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Modern Imperialism and Colonialism A GLOBAL PERSPECTIVE Trevor R. Getz San Francisco State University Heather Streets-Salter Washington State University Prentice Hall Boston Columbus Indianapolis New York San Francisco Upper Saddle River Amsterdam Cape Town Dubai London Madrid Milan Munich Paris Montreal Toronto Delhi Mexico City Sa ˜o Paulo Sydney Hong Kong Seoul Singapore Taipei Tokyo A01_GETZ4099_01_SE_FM.QXD 5/26/10 3:22 PM Page i

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Modern Imperialism and Colonialism

A GLOBAL PERSPECTIVE

Trevor R. GetzSan Francisco State University

Heather Streets-SalterWashington State University

Prentice HallBoston Columbus Indianapolis New York San Francisco Upper Saddle River Amsterdam

Cape Town Dubai London Madrid Milan Munich Paris Montreal Toronto DelhiMexico City Sao Paulo Sydney Hong Kong Seoul Singapore Taipei Tokyo

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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Getz, Trevor R.Modern imperialism and colonialism : a global perspective / Trevor R. Getz,

Heather Streets-Salter.—1st ed.p. cm.

Includes bibliographical references and index.ISBN-13: 978-0-321-42409-9ISBN-10: 0-321-42409-3

1. Imperialism—History. 2. History, Modern. I. Streets-Salter, Heather. II. Title. D208.G48 2011325'.3—dc22

2010010005

10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1

ISBN 10: 0-321-42409-3ISBN 13: 978-0-321-42409-9

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CONTENTS

Maps vii

Preface viii

Introduction 1

Why Define? 1

Empire 1

Imperialism 6

Colonialism 9

Global and Modern 12

Questions 15

PART I THE RISE OF EARLY MODERN EMPIRES, C. 1350–1650 16

Chapter 1 Empire: The Emergence of Early Modern States and Empires in Eurasia and Africa 16The Emergence of the Early Modern State System 17

A Gunpowder Revolution? 24

Sectoral Alliances 28

The Search for Legitimacy 31

Sub-Saharan African Empires? 33Conclusion 37 • Questions 37

Chapter 2 Imperialism and Colonialism: Imperial Interaction and NascentColonialism in Early Modern Eurasia and North Africa 38Models of Early Modern Colonialism 39

Themes in Early Modern Colonialism 47

The Economic Underpinnings of Early Modern Integration 48

Imperial Interaction and Grand Alliances 49

The Portuguese Estado da India 52Conclusion 56 • Questions 56

Chapter 3 Imperialism: Intersecting Empires in the Americas 57Iberian Motivations for Exploration, Trade, and Conquest 59

The First Iberian Colonies in the Americas 61

American Imperialism 63

The Columbian Exchange 66

Iberian Empires in the New World 69Questions 76

iii

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iv Contents

PART II ATLANTIC AND ASIAN EMPIRES IN A GLOBAL AGE, C. 1600–1830 77

Chapter 4 Colonialism: Competition for Empire and the Rise of theSlave/Plantation Complex 77Competition for Empire 79

New Europeans in the Americas—English, French, and Dutch Colonial Efforts 81

The Sugar Revolution 86

Sugar, Slavery, and Transatlantic Societies 90Questions 98

Chapter 5 Empire: Empire, Identity, and the Making of New Societies in the Atlantic World 99The Role of Identity in History 100

New Societies, New Peoples in the Americas 102

New Societies, New Peoples in Africa and Asia 108

The Process of Identity Formation 110Questions 117

Chapter 6 Imperialism and Colonialism: Asian Land Empires in a Global Age 118Continuity and Change from the Mid-Seventeenth Century 121

Opportunities and Challenges 124

Imperial Strategies and Colonial Modes of Rule 129

Questioning Imperial Decline 132Questions 136

PART III INFORMAL EMPIRES? C. 1810–1880 137

Chapter 7 Empire: Revolutions in the Atlantic World 137The Seven Years’ War and Its Consequences 139

The War of American Independence and Its Legacies 146

The French Revolutionary Wars and the French Caribbean 149

The Napoleonic Wars and the Spanish and Portuguese Americas 154

Atlantic Rebellions and Global Wars in Southern Africa 158Conclusion 159 • Questions 160

Chapter 8 Imperialism: The Industrial Revolution and the Era of Informal Imperialism 161Informal Empire—Anti-Imperialist or Imperialist? 164

Industry and Empire 165

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Contents v

Cultures of Informal Imperialism 168

Informal Imperialism in Action 170

Formal Expansion in the Era of Informal Imperialism 179Conclusion 186 • Questions 187

Chapter 9 Colonialism: Change, Response, and Resistance in the Colonies 188Modes of Governance 190

Common Themes in Nineteenth-Century Colonialism 192

Resistance to the Imposition and Effects of Colonial Rule 206Conclusion 209 • Questions 210

PART IV THE NEW IMPERIALISM, C. 1870–1930 211

Chapter 10 Imperialism: The New Imperialism and the Scramble for Colonies 211What Was the New Imperialism? 213

Why Did the New Imperialism Happen? 217

The Annexation of Burma, 1885 222

The Struggle for the Upper Nile Valley: The Race for Fashoda from British,French, and African Perspectives, 1896–1899 224

Japanese Policy Formation and the Invasion of Korea, 1874–1910 226

Public Opinion in the United States and the Invasion of Haiti, 1915 228Conclusion 229 • Questions 229

Chapter 11 Colonialism: Colonial Subjects and the Pacification of Colonies in the Era of the New Imperialism 230The Pacification of Vietnam and the Gold Coast 231

Imposing Colonial Authority and Sovereignty 233

Problematizing Collaboration 236

Problematizing Resistance 240

Re-evaluating the Pacification of the Gold Coast and Indochina 242Conclusion 246 • Questions 247

Chapter 12 Empire: The Sinews of the New Imperialism 248Commodities 249

Migration 253

Missionism 256

War and Military Power 259

Gender, Sexuality, and Race 264Conclusion 268 • Questions 269

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vi Contents

PART V THE RISE AND FALL OF HIGH IMPERIALISM, C. 1890–1975 270

Chapter 13 Imperialism and Colonialism: Imperial Projects and ColonialPetitions in the High Imperial Era 270The Colonizers’ Model of the World 271Hierarchy and Colonial Projects in the Era of High Imperialism 274The Proconsular State and the Realities of Colonial Rule 278Strategies of Colonial Subjects: Negotiation, Accommodation,

and Petition 279Conclusion 283 • Questions 284

Chapter 14 Empire: Imperial World Wars and the Slow March towardDecolonization 285Imperial Ambitions and the First World War 287The Colonial Experience and the First World War 291The Armenian Genocide as a Colonial Event 295Imperial Ambitions and the Second World War 296The Colonial Experience and the Second World War 297The Holocaust as a Colonial Event 299The Aftermath of the Second World War and Political Decolonization 300

Conclusion 304 • Questions 305

Chapter 15 Imperialism and Colonialism: Nationalism and Independence 306The Challenge Facing Anti-Colonial Movements and the Search

for Unifying Ideologies 307The Development of Emancipatory Nationalism 309Organizing Resistance Among the People 312The Diffusion of Emancipatory Nationalism: A Global Perspective 313Pan-Movements 315Settlers and Settler Nationalism 318The Messy Reality of the Road to Independence 320

Conclusion 322 • Questions 323

PART VI THE WORLD WE LIVE IN, C. 1948 TO TODAY 324

Chapter 16 Imperialism and Colonialism: A Post-Colonial World? 324Cold War Imperialism? 325Economic Neo-Imperialism? 334Cultural Imperialism and Postcolonialism 338The Persistence of Empire? 341

Glossary 343

Index 347

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vii

MAPS

Early Modern Empires of Eurasia and North Africa, c. 1550

Empires of the Americas and Early Spanish Settlements, c. 1519

European Overseas Empires in the Atlantic, c. 1750

Asian Empires, c. 1700

Territorial Exchanges in the Americas Resulting from the Seven Years’ War, 1756–1763

Industrial Centers of the World and the British Empire as an Industrial Network, c. 1850

The New Imperialism and the Expansion of Colonial Holdings, c. 1866–1914

The First World War on a Global Scale: Belligerent Empires

Global Political Decolonization, 1945–1997

Cold War Alliances, c. 1960

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viii

PREFACE

WHY STUDY IMPERIALISM? A PERSPECTIVE FROM THEUNITED STATES IN 2010

We have lived through, or are living through, an ageof American empire, or so we’re told. As early asthe 1820s, the United States began to understanditself as the pre-eminent power on the Americanlandmass, a status that was represented partly bythe linguistic mapping of the proper adjective“American” to decribe solely U.S. projects. In1941, as the industry and military of the UnitedStates geared up for the Second World War, pub-lisher Henry Luce predicted an “American century”in which the formal European empires would crum-ble before the onslaught of the financial, cultural,and corporate imperialism of the United States.1

Certainly some of Luce’s forecasts proved correct.In the post-war period, and especially since the col-lapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, the United Stateshas become the world’s pre-eminent militarypower, the only nation-state truly able to exert itswill around the globe through a network of client-states and semi-permanent bases on every conti-nent. On the other hand, American hegemony hasnever been unchallenged, and has almost alwaysbeen carried out in cooperation or through negotia-tion with other states. In the decade of the 1990s,there were many charges of American imperialismin Latin America, Asia, and the Middle East, butrarely did U.S. involvement in these regions takethe form of large-scale military intervention or theformal occupation of overseas territories.2

In the wake of the September 11, 2001attacks on the United Stated by al Qaeda terrorists,American imperialism became once again a lead-ing theme of both popular and scholarly debate. Ina search for the motives behind such a terribleoperation, some commentators put the blame onAmerican foreign policy.3 The architect of theattack himself, Osama bin Laden, who describedAmerican operatives abroad as crusaders, wrotethat “What America is tasting now, is somethinginsignificant compared to what we have tasted forscores of years. Our nation [the Islamic world] hasbeen tasting this humiliation and this degradationfor more than 80 years. Its sons are killed, itsblood is shed, its sanctuaries are attacked, and no-one hears and no-one heeds. . . . When the swordcomes down [on America], after 80 years,hypocrisy rears its ugly head.”4

The administration of President George W.Bush responded to the 9/11 attacks with a vigor-ous and global campaign that culminated in theinvasion of Afghanistan and Iraq. In preparing theAmerican and global public for these campaigns,the administration avidly sought to avoid anyimputation that they were seeking to build anAmerican empire. The elected officials, bureau-crats, and generals involved in planning the oper-ations scrupulously avoided the public use ofterminology that smacked of imperialism, consis-tently stating as their objectives the restoration ofglobal stability and the protection of America’sborders.5 The President himself explicitly avowed

1 An excellent evaluation of the extent of limitations of the“American century” is David Reynolds, “AmericanGlobalism: Mass, Motion, and the Multiplier Effect,” inGlobalization in World History, edited by A.G. Hopkins(London: Pimlico, 2002).2 See, for example, Subcommondante Marcos, “The FourthWorld War,” In Motion Magazine, November 11, 2001.

3For early coverage of this debate, see Walter Lafeber, “ThePost September 11 Debate Over Empire, Globalization, andFragmentation,” Political Science Quarterly, 117 (2002),1–17; and Benjamin Ross, “In Search of Root Causes,”Dissent, 49 (2002), 40–43.4 Text of Osama bin Laden’s statement of October 7, 2001.Translation supplied by the Associated Press.5 Kevin Baker, “The Fear in Ideas: American Imperialism,Embraced,” New York Times Magazine, December 9, 2001, 53.

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Preface ix

that the United States “has no empire to extend”and no “territorial ambitions.”6 Rather it was theadministration’s critics who introduced the termi-nology of empire. Among the first were politicians,like British Liberal Democrat party leader CharlesKennedy, who denounced what he called the Bushadministration’s new American imperialism.7

Soon, a flood of influential scholars, pundits, andgovernment leaders worldwide were railingagainst American “imperial ambitions” or “impe-rial delusions.”8 In response, supporters of the warin Iraq began to appropriate the vocabulary ofempire, defending the notion of an Americanempire rather than arguing that it did not exist.Policy analyst Max Boot wrote in May 2003: “Ifwe want Iraq to avoid becoming a Somalia onsteroids, we’d better get used to U.S. troops beingdeployed there for years, possibly decades, tocome. If that raises hackles about American impe-rialism, so be it. We’re going to be called an empirewhatever we do. We might as well be a successfulempire.”9 Meanwhile Niall Ferguson, the centristscholar of the British Empire, warned Americansto shake off their imperial denial: “deny it whowill, empire is as much a reality today as it wasthroughout the 300 years when Britain ruled, andmade, the modern world.”10

The defeat of the Republican party in 2008ushered in the prospect of a less unilateral andaggressive foreign policy, and proponents of abellicose U.S. foreign policy like Victor DavisHanson at the conservative Hoover Institutebemoaned “the omnipotent influence of Obama’s

multicultural creed: Western civilization is unex-ceptional in comparison with other cultures, andhistory must be the story of an ecumenical, globalshared brotherhood.”11 Yet President BarackObama has not managed to unravel the sinews offoreign entanglement that critics call imperialism,and even in the midst of a domestic recessionU.S. troops are based or involved in conflictsaround the world.

The passions ignited by the debate overAmerican empire, both at home and abroad, donot merely reflect current U.S. foreign policy.Instead, they arise from a world shaped by the col-lective memories of centuries of imperialism andcolonialism. Formal empires may no longer coverthe globe to the extent they once did, but theirafter-effects are all around us. This is nowheremore obvious than in the relationship between thesecular/Christian-majority states of the UnitedStates and Europe (along with Jewish-majorityIsrael) on the one hand and the Muslim-majoritystates of Asia and North Africa on the other. Theirrelationship today is complex, in large partbecause the history of that relationship is messyand multifaceted. Islamic and Christian empires ofthe medieval and early modern eras co-existedboth peacefully and fractiously, as crusaders andas traders. Africans, Europeans, and Asians ofboth religions were for centuries not only enslavedto labor in each other’s colonial fields and to fightin each other’s imperial armies, but also oftenexperienced tolerance and even welcome in statesthat thrived on religious diversity. For a time, thegreat Muslim empires ruled over millions ofChristian subjects, and some Muslim-majoritystates still do. However, in the last two centuriesmuch of the Islamic world came to be formallyruled by or informally subject to vast maritimeempires based in Europe. In the context of theseshared imperial experiences, modern notions ofrace and class and contemporary structures ofexpansion and oppression with global significance

6 Michael Ignatieff, “America’s Empire is an Empire Lite,”New York Times, January 10, 2003.7 Andrew Woodcock and Jane Merrick, “Kennedy Warns of‘Imperialism’ over Bid to Oust Saddam,” Press Association,September 23, 2002.8G. John Ikenberry, “America’s Imperial Ambition,” ForeignAffairs, September/October 2002; Eric Hobsbawm,“America’s Imperial Delusion,” Guardian, June 15, 2003;Noam Chomsky, Imperial Ambitions: Conversations on thePost 9–11 World (New York: Metropolitan Books, 2005); andIgor Gedilaghine, “Iranian FM blasts US ‘Imperialism’ as HeVisits Russia,” Agence France Presse, April 4, 2002.9Max Boot, “American Imperialism? No Need to Run Awayfrom Label,” USA Today, May 5, 2003.10Niall Ferguson, “America: An Empire in Denial,” Chronicleof Higher Education, 49 (March 28, 2003), B7.

11 Victor Davis Hanson, “Just Make Stuff Up,” NationalReview Online, June 12, 2009, http://article.nationalreview.com/print/?q=OTAyNzFjMmMwOWJjYmFmMTA2ODdjODZmZmQ0MWE1Mzg=

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were formed.12 The events of 9/11 and the U.S.invasions of Iraq and Afghanistan cannot beunderstood outside of these experiences.

But it is not merely the events of 9/11 andthe occupation of Iraq that have an imperial past.No part of the world was untouched by empiresover the past half-millennium, and very little ofimportance that happens today can be divorcedfrom an imperial context. Conflicts in Ireland,Israel–Palestine, the Balkans, and elsewhere arerooted in the legacies of empire. It was as subjectsof modern empires that the world’s populationsre-arranged themselves. The movements ofAfricans to the Americas, Europeans to Oceania,and Asians to the Caribbean were often com-pelled or facilitated by imperial technologies andpolicies. Less obviously, imperialism also con-strained the movements of peoples, as when EastAsians were excluded from Australasia and NorthAmerica. Stretching across continents, theseempires helped to shape the movement of notonly humans but also species of plants, animals,and pests. These organisms were carried acrossseas and land to new places, along with lan-guages, religions, and cultures. Diplomacy, com-merce, and war between empires shaped globalboundaries. Moreover, imperialism served as thefoster parent of both globalization and national-ism in the modern era. As with any parent and itschildren, the relationship between these threetrends has not always been a smooth one, but it isnot possible to understand them separately.

The purpose of this book is to exploreimperialism and colonialism: an inter-relatedseries of trends that have embraced much of thehuman experience in the last half-millennium.The building of modern empires—once treated asthe ascendancy of one part of the world over theothers—was in fact a shared, global experiencethat tied together the world’s regions as neverbefore. Under the rule or influence of great inter-continental empires, diverse populations expanded

their political, economic, military, and social linksand exchanged ideas, human populations, plantand animal species, and technology. This is not tosuggest that empire created an even, equalexchange between societies; by definition, it didnot. Nevertheless, for better or for worse, thesegreat empires have been among the most impor-tant institutions in shaping modern history.

This textbook addresses modern imperial-ism and colonialism from a truly global and holis-tic perspective. From the formation of centralizedgunpowder empires in Eurasia and parts of Africato the demise of the bi-polar Cold War world, thisbook investigates our evolving understanding ofthe origins, nature, mechanisms, and demise ofmodern empires. As well as evaluating empires asstructures, it explores the doctrines, ideologies,and practices of imperialism and colonial rule.This approach is relatively novel. Conventionally,texts that deal with these topics either focus on asingle empire or component of empire, such as acolony or metropole, or investigate imperialismacross several empires but for a tightly definedperiod. Almost all histories of modern imperial-ism begin in Europe, and few contextualizeEuropean empires within global imperial net-works and systems. Many are comparative, butnone so far has managed to tell the story of mod-ern empires from a truly integrated perspective.In this era of increasing globalization, suchapproaches are increasingly inadequate.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Heather would like to thank her colleagues atWashington State University and in the WorldHistory Association for supporting and encourag-ing her to look at the world’s past through a wide-angle lens. She would also like to thank Trevor forinviting her to join this project, and for hispatience and support throughout its writing. Herstudents who have taken her Global Imperialismclass since 1999 also deserve thanks, as their ques-tions and insights have deeply informed this book.Finally, she wishes to thank her family and friendsfor their continued love, support, and fellowship.She especially thanks her husband, Steven Salter,

12A peace-maker’s view on this can be found in Imam FeisalAbdul Rauf, What’s Right with Islam Is What’s Right withAmerica: A New Vision for Muslims and the West (SanFrancisco: Harper San Francisco, 2004), 1–9.

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for leaving Kuala Lumpur on a Monday instead ofa Friday. The consequences of such an act havemade all the difference in her life.

Trevor would like to extend his thanks tocolleagues at San Francisco State Universityand throughout the Bay Area, especially ChrisChekuri, John Corbally, Richard Hoffman, andUgo Nwokeji. He also extends his apologies tostudents in his Modern European Imperialism andHistory of Africa courses who have been guineapigs in the development of this project. Heexpresses his gratitude to Heather for transform-ing so readily from a critical reviewer to a con-tributing partner early in the process of proposingthis book. Last but not least, he thanks his familyand friends for their support and wishes BafanaBafana good luck in the FIFA World Cup.

Both authors would particularly like tothank the editorial staff at Pearson, and especiallyRob DeGeorge. Finally, we extend our apprecia-tion to the following reviewers for their insightsand suggestions: Heather J. Abdelnur, BlackburnCollege; Gayle K. Brunelle, California StateUniversity, Fullerton; John Corbally, MenloCollege; Corrie Decker, University of California,Davis; Stephen Englehart, California StatePolytechnic University; Benjamin Grob-Fitzgibbon,University of Arkansas; Thomas D. Hall, DepauwUniversity; John McNeill, Georgetown University;Mark Ruff, Saint Louis University; Peter Stamatov,Yale University; Theodore R. Weeks, SouthernIllinois University; Kenneth Wilburn, East CarolinaUniversity; and Louise B. Williams, CentralConnecticut State University.

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