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Chapter 2
Methodology
Conceptual framework of the problem
Based on the discussion in the previous chapter, our concern is to develop
a comprehensive understanding of the social dynamics of health and the life of
women workers in the cashew processing industry of Kilikolloor in Kerala.
This study focuses on the linkages between gender relations, work, and the
health of cashew processing women workers in order to get an idea of the
complex realities of their life. The way we conceptualise gender relations, health
and the work of women workers is borne out by our understanding of the existing
literature. In the ·previous chapter we have seen that the health of a person is
intrinsically related with the social, economic, political and cultural dimensions of
the society in which she/he lives and works and can not be explained within a
medical paradigm alone. In the case of women, their family situation, the
relationships within, and the caring role that they are expected to perform add to
the complexity of the social dynamics of their health. An adequate understanding
of such complexities of life indeed needs an interdisciplinary research, which
includes methods and concepts from various discourses of social science
disciplines. It is of paramount importance to analyse the interlinkages and
associatiol)s of various levels of complex interactions in the lives of women which
ultimately shape their health.
We have identified the following key dimensions that need to be studied to
understand how women's health and their subjective perceptions o{ it are
determined.
Women's work in the cashew industry
In order to study women's work in the cashew industry we have to focus on
the structure and organisation of the industry since its inception during mid 1920s.
This would enable us to get an understanding of the transformations that have
taken place in the industry with respect to its structure, technology, labour process
and organisation and the impact of these changes on the lives of women workers.
Focus on the industry will help us to have an idea of the prospects of this industry
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- the problems in the availability of raw nuts, the level of underemployment and
the variations in various sectors of the industry like public, cooperative and private
factories.
The physical conditions of work in the work units are appallingly poor and
have a pervasive impact on the health of women workers. The work environment,
adequate wage rate and the production and social relations the workers are
subjected to are key factors in determining the health of workers. Highly
exploitative terms and conditions of work which take advantage of caste, class
and gender composition of the worker~exists at various levels. Therefore it is .... essential to understand the various aspects of work such .as women's control over
timing of work, the product of their work and work conditions, the wage and non
wage benefits enjoyed by them, leisure time of the workers, the nature of
surveillance by employers and women workers' understanding of the production
process, marketing and profit distribution. The interpersonal relations of workers
and the management, workers' perception about these relations, their work,
working conditions provided to them and their rights at work and the ways in which
they are exploited by the employers also need to be analysed to gain an insight
into the real problems faced by them at factories. In addition to this the
perceptions of employers, managers, and supervisors regarding the nature of
work, women workers, technology, and the changes taking place in the industry
also will be explored.
Political and trade union participation of women workers
Kerala is well known for the politicisation of the people and the economic
gains attained through trade union activities. As majority of the workers in this
industry are women, it is pertinent to analyse the quality of politicisation of women
and its impact on their lives. This can be analysed by exploring their participation
in political issues and the quality of such participation, including trade union
struggles and other larger political activities in the society. The women workers'
role in the leadership and decision making bodies of the political parties and trade
unions will be explored to see how much these activities helped them enjoy
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important positions in politics and enabled them to assert their rights at their
work place and at home.
Access to health care facilities
Health care services are an organic part of community life and it is one of
the important determinants of the health of workers. The workers are provided
with ESI services for their health problems but the facility is restricted only to the
permanent workers in the factory sector. Apart from ESI, the villagers are provided
with other government and private health care institutions in the village. The
accessibility and availability of the health care services will be explored to get an
idea of the quality of services as well aswomen's use of them for tackling their
health problems.
Women's work at home
Working women also have to be studied within the complexities of their
households and villages to get a comprehensive understanding of their lives and
health. The burden of household drudgery falls on women irrespective of their
outside work in the factory from morning to late evening. Most often, working
women shoulder the household drudgery single-handedly especially in nuclear
families. The dominant patriarchal relations prevailing in society has its cultural
manifestations in the day to day life of women workers .The overburden of work at
factory and household level work such as cooking, caring of children and the
elderly, coupled with lack of adequate food and rest due to poverty and unequal
gender relations adversely affects the health of women workers. Women are
forced to bear the brunt of overwork without much rest and leisure time, at the
cost of their health. But the inadequacies in the conceptualisation of work in the
economic theories leave the household work of women outside the arena of
productive work. However, quite often the overwork of women both in the
productive and reproductive (household) realms contribute to the sustenance of
family and they become the substantial bread winners of the families. Therefore, it
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is essential to understand women's household work and her economic
contributions to the household in detail. '
Intra-household relations
Intra-household dynamics is of central importance in understanding the
complexities of women's lives, which has a direct impact on the health of workers.
The aspects that are critical in the interactions at home are their role in the
decision making process in familial matters, control over their own earnings and
household resources, access to health services, education and food, hours of
work, sharing of housework, leisure time, etc. The unequal interpersonal relations
at home, their subordinated role in _pontrol of resources, the control exerted by
men in various aspects of women's life including over their body and sexuality, the
pains undergone because of their oppressive relations with men, etc., play a
greater role in determining health or ill health of women workers. The intricacies of
the interactions, including violence on the part of men causes both mental torture
and physical ill health to the women workers and a deeper understanding of the
intra-household relations would help us to ascertain the impact of unequal gender
relations in the life of women workers in its reality.
Caste, class, gender and access to facilities
Majority of the cashew processing workers come from the lowest rungs of
society with high levels of social backwardness like illiteracy and indebtedness.
The status of the family in terms of caste, education, employment, landholdings,
number of household members and their earnings, livestock, and other resources
plays a crucial role in the overall living conditions and access to facilities of the
women workers. As women are the main actors in running a household these
factors determine th_e level of drudgery she has to deal with and all these factors
influence the health of the workers. In a highly hierarchical society, the class,
caste and gender component of the workers influence and determine their access
to types of employment, incomes earned, education, health services, better living
conditions and other facilities which help them to achieve a vertical mobility in the
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social structure. Most of the cashew workers are in an underprivileged position in
terms of education, employment, etc. Apart from their social backwardness, the
employers take advantage of the subordinated position of women prevailing in
society and exploit them through various means. This is then rationarised on the
basis of the social perceptions of women's work being unskilled, less productive
and secondary. An understanding of various dimensions of women's experiences
at work and at home in relation to their class, caste and gender enables us to
understand the intricacies of their real life in totality.
Social perceptions about women
Societal perceptions regarding women, their work, and position in the
household and society, have a pervasive impact in shaping their lives including
work and health. The conceptualisation of women as subordinates at home and in
the community is reflected in their absorption into the secondary labour market
with exploitative terms and conditions. Women are · conceived as suited for
repetitive, more precision requiring and back breaking kinds of employment with
low technological inputs. Household tasks are considered as their primary
responsibility. Their work is often termed as unskilled though it need special skills
and therefore the remuneration is also invariably low. Capital takes advantage of
such notions prevailing in society which helps it to accumulate the profit. Thus,
the social perceptions and cultural values underrate women's work and economic
contributions which in a way legitimises their oppressions in subtle ways and
therefore, it is inevitable to explore the societal perceptions about women.
Women's own perceptions
The women workers' perceptions regarding her work conditions, wages,
interactions at work, health and illness, control of income, interpersonal relations
at home, their dreams and aspirations about themselves, children and married life,
etc., are closely interlinked with the sqcial structure and the cultural milieu in which
they live and work. The social perceptions to a great extent influences and shapes
women's own self image. The formation of the self identity of woman is associated
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with the interaction of her self and her struggles of day to day life at home and
society. Therefore it is essential to identify and explore interlinkages of various
dimensions structuring women's lives not only at the material level but also at the
ideological level. The interactions of all these domains condition and control
women's lives.
Health and illness
In our conceptualisation the dynamics of the above discussed dimensions
influence and shape the perceived health and ill health of women workers. Thus,
the linkages between women's work in the industry and their interactions at home
and in society have a direct and subtle role in determining the health of workers.
Their occupation causes direct health hazards like severe dermatitis and allergic
reactions because of direct contact with the cashew nut shell liquid, while many
other conditions and terms of work also indirectly contribute to their ill health. In
our study, the focus is on the work-related and other perceived illnesses of the
women workers. The cultural perceptions of various kinds of disease and the
ways they seek remedies also are very important in analysing the health of
women workers.
Social milieu
The community life and social perceptions of women, their work,
responsibilities, the role of women in and outside the home, etc. to a great extent
determine women's position in societY. This societal perception in turn often
sanctions and legitimises many of the oppressions towards women at the work
place a~d in their personal life. Therefore, it is inevitable to understand the social
milieu in which women are located and what people in general think about various
roles and dos and don'ts of women. The social circumstances are important
mechanisms in structuring the life, work, and health of women workers.
The different spheres discussed above are interrelated and have a direct
as well as subtle impact on the life and especially on the health of the workers.
Thus the conceptualisation of the social dynamics of the life of women workers
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taking into account various dimensions of community life of women including their
work will enable us to get an idea of the complexities experienced by them. This
conceptual framework leads us to hypothesise that social factors are a major
determinant of women workers' health in the cashew processing industry. Our
study explores th~ scope and relevance of these various factors.
Objectives
The main objective of our study is to explore the linkages between gender,
work and perceived health of women workers in the cashew processing industry.
To fully bring in the gender perspective, its main objective has been divided into
the following sub-objectives.
1. Study of the structure and organisation of the cashew processing industry in
Kerala and its conditions of work.
2. Class, caste background of workers, their living and working conditions at home
and the gender roles within and outside the family.
3. Perceived health problems of the women workers and services available.
Design-of the study
For a comprehensive understanding of the life of women wo·rkers in all its
complexities, we need a research design which addresses the linkages between
various spheres shaping the lives of the workers. It was impossible for the
researcher by herself to take a representative sample and therefore this study is
limited to a village where the maximum number of factories are concentrated in
Kollam district. For a holistic comprehension of women workers' lives including
their interactions and conditions in the industry, life at home and social milieu,
which provide an opportunity to look at all sources of women's health and ill
health, we located our study in one village. This is possible through the analysis of
their lives in totality taking into account both the quantitative and qualitative
dimensions.
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The locale of the study: The district
Review of literature regarding cashew industry has shown that the industry
has been concentrated in Kallam district of Kerala which_enabled us to choose the
study village from Kallam district. Kallam district is situated in the southern part of
Kerala with an area of 2491 sq.km. The district is bound in the north by taluks of
Alapuzha, in the south by Thiruvananthapuram, east by Tirunelveli district of Tamil
Nadu, and west by Lakshadweep. For administrative purposes the district is
divided into 5 taluks, 13 blocks, 71 panchayats and 103 villages.
Natural resources
The district has 3 natural divisions: lowland, middle land, and highland. The
seacoast of Kallam is about 37.3 kms. which is 6% of the total seacoast of the
state. Among the rivers, Kallada and lthikkara rivers flow through the entire Kallam
district while rivers like Pamba and Achancovil cover a distance of 40 and 50 kms.
respectively in the district. Other important water resources are Ashtamudi lake,
Paravoor lake, Edava lake, and Nadayara lake. The rich water sources in the
district help sustain agriculture and industries like coir, and maintain the greenery
of the district
Demography
According to the 1991 census the district has 8.27 % of the total population
of the state. Population density in Kallam has doubled during the past four
decades, which became 963 in 1991 against 446 in 1951. Total population in
Kallam according to the Handbook of statistics for 1995 is 2407,566 in which male
population is 118,2810 (49.1%) and female population is 1224756 (50.9%). Sex
ratio in the district is 1035 and the number of houses constitute nearly 4.5 lakhs.
The percentage of main workers in Kallam district comprises only 28.1 % of
the total population while non-workers constitute 67.4%. The remaining 4.5 % of
the population are marginal workers. Of the total, 28% main workers women
constitute only 22.59% while 77.41% of men are main workers. The proportion of
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women marginal workers is also higher (58.89%) when compared with that of men
(41.11 %). In the category of non-workers the percentage of women is as high as
62.11% while for men it is 37.89%. Literacy rate in the district is 90.47%, in which
male literacy is 94.09 while female literacy is only 87%. There is not much rural
urban disparity in terms of literacy in the district.
Scheduled caste population according to the 1-991 census in the district is
305727 which is 12.69 % of the total population of the district, and the scheduled
tribe population is only 0.16% of the total population numbering 3884. Scheduled
caste population of Kallam is 13.63% of the total Scheduled caste population of
Kerala state and 91.9% of them are living in rural areas.
Economic profile
The economy of the district is mainly dependent on agriculture and
industry. The total land available for cultivation and the net area cultivated during
the period 1977-78 in the district are 2.11 lakh hectare and 2.06 lakh hectare
respectively. The important food crops cultivated are paddy, sugarcane, and
tapioca while the non-food crops in the district are arecanut, coconut, rubber, etc.
The area under paddy cultivation is 15.5% of the total area under cultivation
during the period 1977-78. Other crops like cashew, banana, pulses, etc. are also
cultivated in the district.
Fisheries is one of the important traditional industries in the district. Kallam
has got 22 marine fishing villages and 24 inland fishing villages. Neendakara in
the district is one of the important fishing villages in the south-west coast where an
Indo-Norwegian project was set up in1952. There are 16 other large and medium
industries in Kallam including two government of India undertakings and 6 govt. of
Kerala undertakings during 1977-78. The district accounted for 1 0% of the
factories and 42% of the workers of the state in1978.
The cashew industry occupies the most important place in terms of number
of factories and employment in the district, followed by saw mills and the tile
industry. More than 90% of the total workers in the district are employed in
59
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cashew factories. In 1981, 84% of the cashew workers and 81% of the cashew
factories were concentrated in Kallam district. Now the district has 266 cashew
factories, including the co-operative and public sector firms. Within the district,
maximum number of factories are concentrated in Kallam taluk. The natural
resources in the district ensure the facilities for development of the coir industry.
The water resources provide extensive facilities for retting of coconut husks which
is the raw material for coir products. Apart from this, large number of small scale
industries are also functioning in the district.
Our preliminary interviews with the officers in the cashew special office,
trade union leaders and an examination of the records show that Kilikolloor
panchayat in Kallam taluk had the maximum number of cashew processing
factories. Therefore, we decided to choose the study village from this panchayat.
The panchayat and its industries
History
Kilikolloor panchayat was formed in 1953. It is located in Anchalummood
block of the district and has an area of 11.24 sq.km. The panchayat, is situated 3
kms. east of Kallam town, the district capital and has two villages Kilikolloor and
Mangad. For administrative purposes it is divided into. 15 wards. Broadly the
geographical division is such that the villages are on both sides of the national
highway . Kilikolloor has a long history mainly because of its proximity to Kallam
town which was one of the major ancient commercial cities in South India even
prior to 851 AD. The presence of Ashtamudi lake in the panchayat facilitated
transportation facilities for the development of trade and commerce. This is one of
the reasons for the development of industries like cashew and coir in the
panchayat.
It has been argued that the centuries old trade relations caused the place
to be called as Kilikolloor which means small Kallam (killi means small). Another
version of the origin of the name Kilikolloor is that during the reign of Veluthampi
Dalava, his military attacked the British regiment at this place which resulted in the
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death of few people. To commemorate the incident the place has been named as
Kilikolloor. However, the panchayat has a historic importance due to the trade and
commerce transactions with foreign countries and the rebellion here against the
British rule.
In addition to this the place is known for its archaeological importance.
Archaeological evidences like earthern pots, jars, implements, ornaments, etc.
from Mangad village probably dates back to the neolithic period. The panchayat
has an important role in the socio-political, cultural and industrial history of the
district and state. Many of the people were active participants in the various social
reform movements initiated by Chattambi Swamikal, Narayana Guru, and
Ayyankali. Besides, they have a long tradition of active involvement in national
movement and trade union activities from the early phase of these movements.
Kilikolloor has got historic importance in relation with the political and trade
union movements not only in the district but also in the state. As many of the
industrial enterprises were concentrated in and around the panchayat, the place
has become the centre of political and trade union activities. Many pioneering
political leaders from other parts of the state used to visit and stay in Kilikolloor to
politically educate the people and to lead the trade union struggles against the
exploitation of the workers in the cashew and tiles industries during the early
phase of the union activities. Many of the workers in the cashew industry were
active and leading participants in the political struggles and many worker's houses
provided shelter to the communist leaders during periods of ban and political
repression.
Now all the leading political parties exist in the panchayat like CPM, CPI,
Congress, RSP, Muslim League, etc. The panchayat is governed by the coalition
parties of Left Democratic Front and the administrative body consists of 15
members including the president who is a woman. Among the 15 members, 6 are
from Congress, 3 each from CPM and CPI, 2 from RSP and the one remaining
member is an independent with CPM support. Four women are represented in the
administrative body from various wards of the panchayat. The experiences of the
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panchayat president and other female ward members reveal that there is a strong
gender bias in the functioning of panchayat administration. As head of the
administration, the president suffers disrespect and humiliation from other male
members as they think that she is inexperienced and doesn't know anything about
administration. In fact she does not see any problems in heading the panchayat
body, except for the initial period when inexperience was a factor. Many men think
that women are inefficient and it is not necessary to confer power on them. But the
reservation policies forced them to share power with women. According to the
president, the decision making in the panchayat is done by the male members of
the party and she is not given the chance to use her discretionary power on many
occasions. One of the women members also explained that the relationship in the
day to day functioning of the administration is not of equals and the women have
to fight for their due share such as the allotment of developmental schemes to
various wards in the panchayat.
Demographic profile
Kilikolloor is a densely populated area with a population density of 5050.
Based on the 1991 census, the panchayat has got a population of 56773 in which
27841 are males (49.04%) and 28932 are females (50.96%). Out of the 6028
scheduled caste population, males are 2929 (48.59%) and females account for
3099 (51.41%). In 1996, according to the ICDS report, the population increased to
61079 which comprises 49.14% males and 50.86% females.
The number of households in the panchayat in 1996 was 11389 in which
the scheduled caste families constituted 1173. According to a survey conducted
by ICDS in1992, the total number of households living below the poverty line is
4917 in which scheduled caste families are 365. Based on applications received
for inclusion in this category (of below poverty line) during 1996 the total number
of households living under the poverty line comprised 5113 including 392
scheduled caste families. This shows that in this panchayat among the 10.3% of
the total scheduled caste families, more than 33% are living below the poverty line
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while the total percentage of families who are living under poverty line accounts
for only 4.5%.
Literacy rate in the panchayat is 79% while male literacy is 83% and female
literacy is 75%. The panchayat has 43 Anganvadis, but none of the Anganvadis
are provided with facilities for the proper care of children. Generally children are
provided food in Anganvadis but on the days I visited the children were not given
food .The reason cited by the Anganvadi teacher was the lack of availability of
food articles in the ICDS office. The common practice if food items are not
available in the ICDS office is to buy from ration shops. This was not allowed at
that time despite some of the Anganvadis have highly undernourished children.
Education, health and transport facilities
The proximity of the panchayat to Kallam municipality ensures better
educational, transport and other facilities. The panchayat has century old primary
schools. During the years1904 and 1905 two primary schools were started in the
area. By 1958, an Engineering college and an Arts college were started in the
private sector by the leading cashew industrialist, A. Thangalkunju Musaliyar. Now
the panchayat consists of 4 primary schools, 1 middle school, 3 high schools, 1
engineering college and an arts college. In addition to this, one pharmacy college
is functioning in the panchayat. All 3 high schools have middle school facilities
while 2 have primary schools also. 2 high schools and one lower primary school
are in the government sector while all . the other schools are under private
management.
Kilikolloor has public and private health care institutions for tackling the
health problems of the people. Kallam district hospital is 5 kms. away from the
village. For major illnesses which need hospitalisation, prolonged treatment and
deliveries the worker's families generally rely on government sector. The village
has an ESI dispensary and majority of the workers and their family members are
utilising this facility in spite of the problems regarding working time, occasional
lack of medicine and other corrupt practices. A mini PHC in the panchayat has
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started functioning in 1991 and is located in Mangad village almost one km away
from the national highway. Under the PHC, there are 11 sub centres distributed all
over the panchayat. The private sector is also rendering allopathic, ayurvedic and
homeopathic services and includes 5 allopathic hospitals and 5 each of ayurvedic
and homeopathic institutions.
People in the panchayat are provided with comparatively better transport
facilities except for the interior parts. The national highway linking Kallam and
other districts help the people to get frequent bus services to the district capital.
Few roads constructed by the panchayat connect the villages to the national
highway. But in the interiors, the condition of roads are dilapidated and they are
mainly lanes which is very difficult to traverse. Kilikolloor has a small railway
station (metergauge) for the Kollam-Shencotta train which facilitates trade
relations with Tamil Nadu. Besides this, the main railway line linking south and
north of the state also passes through the village.
Alongside of the national highway, three moderate sized and three small
markets function in the panchayat. Of this, 2 are owned by the panchayat and the
remaining four are private markets. Most of the things for day to day life are
available in these markets including food articles, clothes, mediCine, electric
goods, stationary items, etc.. Besides the main markets, interior parts of the
village also have petty businesses of tea, vegetables, stationery items, etc., which
enables the workers to procure things while coming back from work. In addition to
this, 2 post offices, one co-operative bank, few cinema halls and one theatre and
public library are also there in the panchayat. Temples, kavu (place of worship of
the Hindus ), mosques and churches exist in the village catering to the varied
religious needs of the people. For communication, few public telephone booths
are available in the markets alongside of national highway.
The main water sources in the panchayat are Ashtamudi lake and
Kilikolloorriver. Apart from this, the wells, tube wells, wells associated with temples
and mosques are the other sources of water in the panchayat. In addition to the
wells made by the people in their own plots, in the panchayat there are 5 tube
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wells 7 public wells and 310 public water taps. Of this, 3 tube wells and 160 taps
are not functioning since the time of installation. The water availability in public
water sources is very erratic and only for short duration. For drinking water, most
of the people depend on their own wells. 98% of them are using well-water in
which 3% rely on neighbours' wells while 2% are getting water from public water
supply schemes. Despite these available sources of water the water scarcity in
the panchayat is acute especially during summer.
Economy
The economy of the panchayat mainly depends on industry and agriculture.
Agriculture in this area is in a declining phase, especially paddy cultivation,
because of the change in land use patterns. The shift in cultivation from food
crops to cash crops and division of land into small size paved the way for decline
in agriculture. According to the old settlement register, there were 230 hectares of
paddy fields in the panchayat which is reduced to 133 hectares in 1985 and 105
hectares in 1995. During 1906 the agricultural land in the panchayat was owned
by 1545 patta holders which now turned to the hands of 22489 patta owners. This
shows the change in land ownership and division of land into small sizes which
makes paddy cultivation difficult.
Industries
The presence of Ashtamudi lake which provides facilities for transporting
commodities and the proximity of the place to the Kellam town which had
commercial relations with many foreign countries even prior to 91h century
(Bhaskaranunni, 1994) enhanced the industrial prospects of the panchayat.
Cashew, coir, fishing and handloom were tl:le main industrial enterprises existing
in the panchayat. The coir from Mangad village was famous for its quality even in
foreign markets. Retting facilities in the backwaters of Ashtamudi provided a good
base for coir industry in Mangad village. However, with the development of the
cashew industry other industrial enterprises began to decline.
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The distribution of variou~ industries and of the work force in the panchayat
shows that cashew alone accommodates more than 10,000 workers (Table 1).
Other enterprises like coir, saw mill, tin, matchbox, furniture, etc., contribute to
only a small percentage of employment.
· Table 1: Distribution of industries and employment in the panchayat
Sl. no. Industries No. of Units No. of Workers
1 Cashew factories 26 9725
2 Cashew packing centre 72 1650
3 Saw mill 59 265
4 Match box 5 90
5 Match stick 3 48
6 Furniture 26 126
7 Paint 3 18
8 Rubber chappal 2 7
9 Cement pipe 2 10
10 Milk products 1 10
11 Cable factory 2 8
12 PVC pipe 7 92
13 Tin 4 12
14 Soap 3 5
15 Metal unit 23 50
16 Bakery 20 30
17 Soda 3 6
18 Aluminium utensil 1 3
19 Rubberband 1 2
20 Ply wood 2 40
21 Printing press 4 10
22 Oil mill 8 20
23 Flour mill 23 50
24 Brick 1 15
25 Beedi 1 -
Source : Samagravikasana Report, Kilikolloor panchayat, 1996.
66
I
Only a negligible proportion of people work in other industrial units when
compared to the cashew industry. Saw mill industry is in a declining phase
because of the scarcity of wood, and it employs only 265 workers. All other units
except furniture employ less than 100 workers and many units function with less
than 10 workers.
Kilikolloor panchayat has more than 85 cashew associated working units
including processing factories, packing centers and rejection shops according to
the panchayat register in June 1995. There are 22 cashew processing factories,
15 packing centers, 8 storing centers and 40 cashew rejection units registered in
the panchayat. The processing factories include 2 public sector units, 2 co
operative sector factories, the rest being private factories. The number of workers
in the public sector and cooperative sector factories was more than 600 and 450
respectively in each unit. Few private sector factories also employ more than 500
workers. However, most of the private sector factories employ on an average 400
to 450 workers.
Study village
In Kilikolloor panchayat, Kilikolloor village has maximum concentration of
cashew factories and workers. Since the panchayat has only 2 villages, selection
of the village was mainly based on the availability of workers and factories. In
addition to this, the choice was related to the structure of the industry where
factories with a different nature of ownership such as public, co-operative and
private sectors are available. Given the fact that both the number of processing
factories and workers are more in Kilikolloor village and it had all types of
industries, of the two villages we chose Kilikolloor village. The village has 15
cashew processing factories out of the 22 factories in the panchayat with one
each in the public and cooperative sector and the remaining 13 are owned by
private employers.
67
Demography and infrastructure facilities
The total population in the village according to the I CDS records in January
1996 is 31,767, of which 15888 (50.1%) are males and 15879 (49.9%) are
females. The number of children in the age group of 0-6 years in the village
constitute 2511. At the end of 1995, the village has a total number of 5761 houses
according to the same record. Among these, 498 houses belong to Scheduled
caste families.
The area of the village is 5.3 sq.km. and it is diyided into 7 wards named
Kilikolloor a, Kilikolloor b, Kilikolloor c, College ward and Kannimel b, Kannimel c,
and Kannimel d for administrative purposes. The presence of the national highway
and railway station (metre guage) helps the people to reach the district capital by
frequent bus services and train. From the interior parts, however, people have to
walk through lanes for at least 25-30 minutes to reach the national highway, which
is very difficult during rainy season.
Water resources in the village are mainly Kilikolloor river, wells (including
few wells associated with temples, mosques, and panchayat wells) and a few tube
wells. Majority of the people in the village rely on their own wells for drinking water
and water for other day to day use while a small percentage depend on their
neighbours' wells. A small proportion of them use pipe water, in which few own
pipe connections at their homes while others rely on panchayat pipe water.
Despite all these sources of water, water scarcity in some parts of the village is
acute especially during summer. Scenes of large groups of people waiting for the
water supply from the panchayat is not uncommon. Those who depend on the
panchayat tap water are in a more disadvantaged position as the water supply is
very irregular. As it is mainly the responsibility of the women to fetch water, few
older women sleep near the water tap while waiting in the queue for getting water,
which comes around 2a.m., 3a.m., etc .. The villagers who live near Kilikolloor river
get highly contaminated and salty water all through the year.
68
Educational facilities in the village are comparatively better. There are 2
primary schools, one high school and an engineering and an arts college in the
village. Other institutions like 21 Anganvadis and 6 sub-centres are also available
in Kilikolloor. In all the sub-centres ANMs are posted and two of them stay in the
sub-centres itself. For tackling health problems, in addition to the sub-centres,
villagers are provided with an ESI and an ayurvedic dispensary in the government
sector. Various private medical care institutions from different systems of
medicine, including hospitals, are available in Kilikolloor. This will enable us to
understand the availability and accessibility of the health care institutions to the
workers especially those who are from the poorest sections in the social strata.
The villagers have facilities like markets, co-operative bank, post offices, public
telephone booths and other facilities (mentioned earlier in the section on the
panchayat) since most of these facilities in the panchayat are common for both
villages. Availability of all these facilities help us to get an idea of day to day life of
the workers and the accessibility of these services.
Data required for research
The conceptual frame of the problem requires both qualitative and
quantitative data on various aspects at the industrial level and on workers' life at
the household level for a detailed study. For this we need primary and secondary
data.
(1) Industry: Secondary data: The following informations regarding the_ industry
collected from the secondary sources like 'trade union publications, government
repqrts and other publications, journals, books, newspaper reports, records in the
panchayat office and other offices like KSCDC, CAPEX , ESI and cashew special
office.
(a). Historical information about the growth, structure and organisation, and·
technology of the industry. Distribution of factories and employment since its
inception.
69
(b). Historical background of the formation of trade unions in the industry, its
demands and struggles for the rights of workers.
(c). Legislative measures like Factories Act, Minimum wage and other non wage
benefits like provident fund, maternity and ESI benefits, and other welfare inputs,
monopoly procurement, marketing of raw materials and finished products.
The information collected from the primary sources regarding the industry are
(a). Distribution of firms and employment in the village, production process,
worker's skill requirement, physical conditions of the factories, interactions of the
workers, managerial and supervisory staff, and the surveillance and control
exerted by the supervi~ory staff.
(b). Perceptions of owners, managers, and supervisors about the changes in the
industry and the position of women workers
(2). Data regarding the women workers at the industrial level and at the household
level. collected only through the primary sources.
(a) Women workers' age, and caste composition in various processing sections in
different factories.
(b) Wage rate and nature of payment, DA, level of underemployment, number of
work days, hours of work per day, leisure time at factory, other options of
employment during no-work season.
(c) Allocation of welfare measures such as leave with allowance, maternity leave,
provident fund, ESI benefits and information on provision of amenities suggested
in the Factories Act like creche, canteen, drinking water, toilet facilities, sitting
facilities and safety measures to avoid direct contact with corrosive nut shell liquid.
(d)Employer-manager(supervisors) -worker relations and the gender compositions
at various levels.
(3). Women workers in the household
70
(a). Data on the life conditions of workers such as type of house, household
facilities including electricity, latrine, water supply, fuel, etc., and size of land
holding. Other information is family size, educati.onal background of the workers
and household members, employment and income sources of the household
members, indebtedness, and the caste differences in all these spheres.
(b) Hours of work, leisure time, newspaper reading habit, availability of food,
sharing of housework.
(c). Role in decision making of familial matters, property rights, dowry, control of
resources and role of gender in day to day activities.
(d) The interactions with household members and the gender inequalities in it.
(e) Women's perceptions regarding their work, interactions with supervisors and
managers at work, terms and conditions of work, life at home, interpersonal
relations with their men and other family members, sharing of household
responsibility, their children's education and employment, property rights, and
dowry.
(f) The social perceptions of women and their community life.
(4) Health problems and health care provisions.
(a) Perceived health problems of the women workers, the ways they cope with it,
and women's own perceptions of illness, its relation with work and the services
provided to them.
(b). Health care institutions provided to them like PHC, ESI and other government
and private institutions, accessibility of the services, availability of drugs,
behaviour of health personnel.
(c). Knowledge and adoption of family planning methods and priorities of services
provided through the sub-centres.
(5) Impact of trade union movement in the life of women workers.
71
(a). Quality of political participation: Membership in trade union, its impact on
factory work and the private life of women workers, activities of the union, women
workers' role in leadership and decision making, involvement in union struggles,
types of demands, gains due to organised activity.
(b). Discriminations against women in union activities, women's own perceptions
regarding the union activities and leaders, their visualisation of politics, and caste
bias in union activities.
To incorporate all these dimensions the requirement of the design was to
mix both quantitative and qualitative dimensions. This was done at the level of the
study of the industry as well as village of life of the women workers. For
systematic collection of data the study was divided into different phases as
follows.
Phases of study
A prel_iminary exploration was done in June 1994 to get a broader idea of
the distribution of factories and workers in the district and production process. To
gather the required information we visited the Cashew Special Office, national
informatic centre, and trade union office at the district capital. Apart from collecting
secondary materials, a visit to one of the public sector factories enabled us to
understand more about the industry and- production process. This helped us to
choose Kilikolloor village as the area of study in Kallam district.
Following the preliminary exploration, a pilot study was conducted in the
village for a period of two and a half months from May 1995, to get a broad idea of
the structure and organisation of the industry, identification of cashew processing
workers' households and the socio-economic life of the cashew workers and other
sections of people in the village. This was mainly a qualitative exploration of the
life of the workers with special emphasis on the problems of industrial work. The
discussions with the trade union leaders enabled us to identify the cashew
processing worker families with the help of a house list gathered from the
panchayat office. In addition to this, visits to houses of other sections of people in
72
the village helped us in ascertaining the hierarchical social structure of the village
life. Above all, this period helped us to make a rapport with the women workers
and other villagers, which enabled an easy access for the in-depth study.
Amongst a small population, the interview schedule was also tested.
The third phase of our study conducted over a period of 13 months from
October 1995 in two parts. This period has been to used to collect qualitative as
well as quantitative data on the lives of women workers mainly based on their
perceptions and experiences. In the first phase, in the baseline survey, emphasis
was given on collecting inform~tion regarding the socio-economic conditions of
women workers, their demographic profile and occupational details. The informal
discussions gave us an idea of the way of their life, levels of exploitation at work
and the inequalities at home. Information gathered from other sections of people
in the village through house visits and discussions helped us to have an overall
idea of the village life and its history.
In the second phase an in-depth exploration of the life of workers has been
done on a sub-sample based on the issues identified during the first phase.
Detailed case reports of the women workers highlighting various dimensions of
their life such as industrial work, health, and their personal and political life were
also done. For a comprehensive understanding of their life, thus, we collected
quantitative and qualitative dimensions of women workers' life in its detail.
Sampling
(a). Industry and its workers: In order to understand the structure,
organisation and physical conditions of work of the industry we need to take a
sample of the industries from public, co-operative and private sectors. For this
purpose we have collected a full list of factories in the village and information
regarding its ownership, type, size, technology and marketing mechanisms. The
village has fifteen cashew processing factories including one public sector and
one co-operative sector firm. For a Qetailed study we have taken a 50%
proportionate sample from all three categories we have identified. Since there is
73
only one each KSCDC (public sector) and CAPEX (co-operative sector) factory
we included both in our sample. Thus, we selected eight factories with six from
the private sector and one each from public and co-operative sector as our
sample for detailed study on the basis of ownership and number of workers.
Table: 2 Distribution of sample factories and employment based on the ownership
I Sl. no. I Name of factory I No. of workers.
I KSCDC I
I CAPEX
I Private
I Private
I Private
I Private
I Private
I Private
The number of workers in the factories were identified on the basis of
factory visits and from the trade .. union leaders. Apart from the factories in the
village few factories from the neighbouring taluk were also visited to understand
the work conditions provided to the workers.
In addition to the structure and organisation of the industry within each
factory emphasis was given to study the physical conditions. Apart from these
qualitative dimensions such as manager-supervisor-worker interactions and
perceptions of owners, managers and supervisors regarding women workers and
74
their work in these factories were also explored to get an understanding of
women's life at the work place.
(b). Households with women workers: For a detailed understanding of the life of
women workers in the industry we have done a household based study with in
depth explorations into the qualitative and quantitative dimensions of their life. The
village has got nearly six thousand households in seven wards. In order to get an
idea of the households with cashew processing women workers, we first collected
the total house list numbering 5739 from the panchayat. Then with the help of
trade union leaders in the concerned wards, we identified the households of
cashew workers. The union activists' knowledge about the people in the village
and their occupational status was of great help to us. Of the 5739 households the
number of cashew processing households constitute 1983, which amount to
nearly 35% of the total number of households in the village. Thus, 35% of the
total number of households in the village depended upon cashew work for their
subsistence. Out of this we decided to take a 20% systematic random sample of
396 households for the baseline survey and every 5th house from the house list
was selected. Over a period of time we attempted to collect qualitative data on
various dimensions of the workers' life through discussions with them and this was
used for the purpose of cross-checking other sources of data.
Sub-sample
A sub-sample of 50% of the number of households (175) of the baseline
survey was taken to conduct an in-depth study and cross-check the issues
identified during the baseline survey.
Baseline survey
Two baseline surveys have been conducted, one at the industrial level and
the second at the household level to gather detailed information regarding industry
and life of women workers. Interview schedules are attached in appendix.
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(a). Baseline survey of the industry :In the industrial level baseline survey, the
focus was on gathering information regarding the processing procedures, number
of workers, physical conditions of the factories and the number of work days. It
gave us an opportunity to observe the behaviour of managerial and supervisory
staff towards the workers and the control and surveillance exerted on them.
(b). Baseline survey of the cashew processing households: Baseline survey
among the worker households enabled us to get wide ranging of information
regarding the work, health and life of the workers. During the baseline survey we
identified few more households in which women were engaged in cashew work
and some workers on our list had stopped cashew work or retired. Though we
proposed to study 396 households the survey could be conducted only among
350 households as a few workers have sold out their residence and moved, and
the new occupants are not cashew workers. In some other houses, workers
retired from cashew work and others stopped industrial work. However, the
baseline survey enabled us to get an idea of the demographic profiles of the
cashew processing households, their caste, land ownership pattern, education,
occupation and income of the household members, housing conditions and
facilities provided, etc. The survey brought out the fact that though the village is
highly stratified in terms of class, the cashew workers are by and large belong to
the lower sections in the village hierarchy. Yet stratification based on land
ownership patterns among the workers shows that there are very few families
belonging to the upper strata with more than 30 cents of land and good housing
conditions.
Apart from the above mentioned information, we have collected details
regarding the industrial work of women workers and their perceptions about their
health and illness. Besides this, a wide range of qualitative information was
gathered regarding their exploitative interactions at work and their perceptions
regarding work conditions, union activities, interpersonal relations at home, levels
of poverty, consumption of alcohol among men, control exerted by men on the life
of women workers, etc .. In addition to the information of worker households, the
baseline survey helped us to get an overview of the village life of different sections
76
of_people through informal discussions. Thus based on the issues identified during
the baseline survey an interview schedule was prepared for the in-depth study of
a sub-sample, which is attached in appendix 1.
In-depth study of a sub sample
Based on the qualitative explorations during the pilot study and baseline
survey, and the discussions with women workers we developed a certain
understanding of their problems and to cross-check our understanding a detailed
schedule was prepared and applied to a sub-sample of the main sample. This
helped us to gain an understanding of the dynamics of their life in a holistic view.
In the in-depth exploration, we focused on qualitative and quantitative data
on various aspects of life of women workers such as their work conditions, the
employer's attitude towards the workers, the way owners exert control and
intimidate workers, erosion of monetary and other welfare benefits, political
participation of women, discriminatory attitude of trade union leaders, their
overburden of work in the industry and at home, caste discriminations in the
industry and society, interactions with men inside home, control of resources,
level of poverty, perceptions of women workers regarding themselves, their life,
work, children, health, illness, etc .. Detailed case reports have been developed to
get a comprehensive understanding off the day to day life of workers. This
information helped us to have an insight into the real lives of women workers in
the context of their caste, class and gender.
In the in-depth study, apart from caste and class, particular attention has
been given to the reflection of unequal gender relatioos prevailing in society,
reflected in the day to day life of the women workers. It highlights the exploitation
of workers through varieties of means at the work place and at home, taking
advantage of the social perceptions of women as inferior and secondary.
Discussions were held with women workers regarding their interactions at
the work place and within the home, their perceptions about men, sharing of
domestic responsibilities with men, experiences and tackling of difficult situations
77
in life, views regarding the function of trade union activities, and how the social
norms and mores controlled their activities in all aspects of life including politics
using their gender position. Apart from this 1 discussions with men related with
history and other various aspects of village life, industrial work and prospects, and
their perceptions about women's work and their responsibility, etc., were also
held. Thus, a wide range of qualitative dimensions of the women workers' lives
have been revealed by the in-depth study including case reports.
This qualitative study was further supported with quantitative data since our
sub-sample consisted of 245 workers from 175 houses and 38 case reports
besides the sub-sample.
Tools of data collection
A variety of tools were used for collecting data from different sources to get
a comprehensive understanding of the complexities of health and life of women
workers.
Quantitative tools
Interview schedule: Interview schedules were used for gathering quantitative
and qualitative information at the industrial and household levels. For this
purpose, unstructured schedules were used so that the respondents could answer
in their own way highlighting many related issues to the question. Three sets of
interview schedules were used. One for collecting data on the physical conditions,
ownership, manpower, technological details, and the ·production process in the
factory.
The second set of schedules were used for collecting data for the baseline
survey from cashew processing households. In this, the focus was on socio
economic details and other qualitative information regarding their work and life.
Based on the issues emerging by the discussions on qualitative aspects the third
set of schedules were developed for quantification of the key issues brought out
by the baseline survey regarding the work details and exploitation at the factory,
78
including the interaction of employer-supervisor-worker, interrelations at home,
access to resource and food, health and health problems, quality of political
participation, etc ..
Qualitative tools
(a). Observation: Observation is one of the key tools in getting qualitative data in
research. The stay in the village and frequent house visits and factory visits
provided the means for observing the women workers' interaction with employers,
with other household members at home and their way of life in many micro
aspects. This helped us explore the possibilities of data collection focusing on
many aspects of their day to day life which otherwise we may not have noticed.
(b). Interviews: For getting the dynamics of the lives of women workers, detailed
interviews were conducted with workers, other sections of informants and key
persons at various levels.
Interviews were held with the employers to know their opinion regarding
industry, its structure, functioning, technology, marketing and the women workers.
Apart from this interview of the supervisory staff and managers was also done to
get their views on industry, women workers and their problems in managing the
industry.
Detailed interviews and discussions obtained views from the key informants
in the village regarding the history of the village, industrial employment,
socioeconomic life in the village, women workers' plight in the industry, political
activities in the village, etc.
Trade union leaders at village level, block level, and district level and the
chairmen and managers of KSCDC and CAPEX were also interviewed for
different types of information. Data regarding the history of trade unionism in
industry, political activities in the industry, women workers' participation, their
opinion about the functioning of unions and women's role in politics, their
interaction with employers, etc. have been discussed with the union leaders. The
79
interviews conducted with managers of public sector and co-operative sector
factories focused on the functioning of these factories and the problems that they
face at the industrial level.
Interviews with women workers brought out the problems they are facing at
various levels of life. Various exploitative terms in the personal and political life of
women have been brought out through this. The overtime work at the industry,
unhygienic work conditions, preference for casual labourers and various means of
exploitation, their burden of work at home, lack of rest, inadequate food intake,
violence and deceptive nature of men, their dissatisfaction over the neglect by
trade union leaders, caste discriminations in the social and political life, their
perceived health problems and opinion regarding the problems of the available
health care facilities like lack of drugs, problem of unsuitable timings, corrupt
practices of the health personnel, etc., were revealed.
Finally the interviews with ESI and PHC doctors, nurses and other health
staff including ANMs, ESI local office bearers and panchayat president and office
workers provided various kinds of information related with health and
administrative problems in the panchayat. The discussions with doctors and
health workers gave an idea of the kind of diseases prevalent in the area and the
seasonal variations, while the intervi~ws with the panchayat president, who is a
woman, highlighted problems of gender inequality she faces in administration.
(c). Group discussions: This is a rich source of collecting insights into the
perceptions regarding key issues of women in general. Group discussions brought
out their awareness and notions regarding inc:justrial work, their role in the families
in general, their interactions with the community and perceptions about health and
health services provided to them.
(d). Case reports: Case reports were an important tool in our study. Detailed case
reports from different sections of workers related with various dimensions of life
enabled us to get valuable insights into their public and private life. The frequent
interactions with the women provided us with an extensive account of their way of
80
life regarding relations with the supervisory and managerial workers in the factory,
poverty, the ways of tackling such situations, interpersonal relations at home
including sexual relations, their world-view about the public issues, neglect of
women by political parties and union activists, caste discriminations in the sociai
life, etc ..
Cross-checking
Since our study focuses on the complexities of the lives of women workers,
the qualitative data brought out by the study was cross-checked with the
quantitative data collected from a sub-sample. Thus the combination of the
qualitative and quantitative tools in analysing the life of women workers provided
us the mechanisms for cross checking the data collected from the larger sample.
Various sets of samples at the industrial and household level helped Lis analyse
and cross-check each set of data collected from the initial discussions and
interviews of workers, key informants and trade union leaders.
Limitations of the study
Cashew industry is wide spread in the state though maximum
concentration is in Kallam district. Even in the district it is distributed in many of
the panchayats unevenly. But our study is limited only to a village in Kilikolloor
panchayat. Maximum care has been given to locate our study where maximum
number of workers and factories from all sectors such as the public, private and
co-operative sectors are available. Taking a holistic perspective though we looked
into the complexities of the life the women workers in the village we could not
compare with the life of women in other villages except for making visits and
discussing generally with the workers.
81