ern part of the province of Dalarna, Sweden (see figure 2) and one, Wanaka, is

located in the Otago province of New Zealand (see figure 3). Through the selection

of villages in which the structure of the tourism industry differs, in terms of the

location, the commodities and business structures, it is possible to discuss, merge

and reconceptualise theories in a more nuanced way. Yet, not only do the villages

have differences, they share characteristics such as their rural locations, small size

and dominance of a service based industry that is strongly related to natural re-

sources. Therefor they can be compared and discussed in relation to each other.

All three villages have seen growth or consistency in the number of tourists and

residents in the last 15 years (see table 1) which is in contrast to the decline in the

surrounding municipalities.

Table 1. Population in the case study areas (SAMS-areas) 1990–2010

1990 1995 2000* 2005 2010

Sälen 1238 1266 1244 1299 1436

Idre 692 815 765 769 794

Wanaka** 2559 3303 4425 5037 6471

* Inhabitants per square kilometre is revised by Statistics Sweden, which may have

affected the selected areas.

** The years for Wanaka are 1991, 1996, 2001, 2006 and 2013

Source: Statistics Sweden, 2014, and Statistics New Zealand, 2014


Figure 2. Location of Sälen, Idre, Malung-Sälens- and Älvdalens Municipaity

Cartography: Zuzana Macuchova, 2015


Figure 2. Location of Wanaka and the Otago region

Cartography: Zuzana Macuchova, 2015


Malung-Sälen and Älvdalen are neighbouring municipalities that have similar

populations (Malung-Sälen 9,969, and Älvdalen, 7052 in 2014) (Statistics Sweden,

2015). Sälen is one of Sweden’s largest mountain tourism destinations and is lo-

cated in the municipality of Malung-Sälen. The peak tourism season is during the

winter, when approximately 70,000 guest beds are rented out each week and over

the year a total of about 1,000,000 guest nights are booked in the municipality

(Svensk Handel, 2010). Sälen has approximately 1500 inhabitants, if the nearby

villages of Lima and Transtrand are included, and over 2000 seasonal tourism

workers are required during the peak season. This locality was selected due to its

position as Sweden’s most popular mountain tourism destination in 2008. It has

since dropped to being the country’s second largest winter tourism destination (with

Åre as the most popular mountain tourism destination) (Svensk Handel, 2010).

Sälen is surrounded by six skiing areas, four of which are run by Skistar AB (the

largest mountain tourism company in northern Europe) and the other two by a

smaller family-type business and an investment company, respectively.

Sälen is located so that no one who visits the destinations has to enter the village,

although they do pass close by. However, there are services in the locality that can-

not be found at the mountain destinations, such as the Swedish Alcohol Retailing

Monopoly, the post office, and extended health care. The locality and its surround-

ings are also the main places of permanent residence, with only a few people living

in the mountain areas. Therefore, pre-schools and elementary schools, larger gro-

cery stores and year-round stores, restaurants and cafes are located in the village.

Investments have been made at one mountain destination, where a large year-

around entertainment facility has been established that hosts bowling, a cinema,

restaurants, a water park with a spa and a hotel.

Idre is located in the municipality of Älvdalen. It is ranked sixth on the list of

Swedish tourism destinations and was the fourth-largest mountain tourism destina-

tion in Sweden in 2008 and 2010 (Svensk Handel, 2010), with about 7300 guest

beds available and the municipality has approximately 800,000 guest nights per year

(Svensk Handel, 2010). The locality has approximately 800 inhabitants and over

600 tourism workers are required during the peak winter season, approximately

120 of whom are hired all year around at Idre Fjäll (the main tourism commodity),

as the summer season constitute about 20 percent of the total turnover. Idre Fjäll

is the main destination and skiing area. It differs from those in Sälen because it is

run by a trust owned by the municipality of Älvdalen and the Swedish Outdoor

Association (Friluftsfrämjandet). The mountain area is located about 10 kilometres

from the locality and most tourists have to pass Idre on their way to the mountains.

Idre hosts social services like those found in Sälen.


Wanaka, in the province of Otago on the South Island of New Zealand, was

selected as a third case study. Wanaka’s locality is comparable to those of Sälen

and Idre and it has experienced tourism and population development similar to

the two Swedish case areas. Wanaka’s tourism industry has peaks during the winter,

with skiing and snowboarding, and during the summer with water activities on the

lake and in the mountains. The tourism industry hosted almost 650,000 guest

nights in 2013 (Wanaka tourism Organization, 2014). Wanaka’s population has

increased by 28 percent since 2006 and had 6471 inhabitants as of 2013 (Statistics

New Zealand, 2014). Wanaka is located four hours away from Dunedin, the closest

city, although the larger mountain tourism destination of Queenstown is located

about one hour away and has an international airport. Two skiing areas are located

around Wanaka and, in contrast to the Swedish examples, the township of Wanaka

is a nodal centre that accommodates tourists. Accordingly, Wanaka has a more

developed service supply than the two Swedish destinations, with restaurants, tour-

ist accommodations and other tourism facilities in addition to services such as pre-

schools and elementary schools and a health care centre.

Adding this third destination broadens the perspective of the present study and

provides evidence of similarities of migration motives and patterns to rural tourism

destinations in the Western world. There are also similarities in the way these

places are characterised. Wanaka and Sälen have a more positive population

growth than Idre. Wanaka has become an urbanised rural area with a centre that

has expanded its services over the past decade, mainly due to increased population

resulting from in-migration. It can be argued that Sälen has followed the same route,

albeit at a much slower pace. Idre, on the other hand, has in-migration that barely

covers natural population fluctuations. It is noteworthy that all three places face a

positive net-migration, which only occurs at specific ‘hotspots’ in rural areas

(Turner, 2012). The selected villages have developed differently and this might be

related to the disparity in their processes of tourism development. All three desti-

nations have a history of restructuring in nature based industries which triggered

development of tourism products as a way to counteract negative economic and

population development. Yet, the destinations differ due to investment strategies.

From the beginning, Sälen and Wanaka were built around local entrepreneurs and

private investors willing to expand the tourism industry as much as possible. This

can be described as a boosterism strategy. In Idre, the main tourism commodity

was originally organized as a trust which must adhere to regulations that mandate

the reinvestment of returns, local labour and local interaction. Seasonal workers

are also, to a larger extent, recruited from the surrounding municipality and there-

fore the ‘leakage’ in economic terms are reduced. This in comparison to, for ex-

ample, Sälen where a large part of the seasonal workforce are recruited from other


parts of Sweden and thereby their tax revenues goes to the municipalities in which

they are registered for census.

3.2 Combining research methods In this study, different methods are combined in a mixed method approach

whereby different methods are used to complement each other (Hennink, Hutter,

& Bailey, 2010). Arguments against using a mixed method approach are often con-

nected to differences in the methods’ paradigms and epistemological (and ontolog-

ical) origin. However, this type of combination research has become more com-

mon as, when used correctly, it can strengthen the advantages and weaken the dis-

advantages of each method (Bryman, 2001).

By using different qualitative methods, in this case three different interview stud-

ies, in-depth, informative and focus groups, the knowledge gained in the in-depth

interviews in Wanaka was used as a background for the informative interviews in

Malung/Sälen and Älvdalen. Information from these interview studies was then

used to develop the interview guides for focus group interviews. Thus, the methods

are used concurrently in the present study (Hennink et al., 2010), where each study

contributes to the next.

To support and complement the qualitative method, quantitative studies have

been conducted, based on statistical data on individuals derived from Statistics Swe-

den. Different methods, both qualitative and quantitative, could then be used to

analyse certain topics under the broader theme of the thesis. Therefore, the com-

prehensive understanding that is gained in research conducted through the use of

multiple methods can be considered advantageous.

3.3 Quantitative data and methodology The BeDa database, compiled and stored by SCB (Statistics Sweden), constitutes

the quantitative portion of the material in this thesis. BeDa consists of longitudinal

micro data on all individuals (aged 16 and older) who have either lived or worked

in the four counties of Bergslagen (Västmanland, Värmland, Dalarna, Örebro) be-

tween 1990 and 2011. The dataset is updated at three-year intervals and the years

used for this study are 1990–2008. The data is geo-coded, which makes it possible

to study in-migration at both a municipality level and in smaller areas. Thereby,

studies on individuals moving in to Sälen and Idre and also to the municipalities of

Malung-Sälen and Älvdalen become possible. Among the variables found in the

dataset, industrial classification is used to detect workers within the tourism indus-

try.


In this study (mainly in paper IV), 24 tourism-related branches were selected in

the Swedish industrial classification system (SNI). However, the classification sys-

tem does not distinguish tourism from other service-orientated sectors. Many com-

panies might have listed several orientations, which means that employees might be

classified as performing a function other than their actual work tasks. As Lundmark

(2006b) argued in her thesis with a similar setting, the total tourism impact cannot

be accounted for; for example, small stores and petrol stations can provide tourism

services at rural destinations even though they are not classified as such in this study.

This is also alleged in the discussion of tourism multipliers, where the tourism in-

dustry affects more industries than just those directly connected to tourism.

Within this study BeDa is used for descriptive (see paper III) and analytical (see

paper IV) studies on in-migration, entrepreneurs and the characterisations of the

tourism work force within the municipalities of Malung-Sälen and Älvdalen.

3.4 Qualitative data and methodology The qualitative section of this thesis is threefold, with the overall method being

interviews. All interviews in the three studies have a semi-structured format, which

creates an opportunity to understand complex behaviours and motivations, both

on an individual and a community level (Hennink et al., 2010) with interview guides

that are ordered but flexible (Dunn, 2005). As a researcher, I had a critical inner

dialogue through all my interviews (Dunn, 2005) that required me to analyse what

was said to ensure that I understood everything the interviewee was saying. To help

the inner dialogue, notes were constantly taken so that no information ‘slipped by’

without a follow-up question if needed.

Semi-structured interviews were adapted to collect knowledge about the re-

spondents’ views, opinions and experiences about a specific issue. The interview

structure has a cyclical nature, which creates the opportunity for refinements in the

interview guides to be adopted in the next interview. This creates an inductive in-

ference that enables the researcher to delve deeper into the issue of concern (Hen-

nink et al., 2010). In this thesis, semi-structured, in-depth interviews were con-

ducted as well as interviews with focus groups. A distinction is sometimes made

between group interviews and focus group interviews (Limb & Dwyer, 2001). How-

ever, Bryman (2001) concluded that the arguments for keeping these two methods

separate is not clear; the present thesis follows Bryman’s thoughts by using the term

focus groups.

The selected interview studies and methods for this thesis are presented below.


3.4.1 In-depth, semi structured interviews - In-migrants Eleven interviewees (four men and seven woman aged between 30 and 73) were

interviewed in Wanaka, New Zealand in 2009. A snowball sampling method was

used to find interviewees who had moved to Wanaka from elsewhere in New Zea-

land, except for one who had moved from Australia. These interviews had an in-

depth character, whereby the interview can be described as a conversation with the

purpose of discussing a specific topic in depth (Hennink et al., 2010). In this case,

the topic of discussion was the individual’s experience of migrating to Wanaka,

focusing on decision(s), perception(s), motivation(s), meaning and feelings about

their pre- and post-migration lives. Seven interviews (four individual and three with

married couples) were conducted at a location selected by the interviewee(s). One

interview was held at a café, one at the respondent’s office and the rest were held

at the respondents’ homes. The interviews lasted between 30–60 minutes.

The snowball method was used to recruit participants due to the researcher’s

own lack of information about in-migrants in Wanaka. This method of recruiting

interviewees is also suitable for identifying participants with specific characteristics,

such as newly in-migrated persons. An advantage of this method is that the new

interviewee is linked to the research project by a familiar, trusted person (Hennink

et al., 2010). In this case, this was one of the main advantages as the first contact

person delivered a list of potential interviewees that had already been contacted and

informed about the research and they had also agreed to participate. One limitation

is that the recruited participants are often from the same social network, so it is

important to have multiple starting points for the snowballs. Two starting points

were used in the present study.

Another limitation that could have arisen in this study is the fact that English is

my second language. However, I did not feel that my language skills restrained ei-

ther the interviewees or myself. As all interviews were audio-recorded (and later

transcribed), I could concentrate on my inner critical dialogue, which in this study

also included potential language misunderstandings.

3.4.2 Semi-structured interviews – tourism entrepreneurs and managers,politicians and planners This interview study was conducted in 2010 in the municipalities of Malung/Sälen

and Älvdalen. The main focus for these interviews was to gain knowledge about the

importance of tourism, the structure of the industry, employment in the tourism

industry and migration in the municipalities, with a special focus on Sälen and Idre.

This was a joint project in which I conducted the interviews together with another


researcher. Seven interviewees (six men and one woman) were visited at their of-

fices and one was interviewed by telephone. One interviewee was visited twice as

follow-up questions had arisen from the other interviews. All interviews lasted be-

tween 30–60 minutes and were audio-recorded and fully transcribed. The inter-

viewees were selected due to their job commitments as municipal politicians, civil

servants, entrepreneurs running large tourism companies, CEOs of tourism com-

panies and destination managers. As the interviewees were interviewed about issues

that were partly connected to their professional lives, it is misleading to describe all

of them as in-depth interviews, since such interviews tend to focus on individ-

ual/personal experiences, values and beliefs. As some of the interviewees had the

experience of being migrants themselves, these parts of the interviews could be dis-

cussed in more depth, while other parts were of a more informative character.

Being two researchers could present a limitation in interviews as there could be

an imbalance in the group formation (whereby the interviewee as a single person

might feel outnumbered in the interview situation). However, in analysis and dis-

cussions about the interview situation, my co-researcher and I did not see any signs

of this imbalance. This could partly be explained by the more informative character

of the interviews.

3.4.3 Focus group interviews – seasonal tourism workers This study was conducted with two groups of seasonal workers during the

2010/2011 winter season. The interviewees were employed at a large restaurant

company in Sälen that operates several restaurants and cafés, some of which are

open year-round and some of which are only open during the peak winter months.

The interviewees were only employed during the peak season and mainly worked

at restaurants and cafés that were open only during the winter. The owner of the

company was interviewed as an entrepreneur in the study presented in section

3.4.2, during that interview the idea of conducting this study was born. The main

reason was the entrepreneur’s thoughts and reflections of the staff and their rela-

tionship to the place. In cooperation with the company, two groups were formed;

one group of six seasonal workers (three men and three woman aged 20 to 24) with

previous experience working within the company and one group of six workers

(three men and three woman aged 19 to 21) with no experience working during a

winter season. After arranging the groups at the first stage, the company suggested

certain weeks that could be suitable for upcoming interviews and the company also

provided us with a location – one of the restaurants that was closed during that time

of the day. During the season, the groups were interviewed three times. This was


suggested by the entrepreneur, who had sensed a change in the mind-set of the

employees over the season.

Being able to interview each group three times also opened up the possibility for

broader research, with each interview focusing on different issues, even though the

overall theme for the whole project was to gain knowledge about the groups’

thoughts about place, work and future mobility. The interviews were semi-struc-

tured and the focus group method was selected because it is ideal for research on

“the multiple meanings that people attribute to places” (Cameron, 2005 p. 117).

Focus group interviews identify and collect information on a particular group’s per-

spectives on norms, values and behaviour (Hennink et al., 2010), whereas in-depth

interviews deal more with the context of individuals. In focus group interviews, the

group members raise issues that other group members might challenge, followed

by justification from the participant who initially raised the issue or an exemplifica-

tion, which leads to further discussions within the group (Hennink et al., 2010). In

other words, it generates “dynamism and energy as people respond to the contri-

butions of others” (Cameron, 2005 p. 117). This new way of looking at an issue is

fruitful for the researcher as it generates topics that may not have been predicted

(Patel & Davidson, 2003). It is also rewarding for the interviewees after the interview

(Cameron, 2005) as they often gain new insights on the topic discussed.

As with other methods, this one has certain limitations. The moderator of the

interview has to be skilled in order to be able to control the group without being

too intrusive. The group dynamics can limit the outcome of the interview if, for

example, some participant(s) are dominant and hierarchies develops within the fo-

cus group. In this stage, the work of the moderator is important to guide the group

in the direction of equally sharing time and space within the interview. In this study,

one researcher was the main moderator, one was assistant moderator and an assist-

ing student took notes. The moderators’ roles were discussed and analysed in the

group of researchers after each interview and problems regarding group formation

were never an issue of discussion.

Other limitations include the large volume of data, which affects the analysis and

the costs (Hennink et al., 2010). However, these limitations did not affect this study

to any great extent.


4. Paper summaries

4.1 Paper I – A new life in the mountains: Changing lifestyles among in-migrants to Wanaka, New Zealand The aim of this paper was to study individuals’ migration motives in order to help

explain the social aspects of why people move to mountainous tourism destinations.

Of interest was how in-migrates integrate into society and how in-migrants con-

structed their new life in the community. The case area, Wanaka, hosts two of New

Zealand’s main skiing resorts, located in the Southern Alps. During the last decade,

this remote tourism-dominated locality has grown rapidly in terms of the number

of permanent inhabitants. Due to its richness in natural amenities, research ques-

tions were raised regarding the meaning of place; for example, are there connec-

tions between the place/environment and the decision to move to and live in the

area?

Semi-structured interviews were conducted with 11 persons who moved to the

area between 2003 and 2009. During seven interviews (four individual and three

with married couples), the broader topic of migration was discussed and analysis

focused on the individual perceptions of motives for moving and integrating into

the ‘new’ community.

Tourism-related migration was studied with a special focus on lifestyle (Benson

& O’Reilly, 2009b) and amenity migration (Moss, 2006), which contributed to so-

cial-orientated migration theories. The paper argues that, for the area, lifestyle and

amenity migration are strongly linked, to the extent that a full picture could not be

drawn without using both theories in parallel. The opportunity to be outdoors, us-

ing natural amenities offered by the mountains and the lake as recreation areas, is

a major pull factor for moving to Wanaka. The social community is also attractive.

Respondents first visited the place as tourists attracted by the amenities, at which

time they also discovered the social community and found it as attractive as the

surrounding environment. Through active lifestyles with involvement in social clubs

and volunteer work, respondents felt that they became part of the social commu-

nity, and felt a sense of belonging and of contributing to the community.

4.2 Paper II – Community formation and sense of place among seasonal tourism workers This paper aims to investigate how seasonal tourism employees can be analysed as

an occupational community. Furthermore, it studies the ways in which a particular

tourism-related occupational community perceives and connects to its location, as


well as the ways in which seasonal tourism workers perceive the role of place and

community in their everyday lives and future plans. Two focus groups were inter-

viewed on three occasions during the 2010/2011 winter season. Each group con-

sisted of seasonal workers; one group had no former experience and the other

group consisted of workers hired in previous seasons. All workers were employed

by a restaurateur that ran several restaurants and cafés in the area.

Of interest was to determine if seasonal workers could be described as members

of an occupational community and, if so, how they related to other workers as a

group. Hence, this paper contributes to research on occupational communities

within the field of tourism and hospitality (such as Lee-Ross, 1999; Sandiford &

Seymour, 2007; Lee-Ross, 2008). It also adds a geographical dimension to studies

of occupational communities by studying seasonal workers’ relationship with a

place, as individuals and through their membership in an occupational community.

The latter is highly important, as social relations and group formation among the

workers are particularly significant.

For most seasonal workers, the place has importance as a meeting point for

members of an occupational community, where people share the same interests.

To be able to live the life they desire at that moment, they use the available tourism

labour market at a place that, for them, signals a certain quality of life. The work

itself is important for the members of the community, but it is secondary to the

lifestyle these workers lead. Through the place, conditions are formed for like-

minded persons to meet.

4.3 Paper III – Creativity in the recreational industry This paper attempts to dissect Richard Florida’s theories of the creative class and

adopt them as an analytical framework to investigate regional development in Sälen,

Sweden, where mountain winter tourism is the main industry. In order to apply this

theory in such a case study, we argue that the theory has to be un-packed and re-

conceptualised.

The basic idea of the creative class theory is that creativity and knowledge among

people creates regional development, and that places with high numbers of creative

class members do better than others (Florida, 2002, 2005b, 2008). A main conclu-

sion of Florida’s work is that a shift should be made when thinking about regional

development, from a focus on the business climate to a focus on a ‘people’s cli-

mate’. The four Ts (talent, tolerance, technology and territorial assets) are high-

lighted as important factors that a city must possess in order to be able to attract the

creative class. As critics have pointed out, it is difficult to apply this theory outside

urban areas (Andersen et al., 2010; Hansen, 2008). Nonetheless, attempts have


been made to apply the theory in a rural context. Tourism-dominated rural areas

share attributes and amenities with more urban areas (Stolarick et al., 2011), so

ideas from the creative class theory are considered to be useful.

The paper is based on findings from interview studies that have focused on tem-

porary and permanent migration, with a focus on the motives behind migration.

Focus group interviews were conducted with seasonal workers three times over the

2010/2011 winter season. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with in-mi-

grants, entrepreneurs, destination developers and politicians during 2010. Addi-

tionally, descriptive statistics were used.

Within this paper, the four Ts are used as starting points, after which they are

unpacked and modified to better suit the studied area. The results show that, in

many ways, Sälen is in line with Florida’s (2002) idea that knowledge and creativity

among employees is the driver in regional development. We argue that the main

competitive advantages are the knowledge and skills among the tourism workers,

regardless of educational level, as these types of destinations require employees that

are talented and tolerant. However, it is not applicable to solely measure, for exam-

ple, education, occupation, gays and bohemians, as in Florida’s work (2002). Ra-

ther, the place with its inhabitants need to be tolerant towards flows of people such

as tourists, seasonal workers and in-migrants and must be part of the social capital

by being members of the community. The fourth T, territorial assets, is argued in

this paper to have a significant role and should attract increased interest. Based on

the amenities that the place offers, lifestyle-orientated migration among the creative

class might take place (McGranahan et al., 2010).

4.4 Paper IV – Tourism employment and creative in-migrants This paper analyses tourism employment and its relation to in-migration to Ma-

lung/Sälen and Älvdalen, two municipalities in northern Dalarna, Sweden, that host

large mountain tourism destinations. The two municipalities were selected due

both to their similarities and their differences (see chapter on study areas). Over

the years, rural municipalities have faced out-migration and negative population

development (Amcoff, 2006). However, some areas have attracted new inhabitants

and this paper focuses on how a flourishing tourism industry is connected to in-

migration to rural municipalities. Longitudinal micro-data from the BeDa database

(see the chapter about methods for more information) was analysed. The main area

of interest was the size of tourism labour-related in-migration to the two municipal-

ities with a focus on creative workers.

Based on the results from this paper, it is evident that the tourism industry chan-

nels in-migration. In-migrants represent almost 38 percent of tourism employment


in Malung/Sälen and 30 percent in Älvdalen. These figures indicate that the availa-

bility of employment opportunities was not the sole motivating factor in the mi-

grants’ decision to relocate to a particular area. This was explained by the geograph-

ical spread of in-migrants, who did not come from the nearby municipalities in

which, generally, there is a shortage of jobs. Instead, they come from roughly the

same areas as the tourists visiting the area.

In this paper, it was considered fruitful to adapt the ideas put forward by Richard

Florida (2002, 2005, 2008) on the importance, in a given area, of a ‘people’s cli-

mate’ to attract the creative class. In this paper, we analyse the in-migrants’ socio-

economic characteristics to determine whether they could be classified as a ‘creative

workforce’ (defined in this paper as individuals with higher education, a leading or

professional occupation and/or being in the top income quartile). The ‘creative

workforce’ was determined to be relatively important and in-migrants constituted a

large part of the tourism-related creative work force in both municipalities.


5. Findings This thesis set out to study in-migration to rural tourism-dominated areas. In rela-

tion to this, three main theoretical points of departure have been discussed: tour-

ism-related migration, the blur of lifestyle and amenity migration, as well as the

theory of the creative class. The first issue discusses the importance of tourism as a

phenomenon, as well as an industry in relation to migration. The second point of

departure deals with the move towards socially orientated migration research,

where lifestyle and amenity motives for migration are related to tourism. As a final

point, the theory of the creative class as an engine for regional development was

discussed with a focus on rural tourism areas.

5.1 In-migrants’ relationship to tourism and place

In this study, tourism channels in-migration in different ways. For example, by be-

ing a tourism destination, which means that many migrants would have previously

visited the area; by being an attractive labour market and offering services not nor-

mally found in rural areas; and by attributing the place with urban characteristics.

Many in-migrants have previous experience with the place due to the tourism in-

dustry, either as tourists visiting the place or as tourism workers. This is in line with

previous research, with examples from lifestyle (Benson & O’Reilly, 2009a), amen-

ity (Moss, 2006) and entrepreneurial migrants (Snepenger et al., 1995) moving to

tourism destinations.

The tourism industry seems to be an attractive labour market in which migrants

come from other parts of the country and not only from the neighbouring munici-

palities or the extended region. The present study found that in-migrants to the

municipalities of Älvdalen and Malung/Sälen have higher incomes, are more highly

educated and more often hold leading positions both among tourism employees

and those working in the rest of the local labour market. The study also indicated

that the structure of the tourism industry itself affects tourism-related labour migra-

tion, where the rapid growth and company structure in Sälen creates a differentiated

labour market demanding a higher share of skilled staff in leading positions.

However, in-migration not only seems to be job-related. Those taking jobs in

tourism areas seem to be attracted by other attributes at the destination apart from

employment opportunities. This is particularly the case with people who relocate

to an area for other reasons, such as those of retirement age. The studied areas in

this thesis offer services that are not normally found in rural areas. Sälen, like

Wanaka, is strongly attributed with urban characteristics, which makes them both

places that host a modern rurality (Möller et al., 2015). This type of rurality is


strongly formed by the tourism industry as well as the characteristics of the individ-

uals moving to and living in the area. By attracting tourists and in-migrants from

more urban areas, the destinations are affected by influences that create a sense of

urbanity, and they can therefore be conceptualised as ‘urban satellites’ (Pettersson,

2001).

It is noteworthy that social relations and community membership/building is

proposed as being important among in-migrants. In the case of Wanaka, the social

lifestyle was as important, both in pre- and post-migration motivation, as the natural

amenities. The interviewees put a significant amount of effort into social events,

clubs and volunteering, as this helped them become part of the community in which

long-lasting relationships and trust could be built. This importance of community

formation is also seen among the seasonal workers interviewed in Sälen, albeit in a

different way, where the relationships can be characterised as a passing friendship.

Seasonal workers reveal that many who come to work in Sälen over the winter are

attracted to the social life within the community. Many of these social relationships

are short-term and fade away at the end of the season if they are not maintained

through, for example, work at the same summer destination. However, the strong

relationships appear to be long-standing.

The seasonal workers’ interest in skiing is not the prime motivator for seasonal

relocation, even though they are required to show such an interest during job inter-

views. People who express a strong interest in skiing are also those who see the

potential in Sälen as a place of permanent residence. In order for rural ski resorts

to be able to attract more inhabitants through seasonal workers, companies must

be more focused on finding workers who are eager to take advantage of the recre-

ational opportunities that are available in the mountains. This is in line with Tuulen-

tie and Heimtuns' (2014) suggestion that local communities should encourage local

employers to hire those groups of seasonal tourism workers that show the strongest

attachment to a particular place. Even though seasonal workers do not necessarily

move to the area once they have worked a season or two, they do show a stronger

place attachment as they not only have social relationships with community mem-

bers. In line with the results in Nepal and Chipeniuk (2005) and Stockdale, Mac-

Leod and Philip (2013), potential in-migrants are likely to use their affection for,

cognition of and experience in the place (Low and Altman 1992, cited in Gus-

tafsson 2006 p. 19) in migration decisions throughout their lives. This enables them

to base their decision to relocate, on their knowledge of the amenities and recrea-

tional opportunities available in a particular place.

The above mentioned motives for migration are dominated by pull factors re-

lated to the destination. However, it is important to recognize potential push factors

related to the place (and life) left behind. In the case of Wanaka, a new rural life


were, in some cases, set in contrast to the hectic life in urban centres, the physically

demanding life at a farm, or the stressful life as a self-employed retailer. Wanaka

was, for these individuals, a recess and a place for new opportunities. They had all

been introduced to the place as tourists and in comparison to the life they left

Wanaka was attributed with many attractive features.

Among the seasonal workers in Sälen, pull factors were stronger than push fac-

tors even though some mentioned feeling constrained in their transition into the

adult world. And they wished for residential independence and autonomy. Note-

worthy is also the present labour market situation, with high unemployment among

young adults, where Sälen with its tourism industry offers seasonal employment

which is a temporary solution to unemployment.

5.2 Lifestyle amenities and the (re)creative class It is evident that domestic lifestyle migration takes place in tourism-dominated rural

areas. However, it would be misleading to say that the results from this study mainly

contribute to research on lifestyle or amenity-led migration. Rather, the findings

show a strong relationship between the two fields of migration research. The con-

cept of lifestyle migration captures the ideas of amenity migration (Eimermann,

2013b), but the place dimension is subordinated. It is more correct to conceptualise

migration as being related to lifestyle amenities, as place amenities enable the de-

sired lifestyles to a significant extent. This type of conceptualisation also brings the

subjects of sociology, ethnography and geography closer together, something that

Gosnell and Abrams (2009) argued was lacking. Through this conceptual junction

of lifestyle and amenity migration, which can also be seen as a relaxation of migra-

tion theories, a broader picture of migration motives could be painted.

In the present study, migration motivated by lifestyle amenities is related to the

natural amenities that the place hosts. In tourism destinations in mountain areas,

nature and recreational infrastructure create opportunities for an active lifestyle as-

sociated with activities such as skiing and hiking. Hence, it attracts likeminded peo-

ple who find the resources of the mountains desirable along with the social life that

such surroundings facilitate, where social clubs and community building plays an

important role.

The importance of lifestyle amenities is found in the discussion of territorial

assets in table 2 (incorporated from paper III). Together with the seasonal oppor-

tunities that a mountain tourism destination provides, lifestyle amenities are also

important for the formation of a (re)creative class (Hauge & Thulemark, 2011).

However, this is more than just a play on words, where the recreational area is

populated by creative class members; the use of the term ‘rural creative class’ is not


suitable for this type of rural tourism area. Adding only a rural dimension to the

creative class theory would test the rise of creative pockets in the countryside.

Hence, it is seen as useful to adopt the creative class theory’s basic idea of a ‘peo-

ple’s climate’ and reconceptualise the Ts to suit the type of area studied. This could

then be seen as an attempt to broaden the theory requested by Asheim and Hansen

(2009). In this case a (re)creative focus would imply the use of skills and experi-

ences, entrepreneurs, social capital, community building and lifestyle amenities to

explain regional development in rural tourism destinations.

Table 2. Overview of the reconceptualisation of the four Ts in Florida’s urban-

orientated studies and in rural tourism areas

Source: Thulemark & Hauge, 2014

The (re)creative focus would then use local conditions to determine how regional

development through the four Ts would appear. Hence, this re-conceptualisation

is best used as a template of how the theory should be reinterpreted to conform to

the type of society that are of interest, rather than being applicable to all rural tour-

ism areas.

As conceptualised in paper IV, a slightly modified and delimited version of the

creative class theory could be used to study evidence of a creative tourism work-

force in relation to in-migration to the municipalities. The selected workforce was

defined as persons with higher education, leading positions and top-quartile in-

come. This slightly simplified measure of a creative core was established to meet

the labour market conditions that rural tourism-dominated municipalities face. In

Malung/Sälen, in-migrants constituted almost half of the creative tourism workforce

and about one-third in Älvdalen. In both cases, this exceeds the numbers of the


creative workforce in the rest of the labour market. These outcomes resemble

McGranahan and Wojan's (2007) results of a concentration of creative workers

within service occupations in rural areas. If the members of the (re)creative class

are added, it would be even more evident that the tourism industry attracts creative

people and that both creative people and this type of ‘people’s climate’ have the

potential to produce regional development.

With this said, this thesis should not be seen as a work that uncritically uses an

urban theory in a rural setting. The idea of adopting the theory is based on the

notion of its use among policy makers and planners in rural municipalities. Hence,

this work suggests how the theory should be reinterpreted if used outside its original

context. Rather than arguing for the theory’s lack of usefulness and adding to the

criticism of the theory, this thesis advocates the need of re-conceptualizations.

Within this reconceptualization the theory is adjusted to work in the specific setting

of rural areas, which in its own way confirms the criticism of a too pliable theory

(Hoyman & Faricy, 2008). Another criticism is the neoliberal discourse in which

Peck (2005) argues that cities are becoming places for rich. Tourism-dominated

villages might turn into rural hotspots which confirm Peck’s arguments, but requires

the rise of rural hotspots to be set against the developments that usually characterize

rural areas with depopulation, business closures and cuts in public services. The

line between becoming a hotspot or a place on the decline is thin.

Florida (2002) further argues for a service class that is growing alongside the cre-

ative class. A class that serves the purpose of helping the creatives’ with more private

tasks and obligations which they don’t have time for due to extended working hours

and social obligations. In paper III, members of the service class are seen as drivers

of the development and therefore also members of the so called (re)creative class.

In places dominated by a service industry, such as tourism destinations, the creativ-

ity lies in service innovation and for such innovation a sense of know-how and ser-

vice skills might be more important than human capital or indexed occupations.

This also relates back to the second question raised in the introduction; the char-

acteristics of those moving to mountain tourism destinations. As seen in paper IV,

there does not seem to be a strong gender division among in-migrants. It is evident

that the female share is on average about 50 percentage among in-migrants in both

case areas and in the tourism labour markets as well as in the rest of the local labour

market. This should be seen in comparison with the differences seen in the cate-

gory of non-migrants. There is a predominant proportion of female workers in ho-

tels and restaurants and a predominant proportion of male workers in tourism and

travel activities as well as in the rest of the local labour market.


Hence, class and gender inequalities might be reduced as the dominating indus-

try is service based and therefore members of the creative class are also members

of the service class.


6. Contribution of the thesis This thesis makes three main contributions. It offers new ways of studying lifestyle-

related migration, it stresses the meaning of place attachment when studying com-

munity formation among temporary tourism workers, and it calls for a re-concep-

tualisation of the creative class theory to complement explanations of regional de-

velopment in rural tourism-dominated areas.

Firstly, it adds to the scarce literature on inbound lifestyle migration while illus-

trating the importance of crossing academic boarders to understand closely related

migration theories. Socially motivated migration can be closely linked to the place,

and the motives are blurred at points, as shown in paper I. Lifestyle and amenity-

led migration, if used in isolation, does not paint a full picture of migration motives.

By using influences from both theories, the motives for migration to mountain tour-

ism destinations could be better explained.

Secondly, the thesis emphasises the importance of place relations in studies of

occupational communities when these communities are located in environments

that have special features that influence the occupation. This is the case in mountain

resorts where an interest in skiing/snowboarding is a pull factor for choosing to

work there, even though this factor is not the single most important motivation. As

members of occupational communities, seasonal workers gain a relationship with

the place that is based on the community structure, which in this case is strongly

related to social belonging. Seasonal workers that find themselves willing to move

to a mountain tourism destination are the persons who use the natural amenities

the most and see opportunities to live their desired lifestyle in a rural setting. How-

ever, it is not clear that Sälen is this preferred destination; rather, it is the settings

that attract them. They talk about mountain tourism destinations in general and can

see themselves also living in other destinations, as long as they have gained some

local knowledge about the place through work and/or visits. Hence, as in Stockdale

et al.'s (2013) study on mid-life in-migration to rural areas, the importance of earlier

experiences of a place and a feeling of rootedness could be gained through the

influences and experiences one has of a place that have been derived from working

in the area.

Thirdly, the thesis re-conceptualises the theory of the creative class in the context

of a rural tourism-dominated area. Paper III discusses the question of whether the

re-conceptualisation towards a (re)creative class waters down the theory too much.

With such a re-conceptualisation, the theory becomes even more disengaged from

existing statistics, which causes even greater problems in terms of quantitatively

measuring the impact of the theory. However, to be usable in areas such as rural

tourism destinations, the basic idea of a ‘people’s climate’ is important, not least as


in-migration to such areas is motivated by lifestyle and amenity-led reasons, which

are important for members of the creative class. However, it might not just be mem-

bers of the so-called creative class that are important residents. The creative core in

a tourism-dominated area might also include tourism workers with special skills

who, along with entrepreneurs, must find new ways to develop the tourism industry.

When using some basics of the theory to investigate in-migrants relationship with

the tourism labour market, it is evident that a creative workforce is attracted by the

tourism destination both as a labour market and a place to live.

From a policy and planning perspective, this thesis suggests that if in-migration

is desirable to rural tourism-dominated areas, there is the potential to attract tourists

and seasonal workers, as both groups are attached to the place, albeit in different

ways. However, in line with Tuulentie and Heimtun (2014), I argue for the need

for municipalities to encourage employers to hire seasonal staff that show potential

to stay, since they have or are most likely to develop a strong place attachment.

Such staff are to be found among individuals who, in keeping with my results, have

the opportunity to use place specific amenities in their preferred lifestyle by partic-

ipating in favourable leisure activities; for example, people who are interested in

nature, such as skiers and snowboarders who are attracted by the mountains as well

as to a (modern) rural life. Placing even greater focus on the recruitment process,

where an interest in skiing is requested but not demonstrated, would be one way to

define (return) workers who can consider a more permanent residency. It can also

be, as in the case of the interviewed entrepreneurs and business leaders, that former

seasonal workers are those that, through their local experiences and knowledge,

take more permanent leading positions or start businesses after in-migration. How-

ever, as noted by Lundmark (2006a), in-migrants to mountain tourism destinations

generally move on after a few years, which makes them appear rather ‘foot-loose’

(Andersson, 2013). The consequences of this mobility would be interesting to in-

vestigate in a study on community formation. Möller’s (2012) work on young adults

in tourism-dominated areas is one attempt to study how inhabitants are affected by

tourism and mobility. This topic could well be studied further as particular tourism

areas turn into hotspots where large streams of in-migrants gentrify the rural places

and may push locals away, due to factors such as an increase in property prices that

are beyond the reach of local young adults.

Wanaka has already turned into a mountainous hotspot, and this could also be

the case for the mountain resorts in Sälen and Idre. However, the localities do not

serve as centres, which means they may not become hotspots in the housing mar-

ket. However, all three localities could face structural changes that cause rural gen-

trification and lead to socio-economic and institutional changes, displacing the lo-


cals. Nevertheless, the villages could also remain ‘rural idylls’, forming a well-func-

tioning place to live that is characterised by a modern rurality and dominated by a

flourishing tourism industry.


Summary in Swedish Vissa landsbygdsorter som har en blomstrande turistindustri attraherar inte bara

temporära besökare utan lockar även mer permanent inflyttning och genom detta

skapas en positivare befolkningsutveckling. Det finns dock begränsat med forskning

kring hur och varför vissa individer flyttar, speciellt sett i relation till den mottagande

platsens koppling till turistindustrin. Därför har denna avhandling till syfte att stu-

dera migration till turismdominerade orter på landsbygden och speciellt fokus läggs

på orter i fjällmiljö. Utifrån detta syfte har tre frågeställningar växt fram:

- Hur kan migration till turismdominerade landsbygdsorter konceptuali-

seras?

- Vad karaktäriserar inflyttare till turismdominerade landsbygdsorter?

- Hur relaterar olika grupper av inflyttare till platsen?

Avhandlingen är uppbyggd kring fyra artiklar med individuella syften där artiklarna

fokuserar på; flyttmotiv och tankar kring den nya bostadsorten bland permanenta

inflyttare (artikel I), säsongsarbetares skapande av en yrkesgemenskap och deras

relation till platsen (artikel II), behovet av en rekonceptualisering av teorin kring

den kreativa klassen (artikel III) samt framväxandet av en ”kreativ arbetskraft” i

landsbygdskommuner med betydande turismverksamheter (artikel IV).

Som en introducerande del återfinns denna kappa där kapitel 2 redogör för det

teoretiska ramverket med fokus på turismrelaterad migration, urbanisering och an-

vändandet av teorin kring den kreativa klassen i rurala områden och hur detta på-

verkar landsbygden. Turismrelaterad migration är tvådelad i den här avhandlingen,

där en inriktning är mot jobbrelaterad migration som beskriver hur turismen som

arbetsmarknad i vissa fall lockar till sig inflyttare och i andra fall skapar möjligheter

för inflyttare att etablera sig på den lokala arbetsmarknaden. Den andra inrikt-

ningen av turismrelaterad migration bygger på platsens specifika förutsättningar

som en dragningskraft. I forskning kring inflyttning till fjällorter har platsens natur-

liga förutsättningar varit i fokus men platsens förutsättningar kan också vara av social

karaktär där platsen och dess invånare skapar möjligheter för en önskvärd livsstil.

I takt med att vissa turistdestinationer växer kan en känsla av urbanitet växa fram

på landsbygden där rural urbanisering är tanken om att landsbygden i vissa aspekter

blir mer lik urbana miljöer. För turistorter kan detta bli mer påtagligt då företagse-

tableringar, turistströmmar och inflyttningar cirkulerar ett globalt kapital vilket gör

platserna mer urbana till sin karaktär. Denna tanke öppnar upp för en diskussion

kring användandet av mer urbana utvecklingsteorier där framförallt Richard Flori-

das (2002) teori kring den kreativa klassen har fått stort inflytande. I flera fall har

teorin kommit att användas i regionala och kommunala planeringsprocesser både

i urbana och rurala miljöer. Detta är problematiskt då teorin har ett tydligt fokus på


urbana områden vilka, för att lyckas, ska ha ett omfattande humankapital, högtek-

nologisk industri, vara toleranta mot olika grupper av invånare och även ha vissa

territoriella tillgångar.

Inom ovan nämnda teoretiska fält har kunskapsluckor återfunnits i litteraturen

kring samspelet mellan platsens sociala och naturliga förutsättningar; kring säsongs-

anställdas relation till varandra och platsen de arbetar i; samt kring användandet av

urbana teorier i rurala sammanhang.

Kapitel 3 går igenom de fallstudieorter och metoder som använts. Sälen och Idre

i norra Dalarna samt Wanaka i de södra Nya Zeeländska alperna utgör fallstudie-

orter baserat på deras rurala läge, befolkningsutveckling och strukturen i turistindu-

strin. Avhandlingen bygger på multipla metoder där huvudfokus ligger på kvalitativa

metoder genom semistrukturerade intervjuer med inflyttare, entreprenörer, be-

slutsfattare och turismanställda samt semistrukturerade gruppintervjuer med sä-

songsanställda i turistnäringen. Den kvantitativa delen består av beskrivande sta-

tistik där den longitudinella individdatabasen ”BeDa” (Bergslagsdata) använts.

Kapitel 4 ger en summering av artiklarna där artikel I syftar till att studera indi-

viders flyttmotiv för att förklara den sociala aspekten i att inflyttning sker till fjäll-

turistorter. Wanaka, Nya Zeeland, utgjorde fallstudieort i denna artikel där 11 per-

soner, vilka alla hade flyttat till Wanaka mellan 2003 och 2009, intervjuades. Tur-

ismrelaterad migration studerades i den här artikeln utifrån livsstils- och platsrela-

terad migration (i engelsk översättning ’amenity migration’) där det senare är en

mer frekvent använd teori för att förklara inflyttning till fjällorter. I den här artikeln

argumenteras det dock för att livsstils- och platsrelaterad migration i stor utsträck-

ning är sammanlänkade, framförallt när den mottagande platsen är en turistdesti-

nation.

Artikel II syftar till att studera den starka yrkesgemenskap som setts bland tur-

ismnäringens säsongsanställda samt hur denna grupp upplever och knyter an till

den geografiska plats där de anställda bor och verkar, samt hur de säsongsanställda

värderar platsen och gemenskapen i deras vardag och planer för framtiden. Nya

och återvändande säsongsanställda i Sälen har intervjuats i grupp vid tre tillfällen

under vintersäsongen 2010-2011. Det framkom i denna studie att säsongsanställda

har en stark yrkesgemenskap som framförallt bygger på social relationer mellan

varandra och en sammansmältning av arbete och fritid där boendet med andra sä-

songsanställda skapade en starkare gemenskap. Det framkom även att de säsongs-

anställda hade en tvåsidig kontakt med platsen. Å ena sidan spelade inte platsen, i

det här fallet Sälen, någon större roll för hur de upplevde sin tid där. Sälen för de

säsongsanställda var nästan enbart förknippat med sociala relationer till andra sä-

songsanställda. Å andra sidan skapade den rurala platsen förutsättningar för att ge-

menskapen skulle kunna växa sig starkare.


Artikel III analyserar Florida’s (2002) teori kring den kreativa klassen och dess

användbarhet som ett ramverk för att studera regional utveckling i Sälen, Sverige.

För att kunna använda teorin i den kontext som artikeln föreslår så måste teorin

luckras upp och begreppen omformuleras. Det som bibehålls är tanken om vikten

av ett individbaserat klimat istället för ett gynnsamt företagsklimat där de fyra T som

Florida lyfte fram omtolkas till att motsvara de förutsättningar som råder på platser

som är dominerade av en stark turistnäring. Resultaten i artikeln visar att Sälen i

många fall följer de tankar som finns i grundteorin, speciellt i den om att kunskap

och kreativitet bland de anställda driver på den regionala utvecklingen. Dock går

detta inte att mäta på samma sätt som i grundteorin.

Artikel IV analyserar turismanställningar och deras relation till inflyttning till

Malung/Sälens och Älvdalens kommun, Sverige. Det visar sig i artikeln att turistnä-

ringen är starkt relaterad till inflyttning, därmed inte sagt att det är arbetet inom

turistnäringen som är det huvudsakliga motivet. I artikeln studeras också ifall det

kan finnas indikationer på en kreativ arbetskraft (individer med högre utbildning,

ledande yrkesroller och/eller som tillhör den högsta inkomstkvartilen). Resultaten

visar att den kreativa arbetskraften utgjorde en betydande andel och inflyttare ut-

gjorde en stor del av den turismrelaterade kreativa arbetskraften.

I kapitel 5 diskuteras det framkomna resultaten i artiklarna ihop med det över-

gripande syftet, samt de frågeställningar och teorier som lyfts fram i kappan. Vidare

presenteras avhandlingens tre huvudsakliga slutsatser. Den bidrar till litteraturen

kring livsstils-relaterad migration som sker inom länder. Denna livsstil påverkas

dessutom starkt av platsens naturliga förutsättningar. Avhandlingen belyser också

vikten av att studera relationen till platsen i studier av yrkesgemenskaper då dessa

gemenskaper är lokaliserade i miljöer som starkt påverkar yrket. Säsongsanställda

utgör en potentiella inflyttare och denna studie visar att de starka banden mellan de

säsongsanställda gör att de får en svag anknytning till den geografiska platsen, sna-

rare får de en stark koppling till andra säsongsanställda som i de flesta fall flyttar

ifrån platsen. Avhandlingen omformulerar också teorin om den kreativa klassen.

Detta för att överhuvudtaget göra det möjligt att diskutera och applicera teorin på

orter som inte är urbana. Slutligen ses avhandlingen utifrån ett policy- och plane-

ringsperspektiv där turism betraktas som positivt för inflyttning och säsongsan-

ställda kan vara en möjlig grupp av inflyttare om vikt läggs på att hitta de som har

en livsstil där de till stor grad utnyttjar de förutsättningar som platsen ger.


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Appendix 1. List of papers with aim, theory, methods and results.

Pape

r A

im

The

ory

Met

hod/

mat

eria

l/stu

dy

area

Fi

ndin

gs

Pape

r I

A n

ew li

fe in

the

mou

ntai

ns: c

hang

ing

lifes

tyle

s am

ong

in-

mig

rant

s to

Wan

aka,

New

Ze

alan

d

To c

ontri

bute

with

an

unde

rsta

ndin

g of

th

e so

cial

asp

ects

of w

hy p

eopl

e m

ove

to m

ount

aino

us to

uris

m d

estin

atio

ns b

y st

udyi

ng in

divi

dual

s’ m

igra

tion

mot

ives

.

-Tou

rism

rela

ted

mig

ratio

n

-Life

styl

e m

igra

tion

-A

men

ity m

igra

tion

-In-

dept

h, se

mi-s

truct

ured

in

terv

iew

s with

in-m

igra

nts,

year

200

9 -1

1 in

terv

iew

ees

-Cas

e st

udy

in W

anak

a, N

Z

Stro

ng re

latio

ns b

etw

een

amen

ity a

nd li

fest

yle

reas

ons

for m

igra

tion

to m

ount

ain

area

s.

Soci

al li

fe a

nd c

omm

unity

mem

bers

hip

impo

rtant

in

post

-mig

ratio

n sa

tisfa

ctio

n.

Pape

r II

Com

mun

ity fo

rmat

ion

and

sens

e of

pla

ce a

mon

g se

ason

al to

uris

m w

orke

rs

To in

vest

igat

e ho

w se

ason

al to

uris

m

empl

oyee

s can

be

anal

yzed

as a

n oc

cupa

tiona

l com

mun

ity. F

urth

er, i

t st

udie

s the

way

s in

whi

ch a

par

ticul

ar

tour

ism

-rel

ated

occ

upat

iona

l co

mm

unity

per

ceiv

es a

nd c

onne

cts t

o its

loca

tion,

as w

ell a

s the

way

s in

whi

ch se

ason

al to

uris

m w

orke

rs

perc

eive

the

role

of p

lace

and

co

mm

unity

in th

eir e

very

day

lives

and

fu

ture

pla

ns.

-Occ

upat

iona

l co

mm

unity

-M

eani

ng o

f pla

ce

-Foc

us g

roup

s int

ervi

ews

with

‘n

ew’ a

nd ‘e

xper

ienc

ed’

seas

onal

wor

kers

-T

hree

inte

rvie

ws w

ith e

ach

focu

s gro

up d

urin

g on

e se

ason

, ye

ar 2

010/

2011

-C

ase

stud

y in

Säl

en, S

wed

en

Seas

onal

tour

ism

wor

kers

may

con

stitu

te a

n oc

cupa

tiona

l com

mun

ity.

Ther

e is

a tw

ofol

d at

tach

men

t to

plac

e as

the

com

mun

ity m

ight

exi

st a

nd m

ove

arou

nd w

ithou

t ge

tting

aff

ecte

d by

the

plac

e. H

owev

er, t

he is

olat

ion

in

this

rura

l set

ting

mak

es it

pos

sibl

e fo

r the

com

mun

ity

to g

row

stro

nger

.

Pape

r III

C

reat

ivity

in th

e re

crea

tiona

l ind

ustry

- Re-

conc

eptu

aliz

atio

n of

the

Cre

ativ

e C

lass

theo

ry in

a

tour

ism

-dom

inat

ed ru

ral

area

To u

nder

stan

d th

e dy

nam

ics o

f reg

iona

l de

velo

pmen

t in

a ru

ral r

egio

n do

min

ated

by

tour

ism

.

-Cre

ativ

e cl

ass

- Cre

ativ

e cl

ass i

n a

rura

l con

text

-Sem

i-stru

ctur

ed in

terv

iew

s w

ith e

ntre

pren

eurs

, des

tinat

ion

deve

lope

rs a

nd in

-mig

rant

s.

-Foc

us g

roup

inte

rvie

ws (

see

pape

r II)

-D

escr

iptiv

e st

atis

tics d

eriv

ed

from

BeD

a (s

ee p

aper

IV)

-Cas

e st

udy

in S

älen

, Sw

eden

The

basi

c id

eas o

f a p

eopl

es’ c

limat

e is

frui

tful i

n a

rura

l tou

rism

setti

ng.

The

theo

ry o

f the

cre

ativ

e cl

ass h

as to

be

re-

conc

eptu

alis

ed if

use

d in

rura

l set

tings

.

Terr

itoria

l ass

ets p

lay

a si

gnifi

cant

role

in re

gion

al

deve

lopm

ent i

n ru

ral t

ouris

m a

reas

.

Pape

r IV

Tour

ism

em

ploy

men

t and

cr

eativ

e in

-mig

rant

s

To a

naly

se to

uris

m e

mpl

oym

ent a

nd it

s re

latio

n to

in-m

igra

tion

to

Mal

ung/

Säle

n an

d Ä

lvda

len,

two

maj

or

rura

l tou

rism

des

tinat

ions

in th

e so

uthe

rn S

wed

ish

mou

ntai

ns.

-Mig

ratio

n

-Tou

rism

rela

ted

mig

ratio

n -C

reat

ive

clas

s

-Lon

gitu

dina

l, ge

o-re

fere

nced

m

icro

-dat

a on

indi

vidu

als;

BeD

a -Q

uant

itativ

e an

alys

e -C

ase

stud

y ar

eas;

the

mun

icip

aliti

es o

f M

alun

g/Sä

len

and

Älv

dale

n, S

wed

en

Larg

e sh

are

of in

-mig

rant

s are

em

ploy

ed in

tour

ism

.

In- m

igra

nts

cons

titut

e a

larg

e pa

rt of

the

cre

ativ

e to

uris

m w

orkf

orce

.

Ther

e ar

e di

ffere

nces

bet

wee

n th

e ca

ses.

Publications in the series Örebro Studies in Human Geography

1. Hedfeldt, Mona (2008). Företagande kvinnor i bruksort. Arbetsliv och vardagsliv i samspel.

2. Gustavsson, Eva (2008). Mellan det lokala och det globala – klimat, kommuner, nätverk.

3. Jakobsson, Max (2009). Från industrier till upplevelser. En studie av symbolisk och materiell omvandling i Bergslagen.

4. Tunström, Moa (2009). På spaning efter den goda staden. Om konstruktioner av ideal och problem i svensk stadsbyggnadsdiskussion.

5. Brandt, Daniel (2010). Geografiska perspektiv på den moderna statens organisering.

6. Trumberg, Anders (2011). Den delade skolan. Segregationsprocesser i det svenska skolsystemet.

7. Sundström, Peter (2013). Orter i stadens närhet.

8. Eimermann, Marco (2013). There and back again ? Dutch lifestyle migrants moving to rural Sweden in the early 21st century.

9. Thulemark, Maria (2015). Moved by the mountains. Migration into tourism dominated rural areas.

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