DESTINATION BRANDING

AND

SPOTLIGHT CULTURAL EVENTS

Media narratives of Eurovision and Finland

Chrysoula Skodra

DESTINATION BRANDING

AND

SPOTLIGHT CULTURAL EVENTS

Media narratives of Eurovision and Finland

Master’s Thesis

Arts Management

Chrysoula Skodra Spring 2010

ABSTRACT

r Thesis

1 Written work

Title Number of pages Destination branding and spotlight events 124

Author Semester Chrysoula Skodra Spring 2010

Degree programme Programme option Arts Management Arts Management

Abstract

Place branding and cultural tourism are not new phenomena. Nations have always branded themselves

through their mythology, anthems, symbols, currency, and names. Places have always competed for

spectacular infrastructure and eye-catching buildings. In today’s Experience Economy, due to a global shift on

immaterial, experiential satisfaction, the role of spotlight cultural events is central to destination branding.

My research interests are threefold: first, to discover how spotlight cultural events contribute to place

branding; second, how event brand image benefits destination brand image; third, how media contribute to

the co-branding of destination and event brand images through storytelling. Spotlight events act: a) as

branding and image-making tools, b) as travel motivators and c) as a media strategy to battle an image crisis.

The theoretical framework consists of theories from the fields of place branding, cultural tourism, cognitive

psychology, and media and communication studies. Associative network memory theory and co-branding

theory explain how destination and event brand images are linked in order to enhance or change image. Also,

the role of media in shaping urban reputation and influencing public opinion and behaviour is vital.

Following a qualitative approach in the case study of the Eurovision Song Contest in Helsinki, I discover how

media narratives portray event and destination images and stereotypes and how they act as catalysts for

image transfer between events and destinations. Storytelling offers a creative way of how branding should be

done in practice. Keeping the spotlight on cities requires a holistic, interdisciplinary and creative approach to

destination branding with spotlight cultural events as the focal point.

Keywords

Destination branding; spotlight events; cultural tourism; media narratives; Fairy-tale Model; Eurovision Song

Contest; Finland; Helsinki; image transfer; co-branding; experience economy, creative city

Additional information

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

LIST OF FIGURES III

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS IV

1. INTRODUCTION 1

1.1 Setting the scene: Description of the research field 3

1.2 Main research questions, purpose and objectives 4

1.3 Positioning of this research 5 1.3.1 Previous research on the topic 7 1.3.2 Contribution to the arts management field 7

1.4 Definition of key terms 9

1.5 Theoretical background 12

1.6 Structure of the report 14

2. THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK 16

2.1 Place branding 16 2.1.1 Place branding: the historic context 16 2.1.2 Why place branding has a bad brand? 17 2.1.3 Why places need branding? 19 2.1.4 Place branding terminology 19 2.1.5 Brand image and image transfer 21 2.1.6 Destination branding – a new role for culture 26

2.2 Spotlight events and destination branding 29 2.2.1 Defining spotlight events 30 2.2.2 The power of spotlight events 31 2.2.3 Spotlight events as a motivator for travel behaviour 33 2.2.4 Spotlight events as a branding tool and image-makers 36 2.2.5 Spotlight events as a media strategy 38

2.3 Media, spotlight events and destination branding 42 2.3.1 The role of media in place image 42 2.3.2 Media images and public image of place 44 2.3.3 Media narratives and place 47

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3. RESEARCH METHODOLOGY 50

3.1 Scientific orientation of the study 50

3.2 Research approach and methods 50

3.3 Appropriateness of the chosen methods 52

3.4 Research process of the study 56 3.4.1 Selection of case study 56 3.4.2 Collection of the data 57 3.4.3 Analysis and interpretation of the data 58

4. THE GRAND MEDIA NARRATIVE OF EUROVISION, HELSINKI AND FINLAND 60

4.1 Eurovision narratives: From national shame to national pride 60 4.1.1 True Fantasy: The fairytale of Finland’s victory 62 4.1.2 Eurovision and National Music Representations 72 4.1.3 Eurovision and National Identity 73 4.1.4 Eurovision and European Identity: Centre and Periphery 75

4.2 Place narratives: National identity and image 80 4.2.1 Images of Finland 81 4.2.2 Finland and music representations 84 4.2.3 Images and Stereotypes of Finns 89 4.2.4 Images of Helsinki 91

4.3 Discussion of Finland’s past, present and future 97

5. CONCLUSION 102

5.1 Summary of the study 102

5.2 Key contribution of the thesis 102

5.3 Managerial implications 103

5.4 Recommendations 104

5.5 Limitations and suggestions for future research 106

BIBLIOGRAPHY 110

APPENDIX A 123

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LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 1. Positioning of this research 6

Figure 2. A graphic representation of an association set or mental map 23

Figure 3. Image transfer between events and destinations 26

Figure 4. The multi-purpose use of spotlight events 33

Figure 5. The Fairy-tale Model 64

Figure 6. Finland’s Eurovision Song Contest Fairy-tale 66

Figure 7. The Story Model 71

Figure 8. Friendship blocs in the Eurovision Song Contest 77

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to thank Springer Science+Business Media for their kind permission to

reuse the illustrations shown in Figure 5 and Figure 7.

Special thanks to Johanna Korhonen from Greater Helsinki Promotions Ltd. for

allowing me to use the folder with the precious news material collected from

around the world covering the Eurovision Song Contest in Helsinki. Also, a warm

thank you to Antti Pelkonen for allowing me access to his article for the ‘Twelve

Points’ book.

I am grateful to the City of Helsinki and researcher Vesa Keskinen for allowing

me to use the photographs on the covers of this thesis. All rights remain to the

City of Helsinki. Also, I would like to thank Anja Hämäläinen for her help with

the graphics shown in Figures 1, 3, 4 of this study.

Finally, I express my appreciation to Timo Cantell and Tanja Vilén for their

helpful comments on earlier versions of this study.

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“National image is like starlight which, by the time it reaches us on Earth, is only

the distant echo of an event that started and finished long before.”

Simon Anholt

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1. INTRODUCTION

Place branding is not a new phenomenon. Many cities have managed to build a

reputation for themselves and make a lasting impact on public perception as

cultural and tourist destinations for years. Just as in everyone’s mind Rome is the

Eternal City and Paris the City of Lights.

During ancient times, travellers visited the Parthenon, the Great Pyramids and

were spectators at the Olympic Games, religious festivities or theatre festivals. In

the late 16th century, the Grand Tour served as an educational rite of passage for

Europe’s aristocratic youth, who travelled in order to discover the cultural legacy

of classical antiquity and the Renaissance.

Historically, compelling architectural structures had a particular symbolic value of

national identity and played a vital role as image signifiers of places. Indeed,

signature buildings such as the Eiffel Tower, the Parthenon and the Great

Pyramids are inherent parts of how we understand and think of the countries and

cities they are situated in. But, in the so-called ‘experience economy’ we are

living in, the increased importance of intangible elements of places is growingly

fuelling destination branding. Along with the marvelous masterpieces of

architecture, cities are associated with headline catching events such as the

Olympic Games, the European Capital of Culture and the Eurovision Song

Contest.

Therefore, ‘headline catching events’ act as important communication devices for

destinations in the same way ‘eye-catching buildings’ assist in turning a place

with a contradictory, weak or negative image into an internationally recognized

centre for culture and the arts. Contemporary cities have been relying to signature

buildings such as the Frank Gehry’s Guggenheim Museum in order to boost their

image and create their own “Bilbao-effect” (Jansson & Power, 2006). Currently,

more countries, regions and cities find branding through events to be a realistic

way of differentiating by providing “immaterial and experiential stimulation”

(Jensen, 2007).

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Nowadays it seems we have truly entered “the age of special events” (Janiskee

1996: 100 cited in Morgan, Pritchard & Pride 2002: 277). Cities, regions and

nations acknowledge the power of spotlight events and compete with others to

host some of the world’s most spectacular sports and cultural events. This global

competition is no longer limited to the capitals and the big metropoleis; it directly

affects every urban settlement that desires to be placed on the global map.

Accelerated and intensified globalization has lead to a situation where the main

competition is no longer the neighbouring city, but where competitors are half a

world away.

Despite the complexity of place branding, in recent years both public and private

actors have been busy re-imagining cities by trying to create new images or

dealing with image crises. Branding efforts often commence based around culture,

which helps places to successfully establish a positive image and reputation on

people’s minds. In the words of Michael Hamilton, founder of the London-based

brand consultancy The Hamiltons: “Liverpool, Edinburgh and Paris are

successfully branded cities. They ooze the most culture.1”

However, there is substantial critique that iconic buildings, flagship projects and

major events tend to contribute to the “Disneyization” (Bryman, 2004) of society,

where urban spaces tend to resemble Walt Disney’s theme parks with

standardized events and similar looking buildings. Yet destinations acknowledge

the power of special events because they offer rare opportunities for them to

perform on a national or international stage and enhance the chances of building

their reputation and ‘emerging on the map’ amongst a plethora of other competing

places. Also, due to the media coverage major cultural events attract, they truly

put cities in the spotlight and under the microscope, which can be a double-edged

sword for cities or more of a mirror of truth since a place’s problems are also

highlighted.

The role of a positive image enhances the chances of a destination to build its

reputation and brand image and to gain a foothold in the international

1 The Guardian (1 October 2008)

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marketplace. Place branding through major cultural events is an important tool for

destinations to perform in the global competitive game and a ‘hot’ topic in current

affairs discussions.

This study will try to explore the reasons why destinations are consciously

engaging in place branding and what they hope to gain, how spotlight cultural

events contribute to destination brand image, and what is the role of media in

creating and developing destination brands through storytelling.

1.1 SETTING THE SCENE: DESCRIPTION OF THE RESEARCH

FIELD

This research is based on three pillars: culture, tourism and media. Anholt

(2007:101) points out that “Culture is next-door to tourism (indeed cultural

tourism is often identified as the highest-yielding and fastest-growing area of

tourism), and it is the area that can start to make a connection between people’s

interest in the place itself and their interest in the life of the place.” Therefore,

cultural tourism is an essential part of destination branding efforts.

Also, media, which broadly belong to the cultural industries, act as catalysts for

the sectors of culture and tourism to interrelate. Media create compelling stories

and place imagery that can easily influence the readers’ travel behaviour. In the

case of major cultural events and place branding, the role of media is to add new

information in the public’s knowledge about a destination and associate the event

image with the destination image, which can lead to adding destinations on a ‘to

visit’ list and motivate travelling towards a destination to attend a special one-off

event.

Indeed, public knowledge about foreign events, including major cultural or sport

events but also catastrophes, war and international crises relies heavily on mass

media. While people usually become aware of occurrences in their immediate

environment from direct contact with the events, they learn about events that

occur in more distant places primarily from the media. Moreover, due to new

arms of media such as the Internet, a wider number of people dispersed in every

corner of the globe can be reached.

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Finally, my exploration into the research field between destination branding,

cultural tourism and media focuses on spotlight events and will attempt to

uncover their power in image-making by a case study analysis of the media

narratives of Finland’s victory in the Eurovision Song Contest and media images

of Helsinki as a host city (Chapter 4).

1.2 MAIN RESEARCH QUESTIONS, PURPOSE AND OBJECTIVES

Despite the growth of place branding and cultural tourism, little attention has been

given to the ways that events can impact a destination brand image. Apart from

the short-term benefits created by spotlight events such as the boost to the local

economy and tourism, they act as branding tools with a long-lasting impact on

destination image due to the immense international media coverage they attract

and the power of the media at influencing public perceptions.

This research discusses implications of the use of events in destination branding

with a long-term perspective. The strategic role of spotlight events and the

catalytic role of media in brand image creation are focal topics in this research.

Spotlight events are perceived as threefold entities based on their contribution to

destination branding: a) as branding and image-making tools, b) as travel

motivators and c) as a media strategy to battle an image crisis.

The main argument of this thesis is that spotlight events due to the media

coverage they attract can have long-term impact on destination image and cultural

tourism. This thesis posits that special one-off events can be used as media

strategies for places suffering an image crisis and if the media coverage is used

appropriately then positive place image is associated with event image, which can

lead to positive implications for future tourism. It is important that cities, regions

and countries capitalize on spotlight events and turn their short-term assets to

long-term benefits and competitive advantages in the attraction of investments,

creative people and tourists.

I strongly believe in the power of events and media in shaping city image. My

research focus is on cultural events and media’s role in destination branding. My

research interests are threefold: first, to discover how spotlight cultural events

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contribute to city branding; second, how event brand image benefits destination

brand image; third, how media contribute to the co-branding of destination and

event brand images through storytelling.

In the media content analysis of the chosen case study (Chapter 4), my research

questions are the following: first, how the Eurovision Song Contest as a spotlight

cultural event contributed to the brand image of Helsinki and Finland; second,

how event and place media narratives contribute to place image as a tourist

destination; third, how national images and stereotypes of Helsinki and Finland

are depicted in the media narratives.

Although authors note the importance of various arms of the media in influencing

how we interpret cities, there is little detailed case study analysis. (Boland, 2008)

This study contributes to the research field an examination on how places are

represented, constructed and imagined through the international media and how

spotlight events affect the construction of destination brand image in the media.

This paper offers a contribution to that aspect of the literature with particular

attention focused on news media and the Internet and their impact on social and

spatial imaginations of places.

1.3 POSITIONING OF THIS RESEARCH

This study reflects upon my personal interests as they have been formulated

through academic and professional experiences. My studies in Communication

and Media in Athens University, Greece and in the Arts Management master’s

degree programme in Sibelius Academy, Finland as well as my working

experience in Athens 2004 Olympic Games and in the media, culture, and tourism

sectors in Finland all shaped my desire to bring pieces of knowledge from

different fields together into a coherent and fruitful unit.

Due to personal experience and observation, I have identified that a number of

cities that hosted spotlight events in sports and culture are unable to keep the

spotlight on them, when the lights of the event turn down. There is a lack of

understanding of the major role spotlight events play in city image in a long-term

basis and an inability of collaborative actions among various stakeholders. My

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main concern is how to establish legacy and maintain the positive image on

destinations that host spotlight events that require large expenditures from

taxpayers and sacrifices from citizens and the local community.

This research contains knowledge from the fields of place branding, cultural

tourism and media. In the intersection of these three fields is my research project

as depicted in Figure 1. My approach is interdisciplinary since a number of

perspectives contribute to this research on destination and event brand image. The

foundation theories employed to prove my main thesis come from place branding,

cultural tourism, cognitive psychology, and media and communication studies.

Figure 1. Positioning of this research

Tourism studies, media studies, arts and cultural management studies and, in

particular, event studies are closely related professional fields that have solid

research and are growing in importance but still they might not be accepted as

distinct academic fields. However, all these fields deal with events and could

benefit from the study of spotlight events and the impact of media on destination

image, which can propel urban reputation and have a positive impact on tourism.

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My perspective to the topic focuses on how destination image is portrayed in the

international news media before, during and after hosting a spotlight cultural

event and what kind of spillover effect occurs when the destination and event

brands are paired. In Chapter 4, the content analysis of news media narratives of

Finland, Helsinki and the Eurovision Song Contest is going to unfold city and

national images and stereotypes along with event narratives.

1.3.1 PREVIOUS RESEARCH ON THE TOPIC

In the past, Pajala (2007) from the University of Turku has examined material of

Eurovision coverage in the Finnish national press regarding the ESC 2002. Also,

Pelkonen (2008) examined the international media coverage of Eurovision Song

Contest in Helsinki.

In addition, the City of Helsinki, one of the main partners in organizing the ESC

2007, commissioned an impact assessment of the Eurovision Song Contest in

order to evaluate the impressions of the public, the Eurovision partners and the

service companies of the Helsinki Metropolitan Area. The study, which was

carried out by Kilpeläinen and Laakso (2008) from Kaupunkitutkimus Oy (Urban

Studies Ltd.), is comprehensive but its focus is mainly on the economic impact

and the expectations of the organizers and the involved stakeholders.

I have drawn interesting ideas and conclusions from the research previously made

on the subject; however, my focus is clearly on how the international news media

portray Finland’s and Helsinki’s image and whether hosting the Eurovision Song

Contest 2007 in Helsinki contributes to the destination image or stereotype

enhancement (or not) and how.

1.3.2 CONTRIBUTION TO THE ARTS MANAGEMENT FIELD

The growing importance of special events and their complex nature makes this

study of major cultural events and their impact on destination image relevant to

many interdependent fields. The unique contribution of this research is that it

places culture and events at the heart of activities of various stakeholders and

sheds light to a key piece of the puzzle by offering an insight on the how special

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events can be used in a sustainable way to enhance destination image, attract

media coverage, and increase tourism.

The contribution of my research to the arts management field lies in the

cooperative opportunities for arts organizations, tourism organizations and city

authorities in creating memorable spotlight events and a legacy in their urban

reputation. The growth in special events demands the synergy between arts

organizations and tourism organizations in an urban context.

A destination’s current brand has been shaped by its history, policies and actions

to date. In order to change a place brand, it is important to understand its de-facto

brand, which requires a thorough review of the destination’s local and national

policies, an examination of the way the key stakeholders cooperate and an

assessment of how the destination’s is perceived by internal and external

audiences and the media. Only when the image of a destination is known and how

it is positioned in people’s minds, then desired image makeover can take place.

The media content analysis of how cities and nations are portrayed when they

host events shows what the current destination brand image is and how

storytelling can be used as an effective branding tool in order to create powerful

place images with. Getting involved in a storytelling experience has been the

essence of knowledge sharing and entertainment since our ancestors told tales

around the fire; today, media serve as storytellers since people gather in front of

their television or computer screens to get informed about distant places and

events.

This research attempts to increase the knowledge of the event studies component

in arts management and highlight creative ways in achieving objectives within the

cross-fertilization of the various fields of knowledge and practice. Events offer

potential for arts managers, tourism professionals and media professionals in

creating spellbinding stories that would create urban myths and build a lasting

reputation for destinations.

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1.4 DEFINITION OF KEY TERMS

Branding is a commonly used term in the corporate world, where companies often

change and reinvent themselves. However, the language and rhetoric of business

is commonly used in the public sector in many nations, cities and regions around

the world. It has become common practice for those working in urban affairs to

talk about how cities can ‘compete’ and how they can ‘sell’ themselves.

But when applied to places the chosen terminology seems to be problematic. For

some, the words ‘brand’ and ‘branding’ “embody notions of manipulation, deceit

and superficiality” (Dinnie, 2008: 251). On one hand, Jansson and Power (2006)

criticize urban branding and admit that it represents “a commodification of urban

space: the city becomes a product to be sold in competition with other similar

products.” On the other hand, Olins argues branding businesses and branding

nations have a lot in common: “They create myths, special languages,

environments that reinforce loyalties, colours, symbols, and quasi-historical

myths. They even have heroes (cited in Morgan, Pritchard & Pride, 2004: 23)”.

Tourism marketing, place marketing, place promotion, nation branding, city

management, reputation management, competitive identity, and public diplomacy

are some of the terms professionals use to label the actions undertaken by places

in order to make them appealing to tourists, investors, immigrants, and local

citizens by creating an inviting image.

I personally prefer the term ‘destination branding’. Destination branding

encompasses the concept of travelling towards a destination and that connects

with my thesis that culture, in general, and events, in particular, are chosen as

media strategies and act as travel motivators and image-makers for destinations.

As presented in Dinnie (2008), three are the key elements of branding theory:

brand identity, brand image and brand positioning. In this study, I focus on brand

image and I use Dinnie’s (2008: 42) definition that “image refers to how

something is perceived”. In this research, two brand images are of interest, the

destination brand image and the event brand image. Two theories, associative

network memory theory and co-branding theory, shed light to what happens when

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places host spotlight events and how image transfers between the destination and

event images in the public’s perception as it is formulated by news media

representations.

Therefore, destination image and event image are central terms that help to unfold

the theoretical framework of the thesis. Destination image is defined as “the sum

of beliefs, ideas and impressions that a person has of a destination” (Crompton,

1979: 18 cited in Xing & Chalip, 2006) and event image is outlined as “the

cumulative interpretation of meanings or associations attributed to events by

consumers” (Gwinner, 1997: 147, cited in ibid.).

Due to the new cultural landscapes formed in a context of shifts and

transformations in society and global economy, destinations have started to

realize the role of culture and the impact of cultural events on destination image.

Also, the terms ‘experience economy’ (Pine & Gilmore, 1999) and the ‘creative

city’ (Landry, 2000) that have emerged in the fields of urban branding and arts

management are growing prominent amongst researchers, policy makers, arts

professionals and tourism professionals.

According to Landry (2000), a good quality of life is to be used as a competitive

tool among destinations and the role of culture and tourism in providing

experiential, leisure and fun activities is vital for urban settlements. In the

experience economy, the competitiveness between places is no longer solely

reliant on material conditions like natural resources or built infrastructure but it is

a consequence of intangible elements of places such as cultural events. Events are

alternatives to iconic, signature buildings because they act as animators of urban

spaces bringing the place alive and creating powerful images for citizens and

international visitors. Urban spaces are seen as a stage for events to unfold and the

built environment becomes a backdrop.

The focal point of this study is major events. Special, hallmark, spotlight or mega-

events are few of the terms found in the literature of various fields to describe

them. Although some might be used interchangeably, there are nuances in each of

them that make them more relevant than others in certain situations. For instance,

the term ‘special event’ encompasses knowledge from many fields such as

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marketing, event studies, leisure studies, tourism management, arts and culture

management, sport management, and communication and media studies.

Consequently, Jago and Shaw (1998: 29, cited in Morgan, Pritchard & Pride,

2004: 280) offer a thorough definition of ‘special events’:

“A one-time or infrequently occurring event of limited duration that

provides the consumer with a leisure and social opportunity beyond

everyday experience. Such events, which attract, or have the potential

to attract, tourists, are often held to raise the profile, image or

awareness of a region.”

For the purposes of this research, I agree with Smith, who believes that from a

branding perspective, it is more appropriate to label these events ‘spotlight

events’, due to the fact that they “truly put places in the spotlight”, which,

subsequently, “the opportunities they afford destination brand managers” (ibid.,

264).

Here is my own definition of spotlight events and their characteristics:

“Events of a unique and festive nature, with their own status, prestige

or brand image, of a limited and fixed duration and one-off or

infrequent occurrence that attracts immense media attention on the

host cities. Spotlight events usually involve a number of stakeholders

and organizers that plan and control the event while a live audience is

present at the physical event location(s) experiencing the event’s

unique atmosphere.”

Since the ancient times, special events in sports and culture have always been an

important motivator in the mobility between cities, regions and nations. In recent

times, the number of special events is increasing substantially over time and event

tourism is now a vibrant, and dynamic field of study and research. The term

‘event tourism’ (Getz, 1997), which formalized the link between events and

tourism, was coined in the 1980s and has been defined as “the systematic

planning, development and marketing of festivals and special events as tourist

attractions, catalysts, and image builders” (Getz & Wicks, 1993: 2).

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Lastly, public knowledge about foreign events relies heavily on mass media. Mass

news media have the power to decide what to cover (or not), to filter information

and allow what becomes (or not) news and how places and events will be

portrayed and what images will be presented. In this research, media are seen as

‘gatekeepers’, ‘agenda-setters’ and ‘image-makers’.

Shoemaker (1991) characterizes news media and journalists as “gatekeepers”,

who have the power to filter ideas and information and decide what stories are

published and become news. Additionally, McCombs and Shaw (1972) pointed

out that the gatekeeping concept is related to the concept of “agenda-setting”.

Hoare (1991) explains that, “newspapers’ mass circulation makes them a

powerful, aggressive agent and that they translate this power into decisions

regarding what to cover (or not to cover)” (cited in Avraham & Ketter, 2008: 32).

1.5 THEORETICAL BACKGROUND

Nations have always branded themselves as their regimes and circumstances have

changed through their symbols, currency, anthems, names and so on. Even though

the practice of nations (re-) branding is not a new phenomenon, urban literature

became popular only during the 1980s in Europe and a little earlier in the Unites

States.

Place marketing is growing in popularity the last two decades due to the constant

efforts of western countries to transform from the industrial to the post-industrial

era. Industrial cities carry images of economic problems, pollution, negative

immigration and social unease, [while] post-industrial cities project images of

clean streets, high-tech industry and residents with high socio-economic status

(Avraham & Ketter, 2008: 12). As an answer to an image crisis, local

stakeholders in many nations, regions and cities responded by developing image-

makeover strategies designed to replace negative images with new dynamic place

imagery in order to lure investment, entice new residents and attract tourists.

Place marketing and place branding can be found in cities around the world: it is

now a global phenomenon. This is reflected in the growth of a substantial body of

work on place marketing (Ashworth & Voogd, 1990; Holloway & Hubbard,

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2001; Jessop, 1998; Paddison, 1993) and place branding (Dinnie, 2004;

Kavaratzis & Ashworth, 2006; Olins, 2002). The literature evaluates the tools

used to ‘re-image’, ‘re-invent’ and ‘re-position’ the city; in fact, they indicate the

transition from ‘selling places’ to ‘marketing places’ to ‘branding places’.

In this study, the focus is on place branding, the role of spotlight events as image-

makers and travel motivators and the catalytic role of media narratives in the

process. Kotler et al. (1993) identify the value of events in enhancing image of

destinations and in attracting tourists and media attention. Place marketing

provides a framework within which cultural events find multiple roles, as image-

makers, tourist attractions and media strategies.

Furthermore, Brown et al. encourage exploring further “the role that events can

play as catalysts for development and in helping to build an image for a region

that will attract longer-term visitation” (cited in Morgan, Pritchard & Pride, 2004:

283). The power of events to attract visitors and visitor spending on a short-term

basis, as well as their ability to attract a tremendous amount of media coverage, to

raise awareness and improve destination image of the host region for future

tourism is present in the literature of place branding, cultural tourism and media

studies. Both short-term and long-term impacts of events on destinations are

described by Smith as the “tangible and intangible byproducts [which] are the

legacy of a place” (ibid., 263).

Although the majority of events have probably arisen for non-tourist reasons,

there is clearly a trend to exploit them for tourism and to create new events

deliberately as tourist attractions (Getz, 1989: 125 cited in Morgan, Pritchard &

Pride, 2004: 282). However, it seems that the focus of the research that has been

conducted to date is on the economic impact of special events. Despite the growth

of event tourism, little attention has been given to the ways that events can impact

a destination’s brand image. In this part of the study, the implications of the use of

events in destination branding are seen through a long-term perspective and how

they contribute to future tourism though destination image narratives.

Undoubtedly, spotlight events can be an important motivator for travel behaviour.

This study argues that the ability of spotlight events to raise awareness of the host

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region for future tourism is a sustainable act of image enhancement with longer-

term impacts on the host cities.

Jago et al. (2002, 2003) believed there was substantial potential for events to be

used in destination branding but that neither event nor destination managers do a

good job in harnessing that potential (cited in Getz, 2007: 142). Co-branding

between events and destinations is one strategy gaining popularity (Brown et al.

2001, Chalip & Costa, 2006). The intent is to reinforce the destination’s brand

with compatible events, which cause a transferral of positive images.

Indeed, spotlight events attract media coverage to the host city as well as

thousands of journalists, tourism writers, world-class athletes or artists, fans and

tourists that seek to be part of a unique experience. While under the spotlight, the

city itself has an opportunity to gain positive media exposure for its benefit in

creating a positive image and, subsequently, attracting prospective or repeated

visitors.

Avraham and Ketter (2008) highlight the mass media as powerful agents in

presenting, constructing and re-constructing images of events, places and people.

McRobbie and Thornton refer to the influential role that media play in

‘constructing meanings’ (1995: 561) about people and places and how this affects

the public’s mindset.

In the words of McRobbie and Thornton (ibid.: 570) “social reality is experienced

through language, communication and imagery”. This paper examines how news

media form social reality through language and imagery by creating powerful

images of people and place and shaping the perceptions of outsiders through

storytelling.

1.6 STRUCTURE OF THE REPORT

Chapter 1 introduces the purpose of this research. It presents the main research

questions, a summary of the theoretical background, and defines the key terms

used in this study. Also, the introductory chapter offers an insight to my own

interests as a researcher, how the topic was initiated as well as it presents this

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research’s unique contribution in the field of arts management. It concludes by

describing the structure of the report.

Chapter 2 forms the theoretical foundation of the study. It defines the core

concepts of the study and gives the theoretical foundations of the research topic

through a literature review on place branding, brand image theories, the

experience economy, the characteristics of spotlight events and the catalytic role

of media narratives as image creators for destinations. The historic contexts of the

theories and their interdependence are also critically discussed.

Chapter 3 focuses on research methodology. It introduces the research approach

and methods and describes how the qualitative media content analysis research on

the Eurovision Song Contest 2007 and the image of Helsinki and Finland will be

conducted. Chapter three explains how the empirical data will be collected,

analyzed and interpreted and discusses issues regarding the appropriateness of the

chosen methods as well as possible problems.

Chapter 4 consists of the case study description and analysis of media narratives

and images of Helsinki and Finland that were triggered by the international media

attention given to Helsinki when the city hosted the Eurovision Song Contest in

2007. During the analysis of the international news media of the ESC 2007

fairytale themes were discovered and analyzed in the context of storytelling

within a spatial dimension. The analysis focuses on Finnish national identity,

image and stereotypes projected in the media and, in addition, gives an account of

how media portray travel destination image.

Chapter 5 presents the conclusion of the study. It gives a summary of the results,

presents a theoretical contribution together with managerial implications for arts

managers and makes recommendations. The limitations of the study and

directions for future research are also pointed out. In the concluding part, a few

research topics or themes that have emerged from the findings of this research are

presented. Due to the limitations of this study, certain aspects of the phenomenon

were not covered but hopefully this study opens up interesting areas for further

exploration in destination branding through cultural spotlight events that attract

media coverage.

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2. THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

2.1 PLACE BRANDING

Place marketing has existed since colonial times, when colonial governments tried

to persuade people to move to the newly conquered territories (Gold, 1994 cited

in Avraham & Ketter, 2008: 5). Paddison (1993) observes that the concept of

‘place marketing’ (which some label ‘place promotion’ or ‘city management’)

became popular in European urban literature only during the 1980s and a little

earlier in the Unites States (cited in Avraham & Ketter, 2008:5).

2.1.1 PLACE BRANDING : THE HISTORIC CONTEXT

Olins, one of the world’s most experienced brand practitioners, explains how

France has presented a new symbolic version of itself both internally and

externally, each time its reality has been modulated: “Under Vichy [dictatorship],

France was rebranded yet again; the Republican slogan, or as branding people

would put it strapline, ‘libetré, egalité, fraternité’2 was replaced with ‘travail,

famille, patrie’3” (cited in Morgan, Pritchard & Pride, 2004: 18). Moreover, Olins

mentions that, “sometimes they [nations] invented or reconstructed national

myths, for instance Finland’s Kalevala; sometimes they even invented a new

language, such as Israel’s modern Hebrew” (cited in Morgan, Pritchard & Pride,

2004: 21).

Currently, many nations are seeking ways to enhance their image, demonstrate

their tourist potential or develop brands both for domestic consumption and for

export. In the words of Olins: “In order to compete effectively on a world stage

they [nations] need all the resources that contemporary branding techniques can

offer” (cited in Morgan, Pritchard & Pride, 2004: 23). He continues by giving the

example of Scotland: “Scotland is OK: although it is a small country, it has been

around for a long time; it has tartans, kilts, Scotch whisky, the Highlands,

2 Liberté, égalité, fraternité, French for “Liberty, equality, fraternity (brotherhood)” , is the national motto of France, and is a typical example of a tripartite motto. It finds its origins in the French Revolution. 3 Travail, famille, patrie, French for “Work, family, fatherland” was the motto of the Vichy France government during World War II. It replaced the republican Liberté, égalité, fraternité of the Third French Republic.

17

Braveheart and the Edinburgh Festival” (cited in Morgan, Pritchard & Pride,

2004: 23).

To put the evolution of nation branding into yet wider historical perspective, it

could be claimed that nations have always branded themselves- through their

symbols, currency, anthems, names and so on- and that is just the terminology of

nation branding that is new, rather than the practice itself (Dinnie, 2008: 20).

2.1.2 WHY PLACE BRANDING HAS A BAD BRAND ?

Place branding is perceived by some critics as an offensive term applied to cities,

regions and nations, despite the fact that history proves that almost every nation

has reinvented itself as its regimes and circumstances have changed. Branding is a

commonly used concept in the corporate world, where companies often change

and reinvent themselves. Anholt (2007: 3) states that, “the task of promotion,

positioning and reputation management on a global scale is a familiar one in the

world of commerce: corporations have been facing it for more than a century, and

this is how the techniques of brand management have emerged.”

Even though the phenomenon of nations (re-) branding is not new, the chosen

terminology seems to be problematic. According to Olins, the reasons “why the

word ‘brand’ acts like a red rag to a bull on some people” are three: snobbery,

ignorance and semantics (cited in Morgan, Pritchard & Pride, 2004: 23). Olins

explains that it is not the ideas the critics of nation rebranding argue about, but

rather the semantics of the term ‘brand’ that bring bad connotations, “image and

national identity are fine but ‘brand’ sticks in the gullet” (cited in Morgan,

Pritchard & Pride, 2004: 22).

Similarly, Brown observes that the words ‘brand’ and ‘branding’ generate mixed

responses, “for some, the words are innocuous descriptors of elements and

practices of the commercial world; for others, the words embody notions of

manipulation, deceit and superficiality” (cited in Dinnie, 2008: 251).

Olins advocates that the techniques used by the commercial sector and nations

alike are similar since, “many brands help to create a sense of identity, of

belonging: just like the nation” (cited in Morgan, Pritchard & Pride, 2004: 25).

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Although analogies should not be taken too far, Olins acknowledges that branding

businesses and branding nations do have a lot in common:

“They create myths, special languages, environments that reinforce

loyalties, colours, symbols, and quasi-historical myths. They even

have heroes: Richard Branson and his heroic ballooning trips, Jack

Welch, the legendary hero of GE, and Anita Roddick, the staunch

defender of sustainable environments, to mention just three” (ibid.,

23).

On the contrary, Anholt (2007: 3) challenges the above view stating that, “there

are more differences than similarities between countries and companies, but some

of the theories and techniques of brand management can, if intelligently and

responsibly applied, become powerful competitive tools and agents for change

both within the country and beyond.”

Jansson and Power (2006) view the idea of branding a city or a place in the same

way as one might brand a commercial product as unproblematic. They

acknowledge however that, “Just as in the USA, the language and rhetoric of

business is now commonly used in the public sector in relation to Nordic cities

and regions. It has become common practice for those working in urban affairs in

the public sector to talk about how cities and regions can ‘compete’ and how they

can sell themselves.”

On the other hand, Jansson and Power (2006) criticize urban branding and admit

that it represents “a commodification of urban space: the city becomes a product

to be sold in competition with other similar products.” The authors address the

danger that “by attempting to commodify the city and build on its competitive

strengths (as all good businesses do) many interests and groups can be left out or

marginalized”. Yet Jansson and Power (2006) do not suggest neglecting the

importance of image for cities or regions but rather imply that it should

acknowledge the differences between selling a product and improving a cities

image or brand.

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It is necessary to understand why destinations are consciously engaging in place

branding and what they hope to gain. The following chapter demonstrates why

branding is important for places.

2.1.3 WHY PLACES NEED BRANDING ?

Avraham and Ketter (2008: 12) claim that place marketing is growing in

popularity the last two decades due to the constant efforts of western countries “to

transform from the industrial era to the post-industrial era.” Industrial cities carry

images of economic problems, pollution, negative immigration and social unease,

[while] post-industrial cities project images of clean streets, high-tech industry

and residents with high socio-economic status (ibid.).

Each nation, region or city face their own problems and crises, such as criminality

and terrorism, illness and epidemics, unemployment and social injustices, as well

as extreme climatic conditions such as typhoons, tsunami or earthquakes. Also,

images of boredom, lack of social and cultural amenities and negative stereotypes

play a critical role in place branding. These challenges impact the image of the

place to international visitors and damage its tourism.

While cities with long history continue to attract tourists, investors, immigrants,

and talent, others that have not been so privileged, try to battle their way to

travellers’ top choices. That is the reason why a positive image enhances the

chances of a city to start building its brand image and reputation in order to

‘emerge on the map’.

2.1.4 PLACE BRANDING TERMINOLOGY

A plethora of terms has been used to refer to the same phenomenon and its

application on cities, regions and nations. This chapter presents various

definitions of place branding and explains what terms are used in this research.

In the past decades, place branding, known also as tourism marketing, place

promotion, place marketing, urban branding, destination branding, reputation

management, competitive identity, or public diplomacy, has attracted much

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attention from researchers and practitioners, who have made efforts to define it

from their own perspectives and disciplines.

Kolb (2006: 1) refers to tourism marketing as “simply applying the appropriate

marketing concepts to planning a strategy to attract visitors to a destination,

whether resort, city, region or country.” Similarly, Olsson and Bergland (2006,

cited in Avraham & Ketter, 2008: 5) note that, “the conceptual foundation of

place marketing lies in marketing theories, primarily the marketing-mix

approach”.

Van Gelden and Allan (2007) give the following definition: “City branding is

about deliberately creating, developing and demonstrating [the city’s] value

through appropriate ‘on brand’ actions, which consist of investments, physical

and economic plans, attraction programmes, events, communications, and the

like.”

Avraham and Ketter (2008) provide an overview of definitions available in the

literature concerning place marketing, which are often used interchangeably with

the term place promotion. Specifically, according to Gold and Ward (1994: 2):

“Place promotion [is] defined as the conscious use of publicity and marketing to

communicate selective images of specific geographical localities or areas to a

target audience.” Another popular definition can be found in Short et al. (2000:

318): “Place promotion involves re-evaluation and re-representation of place to

create and market a new image for localities to enhance their competitive position

in attracting or retaining resources.”

Dunn et al., (1995) view place marketing as “a refreshing of urban or national

identity or as a creation of new forms of identity” (cited in Avraham & Ketter,

2008: 6). For Jansson and Power (2006), urban branding, “just like any other

branding, has to be considered a process rather than a stable state of being and e.g.

it continuously needs investments and reinvestments in order to avoid

misinterpretations and remaining fresh in people’s mind.”

Nielsen (2001: 207-208, cited in Avraham & Ketter, 2008: 6) refers to place

promotion, emphasizing the arduous process dealing with an image crisis both in

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terms of tangible and intangible damage. “Promoting a destination in normal

circumstances is a difficult task, but promoting a destination that faces tourism

challenges -whether from negative press, or from infrastructure damage caused by

natural disasters or man-made disasters- is an altogether more arduous task.”

I prefer ‘destination branding’ , a term used by Morgan, Pritchard and Pride

(2004: 3), which encompasses the concept of travelling towards a place and I

believe that culture, in general, and spotlight events, in particular, act as travel

motivators. Especially the ‘sense of urgency’, the ‘once in a lifetime experience’

notion that prevails in spotlight events tends to make this argument valid.

There is no common definition of ‘brands’ or ‘branding’; however, most authors

agree that any definition should include both tangible and intangible attributes of

a product, for instance, both functional and emotional characteristics. A brand’s

value is thus in the way people end up thinking and feeling about it and the

product it is linked to. The aim of branding is to make an almost indistinguishable

link between the character of an object and its branded image or form (Jansson &

Power, 2006).

2.1.5 BRAND IMAGE AND IMAGE TRANSFER

In today’s turbulent and competitive environment, the role of a positive image

enhances the chances of a destination to build its reputation and brand image and

to gain a foothold in the international marketplace. The construction,

communication and management of destination brand image are central to place

branding because “encounters between cities and their users take place through

perceptions and images” (Kavaratzis & Ashworth, 2006).

As presented in Dinnie (2008), three are the key elements of branding theory:

brand identity, brand image and brand positioning. In this chapter, it is vital to

expand on what a brand image is and disseminate confusion between brand

identity and brand image. Also, I examine two theories that are relevant to this

research that deals with destination branding and spotlight events and explore

ways in which city brand image and event brand image are connected and are able

to enhance one another in people’s perceptions.

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First of all, there is no universal consensus on the precise meaning of the terms

‘brand identity’ and ‘brand image’, since numerous sources offer alternative

definitions. For the purposes of this study, I agree with Dinnie’s (2008: 42),

simple and robust perspective on the distinction between brand identity and brand

image: “identity refers to what something truly is, its essence, whereas image

refers to how something is perceived, which evidently marks a gap between these

two states.”

In this research, two brand images are of interest, the destination brand image

and the event brand image. Destination image has been defined as “the sum of

beliefs, ideas and impressions that a person has of a destination” (Crompton,

1979: 18). Although event image has been less thoroughly studied than

destination image, various researchers have attempted to define it. Gwinner

(1997: 147), for instance, outlined event image as “the cumulative interpretation

of meanings or associations attributed to events by consumers” (cited in Xing &

Chalip, 2006).

When cities host spotlight events, there seems to be a pairing of the destination

brand and the event brand with significant impacts on their image and –

subsequently– on the way people perceive them. Brand image incorporates

perceptions of quality, values and feelings as well as brand associations and acts

as a powerful tool of shaping public opinion and behaviour.

Brands are typically linked in order to increase brand awareness and/ or to

enhance or change an image. However, the use of events as a means to enhance or

change a destination’s image is less well understood in the literature. Destinations

might seek to change its image by using events to alter a negative aspect of their

brand image. For example, to counter the image of poor cultural amenities, events

designed to showcase cultural performances or activities could be added. Finally,

each destination could seek to introduce an entirely new node into its association

set.

Two theories, associative network memory theory and co-branding theory,

shed light to what happens to destination and event images when places host

spotlight events.

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2.1.5.1 Associative network memory theory

Cognitive psychologists have for some time held that knowledge is represented as

associative networks (Collins & Loftus, 1975; Anderson, 1983; Halford et al.,

1998, cited in Brown et al., 2004: 284). According to associative network memory

theory, a brand is represented in memory as a set of nodes and links (Keller, 1993,

Henderson et al., 1998 ibid.). The nodes and their relations form an ‘association

set’. Nodes are the elements of the association set, and the links combine the

nodes into an overall brand image (cited in Xing & Chalip, 2006). In simpler

terms, association sets constitute how information is stored in memory.

Figure 2. A graphic representation of an association set or mental map

Moreover, Holloway and Hubbard (2001: 48) refer to association sets as ‘mental

maps’ created by individuals allowing them to navigate through complex reality,

because “our surroundings are often more complex than the sense we make of

them” (cited in Kavaratzis & Ashworth, 2006). In this research, the term ‘mental

map’ is an interesting metaphor that adds a visual representation to how event

brand image influences destination brand image when the two are paired and how

destinations can become a ‘must visit’ place in people’s minds and, therefore, be

placed ‘on the global map’. Figure 2 shows how mental maps or association sets

are perceived in this study.

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Spotlight events such as the Olympic Games or the Eurovision Song Contest work

at a local, national and international level and contribute in placing a place on the

public’s mental maps.

Branding deals specifically with such mental images. Place branding centres on

people’s perceptions and images, and puts them at the heart of orchestrated

activities designed to shape the place and its future. In the words of Kavaratzis

and Ashworth (2006), “managing the place brand becomes an attempt to influence

and treat those mental maps in a way that is deemed favourable to the present

circumstances and the future needs of the place”.

The association sets or mental maps that people draw of different cities, regions or

countries are influenced by a variety of factors. Dinnie (2008: 47) explains

influencing factors that determine to a greater or lesser extent a country’s nation-

brand image: a) personal experience of a country through working or holidaying

there can play a key role in the image an individual holds of a country; b) word-

of-mouth can influence country image when one does not have any first-hand

experience of a country; c) numerous other inputs can influence the image

formation process such as pre-existing national stereotypes, the performance of

national sporting teams, political events, portrayals of the country in film,

television or other media, the quality of brands emanating from the country, the

behaviour of individuals associated with a certain country et cetera.

In this study, the influencing factors researched are the media portrayals of

destinations and the performance of national representatives when cities host

spotlight events. Personal experiences of journalists and the visitors’ word of

mouth influence national images and stereotypes and increase the knowledge

about a place to a greater amount of people.

2.1.5.2 Co-branding theory

When two brands, event and destination, are linked, then this is an exercise in ‘co-

branding’ (Brown et al., 2004; Chalip et al., 2003). Co-branding theory suggests

that pairing an event with a destination will engender some transfer of image

between the event and destination brands (Xing & Chalip, 2006). Co-branding

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research indicates that the degree to which two brands fit together is positively

related to the evaluation of the brand alliance and, consequently, the individual

partnering brands (Lafferty et al., 2004; Simonin & Ruth, 1998).

Destinations may seek to change their images through hosting spotlight events,

and event organizers may seek to enhance their event’s brand by capitalizing on a

favorable location. For instance, a relatively unknown, second tier city could

incorporate an international singing competition to elevate its perceived

excitement and fun elements, or a sports championship might be awarded to a

famous capital city to enhance the event’s prestige.

Using associative network memory theory, Brown et al. (2004) argue that transfer

of brand image can occur not only when two brands share similar association sets

(for instance, the destination association set shares common elements with the

event association set and they have matched elements), but also when consumers

assimilate a node from one brand’s association set into the association set of the

paired brand (cited in Xing & Chalip, 2006).

Brown et al., explain that in order for an event to have an impact on a

destination’s image there must be some “spillover from the event’s image onto the

destination’s image” (cited in Morgan, Pritchard & Pride, 2004: 284). For

instance, when destination and event brands are paired, the image of destination

brand can be strengthened by the positive elements in the association set of the

event brand and vice versa. The spillover effect of the image transfer process is

significant in the understanding of how event image affects place image, either

positively or negatively.

This is the reason why nations, regions and cities compete to attract spotlight

events so that they introduce the event brand’s positive nodes to the place brand’s

association set. Figure 3 shows what is meant by spillover effect and image

transfer in this research. Chapter 2.2 explains the ability of spotlight events to act

as travel motivators, branding tools and image-makers for destinations.

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Figure 3. Image transfer between events and destinations

This thesis claims that the role of media in destination branding through spotlight

events is to sustain and multiply the positive impacts and associations between

events and places. While substantial increases in visitation, tourist expenditure

and the multiplier effect in the local economy, occur during events, the benefits

would be short-lived if the impact that a major event engenders could not reach

beyond the period during which the event takes place.

2.1.6 DESTINATION BRANDING – A NEW ROLE FOR CULTURE

Begg (1999: 795) points out that, “urban branding strategies must be seen against

the background of increased globalization and structural adjustments”. Those

structural adjustments and macro-level changes, are explained by Jensen (2007)

as the societal transformation process in western countries characterized by “a

shift towards immaterial and experiential stimulation”. In recent times, countries,

regions and cities find branding through events to be a realistic way of

differentiating from the competition with “immaterial and experiential stimulation

(ibid.)”.

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Specifically, the terms ‘experience economy’ and the ‘creative city’ have

emerged in the fields of urban branding and arts management and are growing

prominent amongst researchers, policy makers, arts professionals and tourism

professionals. Due to the new cultural landscapes formed in a context of

transformations in society and global economy, destinations have started to

realize the role of culture and the impact of cultural events on destination image.

2.1.6.1 The experience economy

German sociologist Gerhard Schulze observes that we are living in the

‘Erlebnisgeschellschaft’ or ‘experience society’, where the primary concern has

shifted from subsistence to making sense of the world by seeking ever more

stimulating experiences (Ritzer, 1999; Schulze, 1992, cited in Jensen, 2007).

Jansson and Power (2006) share Schulze’s view and refer to the so-called

‘experience economy’, where the competitiveness between regions and cities is

“no longer solely reliant on material conditions like natural resources or built

infrastructure” but it is a consequence of intangible elements of places.

Similarly, Pine and Gilmore (1999) agree that the hallmark of our economy is that

it is an experience economy. Cities worldwide acknowledge the arrival of the

experience economy and in order to stand out choose to become “stagers of

experiences” (ibid.). As a win-win situation for both places and events, urban

spaces become settings and backdrops for cultural experiences and in turn the

cultural events act as animators of urban spaces bringing the place alive.

As culture and experience gain importance, countries, regions and cities are

increasingly (re-) constructing their images and representations through the

practice of place branding with the assistance of spotlight events. The “culture-

led, experience-oriented policymakers” (Jensen, 2007) are looking towards the

discipline of urban branding in order to attract media coverage, improve

destination image and enhance tourism for their cities.

Also, tourism has been at the forefront of staging experience, as Sternberg (1997:

952-954) succinctly put, “tourism primarily sells a ‘staged’ experience [...]

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tourism’s central productive activity [is] the creation of the tourist experience”

(cited in Oh, Fiore & Jeoung, 2007)

2.1.6.2 Creative cities and the new creative class

As a consequence of the global trends and shifts into the experience economy,

creativity and culture gain priority and weight on the agenda of destination

professionals, event organizers and policy-makers. There is a global discourse of

the ‘creative city’ (Landry, 2000) along with an increased awareness of the

importance of the cultural industries (Hesmondhalgh, 2002: 14) and the creative

economy (Howkins, 2001) for destinations.

Also, there is an increased awareness that art and business are joining forces in

the new urban competitive economy (Caves, 2000; Hall, 2000). According to

Florida (2002), the new ‘creative class’ is a new social class with a particular

creative potential and has gained immense influence in urban policy and planning

circles worldwide.

As part of the global shift on immaterial, experiential satisfaction, cities now

represent themselves as “fun places” (Metz, 2002), which means places where the

‘good life’ is not only about employment but also increasingly about ample time

for leisure (Short, 1999). Fun city and the new cultural narratives are thus part and

parcel of each other (Boer & Dijkstra, 2003).

According to Landry, a good quality of life is to be used as a competitive tool

among destinations. In the words of Landry (2000: 133), the “creative milieu” is

the prerequisite of contemporary urban settlements:

“A place – either a cluster of buildings, a part of a city, a city as a

whole or a region – that contains the necessary preconditions in terms

of ‘hard’ and ‘soft’ infrastructure to generate a flow of ideas and

inventions”

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2.2 SPOTLIGHT EVENTS AND DESTINATION BRANDING

Cities have been relying to ‘hard’ infrastructure such as signature buildings like

the Frank Gehry’s Guggenheim Museum in order to boost their image and create

their own “Bilbao-effect” (Jansson & Power, 2006). In today’s experience

economy, spotlight cultural events are an alternative to iconic, signature

buildings.

In the words of Jansson and Power (2006), who use the term ‘soft-side’

development to refer to the development of image, brand and reputation, contrary

to ‘hard-side’ development, which means infrastructure upgrading:

“It is important to note then that the strategy to advertise and profile a

city or a region by focusing on one or several high profile or signature

things does not just relate to building unusual buildings: it also

includes hosting high profile or important events and other flagship

projects. Some annual or periodic events with altering hosts, like for

example the World Cup or the Eurovision Song Contest, attract

enormous attention, and to a certain degree economic turnovers, for

the hosts.”

Therefore, ‘headline catching events’ act as important communication devices for

destinations in the same way ‘eye-catching buildings’ assist in turning a place

with a negative image into an internationally recognized centre for culture and the

arts.

In their research paper on the image of Nordic region cities, Jansson and Power

(2006) point out three categories of city branding: 1) branding through signature

buildings, events, flagship projects, et cetera; 2) branding through planning

strategies, urban redevelopment, institutional and infrastructural support; 3)

branding through advertising, myths, slogans, logos, et cetera. In this study, the

focus is on how destination brand image through ‘headline catching’ events is

depicted in media narratives and how it contributes to place brand image.

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2.2.1 DEFINING SPOTLIGHT EVENTS

Jansson and Power (2006) attempt to define the events that contribute to the ‘soft-

side’ development in terms of image, brand and reputation as “headline catching

events” or “high profile events”. Various writers have used different definitions to

describe those types of events that attract enormous attention for the hosts and

influence their image. This chapter provides an overview of the numerous

definitions of spotlight events.

Firstly, it should be noted that the past 20 years have seen an increased demand

for special events and it is predicted that these events will continue to grow (Getz,

2005; Goldblatt, 2002, cited in Carpenter & Blandy, 2008: 144). Secondly, the

term ‘special event’ encompasses knowledge from many fields such as

marketing, event studies, leisure studies, tourism management, arts and culture

management, sport management, and communication and media studies.

Consequently, the growing importance of special events and their complex nature

makes the study of these events and their impact relevant to many interdependent

fields.

Specifically, although influential writers on event management such as Goldblatt

(2002) and Getz (2005) do not agree on a specific definition of special events, yet

there is a degree of commonality in their perceptions. Goldblatt (2002: 6)

highlights the celebratory and human nature of event by suggesting that: “A

special event is a unique moment in time celebrated with ceremony and ritual to

satisfy specific needs.”

While Getz (2005: 16) offers two definitions; one from the point of view of the

event organizer and the other from that of the event participant:

“A special event is a one-time or an infrequent event that occurs

outside of the normal programme or activities of the sponsoring or

organising body.”

“To the costumer or guest, a special event is an opportunity for an

experience outside of the normal choices or beyond everyday

experience.”

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A thorough definition of special events is given by Jago and Shaw (1998: 29),

who have proposed that a ‘special event’ is:

“A one-time or infrequently occurring event of limited duration that

provides the consumer with a leisure and social opportunity beyond

everyday experience. Such events, which attract, or have the potential

to attract, tourists, are often held to raise the profile, image or

awareness of a region.”

Scholars Deccio and Baloglu (2002) have labelled these efforts ‘mega-events’

because of their scale and scope. The impact of mega-events on international

tourism is, in part, a consequence of their capacity to attract an international

audience through the media they obtain. Whereas Smith (2004) believes that from

a branding perspective, it is more appropriate to label these ‘spotlight events’,

due to “the opportunities they afford destination brand managers” and the fact that

spotlight events “truly put places in the spotlight, usually emanating from the

lights of the television cameras” (cited in Morgan, Pritchard & Pride, 2004: 262-

264).

For the purposes of this paper, here the term ‘spotlight events’ is defined as such:

“Events of a unique and festive nature, with their own status, prestige

or brand image, of a limited and fixed duration and one-off or

infrequent occurrence that attract immense media attention on both the

event and the host city, region, nation. Spotlight events usually involve

a number of stakeholders and organizers that plan and control the

event while a live audience is present at the physical event location(s)

experiencing the event’s unique atmosphere.”

2.2.2 THE POWER OF SPOTLIGHT EVENTS

A number of spotlight events stand out because they offer rare opportunities for

destinations to perform on a national and international stage. Cities perform on

the global stage when hosting spotlight events in the same way artists or athletes

perform and compete in front of the audience in major sports and cultural events.

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According to Smith, three characteristics inherent in spotlight events make them

tempting as “branding devices” and “interesting for scholars”. First, the

participants in spotlight events are either numerous or important, or both. In fact,

for instance, the Olympics attract not only world-class athletes, but also thousands

of fans. Similarly, cultural spotlight events attract volumes of famous artists,

celebrities and the creative class as well as fans. Second, spotlight events appeal

to national and, perhaps, international audiences. Third, spotlight events attract a

tremendous amount of media coverage, typically because of the first two

characteristics (Morgan, Pritchard & Pride, 2004: 263-264).

Brown et al. present the wide-ranging reasons why places host spotlight events

found in the literature. Some of the reasons are: increased visitation to a region,

improvement in a destination’s image or awareness, enhanced tourism

development, ability to act as a catalyst for development, reduction in seasonal

fluctuations or extension of the tourism season, positive economic impact,

increased employment, animation of static attractions, enhanced community

pride, advancement of political objectives (ibid., 282-283).

In addition, Smith argues that events of significant importance generate media

coverage, both in the general news media and among tourism writers, enhance the

place’s reputation for future campaigns or events and finally, leave the city with

other “tangible and intangible byproducts” (ibid., 263).

The power of events and their impacts on cities are undeniable. I agree with

Mules and Faulkner (1996) who argue that, “Governments have become

interested in special events largely because of their ability to attract visitors, and

hence visitor spending, as well as their ability to raise awareness of the host

region for future tourism” (cited in Brown, et al., 2004: 282). As a result, the

following section firstly, explores the role of events as motivators for travel

behaviour; secondly, as image-makers for host cities, regions, and thirdly, the role

of spotlight events as media strategies chosen by places to achieve the first two

impacts on branding and tourism. Figure 4 shows the triple role of spotlight

events as image-makers, travel motivators and as media strategy.

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Figure 4. The multi-purpose use of spotlight events

2.2.3 SPOTLIGHT EVENTS AS A MOTIVATOR FOR TRAVEL BEHAVIOUR

2.2.3.1 Cultural tourism: the historic context

Culture has always been an important motivator in the mobility between cities,

regions and nations. In the ancient times, travellers visited the Parthenon, the

Great Pyramids or were spectators at the Olympic Games, religious festivities or

theatre festivals. Also, wealthy Greeks and Romans travelled for leisure to their

summer homes and villas by the Mediterranean Sea.

In the late 16th century, the Grand Tour served as an education rite of passage for

Europe’s aristocratic youth. The itinerary embraced visiting metropolises of the

16th century like London, Paris, Venice, Florence and Rome, where those grand

tourists were exposed to the masterpieces of architecture, literature and the arts.

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Indeed, by its very nature of travelling involves a cultural element. Visiting

historic sites, cultural landmarks, attending special events and festivals, or visiting

museums have always been a part of the travel for leisure experience.

Cultural tourism began to be recognized as a distinct product category in the late

1970s, when tourism marketers and tourism researchers realized that some people

travelled specifically to gain a deeper understanding of the culture or heritage of

the destination (Tighe, 1986). Initially, it was regarded as a specialized activity

that was thought to be pursued by a small number of better educated, more

affluent tourists, who were looking for something other than the standard sand,

sun and sea holiday. It was only since the fragmentation of the mass market in the

1990s that cultural tourism has been recognized for what it is: a high-profile,

mass-market activity. (McKercher & Du Cros, 2002 :1)

2.2.3.2 The emergence of event tourism

Nowadays it seems we have entered “the age of special events” (Janiskee, 1996).

According to Smith, “an increasing number of destinations have looked to major

events to lure large numbers of visitors, attract investment and tourist spending,

and generate media coverage (cited in Morgan, Pritchard & Pride, 2004: 262).

Cities, regions and nations acknowledge the power of spotlight events and

compete with others to host some of the world’s spectacular sports and cultural

events. Those major spotlight events include the Summer and Winter Olympic

Games and entertainment events or festivals such as the Eurovision Song Contest

or the European Capital of Culture.

The term ‘event tourism’ (Getz, 1997), which formalized the link between events

and tourism, was coined in the 1980s and has been defined as “the systematic

planning, development and marketing of festivals and special events as tourist

attractions, catalysts, and image builders” (Getz & Wicks, 1993: 2).

Event tourism is not a recent phenomenon. The first Olympic Games were held in

776 BC while religious festivities and cultural events and festivals have been held

throughout the ages. However, what is new is the scale of event tourism. Many

authors provide evidence that the number of special events has increased

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substantially over time (Getz, 1991; Getz and Wicks, 1994; Janiskee, 1994, cited

in Morgan, Pritchard & Pride, 2004: 280). Event tourism is now a vibrant, and

dynamic field of study and research and its sheer scale of growth makes this paper

particularly timely and relevant to the field of arts management and event tourism.

Getz (1989: 125) observed that, “Although the majority of events have probably

arisen for non-tourist reasons, there is clearly a trend to exploit them for tourism

and to create new events deliberately as tourist attractions”. Additionally, Brown

et al., observe that, “much of the attention that has been accorded to special events

has been tourism based, as places have come to recognize the power of special

events to attract visitors from outside the region” (cited in Morgan, Pritchard &

Pride, 2004: 281).

A report from the World Tourism Organisation (2005: 52) outlines the main

features and raises various aspects of spotlight events and how they offer

interesting opportunities for places on the level of tourism:

“Such events, because they take place in a limited timeframe and

because they offer a unique one-off experience, can be used to

influence the position a place has in the long and shortlist of places the

potential traveller wants to visit. The effect is that the place where the

event is held will rise on the list of potential destinations in the

mindset of the traveller, due to the sense of urgency created by events

with a limited duration.”

2.2.3.3 Reasons for the emergence of event tourism

Demographic and psychographic changes that have occurred in modern societies

explain the dramatic increase in the popularity of special events as catalysts for

travel behaviour. According to Brown et al., those demographic and

psychographic changes are the following (cited in Morgan, Pritchard & Pride,

2004: 281):

1. increasing levels of average disposable income

2. a move to more frequent short-term holiday breaks

3. increasing interest in experiential travel

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4. increasing interest in authenticity

5. increasing interest in culture

Similarly, as Robinson and Noel (1991: 79) point out the increase of spotlight

events is justified because they meet the societal changes above, since they are

“short-term, easily accessible, with a flexible time commitment, and offer options

for all ages” (cited in Morgan, Pritchard & Pride, 2004: 281).

In this study, the increasing interest of people in experiential travel and the

increasing interest in culture support the argument that spotlight events are

important motivators for people to pursue travel. To sum up, spotlight events are

exploited for tourism purposes since they act as a motivator for travel behaviour

due to their unique, once-in-a lifetime nature that creates the feeling of a ‘must

experience’ opportunity.

2.2.4 SPOTLIGHT EVENTS AS A BRANDING TOOL AND IMAGE -MAKERS

2.2.4.1 A long-term perspective

Undoubtedly, spotlight events can be an important motivator for travel behaviour.

However, it seems that the focus of the research conducted to date is on the

economic impact of special events and preoccupied with short-term implications

such as the multiplier effect of special events that captures secondary effects of

tourism expenditure and highlights the wide range of sectors in a community that

may benefit from cultural events.

Certainly, those who attend events consume the services the place offers and, in

that way, support the local economy and businesses in general such as tourist

attractions, restaurants, cafes and hotels in particular (Avraham & Ketter, 2008:

145). But apart from the short-term economic reasons and despite the growth of

event tourism, little attention has been given to the ways that events can impact a

destination’s brand image.

In this study, the implications of the use of events in destination branding are seen

through a long-term perspective as a strategy to attract media attention and

enhance destination image and awareness on a global scale, which in turn

37

contributes to future tourism. Tapachai and Waryszak (2000) accept the view that,

“a beneficial image influences the choices of tourists seeking a place to visit”.

Many authors (Whitson & Macintosh, 1996; Boyle, 1997, cited in Brown et al.,

2004: 283) argue that, “the use of events as a means to enhance consumer’s

awareness of a destination is a common reason that destinations seek to host

events”. Most importantly “the ability to raise awareness of the host region for

future tourism” (ibid., 282) is a sustainable act of image enhancement with

longer-term implications to the host cities.

Brown et al. encourage exploring further “the role that events can play as catalysts

for development and in helping to build an image for a region that will attract

longer-term visitation” (cited in Morgan, Pritchard & Pride, 2004: 283). Brown et

al. (ibid., 279) draw attention to the “intrinsically linked” relationship between

event image, destination image and tourism:

“Events add to the city’s range of tourist attractions and they often

actively seek media coverage as a promotional strategy, hoping that

more people will be encouraged to visit the city in the future. Thus, the

relationship between events and tourism has become intrinsically

linked. One significant element of this relationship is the way in which

images associated with an event may be transferred to the destination.

In this way the destination brand may be strengthened, enhanced or

changed.”

An appealing city image is an intangible byproduct of a spotlight event, which has

a long-term effect on destination branding through the visitors’ stories about the

place and media representations. For Smith, both “tangible and intangible

byproducts are the legacy of a place” (Morgan, Pritchard & Pride, 2004: 263).

The legacy that spotlight event leave to the city has to be sustained and cultivated

in order to host more events and visitors in the future.

This thesis posits the vital role of events in the development of desirable city

images and subsequent positive implications for future tourism. It is important

that cities, regions and countries capitalize on spotlight events such as the ones

below and turn their short-term assets to long-term benefits and competitive

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advantages in the attraction of investments, creative people and tourists. The role

of media is vital in projecting images that can enhance destination image and

attract visitors.

2.2.5 SPOTLIGHT EVENTS AS A MEDIA STRATEGY

Even tough, the economic value of an event to the host city or region is often

predicted on the media attention that the event obtains (Mules & Faulkner, 1996,

cited in Morgan, Pritchard & Pride, 2004: 283), my focus on media coverage of

spotlight events should be viewed as a strategic choice of destinations with a

long-term implications in image building. Spotlight events can be perceived as a

media strategy, which aims to enhance the brand image of the host cities.

2.2.5.1 The strategic use of spotlight events

As the name suggests spotlight events “truly put places in the spotlight, usually

emanating from the lights of the television cameras” (Smith, cited in Morgan,

Pritchard & Pride, 2004: 264) Spotlight events focus the media’s attention on a

particular location for a short, concentrated period, allowing the host place to

promote certain chosen images that can be used to improve a negative image,

create positive news and shift international media attention from a negative to a

positive portrayal of the place (Avraham & Ketter, 2008: 145).

By placing event images or mentions alongside images or mentions of other

elements of the destination’s product mix that highlight comparable aspects of

brand image, the overall impact should be enhanced (MacKay & Fesenmaier,

1997; Baloglu & McCleary, 1999; Washburn et al., 2000, cited in Morgan,

Pritchard & Pride, 2004: 287-288). In essence, the linking of a destination’s brand

to one or more events is a co-operative branding activity (Morgan, Pritchard &

Pride, 2004: 283), which contributes to the spillover of positive images from the

event to the destination, as explained in chapter 2.1.5. The role of media in the

process is catalytic because it brings the two images –event and destination–

together in people’s minds.

Brown, et al. claim that the exposure that events obtain “through media (via

stories or advertising), would strengthen the aspects of brand image” (cited in

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Morgan, Pritchard & Pride, 2004: 286). Smith focuses on “reaching audiences

through news media [which] is less expensive than purchasing advertising”

arguing that media relations is a cost efficient tool for PR practitioners because

they “influence a great number of media representatives and, by extension,

members of the public” (cited in Morgan, Pritchard & Pride, 2004: 264)

Similarly, Morgan et al., (2002) suggest that, “as concerns rise over the cost of

branding efforts in light of reduced budgets, media relations have become more

attractive to place promoters (ibid.).

By engaging in media relations, place promoters hope to influence what the

public knows about a place. Another significant advantage for cities hosting

spotlight events is that they “attract opinion shapers such as journalists, who will

later write columns that can improve the place’s image” (Avraham & Ketter,

2008: 145). As Smith states cities hosting spotlight events are under the

“microscope” of the globe’s media (cited in Morgan, Pritchard & Pride, 2004:

264), which can be a double-edged sword since a gap between destination image

and identity can be discovered with negative results for the destination brand.

2.2.5.2 Spotlight events and destination image crisis

Avraham and Ketter (2008) believe that cities, countries and tourist destinations

follow media strategies in order to battle an image crisis and improve their

national and international status. Avraham and Ketter (2008) argue that hosting

spotlight events is a media strategy that involves full acknowledgement of the

image crisis, where spotlight events as seen as a moderate coping mechanism.

For instance, Beriatos and Gospodini (2004, cited in Avraham & Ketter, 2008:

145) have observed the prevalence and strategic role of spotlight events and assert

that, “since 1936 many places have used the Summer and Winter Olympics, the

World Expo, the title of Cultural Capital of Europe or the Eurovision Song

Contest as great platforms for massive PR-driven image campaigns”. In an era

when popular and mass cultures are positioned further up the symbolic hierarchy,

major sport and cultural events are considered by cities to be valuable image or

branding tools due to their global media coverage.

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Hosting the Olympic Games

The Olympic Games, a major international sports and cultural event held every

four years in a different city, are an excellent example of a spotlight event that

places battle to host since the Olympic Games act as a means to draw immense

media attention to the host city.

Hosting spotlight events has the power to replace negative images with positive

ones. Nielsen (2001, cited in Avraham & Ketter, 2008: 144) mentions that, “one

of the most famous examples of using spotlight events to improve a place’s image

was the Nazi’s use of the 1936 Olympic Games to project a positive image for

their regime.

Historically, the original Olympic Games were held in Ancient Greece from 776

BC until 393 AD. In 1896 the Games were revived, when Athens hosted the first

modern Olympics. Since then, the Olympics are the most popular sporting event

in the world. For instance, 3.9 billion people worldwide watched the Athens 2004

Olympic Games (http://www.olympic.org, cited in Avraham & Ketter, 2008:

145).

Therefore, due to the mass media exposure created when cities host the Olympic

Games and the subsequent positive image transfer from the event to the

destination, many places are willing to invest enormous amounts of money in

their battle to be the home of future Olympics. In 2005, some of the most popular

tourist destinations (New York, Paris, London, Moscow and Madrid) competed to

host the 2012 Olympic Games as a means to improve their image and their future

development. Avraham and Ketter (2008: 146) observe that:

“Although none of these cities [the 2012 Olympic Games candidate

cities] was beset by any serious image crisis, each of them believed

that hosting the games would contribute a great deal to its future

development and its image. At least two of these cities aspired to gain

some benefits related to crisis they had undergone: New York hoped

that hosting the games would help the city recover from the events of

9/ 11, and Paris hoped to reshape the city by means of the new

infrastructures needed for the games.”

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Hosting cultural events

The European Capital of Culture (ECOC) and the Eurovision Song Contest (ESC)

are also excellent examples of spotlight cultural events that cities and nations are

competing to host. In the words of Avraham and Ketter (2008: 147), “hosting

cultural events can be used to attract visitors or to improve a general image,

although some places use such events as a deliberate means to overcome an image

crisis.”

For instance, the ECOC programme conceived in 1983 by Melina Mercouri, then

Greek Minister for Culture, had a purpose to give a cultural dimension to the

work of the European Community (now the European Union) and to celebrate

European culture as a means of drawing the community closer (Garcia, 2005).

Similarly, the Eurovision Song Contest is the largest and most-watched

international popular music events, as well as one of the world’s longest-running

annual television programmes. The ESC attracts thousands of visitors to host

cities and millions of viewers that watch the televised event in 35 countries all

over the world.

Authors Avraham and Ketter (2008) claim that hosting spotlight events has the

power “to replace the damaged image with a positive one”. In addition, to

strengthen their claim they mention the example of the city of Bilbao in northern

Spain, where a combination of ‘hard’ and ‘soft’ infrastructure boosted the city’s

tourism by portraying a positive image:

“During the 1990s, the city suffered at the hands of Basque terror

groups and endured high levels of unemployment, the Guggenheim

Museum opened in 1997 as a major attraction, and a set of supporting

cultural events turned things around. More than a million tourists

visited the city in 2001” (Ha’aretz, 12 May 2002, cited in Avraham &

Ketter, 2008: 148).

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2.3 MEDIA, SPOTLIGHT EVENTS AND DESTINATION BRANDING

Boulding (1956: 8) defined image as “what I believe to be true”, and argued that

is an image is “build up as a result of all past experience of the possessor of the

image”. Place promoters use spotlight events to define a place and its unique

characteristics and to influence public perceptions of a place –its image– by

influencing media coverage. Spotlight events allow place promoters the

opportunity to influence a great number of media representatives and, by

extension, members of the public.

The media is an important vehicle through which information can be obtained and

exchanged. Indeed, nowadays, public knowledge about foreign events, including

major cultural and sport events as well as catastrophes, wars and international

crises, relies heavily on mass media. While people usually become aware of

occurrences in their immediate environment from direct contact with the events,

they learn about events that occur in distant places primarily from the media.

2.3.1 THE ROLE OF MEDIA IN PLACE IMAGE

Many different factors influence a place’s image or perception held by the public.

In order to successfully change a place’s public image, analysis of the factors that

construct image is required. Avraham (2003, cited in Avraham & Ketter, 2008:

28) has concluded that the factors that affect place image are:

1. The nature of the place’s population (e.g., race) and its size (big

city or peripheral town)

2. Status and political power (a national centre such as a capital

city)

3. Crime rate, socio-economic status and employment situation

4. Number and character of national institutions located in the place

(e.g., prestigious universities)

5. Location (in the country’s core or periphery)

6. Historical background

7. Type of media coverage (highlighting criminal activity and

social problems or cultural events and other positive news)

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The widespread nature of the above factors prevents in-depth analysis of all of

them in this study. However, place marketers and arts managers should have a

profound understanding of all the factors that influence place image. In this

research, media coverage is believed to be of the outmost importance in shaping

place image.

People construct place images according to the kind of information they receive

from various sources. Holloway and Hubbard (2001: 48) describe that interactions

with places may be ‘through direct experience with the environment or indirectly

through media representations’. Kavaratzis and Ashworth (2006) recognize that

“people encounter places through perceptions and images”.

Over the years, many researchers have studied the power of media in public life

on the social, political, economic and cultural spheres and their effect in

formulating public perceptions. While films and television can contribute greatly

to a place’s positive or negative image, most places concentrate their efforts on

obtaining positive coverage in the news media because of their enormous

popularity and their major role in shaping public opinion (Weimann, 2000)

As the so-called ‘fourth estate’, the news media is a powerful tool in raising

awareness about events and places as well as influencing public opinion and

behaviour. In this study, the news media are seen as catalysts between destination

branding, culture and tourism, due to the fact that they often create and reinforce

certain media images about events, people, and places that motivate travel

behaviour.

News media and journalists act as “gatekeepers” (Shoemaker, 1991), who have

the power to filter ideas and information and decide what stories are published

and become news. Additionally, McCombs and Shaw (1972) pointed out that the

gatekeeping concept is related to the concept of “agenda-setting” (McCombs &

Shaw, 1972). Hoare (1991, cited in Avraham & Ketter, 2008: 32) explains that,

“newspapers’ mass circulation makes them a powerful, aggressive agent and that

they translate this power into decisions regarding what to cover (or not to cover)”.

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To sum up, media do not only shape public opinion but also they can easily

influence public behaviour by concentrating on certain issues and allowing certain

images of event and places to reach the public. In the case of spotlight events and

destination branding, news media’s power can easily accelerate (or hinder) travel

behaviour and place (or not) destinations on a ‘to visit’ list in the public’s

perception.

2.3.2 MEDIA IMAGES AND PUBLIC IMAGE OF PLACE

Place image is a central concept in several research fields, resulting from the

hypothesis that the image of a country, city or tourist destination has a marked

effect on our actions and activities. Decisions such as where to live, where to

travel, where to invest, where to study or which country to support in a conflict,

all result from the place’s image. Several researchers observe that the notion that

“a place’s image may be even more important that the place’s reality” has become

widespread (Morgan & Pritchard, 1998, cited in Avraham & Ketter, 2008: 19).

Avraham and Ketter (2008: 19) distinguish between the place’s image among a

specific target audience and the place’s image in the mass media. Information

about a faraway place is not considered crucial to most people so they do not

attempt to locate first-hand sources to verify what happens there (Kunczik, 1997).

Consequently, the image of distant places that media project is perceived and

conceptualized as ‘reality’ by people around the world.

In this study, I examine the concept of place image in the media and its

subsequent impact in public perceptions. Public and media images of places are

closely linked. As a result, city authorities, decision-makers, marketers and PR

professionals spend resources, time and effort in creating a positive media image,

which in turn influences public images and perceptions.

2.3.2.1 Types of place image

Manheim and Albritton (1984, cited in Avraham & Ketter, 2008: 30) conducted a

close analysis of how countries, cities and tourist destinations are presented in the

media, which revealed four types of place’s images:

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1. Places that receive much negative coverage

2. Places not covered by the media except in a negative context,

usually related to crime, social problems, natural disasters, etc.

3. Places that receive much positive attention such as cultural

events, tourist activity, or investments

4. Places largely ignored by the media but when noticed they

receive primarily positive coverage

Undoubtedly, the third category is the desirable media coverage that city officials,

tourist organizations and event organizers are pursuing. Hosting spotlight cultural

events is a major guarantee in achieving a good amount of positive media

coverage, which in turn can increase tourism and improve the place’s image.

Researchers have used various typologies of place image. For instance, Avraham

and Ketter (2008: 31) distinguish between one-dimensional and multi-

dimensional image of a place in the news media. They argue that places with a

multi-dimensional image in the news media are those that receive coverage for a

wide variety of subjects and events that occur in them, such as politics,

economics, social events and cultural developments. Places with a one-

dimensional image are those that only receive coverage when events of a certain

nature take place there, such as crime or disasters.

When a place is labelled by the media as one in which only a certain type of

activities and events occurs, it becomes, a symbol of such events, and other

activities and events do not get covered (Shields, 1992; Strauss, 1961, cited in

Avraham & Ketter, 2008: 31). For instance, by focusing and publishing negative

aspects of destinations, media labels and stigmatizes place image and reinforces

stereotypes in the minds of the audience. Generally, it is believed that a negative

media image will result in a negative image among public opinion.

Kotler et al. (1993, cited in ibid., 26) list that a place’s image can be positive and

attractive, negative, weak -as in the case of peripheral locations that are not well

known, mixed -when the image includes both positive and negative elements- or

contradictory -when the place has a favourable image with one population and a

negative image with another.

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Also, there are two other kinds of place images: open and closed. Open images

allow the addition of more characteristics, whereas closed images are not likely to

have new characteristics added, at least not characteristics that differ from the

core image. Such images are also known as ‘stereotypes’: simplified attitudes or

beliefs about a place that are not examined thoroughly and are difficult to change

(Elizur, 1987; Gold, 1980, cited in ibid., 27).

Furthermore, Elizur (1987, cited in ibid., 26) suggests a classification dichotomy

between rich and poor place images. A rich image means that we know a lot about

the place, usually from different sources and also from personal visits and

knowledge; a poor image means that we know very little about a place, and what

we do know usually comes from only one source of information.

2.3.2.2 Quantity and quality of media coverage

A deep understanding of the content of the media coverage is the initial and

essential step for analyzing and deciding upon the appropriate branding efforts

and media strategies that places need to follow in order to improve their image.

The focus of the research about coverage patterns of places in the media has two

dimensions: quantity and nature (Avraham, 2003b; Manheim and Albritton, 1984,

cited in ibid., 31).

First, the quantity dimension refers to the amount and visibility of coverage the

place receives in the news media and examines factors such as the number of

reports or photos of the place, on what page or in which section the articles

appear, the article’s size (in the press) or the length of the report (in TV news) et

cetera. Naturally destination marketers, event organizers and media relations

experts wish for their place or event to be the first item in the newscast or on the

front-page of newspapers along with colourful pictures. However, apart from the

amount and visibility of coverage the place or event receives, the context of the

story about the place or event is of greater importance.

Then, it is the nature dimension that refers to the content of media coverage. The

factors examined are which topics are most frequently covered from the place

(such as crime, poverty, social and community events, culture, sports or violence);

47

the ways the place is described in the stories; who is represented as being

responsible for the events that are covered; who is quoted and who is the source

of information reported; what us the tone of the stories (Avraham, 2003b;

Dominick, 1977; Graber, 1989; Larson, 1984; White, 2006, cited in Avraham &

Ketter, 2008: 31).

2.3.3 MEDIA NARRATIVES AND PLACE

My study focuses on the context rather than the quantity and treats the news

media coverage beyond numbers. The focus is on more subtle levels in which the

spirit behind each news story or article is brought to the surface. I search for

stereotypes, generalizations and myths, which appear in the coverage of events

and places, and I try to locate and reveal themes that portray place image, because

of the powerful effect of media on human perception. In this present work, the

centre of attention is on media narratives in search of images that emerge from

them before, during and after cities host spotlight events.

In media stories about distant places, the characters, themes and plots used as well

as the overall tone and the choice of words have an impact on what and how

people know and think of places. The way we narrate the city becomes

constitutive of urban reality, affecting the choices we make, the ways we then

may act (Sandercock, 2003: 182). However, the linkage between place and

narrative is an under-developed theme in the conceptualization, understanding and

practice of contemporary destination branding.

Kavaratzis and Ashworth (2006) suggest that successful branding “demands

associating the place with stories about the place, but not by simply adding them

next to the name or trying to imply them by isolating beautiful images of the

place. First the ‘stories’ need to be built into the place.”

When cities host events that attract international attention, media create numerous

stories that are inspired by the place. The city becomes the frame upon which its

physical surface, people, nature, culture and essence are represented in images

and texts. Spotlight cultural events act as an adhesive that interweaves media

narratives and places. As a result, understanding the complex relationship

48

between narratives, events and places is crucial to the exploration of

contemporary destination branding practice.

The following chapter (Chapter 4) unveils the news media narratives created

when Helsinki hosted the Eurovision Song Contest in 2007 in order to understand

existing images and stereotypes as well as explore alternative future images. In

fact, analysis of space requires analysis of narratives of the place in order to

understand how spaces come to be as they are, how people exist and act within

spaces (Jensen & Richardson, 2004: 43). The aim of this study is to explore the

interdependence between narratives, events and places; how the ‘word city’ is

inscribed upon the frame of the ‘built city’ (Greenberg, 2000: 230).

Flyvbjerg (1998: 8) mentions three issues that have to be taken into consideration

when dealing with narratives: first, the structure of narratives, second, the

plurality of narratives of an event or phenomenon and third, the importance of

narratives in understanding the past and also in making sense of the future. In

Flyvbjerg’s (1998: 8) words:

“Events are structured into a narrative by the conventional means of

time, place, actors and context . . . No phenomena can have only one

narrative or a single genealogy . . . Narratives not only give meaning to

our past experiences, they also help us vision alternative futures.”

To begin with, Jessop (1997) outlines the structure of narratives as such:

All narratives have three elements: a selective appropriation of past

events and forces; a temporal sequence (Aristotle’s beginning, middle

and end); and a ‘relational emplotment’ of the past events and forces

into a more general story that provides causal, or even moral, lessons to

be learned.

Texts are turned into narratives by means of temporal ordering (beginning, middle

and end) and narratives are turned into stories by means of emplotment.

Accordingly, ‘the king died, and the queen died’ is a story, but ‘the king died, and

the queen died of grief’ is a plot (Kaplan, 1993: 172).

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Next, it is of great importance to recognize the “plurality of narratives” stemming

from a number of heterogeneous voices (Sandercock, 2003). In this particular

study, media narratives are considered as central to destination branding and in

shaping city image through the power of spotlight events.

Last, the power of media narratives help “vision alternative futures” (Flyvbjerg,

1998: 8) of cities, due to the fact that media create visual imagery and mental

maps for cities by capitalizing on the power of spotlight events.

In the analysis of the Eurovision Song Contest 2007 media narratives (Chapter 4),

the focus is on how Helsinki is framed in words and what stories have arisen from

hosting the ESC that in return have promoted certain images of the host city and

host country. In the empirical part of the thesis that follows attention is given to

how Helsinki and Finland are represented in the news media, how the ESC brand

image and the city and nation image were associated, and what are the

implications on tourism and destination brand image.

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3. RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

3.1 SCIENTIFIC ORIENTATION OF THE STUDY

The theory in Chapter 2 consists of the theoretical foundations that form the

conceptual basis of this study and explains how those theoretical foundations

illuminate events, phenomena and relationships based on the research data

analysis. In the words of Northcutt and McCoy (2004: 309), “the literature serves

more as conceptual lens through which to view the findings of the study.” The

idea of Maxwell (1996: 33) that sees “theory as spotlight” is an interesting notion

for this study that deals with the power of spotlight events in destination branding.

In the words of Maxwell, “it [theory] draws your attention to particular events or

phenomena and sheds light on relationships that might otherwise go unnoticed or

be misunderstood.”

This chapter presents the research methodology, the process of data collection and

the analysis and interpretation of the selected material. Also, it addresses the issue

of appropriateness of the chosen research methods.

3.2 RESEARCH APPROACH AND METHODS

My methodology follows a qualitative approach. The qualitative research is

exploratory and inductive in nature. Yin (1993) considers exploratory cases as a

prelude to social research. Indeed, this research is an introduction to

understanding how a city is perceived, which is vital to know before destination

branding efforts commence.

The main method employed is case study analysis. The case study of Helsinki city

as the host of Eurovision Song Contest 2007 and the ways its brand image has

been depicted in the media, indicating the role of spotlight events in city brand

image creation and the catalytic role of media in the process. The aim of this

research is to contribute to the exploration of destination image impacts due to

spillover effects from spotlight events and, also, the exploration, exploitation and

future utilization of media material otherwise gone unnoticed by event organizers,

tourism professionals and city administrators.

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Therefore, desk research will be conducted using the method of qualitative media

content analysis in order to explore perceptions and attitudes towards destinations

and to understand how those are formed in documents and, especially, in news

media stories.

For Altheide (1996: 2) a ‘document’ can be “any symbolic representation that can

be recorded or retrieved for analysis” and ‘document analysis’ is “an integrated

and conceptually informed method, procedure, and technique for locating,

identifying, retrieving, and analysing documents for their relevance, significance

and meaning.” In this study, the documents analyzed are news media articles and

policy documents mainly retrieved from the Internet.

Firstly, the data to be analyzed comes from free access data on the Internet such

as publications of governmental and non-governmental institutions such as annual

reports, marketing brochures and official policy papers, evaluation assessments of

nations and cities. These documents show the position that Helsinki and Finland

hold in the global arena and, also, the strategic importance of spotlight events in

promoting certain city images. Document analysis of the policy papers and the

various rankings of the city and the country provides necessary background

knowledge on the brand of Helsinki and Finland and reveals useful perspectives

that helped addressing the right issues when conducting the media content

analysis of the media documents.

Additionally, media content analysis will be conducted. The sources of research

data are online newspapers, travel magazines and blogs. I have chosen to analyze

media documents in order to identify the city image created by media narratives,

when cities host spotlight events that attract international media coverage. The

major part of this study is media content analysis with emphasis on media

narratives (storytelling). I believe that before creating or altering destination

image, it is necessary to know what the existing image is and how urban reality is

projected via the news media.

In this study, storytelling or narratology is seen as a way branding is done in

practice. According to Newbold et al. (2002: 84) narratology is one of the main

strands particularly relevant to qualitative content analysis. Narratology focuses

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on the narrative or storytelling within a text with emphasis on meaning that may

be produced by its structure and choice of words (Macnamara, 2006: 15).

In order to identify narratives in media texts, the analysis searches for means of

temporal ordering and structures (beginning, middle and end). Besides, in order

to identify how narratives are turned into stories, the choice of words and means

of emplotment are explored. The definition of narratives and their connection to

place branding and the role of media are explained in detail in chapter 2.3.

In the case study of the Eurovision Song Contest 2007 in Helsinki, the focus is on

how the place is framed in words via media narratives, what city images and

representations are portrayed in the media texts and how these images influence

the knowledge about a place in readers’ perception. It is important to note that

media are perceived as a factor that plays an important part in society and one of

the many heterogeneous voices that construct urban reality.

3.3 APPROPRIATENESS OF THE CHOSEN METHODS

This section addresses the issues of reliability and validity of the research study

and explains the appropriateness of the methods employed.

I have chosen qualitative research methods due to their certain features. As Payne

and Payne (2004: 176) describe, qualitative methods: a) treat actions as part of a

holistic social process and context, rather than as something than can be extracted

and studied in isolation, b) they utilize non-representative, small samples (…),

rather than working from large representative samples to identify the broad sweep

of national patterns, c) rather than starting with a theoretical hypothesis, and

trying to test it, they explore the data they encounter and allow ideas to emerge

from them (for instance, using inductive, not deductive, logic).

Firstly, I have chosen desk research of media content, which is a time-effective

and inexpensive way of collecting large amounts of information. On the other

hand, among the disadvantages of desk research is the fact that the amount of

information available may be limited, incorrect or out of date. Some researchers

criticize the “intensive and time-consuming focus” on “small samples of media

content” of qualitative content analysis as “unreliable” (Macnamara, 2006: 6).

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However, in this research project conducting a desk research does not threat the

validity of the results because the intensive focus on small samples of media

content -even if outdated- reveals the evolution of city image in the news media

and acts as a tool that enables drawing comparisons among city images during a

certain period of time.

Also, Payne and Payne (2004: 51) remark that, “content analysis is one of the

most important, and under-rated, research methods.” Even though content

analysis was “originally a quantitative way of evaluating written texts,

particularly newspaper ‘stories’ (ibid.)”, my approach in this study is qualitative

content analysis. I aim to turn “mundane, taken-for-granted texts and transforming

them into interesting objects of research” (Abercrombie & Warde 2000; Harvey

& MacDonald 1993: 36-49 cited in ibid., 52).

Through media content analysis, I wish to unfold media stories that create city

imagery. The reasons I have chosen media content analysis are threefold: firstly,

due to my educational background in Communication and Media studies;

secondly, due to media’s global prevalence in setting the agenda and influencing

public perceptions; and thirdly, due to the abundance of media documents

available for analysis on the Internet.

Media documents such as online news media articles and blog posts are my

research data. Retrievability and access are two of the advantages of studying

media documents. In an era of information saturation and advances in information

technology, such as online search engines and databases, researchers are offered

numerous tools in their disposal.

Societal and technological changes explain why media documents have nowadays

become more easily accessible, retrievable, and affordable. Additionally, due to

the fact that mass media are getting increasingly global, the documents published

on the Internet -especially in the websites of newspapers- are available to a wider

audience, have a longer lifespan and impact on a larger amount of readers

dispersed around the globe, compared to the disposable, tangible newspapers.

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Moreover, exploring electronic media documents offers an advantage to my desk

research as it allows conducting search of thousands of documents within a few

seconds. In support of the emphasis in this study on material available on the

Internet, Glasgow Media Group (1976) states that, “The shift from print-based

media to electronic forms like TV, video and the Internet did not invalidate

content analysis. Rather, it spawned new forms of codification to handle images

and symbolic representations” (cited in Payne & Payne, 2004: 53).

However, due to the geometric expansion of media documents, the major role of

popular culture in everyday life and the massive changes in electronic media, a

great amount of data remains non-utilized. Altheide (1996: 6) accurately identifies

that:

“No culture in history has been more recorded or replayed -but yet not

analyzed!- than that of the Unites States and increasing portions of

Western Europe. More and more experience, business, news, and fun

were being processed as ‘media’ products.”

Similarly, Combs (1984) states that:

“Indeed, it is partly because such materials are on ‘record’ and have

been studied as cultural documents that we have a better understanding

of the impact of popular culture on ‘nostalgia’, ‘cultural myths,’ and

our sense of the future” (cited in Altheide, 1996: 6)

The intention of this study is to utilize already available data, which in this case

are the most appropriate to describe the phenomenon of destination image and

how spotlight events affect it. By conducting a media content analysis, I describe

how media narratives create and develop urban reputation based on spotlight

cultural events that assist city branding and subsequently enhance city event

tourism. I believe the chosen qualitative approach to research through media

narratives can yield new and exciting understandings on how image is shaped and

perceived by the media and, subsequently, by the public.

Additionally, Macnamara (2006: 6) recognizes that “media texts are polysemic”,

which means they are open to multiple different meanings to different readers.

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Accordingly, qualitative content analysis “relies heavily on researcher ‘readings’

and interpretation of media texts (ibid.)”. As a qualitative researcher, I

acknowledge bringing my own cultural meanings to the interpretation of the

chosen media documents of this research. This thesis reflects my interpretations

as the meaning incrementally emerges through constant readings of the data.

Altheide (1996: 10) refers to this process as ‘emergence’ and defines it as “the

gradual shaping of meaning through understanding and interpretation”.

Regarding the chosen method of media content analysis, as Payne and Payne

(2004: 53) explain “[it] helps to explore such issues, as well as throwing light on

the connections between coverage and public perceptions”. Also, since mass

media “set the agenda by selecting what they include and prioritize (ibid.)”, media

content analysis explores popular public misconceptions about places and their

status in the world’s memory.

Macnamara (2006:18) identifies two key roles of mass media: a) as the world’s

most powerful communication channel and b) as one of the world’s largest

databases. Many research studies that show that mass media have significant

impact and effects on public awareness, perceptions and sometimes behaviour

such as buying decisions and media are important influences affecting brands,

reputation, corporate image and the success of marketing and communication

campaigns. In the words of Macnamara (ibid.):

“Reports from far corners of the world can impact a share price, a

brand or reputation. Editorial media content also influences readers,

viewers and listeners -sometimes even more than advertising.”

Also, Macnamara believes that understanding the content of editorial mass media

is increasingly important for organizations involved in public communication

such as cities, tourism organizations and culture organizations. This study shares

the same opinion and views news media as powerful agents of image creation,

change and enhancement and travel motivation.

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3.4 RESEARCH PROCESS OF THE STUDY

This section explains how the data was found, collected, organized and analyzed.

Media document analysis essentially encompasses four stages: a) finding and

gaining access to the documents, b) collecting data from them, c) organizing the

data, and d) analyzing the data. My exploratory study seeks to provide an analysis

of the city and country image, spotlight event image and the implications of

hosting a spotlight event to the host city in terms of image and stereotypes.

3.4.1 SELECTION OF CASE STUDY

This research focuses on the image of Finland and its capital city Helsinki as they

are depicted in the English-speaking, online and print news media, especially

when Helsinki won Eurovision Song Contest in 2006 and became the event’s host

in 2007.

The written texts in my disposal are newspaper articles from online and print

news media, blog entries and policy papers. The research data comes from my

personal desk research online and from organizations that allowed me to use their

material for this study.

In this thesis, my intention is not to measure the column inches of an article

neither to identify the location of it in the news media (front-page news or ‘buried

inside’) nor to count how frequently words or topics are included. My interest is

rather shifting to qualitative priorities such as interpretation and subjective

meaning. However, it is evident that due to hosting the ESC 2007 the coverage

and interest of the international media towards Helsinki and Finland has

dramatically risen in terms of the numbers of articles written that include

mentions of the host city Helsinki and Finland as a nation. In contrast to the

classic form of content analysis, I am describing how news media act as image

creators and storytellers when narrating cultural phenomena and what storytelling

themes emerge from the media narratives that impact destination image.

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3.4.2 COLLECTION OF THE DATA

Throughout this research project, I had in my possession a folder containing

written reports from Finnish Embassies in 27 countries regarding the local media

exposure of the ESC 2007. The folder, which was obtained by Johanna Korhonen

from Greater Helsinki Promotions Ltd., contained all the relevant articles mainly

in the print or electronic media of those 27 countries regarding Finland, Helsinki

and the hosting of Eurovision Song Contest as well as 1-4 pages summary reports

from the Finnish Embassies.

However, because of language constraints and due to the fact that my analysis is

based on content and, therefore, demands an excellent command of the language

of the media documents, I have skimmed through the folder and concluded that I

will use only articles in English from countries that have English as an official

language such as United Kingdom, Canada, Australia and New Zealand.

Then, I retrieved the research material from the online versions of those English-

speaking countries’ newspapers. I have collected the research data by typing the

titles I found in the folder or -in order to enhance my sample- by typing keywords

indicating my topic of interest in commercial search engines and library

newspaper databases. The period of data collection lasted from January until

February 2009.

Even though my case study is ESC 2007 in Helsinki, a number of important

articles would have been omitted had my main search term been ‘Eurovision

Helsinki’. Therefore, I have used a number of broader keywords and key phrases

in my search such as ‘spotlight events Helsinki’, ‘branding Finland’, ‘Eurovision

Finland’, et cetera. The snowball sampling technique has resulted in the

enrichment of the research sample in terms of size and quality of the material;

specifically, more relevant news have been retrieved after coming across a

particular one.

In that way, I managed to obtain a satisfying and representative sample of data for

the following part of in-depth data analysis. After the relevant newspaper articles

or documents have been located online, they were then downloaded onto a hard

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drive and, also, onto a usb-removable disk for back-up in case of mechanic

failure. The documents were also printed for analysis and notetaking.

During the data collection process, I have skimmed through hundreds of

documents, I have read many of those and I have finally selected 31 documents.

In most of the 31 documents the unit of analysis was the newspaper article itself.

With repeated readings and notetaking, I will become familiar with the media

stories and as certain themes emerge I will create a grand narrative that

accommodates all the media narratives into a Eurovision story of Helsinki. The

electronic bibliography at the end of the thesis includes all the articles used as

research material for this study. The list of all the articles used as research data for

this study is found in Appendix A.

3.4.3 ANALYSIS AND INTERPRETATION OF THE DATA

After having collected the data, data analysis is the next stage. The unit of

analysis of the electronic documents are titles, paragraphs, sentences and, even,

words. In my media content analysis, the key text elements studied are those

listed by Macnamara (2006:17):

1. Adjectives used in descriptions (positive and negative) which

give strong indications of a speaker’s and writer’s attitude

2. Metaphors and similes used

3. Tonal qualities such as aggressiveness, sarcasm, flippancy,

emotional language

4. Binaries established in texts and how these are positioned and

used

5. Context factors such as the position and credibility of

spokespersons or sources quoted which affects meaning taken from the

text (for instance, if one message is presented by a high profile expert

it will generally outweigh a non-expert opinion).

Moreover, Payne and Payne (2004: 52) focus on the study of language “to

distinguish between neutral vocabulary and words with emotional connotations

like nicknames, vernacular symbolic phrases, buzz-words, and symbolic phrases”.

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Similarly, Jagger (2001, cited in ibid.) poses questions on tonal qualities and the

use of terminology, “Is the overall tone positive, neutral or negative? How do

impressions get built up and then modified through the choice of terminology?”

In my qualitative research, content analysis seeks the meaning behind the words.

The focus in this research of media narratives is in: structure, choice of words,

plot and characters as well as words, sentences, paragraphs or ‘stories’, symbols,

and themes referring to city image, for instance, architectural landmarks, nature,

culture, local people. Also, binaries, tonal qualities, metaphors and similes, as

well as adjectives will be extensively analyzed along with stereotypes and

negative attitudes from the writers’ perspective.

In my qualitative media content analysis (Chapter 4), I will make extensive use of

quotations from the sources in order to highlight the stories told by the media,

integrate them into my own grand narrative and bring the subject to life for the

readers. Also, quotes from the other policy documents are used. Payne and Payne

(2004: 52) agree that qualitative stances suggest, “more reporting of detail,

verbatim quotation and discussion of interpretation.”

Altheide (1996: 25) claims that major news sources are entertainment oriented.

Therefore, it is vital before analyzing media documents to be aware of the

entertainment factor present in news, especially in the culture and tourism section

of newspapers. As a result, my analysis approach has an entertainment factor as it

aims at analyzing the data in a creative way taken from fairy-tales and

storytelling.

The Eurovision Song Contest 2007 in Helsinki offers an interesting case study of

how spotlight events can act as an opportunity for places to attract valuable media

exposure. Using a combination of analysis and review of official documents and

media coverage, chapter 4 of this thesis contributes to the understanding of how

Helsinki and other destinations, in general, can take advantage and utilize media

opportunities that are created by international spotlight cultural events in order to

reinforce and extend the place’s brand image for both national and international

audiences.

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4. THE GRAND MEDIA NARRATIVE OF EUROVISION,

HELSINKI AND FINLAND

In order to understand how destinations are branded through spotlight events, it is

necessary to analyze the media portrayals of cities that hosted a major event and

identify the role spotlight events in destination image enhancement and increase

of event tourism. This chapter presents the findings of the analysis and the

interpretation of the empirical data combined in a grand narrative of knowledge

about Finland, Helsinki and Eurovision.

4.1 EUROVISION NARRATIVES: FROM NATIONAL SHAME TO

NATIONAL PRIDE

“Once upon a time…”

In 1961, the French presenter Jacqueline Joubert began the Eurovision Song

Contest with the words ‘Good evening, Europe!’ and welcomed three new

countries: Spain, Yugoslavia and Finland.4

Pajala (2007: 72) accurately points out that:

“In the salutation, ‘Europe’ was equated with Western Europe, as the

programme was not yet broadcasted in East European countries.

Finland was situated at the outskirts of the initial Eurovision Europe,

as neatly illustrated by the map used to introduce the songs of the 1961

contest. It was framed in such a way that it only included parts of

Norway and Sweden and a small southwestern corner of Finland. The

map is an important visual symbol for Europe, and here it gave a

central position to West European countries, marginalizing the North.”

Viewing the map as a powerful visual symbol of national identity and image

explains why when talking about nation, region or city branding, a common

metaphor to describe the desired outcomes of the branding initiatives and process

is to ‘put a place on the map’.

4 http://www.eurovision.tv/page/history/by-year/contest?event=278#event_info_278

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In some media narratives analyzed for this study, the Eurovision Song Contest is

described as a “campy, over-the-top annual musical contest5”, “an annual

kitschfest6”, a “festival of flocks and schlock7”, “a contest for years dominated by

lightweight pop and sugary ballads8”, a “tune-free nonsense9”, a “cheesy

competition10” and, even, a “circus11”.

On the contrary, in other media narratives, it is said to be “the continent’s most

excruciatingly wonderful cultural event12”, a “glamorous spectacle13”, a “pop

culture tradition for Europeans14” and a “mixed blessing of a publicity bonanza15”

for the host city.

Although, the ESC is being heavily criticized for its commercialism, questionable

aesthetics, standardized tunes, meaningless lyrics, and vote- trading among

neighbour countries, some countries more than others perceive the whole

enterprise as critical to their national identity, image and positioning.

Jim White writes, in a flippant and sarcastic tonal quality, about the difference in

perception of the Eurovision amongst Great Britain and other participant

countries:

“Others see the contest as a platform to parade their national identity,

an opportunity to flourish their new-found independence. We [British]

view it as a giggle, a bit of comedy camp and a chance to let Wogan

[Terry Wogan, the BBC’s Eurovision host since 1972] sample a new

golf course.16”

5 CBC Arts (11 May 2007) 6 Financial Times (11 May 2007) 7 ibid. 8 The Guardian (22 May 2006) 9 The Telegraph (19 Mar 2007) 10 Milwaukee Journal Sentinel (4 May 2007) 11 The Guardian (22 May 2006) 12 The Telegraph (22 May 2006) 13 Financial Times (11 May 2007) 14 Milwaukee Journal Sentinel (4 May 2007) 15 The Telegraph (22 May 2006) 16 The Telegraph (19 Mar 2007)

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Despite the mixed reactions to the ESC, the televised event “is typically watched

by more than 100 million TV viewers around the world17”, which makes

Eurovision a transnationally broadcasted, live musical entertainment spectacle

that raises immense media attention.

The Eurovision Song Contest is the largest and most-watched international

festival of popular music, as well as one of the world’s longest-running annual

television programmes. Eurovision is a spotlight event that captivates the

attention of millions of viewers and engages thousands of fans that travel to each

year’s host city to experience the competition unfolding.

4.1.1 TRUE FANTASY : THE FAIRYTALE OF FINLAND ’S VICTORY

After years of unsuccessful attempts, Finland’s first ever Eurovision victory in

2006 raised phenomenal media attention to the country and the host city. A

number of international journalists and travel writers visited Finland in order to

cover the ESC and to give their accounts and reports on Finland’s cultural and

tourist attractions.

After the long-awaited success in Eurovision that has caused a “decades-old

national trauma” (Björnberg, 2007:17), Finns were clearly eager to celebrate an

end to 40 years of Eurovision humiliation. In the news media the success is

degraded to a non-disaster. “It was Finland’s first win in 40 years of competition.

In fact, it was Finland’s first non-disaster in 40 years of competition.18”

In the media narratives, failure in the ESC is presented with humour as

synonymous to Finland, “Finnish entries have come last a record eight times, and

younger Finns had begun to think that ‘Finland Nul Points’ was how foreigners

translated ‘Suomi’.19” However, Pajala (2007:71) explains that:

“ ‘Finland, zero points’ has become a popular phrase to describe the

Finnish Eurovision experience. The Eurovision Song Contest is

represented as a source of negative emotion, a national humiliation.

17 CBC Arts (26 May 2006) 18 The Telegraph (22 May 2006) 19 ibid.

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The words “Finland, zero points” are of course never heard in the

actual ESC broadcasts, but they have popular appeal as a shorthand

expression for Finland’s perceived position in Eurovision.”

When metal rock band Lordi were selected as Finland’s entry to the Eurovision

Song Contest 2006, the feelings were mixed. Both national and international press

saw Finland’s entry as “shocking choice20” and numerous articles were written

about Finland’s representatives. A sentence that best summarizes the perspective

of the news media on the events refers to Lordi as “a Eurovision-ruling monster

metal band that gave shy Finland an identity crisis.21”

This study seeks insights into media narratives about Eurovision and Finland as

well as interesting links between events, places and stories. Here, I combine the

media narratives about Finland’s victory in Eurovision into one grand narrative

using the Fairy-tale Model. According to Fog, Budtz and Yakaloylu (2005), the

four elements of storytelling are: a) message, b) conflict, c) characters, and d)

plot. Those constitute the Fairy-tale Model, which can be useful when developing

or analyzing a story. Below I embark on Finland’s fairytale titled ‘True Fantasy’.

4.1.1.1 Characters

Every story typically starts out with the main character, the hero, pursuing a goal.

The hero has one or more arms of support but there is always an adversary, who

tries to work against the hero and thereby establishing the conflict. Also, any story

that follows the Fairy-tale Model has a beneficiary and a benefactor (Fog, Budtz

& Yakaloylu, 2005: 37). One of the rules of thumb for a good story is to “put

faces on the characters in your story” (ibid.,117).

20 CBC News (6 February 2008) 21 World Hum (21 February 2008)

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Figure 5. The Fairy-tale Model

Once upon a time… There was Mr. Lordi, who had “horns protruding from his

forehead and sports long black fingernails22” and “red demon eyes23”, Kita, an

“alien-man-beast predator24”; Awa, a “blood-splattered ghost25”; Ox, a “zombie

bull26”; and Amen, a “mummy in a rubber loincloth27” dressed in “suits of

armour28”.

The main characters of the story –“the face of Finland29”– are described as heroes

taken out of a fairytale. Lordi are portrayed in non-flattering ways using

metaphors and similes that refer to them as a “demonic-looking musical

22 The New York Times (24 April 2006) 23 ibid. 24 ibid. 25 ibid. 26 ibid. 27 ibid. 28 CBC Arts (21 May 2006) 29 The New York Times (24 April 2006)

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quintet30”, whose members resemble “extras in a zombie film31”, “cartoon

metalheads32”, “slasher film imitators33” and “heavily made-up monster

mutants34”.

Finland’s fairytale embarks in the Eurovision Song Contest 2006. Lordi are the

heroes (anti-heroes or underdogs, as will be explained below) fighting to bring

victory to Finland. Lordi’s arms of support are their fans that believe that Lordi’s

uniqueness can deservingly represent Finland’s identity and music culture in the

contest. Lordi’s loyal fans and supporters “had been so determined to end

Finland’s history of failure in the contest that they launched a fundraising

campaign to pay for the band’s pyrotechnics.35”Also, the supporters of Lordi are

holders of the “world record for the most people singing karaoke simultaneously,

after more than 80,000 gathered in Helsinki to welcome home the Eurovision

champion band and sing its winning song Hard Rock Hallelujah.36”

The adversaries that posed obstacles to the heroes were religious groups,

politicians, citizens and others that saw Lordi as a disgrace and a non-

representative sample of Finnish music and identity. In the narrative of Finland’s

first ever victory in Eurovision history, the benefactor is the Finnish government

that gave the financial aid for the heroes to pursue their goal and the beneficiary is

both Lordi in the short-term and Finland in the long-term.

30 CBC Arts (26 May 2006) 31 The Telegraph (22 May 2006) 32 The Guardian (22 May 2006) 33 The New York Times (24 April 2006) 34 ibid. 35 The Guardian (22 May 2006) 36 CBC Arts (29 September 2006)

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Figure 6. Finland’s Eurovision Song Contest Fairy-tale

4.1.1.2 The Message – From underdogs to heroes

The main message of Finland’s fairytale is how an underdog can transform into a

hero overnight. In detail, three themes were identified in the media narratives

describing the ride from Finland’s failure and obscurity to victory in Eurovision.

Those three themes spring out of well-known fairytales, religious narratives and

comic stories of the Western world; namely, the Ugly Duckling, David vs.

Goliath and Dennis the Menace.

Fog, Budtz and Yakaloylu (2005) addressed several well-known fairytale themes,

which illustrate how classic fairytales, which we all relate to, can represent the

core story and brand image of companies. Here, these fairytale themes were

further evolved and adopted to fit the purposes of the analysis of spotlight event

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image and city image as presented in media. In particular, the message of an

underdog turning into a hero is portrayed in the following themes:

a. The Ugly Duckling

The heroes started out as the black sheep that nobody thought would ever amount

to anything. Regardless, with unwavering belief in their qualities and skills, they

have become a force to be reckoned with, surprising and impressing even their

harshest of critics (adapted from Fog, Budtz & Yakaloylu, 2005: 94).

Finland’s representatives in the ESC 2006 began as “outsiders37” and left as

“unexpected winners38”. They have surprised and impressed their critics, which

have mocked and ridiculed the band prior to their victory. The following passage

from one the one of the highest-traffic English-language news websites is

indicative:

“Dressed as bloodthirsty orcs and warning Europe to ‘get ready to get

scared’ the rockers from Arctic Lapland took the stage as Eurovision

outsiders and left as winners.39”

b. David and Goliath

The hero is small and flimsy compared to its competitors, but thanks to

determination and effort, it is able to challenge the big boys and emerge victorious

–against all the odds (adapted from Fog, Budtz & Yakaloylu, 2005: 94).

Another theme that reinforces the underdog notion, which is the main message of

the grand narrative of Finland’s first-ever Eurovision victory, is the story of David

and Goliath. In the bible, the young and small Israelite, David volunteered to fight

the Philistine giant, Goliath. In spite of discouraging insults and fearful threats,

David did not stop and, in the end, he won the battle.

This bible story resembles Lordi’s pathway to Athens ESC 2006 to compete for

their country and their return as heroes to Finland, which would host the ESC

37 The Guardian (22 May 2006) 38 ibid. 39 ibid.

68

2007. Metaphorically, it seems that in Finland’s true fantasy fairytale, the

battlefield is the Eurovision Song Contest, where the national entries are hoping

to emerge victorious at the end in order to bring the hosting of next year’s

spotlight event to their country.

However, it has to be emphasized that the underdog is not Finland’s contestant

but rather Finland as a nation. The fact that Finland used to score low and rank in

the last places of the Eurovision results had reinforced an image of a remote,

small country in the outskirts of Europe with no caliber music export. Finally, in

2006 Finland challenged countries with successful music exports and success

stories in the ESC, such as the Big Four counties40, and emerged victorious –

against all odds.

Also, the news media draw extensive comparisons between Finland and

neighbour Sweden –a country with a long history in making popular hit music–

and its famous pop export ABBA, which is referred as the “notable Eurovision

winners who went on to further fame41”. These mentions have an impact on the

Finnish national identity, image and positioning, since Finland has been under the

Swedish rule and, therefore, historically influenced by Sweden. The Finland’s

image is examined in chapter 4.2.

c. Dennis the Menace

Dennis the Menace is characterized by his “unconventional and capricious

approach that sometimes shocks, often surprises but never bores [its audience].

The hero is well-liked because he acts honestly and with good intentions, without

being fuddy-duddy (adapted from Fog, Budtz & Yakaloylu, 2005: 94).”

Dennis the Menace is a comic strip that became a well-known film and television

cartoon series. Dennis is an anti-hero similar to Lordi, Finland’s representatives in

the ESC 2006, and, therefore, Finland as a nation. Lordi are indeed characterized

by their unconventional approach that shocks and surprises but never bores. Lordi

as the heroes of the media narratives are well-liked because they were proven an

40 United Kingdom, France, Germany and Spain contribute most to the EBU budget and automatically qualify to participate in the ESC each year. 41 CBC Arts (11 May 2007)

69

interesting twist on Eurovision fashions so that journalists could create

compelling stories with universal messages that audience would find appealing.

The message ‘from underdogs to heroes’ has proven to be a catchy media topic

that contributed to the immense visibility of the event. Also, the heroes that were

surrounded by mystery and projected the underdog image made them easily

identifiable and even attractive to the audience.

4.1.1.3 Conflict

Conflict is a vital part of good storytelling. Fog, Budtz and Yakaloylu (2005: 33-

34) argue that, “The very lifeblood of a story lies in the field of tension between

the two outer poles: unpredictable chaos and predictable harmony. Like the hero

who ventures out in search of adventure and returns home safe and sound in the

end.”

In Finland’s emplotted grand narrative, the outer poles are rather predictable

failure and unpredictable, unexpected victory. The “atrocious42”ensemble found

great opposition in the very beginning of their adventure since “Lordi’s shock

tactics have not met universal approval at home43”. The “evil44” anti-heroes

pursued to gain victory for Finland, while battling conflicts and opposition in their

homeland and abroad.

Lordi were accused by Finnish religious leaders of “inspiring Satanic worship45”

and as “agents sent by Vladimir Putin to destabilize Finland before a Russian

coup46”. But Mr. Lordi, vocalist Tomi Putaansuu, “denies any satanic leanings47”.

The harsh critics, also, called for “President Tarja Halonen to use her

constitutional powers to veto the band48” and send a “traditional Finnish folk

42 The Guardian (22 May 2006) 43 ibid. 44 The New York Times (24 April 2006) 45 ibid. 46 ibid. 47 The Dominion Post (3 December 2007) 48 The New York Times (24 April 2006)

70

singer49” instead. Similarly, an anti-Lordi fury spread in Greece, the ESC 2006

host country, where for some people Lordi were personae not gratae.

Lordi, who were accused of trying to bring “hell to earth50”, cleared it up by

saying they were not aligned with the devil, but to the more powerful force of

metal, “We are not Satanists. This is entertainment51.” In conclusion, the

prevailing binary discovered in media narratives is the battle of ‘good versus evil’

in the form of “Finnish religious leaders52” versus “satanic worship53”, the battle

between music genres “heavy-metal monster band54” versus “traditional Finnish

folk singer55”, and the battle between Finland’s exports Santa Claus and Lordi

that both spring from Arctic Lapland.

4.1.1.4 Plot

General speaking a traditional story can be segmented into three parts; beginning,

middle and end. First, the scene is set. Next, the progression of change creates

conflict and sets the parameters for the rest of the story. The conflict escalates but

is finally resolved, marking the end of the story (Fog, Budtz & Yakaloylu 2005:

42).

When the cast of characters are in place and the conflict is known then the way

the events of the story unfold is what constitutes the plot. Equally important is the

message of the narrative, which acts as the final moral or the lesson learnt of the

story and ties the story with all its elements such as characters, message, conflict,

events and places. The Story Model in Figure 7 shows how stories progress in

time.

49 The New York Times (24 April 2006) 50 http://www.news.com.au (22 May 2008) 51 ibid. 52 The New York Times (24 April 2006) 53 ibid. 54 ibid. 55 ibid.

71

Figure 7. The Story Model

In short, in the fairytale of Finland’s entry in ESC 2006, the plot opens

melodramatically when ‘underdogs’, who threaten Finland’s national image

abroad, are chosen to represent Finland in Eurovision. The conflict starts when

Lordi are mocked and sentenced to a priori failure. Despite the strong opposition

in Finland and abroad, Lordi finally perform in Athens and against all odds

triumph over competition. That is the point of no return of the story that

constitutes the initial phase of the story’s climax. The ‘underdogs’ bring the long-

awaited victory to Finland and are acclaimed ‘national heroes’. The ugly

ducklings have been transformed overnight into swans and, as for Finland;

Eurovision was turned instantly from a source of embarrassment to a source of

immense pride.

Lordi’s victory was seen as “a victory for rock music56” but also as “a victory for

open-mindedness57”. Mr. Lordi predicted his band’s win would open the doors

for a wider range of musical styles at Eurovision. In Mr. Lordi’s words, as he is

56 CBC Arts (21 May 2006) 57 ibid.

72

quoted extensively in the news media, “This is proof that from now on there will

be more rock bands who will have the courage to join in. 58”

The story fades out when Finland’s capital, Helsinki, wins the bid to host the ESC

2007. The moral of the story is that a small nation with a negative reputation and

a poor image in the ESC can project its music representation as a wild card choice

and, eventually, enhance a differentiating and diverse image for the country.

“…And they all lived happily ever after.”

4.1.2 EUROVISION AND NATIONAL MUSIC REPRESENTATIONS

In the ESC, the competing performances carry potentially dense cultural

meanings associated with issues of national, regional, and European identity and

their musical representations (Björnberg, 2007:15). One of the many functions of

the Eurovision Song Contest is to “display the musical representations of national

identities” (ibid.,16).

In an article, leading character Mr. Lordi says, “Many Finns would rather have

sent someone boring and acceptable than to be represented by freaks like us59”

acknowledging that their peculiarity and differentiation from the Eurovision norm

would cause “a stunning upset for a competition that is usually associated with

upbeat pop sounds or bland dance music.60”

The Eurovision Song Contest has been notoriously famed for its Europop catchy

tunes and “Take That wannabes61” sent by most European countries. In 2006,

Finland caused “a tectonic shift in Eurovision fashions62” and “offered up tongue-

in-cheek63” “cartoon metal band Lordi64”, who “despite their bulky furs, romped

home in first place65”. The winning song, Hard Rock Hallelujah, one of “the most

58 ibid. 59 The New York Times (24 April 2006) 60 CBC Arts (21 May 2006) 61 http://www.wnew.com (24 April 2008) 62

The Telegraph (11 May 2007) 63 The Telegraph (11 May 2007) 64 http://www.wnew.com (24 April 2008) 65 The Telegraph (11 May 2007)

73

rocking Eurovision entry since Abba’s Waterloo66” signified “a marked contrast

from the bubblegum songs Eurovision tends to attract67”.

Yet Terry Wogan described Finland’s entry “as a new level of foolishness68”,

while The Guardian’s rock critic, Alexis Petridis believes that the Eurovision “has

become an event all about spectacle and flamboyance69” and wonders, “When did

quality music ever come from the Eurovision anyway?70”.

Nonetheless the fact that Lordi received a record of 292 points, made up of votes

from almost all participating countries, was treated as an event marking a unique

and important historical change in the music representations of the Eurovision

Song Contest.

“Lordi gained 292 points, the highest score in Eurovision history, and

their crushing victory was heralded as a turning point for a contest for

years dominated by lightweight pop and sugary ballads.71”

After Finland’s victory, Lordi’s lead singer Tomi Putaansuu stated that Lordi

“changed the face of Eurovision forever72”. However, a year after his statement

Putaansuu admitted he was wrong, “The glitz and the kitsch are back.73”

4.1.3 EUROVISION AND NATIONAL IDENTITY

Despite the fierce opposition and conflict raised by Finland’s entry in ESC 2006,

some saw Lordi as a great representation of Finland and Finnishness, since “the

monster squad expresses the warrior spirit of the Vikings74”. The opinion of Alex

Nieminen, a Finnish advertising executive and a high-profile expert, adds a

national significance to Finland’s entry:

66 ibid. 67 CBC Arts (13 May 2007) 68 The Guardian (22 May 2006) 69 ibid. 70 ibid. 71 ibid. 72 CBC Arts (13 May 2007) 73 ibid. 74 The New York Times (24 April 2006)

74

“The band harks back to the Hakkapeliittas, the legendary Finnish

cavalry unit that fought as part of the Swedish army in the 17th

century. [Lordi] embody Finnish self-assertion after decades of

isolation.75”

Another credible source quoted in the news media is one of Finland’s leading

music critics. In the words of Ilkka Mattila:

“ ‘Finland, zero points’ has become a source of deep embarrassment in

the nation’s psyche. So Lordi’s success must be understood as a vote

by people who feel we have nothing to lose.76”

‘Finland, zero points’ shows how deep the constant failures in Eurovision have

impacted the national pride of the Finnish nation. Although exaggerated as a term,

from the research of Pajala (2007) in the Finnish press it is evident that the

general public opinion about Eurovision and its relation to Finland entries has

been negatively associated. Additionally, the theme of the ‘eternal underdog’ is

portrayed again, supported by the notion that the choice of Lordi representing

Finland was a wild card, a risk from people who were utterly disappointed and

had “nothing to lose” (ibid.).

However, after Finland’s victory in the ESC 2006, responses from the highest

political and state levels were triggered. After Lordi’s triumph, the underdogs

were transformed into national heroes and they were no longer seen as a source of

embarrassment for Finland but as a representative sample of Finnish music

export. Finland’s president Tarja Halonen congratulated the band with a telegram,

and the culture minister, Tanja Karpela, said it showed Finnish music could

succeed abroad.77

The return of Lordi back to Finland was a celebration of national pride

accompanied by an official presence from the very highest level, since Finnish

President Tarja Halonen was also present to congratulate. According to the

international version of Finland’s leading newspaper, in the welcoming event,

75 The New York Times (24 April 2006) 76 ibid. 77 The Guardian (22 May 2006)

75

Tarja Halonen handed over a bronze key awarded to the band by the Association

for Finnish Work in recognition of the members’ triumph in Athens, Sampo

Square in Rovaniemi was renamed as Lordi Square and “Prime Minister Matti

Vanhanen, a purported hard rock fan, has pledged government funds to finance

the gig [ESC 2007 held in Finland]78”.

Finally, Lordi’s song Hard Rock Hallelujah that caused a nation- and European-

wide heated controversy was turned overnight to the spring’s national anthem.

After Lordi’s unexpected victory, “Hard Rock Hallelujah has been a mainstay on

Finnish radio, their album The Arockalypse is approaching platinum status and

stories about the band have been featured on the front pages of newspapers and

local tabloids.79”

Apart from the media exposure that Lordi received, a great amount of articles

about Helsinki, Finland, Finnish exports, culture and tourism were published in

the international press. The place narratives are analyzed in chapter 4.2.

The end of the story of Finland’s success is marked by the victory of another

‘ugly duckling’ from a small country. On a similar note, the Eurovision Song

Contest in Helsinki passed the torch to the next underdog that won. “Serbia’s

Marija Serifovic was crowned the winner of the Eurovision Song Contest at the

final extravaganza in Helsinki Saturday night.80” Similarly to Lordi’s story,

Serbian Prime Minister Vojislav Kostunica as a state representative spoke on

behalf of the Serbian nation and congratulated the winner acknowledging the

victory of Marija Serifovic as a national quest and Serbia hosting ESC 2008 as a

matter of the national importance. “Congratulations, Marija! Serbia is very proud

tonight and celebrates your success.81”

4.1.4 EUROVISION AND EUROPEAN IDENTITY : CENTRE AND PERIPHERY

Throughout the history of the ESC, it appears that the attention raised by the event

has been considerably greater in nations, which in geographical and/ or cultural

78 CBC Arts (26 May 2006) 79 ibid. 80 CBC Arts (13 May 2007) 81 ibid.

76

terms belong to the ‘periphery’ of Europe than in its geographically/ culturally

‘central’ nations (Björnberg, 2007:16).

The analysis of narratives in the British media indicates that journalists-

storytellers use a sarcastic and elitist approach to refer to the music

representations of Europe’s peripheral nations, “to see people from countries

you’ve never heard of perform weird concoctions on stage is just fantastic82.”

According to Björnberg (ibid., 17), the ESC functions as a space for a “symbolic

revenge of the margins”, an opportunity for culturally peripheral nations to

distinguish themselves among nations normally playing the principal role in the

dissemination of popular culture.

Geographical and cultural neighbours due to political alliances or similar musical

tastes usually exchange votes. Figure 8 depicts a humorous representation of

Eurovision’s voting alliances. The tactic of how regional clusters exchange votes

in the ESC known as ‘buddy-voting’ or ‘bloc-voting’ is mentioned extensively in

news media narratives. In an ironic tone, Eurovision is said to be “awash with

voting cartels and carve-ups, about as close to a free exercise in democracy as a

general election in Zimbabwe83”. In the extract below, Janine Gibson writes about

“bloc-voting84”, where the Balkans and Turkish diaspora are presented as the

villains of the story:

“Last year, Wogan railed against the bloc-voting. With fire and

brimstone he denounced the unfairness of the neighbourhood boost.

These days, what with the popular phone vote and emigrant

populations, anyone with a working knowledge of land-locked

boundaries of Balkan states and the Turkish diaspora can figure out the

result beforehand. 85”

82 The Guardian (22 May 2006) 83 The Telegraph (19 Mar 2007) 84 The Guardian (14 May 2007) 85 The Guardian (14 May 2007)

77

Figure 8. Friendship blocs in the Eurovision Song Contest

(Source: lyricstranslations.com)

The British press takes a serious political stance about Eurovision and European

identity with a humorous yet sardonic approach that scapegoats East European

countries, which are blamed for trading votes regardless of the quality of the

competing songs:

“Like nostalgia, Eurovision’s nowhere near as good as it used to be.

But democracy is the enemy of idiosyncrasy, and across the steppes

neighbouring countries vote for each other en bloc with almost Soviet

regularity. Of course, the EBU still tries to keep up appearances. Every

national capital gets to show off its Starbuckstrasse in a quick tourist

78

promo, before its blondest national treasure clips through the top

marks from that country’s phone vote.86”

Eurovision and European identity are closely related topics in the media stories

analyzed. The British press often makes the distinction between the Big Four

countries (United Kingdom, Germany, France and Spain) and the rest of

participant countries. The writer of the extract below envisions the formation of a

“Western bloc87” with “its own currency, without borders, and with a joint

constitution88” that would “vote only for each other89” in opposition to the

‘Eastern bloc’ and the ‘Balkan-bloc’:

“It’s clear that if any nation west of the Danube hopes ever to win the

Eurovision Song Contest again, we must form a Western Bloc: the

UK, France, Germany, Spain, Italy, Portugal, Ireland, Holland,

Belgium, Switzerland, Monaco... we must all put aside old prejudices

and vote only for each other. Then, and this is only a mad idea, these

nations could form a community, with its own currency, without

borders, and with a joint constitution. It could be ruled from

somewhere central, such as Brussels. Peace and harmony would reign.

Or is that just an impossible dream?90”

Despite the popularity of the event with television audiences in 140 countries,

many will still find themselves agreeing with the sentiments of the New Zealand

humorist Joe Bennett that Eurovision “makes one long for war91”. At least until

the lights go down, Eurovision is a battlefield of national identities and their

musical constructions. Politics in Eurovision are a common topic of debate as the

ESC represents a wide range of cultural and political issues especially about the

relationships, cultural and linguistic diversity between European nations.

For instance, it is clear that in the narratives of the British media the notion of

being ‘European’ in connection to the ESC does not appeal to British people, who

86 The Telegraph (11 May 2007) 87 The Telegraph (13 May 2007) 88 ibid. 89 ibid. 90 ibid. 91 ibid.

79

are “famously Euro-sceptical” (Raykoff, 2007: 8). The extract below indicates

how the press perceives Britain’s relationship to Eurovision in relation to their

powerful music exports:

“You might imagine the nation that gave the world the Beatles, David

Bowie and the Stone Roses, the country whose popular music artists

remain a hugely significant earner of foreign currency as they fill the

record stores and concert venues of the continent, would have a

chance. But it is nothing to do with history, quality, or ability. Britain’s

relationship with Eurovision is a bit like Brazil entering the World Cup

knowing a linesman’s flag will overrule any goal they score. No

wonder, then, we tend not to take it as seriously as some other

participants.92”

Furthermore, the choice of the English language -even though it is the national

language of Britain and Ireland- in most of the national ESC entries is another

issue that has raised immense media discourse. Despite the cultural and linguistic

diversity among Eurovision participants, English is the contest’s lingua franca.

The British press is being sarcastic to the fact saying that, “Oscar Wilde might

have described Eurovision as an entire continent divided by a common

language93”.

The ESC rules state the principle of ‘freedom of language’, which poses no

formal restrictions on the language of the national entries. Remarkably, singing in

English has become the norm among contestants from across the regional

European spectrum. As Torres writes,

“400 million Europeans from different regions as a whole tune in together to

listen to each other at the ESC what they hear is by and large a succession of

national entries sung in a de facto lingua franca.”

The Anglo-American domination of the international popular music market may

explain why English language is used as the common linguistic denominator. The

same can also justify the choice of collecting and analyzing data in English for 92 The Telegraph (19 Mar 2007) 93 The Telegraph (13 May 2007)

80

this study due to the fact that the English language is the global lingua franca in

media, communications, and entertainment.

4.2 PLACE NARRATIVES: NATIONAL IDENTITY AND IMAGE

“The affair [Lordi’s entry], has exposed the insecurity of a young

country whose peculiar language is spoken by only six million people

worldwide and whose sense of identity has been dented by being part

of the Swedish Kingdom and the Russian Empire until gaining

independence in 1917. Most Finns would rather be known for Santa

Claus than heavily made-up monster mutants. In Finland, we have no

Eiffel Tower, few real famous artists, it is freezing cold and we suffer

from low self-esteem.94”

Putaansuu’s, Lordi’s frontman, aptly remark above is indicative of the identity

and image debate evoked by the choice of Lordi to represent Finland in the

Eurovision Song Contest. This chapter analyzes all issues of nation branding and

national image and stereotypes in news media narratives about Helsinki and

Finland in connection to Eurovision. Also, a few older narratives are quoted in

order to explore the change (or not) in Finland’s image.

In the first half of the quote, Finland seems to be in an identity crisis. Finland

appears like a young country with a “dented95” national identity and insecure

about its “peculiar language96” spoken by only 6 million people. The severely

crashed and impacted national identity can be justified by historical reasons since

Finland was first part of the Swedish Kingdom (hence the West) and then the

Russian Empire (hence the East), before it gained its independence.

In the second part of the quote, first, I distinguish the binary between good and

evil, which is a theme commonly used to create conflict. Santa Claus and Lordi,

two of Finland’s exports and well-known personalities abroad, are colliding in

order to find out who is going to be the face of Finland; second, the mention about

the lack of iconic buildings as signifiers of national status “in Finland, we have no

94 The New York Times (24 April 2006) 95 ibid. 96 ibid.

81

Eiffel Tower97”; third, the lack of the nation’s creative class’s international

success “few real famous artists98”; forth, the harsh climatic conditions “it is

freezing cold”; and fifth, the emotional and psychological issues of the Finnish

people, who are suffering from “low self-esteem99”.

Within these statements, there are elements of truth. At least, the truth of Mr.

Lordi, who accurately points out all the elements needed to create and develop a

successful destination brand. Nature, climatic conditions, infrastructure and

flagship buildings, as well as music exports all add to national image. In Finland’s

case, those elements are not in abundance and, therefore, the efforts to build

national image should be based in immaterial elements such as spotlight events,

which use places as backdrops where stories can unfold.

4.2.1 IMAGES OF FINLAND

Apart from the Eurovision grand narrative presented in chapter 4.1.1 with its

characters, message, conflict and plot, journalists are focusing their stories on

Finland and its brands and exports. Among with the Eurovision journalists, a

number of travel writers also visited Finland to write about the country as a

destination. “Finland has always seemed like the independent traveller’s Everest -

icy and difficult to conquer100” but does that image change when journalists get to

know the place and its people?

Articles in the news media about Finland were very scarce before 2006. In this

research, only two extensive articles were found about Finland, dating back at

1989 and 2001. Leslie Li uses a metaphor to introduce the readers to Finland’s

geography: Finland is shaped like a summer squash, with the Arctic Circle the

stem, the capital of Helsinki the base, and the lake region the fleshiest part, where

the country bellies out. 101

In the past, Finland’s nature provided an exotic setting in media narratives and,

therefore, it has been the main aspect associated with the country. Finland

97 The New York Times (24 April 2006) 98 ibid. 99 ibid. 100 The Guardian (30 June 2007) 101 The New York Times (16 April 1989)

82

represented the exotic, the undiscovered land of the thousand lakes, the northern

lights, snow and the arctic, low temperatures. Finland has been commonly known

as “the land of a thousand lakes102 103”. Indeed, with a population of about five

million, Finland has one lake for every 26 people104. Also, the water element was

often presented as part of urban life. “The beaches are clean and easily accessible

and on warmer summer evenings can become party zones105.”

Also, Finland’s legal concept of ‘everyman’s right’, which gives everyone the

chance to enjoy outdoor pursuits, and the freedom of the country’s vast forests,

lakes and rivers, with few restrictions, is mentioned in the media narratives:

“Finland, one of the most densely forested countries in the world,

contains 10 times as much forest per person as any other part of

Europe. Public access to lakes, forests and other outdoor areas is

granted every Finn by law and custom – it’s known as ‘everyman’s

right’106.”

The fact that Finland is a vast country occupied largely by landscapes of lakes and

forests is seen as an escape from the realm of everyday life, an opportunity to

experience a different kind of summer holiday than mass-tourism’s typical ‘sea,

sun, sand’ and head for a destination that has historically been a choice of affluent

travellers, such as the tsarist Russian tourists and currently attracting urban

travellers that want a quiet, close to the nature break.

“There are just 16 Finns to every 16 sq km of Finland, but it isn’t until

you’re actually in the landscape that you really appreciate how gifted

the country is with space. If it’s escape from the summer hordes you’re

looking for, then this is the place to come, as the original tsarist

Russian tourists did in the 19th century and as thousands of city-living

Finns do today every summer weekend.107”

102 ibid. 103 The Guardian (8 September 2001) 104 The New York Times (16 April 1989) 105 The Guardian (8 September 2001) 106 The New York Times (16 April 1989) 107 The Guardian (9 June 2007)

83

Li points out Finland’s political system and it relationship with Russia.

“Finland today maintains an amiable but autonomous relationship with

its huge neighbour to the East and is proud that, alone among small

nations involved in World War II, its democratic system never ceased

functioning, and it successfully resettled the 400,000 Finns who lost

their homes under the peace treaty signed with Moscow.108”

Finland is portrayed as a “highly industrialized and socially progressive

nation109”, a wealthy country based on an extensive welfare system.

“[In Finland] the per capita income is higher than that of England or

France, and where education, culture, social services and health care

receive by far the largest share of the national budget.110”

In many articles, sauna is among the most well-known exports associated with

Finland as its country-of-origin. As Spooner puts it, “Before Nokia came along,

the sauna was arguably Finland’s greatest export and no visit to Helsinki is

complete without at least an hour ensconced in cleansing steam111.” From 2001,

Finland starts to be associated with IT, innovation and technological advances

rather than mere natural elements. But ‘sauna’, which is Finland’s linguistic

export to the rest of the world, still wields the sceptre in media narratives and is

associated with Finnish national identity.

“In Finland the sauna is not just always close geographically, but also

philosophically and socially too. Perhaps this shouldn’t be surprising

as the smells and sensations of the sauna are somehow hard-wired into

the Finnish psyche112.”

After Finland’s first-ever victory in Eurovision with Lordi in 2006, more cultural

exports of Finland are found in the news media. According to Sheers, “the most

108 The New York Times (16 April 1989) 109 ibid. 110 ibid. 111 The Guardian (8 September 2001) 112 The Guardian (9 June 2007)

84

famous Finnish export [are] the Moomins113”. The Moomins are world-renewed

white creatures, characters in a series of books and a comic strip by Swedish

speaking-Finnish illustrator and writer Tove Jansson. This success story of

Finnish literature became the basis for numerous television series, films, a

Moomin opera as well as a theme park in Finland. Indeed, Tove Jansson and her

Moomins are a central theme of Finnish culture (Räihä, 2005).

O’Brien proposes visiting the National Museum of Finland in order for the

visitors to get a sense of Finland’s history, “from Stone Age finds to Viking

artefacts, wooden church interiors, 18th-century elegance and more, you get an

absorbing view of the country’s past at the National Museum of Finland 114”.

Lastly, among the most widely known destinations and exports of Finland are the

Finnish Lapland and its capital Rovaniemi that is branded as the hometown of

Santa Claus. Interestingly, the media reinforce again the binary of good versus

evil when drawing associations between the beloved Santa Claus and the devilish

foursome Lordi, since both come from the “small town of Rovaniemi just north of

the Arctic Circle115”.

4.2.2 FINLAND AND MUSIC REPRESENTATIONS

Finland’s classical music tradition and world-renowned Finnish conductors that

have contributed to the country’s reputation in an international level are

mentioned extensively in the media narratives.

Back in 1989, Li writes about the Savonlinna Opera Festival that transforms every

summer from a place with a poor image and no cultural amenities to a lively

cultural hub that attracts lots of local, national and international visitors: “Every

July Savonlinna is transformed from a sleepy little town of 28,500 to a cultural

hub filled with 100,000 Finnish and foreign music lovers come to attend the

Savonlinna Opera Festival, one of Europe’s oldest musical events116”

113 ibid. 114 The Independent (8 September 2007) 115 The Telegraph (22 May 2006) 116 The New York Times (16 April 1989)

85

In 2007, the year that Finland hosted the ESC, some journalists identified a void

between the death of the “nation’s musical hero117” Jean Sibelius and Finland’s

first-ever victory in ESC 2006, which placed Finland on the map again. The lack

of positive mental associations between music and Finland and the halt of Finnish

music export after the death of Jean Sibelius are mentioned below:

“The words ‘music’ and ‘Finland’ have rarely been associated since

the death of Sibelius in 1957, a year after the birth of the Eurovision

Song Contest (although the two events were not related).118”

On the contrary, it is a fact that Finnish artists can succeed in Europe. Finnish

music export saw a rise in 2000, when several Finnish groups such as Bomfunk

MC’s and Darude had produced international top-ten hits. Finnish music export

continues to be on the increase. According to Music Export Finland, “the market

value of Finnish music export in 2008 was over 23 million euros, which was 4

million euros more than in 2007”. However, in the media Finland’s music export

seems marginal and not worth mentioning. The news media with their

gatekeeping role filter what information the will write about and what not. So,

recent success stories are not mentioned or probably not associated with Finland.

In general, based on the analysis of the news media narratives about Finland, the

music life in Finland is portrayed to be bi-polar with clear dichotomies between

two types of music. “The two most popular forms of music in Finland are death

metal (as caricatured by Lordi, Finland’s winners of last year’s Eurovision Song

Contest, and no, nobody here takes them seriously either) and tango.119” Indeed,

those two images of metal and tango are evident throughout the news media

analysis. In the following chapters (4.2.2.1 and 4.2.2.2), Finland’s images as the

tango capital of the world and as home of metal are analyzed in detail.

117 The Independent (8 September 2007) 118 The Telegraph (22 May 2006) 119 The Guardian (30 June 2007)

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4.2.2.1 Finland: tango capital of the world

In 2004, Finland was portrayed as the “tango capital of the world120”. In addition,

journalist Peter Culshaw comments on the association of tango with Finland:

“I was already aware that the Finns excelled at classical musicianship

–several major orchestras now have Finns waving the baton, including

Sakari Oramo at Birmingham– but the tango was a surprise.121”

The article presents how the Argentinean temperament meets up harmoniously

with the Finnish one as Peter Culshaw narrates his own images and stereotypes of

Finland, such as Finland’s drinking culture and the melancholic nature of Finns.

He explains that tango “not only does it chime with the country’s temperament, it

helps keep the men sober122.”

Also, Culshaw’s article features a quote from Jukka-Pekka Saraste, one of

Finland’s world-renowned conductors arguing that: “Tango is a mirror of the

Finnish soul, giving direct access to the melancholy that is an essential part of our

nature123”. That ties in with the image of Finns as “a people not easily given to

merriment or excitement124” (see chapter 4.2.3.)

4.2.2.2 Finland: home of metal

After the Eurovision Song Contest that turned Lordi into an international success

story, widespread international press coverage was prompted at the Finnish heavy

rock boom. Finland’s image got enriched with one more dimension. From a

nation named as the “tango capital of the world125” in 2004, Finland is now

introduced as the “home of metal126”.

Various Internet sources such as music websites and blogs offer their own account

of Finland’s metal and rock music export. Specifically:

120 The Telegraph (07 Jun 2004) 121 ibid. 122 ibid. 123 ibid. 124 The Telegraph (13 May 2007) 125 The Telegraph (07 Jun 2004) 126 http://www.wnew.com (24 April 2008)

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“Based on recent trends, Finland is fast becoming the home of metal:

Children of Bodom, Nightwish, Sonata Arctica, HIM , Apocalyptica,

Tarja Turunen and the Rasmus are all proving that days without sun

and reindeer meat can result in some pretty serious music.127”

Metaphorically speaking, Finland is portrayed as the land of metal, which gives

birth to great Finnish metal bands. Visual imagery depicts Finland as a dark,

sunless land where people eat reindeer meat and produce metal music. This might

be a stereotypical view of the country but it definitely creates a distinctive image

and adds one more node in Finland’s association set. Here, there is a nation image

contradiction between Finland’s harsh, infertile arctic climate and the fertile

grounds in terms of metal music creation and export. This contradiction is useful

in the narrative as it can turn negative place characteristics into assets. For

instance, instead of focusing on the extreme arctic Finnish climate, the successful

music production and export are highlighted that add a positive node in the

public’s mental maps about Finland.

Finland’s first ever victory in Eurovision eulogized new music tastes and ethics.

In the news media, Lordi are often compared to Jean Sibelius and heavy rock

music is referred to as Finland’s “new heritage128”. One young, Finnish female is

quoted in The Guardian:

“As Finns celebrated on the streets of Helsinki, Satu Puolakka, a 19-

year-old student, struggled to come to terms with her new heritage.

‘It’s not Sibelius, but they [Lordi] have their own way,’ she said.129”

In the article “Oh Lordi! Finn metal is the new face of Eurovision130” even Matti

Vanhanen’s –Finland’s Prime Minister’s– music taste became a source of public

dialogue as, “suspicions were deepened by the sudden conversion of Matti

Vanhanen, who said yesterday that he quite likes rock and ‘heavy music’131”.

127 http://www.wnew.com (24 April 2008) 128 The Guardian (22 May 2006) 129 ibid. 130 The Telegraph (22 May 2006) 131 ibid.

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Despite the music tastes of the Prime Minister, Finland “has an extraordinarily

large Goth demographic and that may have had some bearing on the rather dark

and depressing nature of most of the [Eurovision] entries132.” Also, the rock

scene in Finland is flourishing, “heavy metal is mainstream and Helsinki abounds

with metal karaoke bars, dedicated clubs and regular gigs133”. Metal related event

tourism could be a possibility for Finland to capitalize on its image as the home of

metal.

Towards that direction of attracting more visitors, especially those with a rock

music orientation, is the organization and management of spotlight events like the

heavy music-related Metal Expo and the Metal Mass that are hosted in Finland

and attract media’s attention.

“Finland also holds an annual Metal Expo, which this past February

featured Municipal Waste, Mustasch, Ari Koivunen, Kiuas, the

Sorrow, Sotajumala, Amberian Dawn, Cause for Effect, the Scourger

and Discard.134”

The increase of metal-related events after Lordi’s victory and the succeeding

increase of stories in the mainstream news media are indicative of the impact of

Finland’s Eurovision experience on the country’s music field, music export and

country image. Herald Sun refers to Finland’s extravagant passion with metal

music in connection to Lordi’s victory in Eurovision as such, “It is not surprising

metal hymns have surfaced in Finland -it won the Eurovision Song Contest for the

first time in 2006 with Lordi’s Hard Rock Hallelujah135”.

Also, Herald Sun sheds light on Finland’s pioneering effort to arrange Metal

Mass:

132 Herald Sun (22 September 2008) 133 ibid. 134 http://www.wnew.com (24 April 2008) 135 Herald Sun (22 September 2008)

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“Most teens may not get excited about church, but in Finland they go

out of their way to attend in the latest testimony to the country’s

infatuation with heavy metal music: Metal Mass.136”

Metal Mass co-founder Mikko Saari explains the connection between the

newfound national identity in connection to the nation’s psyche and its musical

preferences, “metal’s appeal lay in the Finnish character - reserved, serious,

honest and possibly gloomy137.” The music is connected with emotional and

psychological characteristics that are believed to be stereotypical parts of the

Finnish identity. The next chapter explores and analyzes the images and

stereotypes of the people of Finland as they are depicted in the news media

coverage of the Eurovision Song Contest.

4.2.3 IMAGES AND STEREOTYPES OF FINNS

Stereotypical or not, journalists use various adjectives to refer to the physical and

behavioural characteristics of Finnish people in the media narratives analyzed in

this study. For instance, Finns are described as “thin-skinned138” “a people not

easily given to merriment or excitement139” yet “reckless140” in their choices.

Finns with their “upturned apple-cheeks141” “know how to party142” and they

“drink the most coffee per capita in the world143”.

Humour and sarcasm are found throughout media narratives about Finland in

connection to Eurovision. A joke that circulates on the Internet seems to have

been said by Finland’s current Minister of Foreign Affairs, Alexander Stubb, to

show how uncomfortable Finns are with themselves, “when they [Finns] meet

someone for the first time, they stare at their own feet. Then, after 10 years of

friendship, they stare at the other person’s feet144”. In his article, Dan Bilefsky

136 Herald Sun (22 September 2008) 137 ibid. 138 The New York Times (24 April 2006) 139 The Telegraph (13 May 2007) 140 The Telegraph (06 May 2007) 141 The Telegraph (13 May 2007) 142 The Guardian (8 September 2001) 143 ibid. 144 The New York Times (24 April 2006)

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continues with a sarcastic remark regarding Lordi, “But there is little risk that

anyone, Finnish or otherwise, will stare at Lordi’s furry platform demon boots145”.

In addition, the stereotype of Finns being shy and appreciating silence are

explained as such, “It’s not that they are shy, quiet and reserved; they just think a

lot before speaking. […] Once you get to know them, they really aren’t so icy.146”

Another political personality quoted in media narratives is Timo Soini, leader of

Ordinary Finns, a traditionalist political party. Soini describes his fellow citizens’

oversensitivity to criticism and what others think of them, referring directly to

issues of self-confidence and the way Finns interpret the world around them. In

Soini’s opinion, Lordi have attracted criticism because:

“Finns are so thin-skinned about how others perceive them. Finns are

suspicious when they see someone new come to play in their sandbox.

And that is particularly the case when that someone looks like a

monster.147”

Moreover, Finns are said to suffer from “the international equivalent of middle-

child syndrome148” in Laurie Winer’s words:

“The Finns may have the international equivalent of middle-child

syndrome. Sandwiched between Scandinavia (of which they do not

consider themselves a part) and Russia, they have been periodically

invaded by both sides. They don’t like to call attention to everything

they’ve got going on.149”

Owen Sheers, who travelled across Finland, claims that from his first-hand

experience, “the Finns are all courteous, practical, reserved yet welcoming people,

it seems there is also, within all Finns, an undeniable propensity for wackiness”

and justifies that “Eurovision winners Lordi150” prove his point on wackiness.

145 The New York Times (24 April 2006) 146 The Guardian (30 June 2007) 147 The New York Times (24 April 2006) 148 The New York Times (14 December 2008) 149 ibid. 150 The Guardian (9 June 2007)

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4.2.4 IMAGES OF HELSINKI

The city of Helsinki has a relatively recent history by European standards –

founded in 1550, it is one of the few major European cities to lack a medieval

centre– and appears as a modern centre with an abundance of innovative

architectural works of steel and glass, but still lacking a particularly strong urban

dimension (Ilmonen, 1998).

Cultural activity is one of the major factors that determine the status of urban

spaces in the global competitive arena. In this study, the focal point is how

cultural spotlight events affect urban dimension and image and how urban

dimension is projected in the news media.

Over the years, Helsinki hosted a number of spotlight events. Chronologically, the

1952 Summer Olympics, were the biggest international multi-sport event ever to

be held in Helsinki and, generally, in Finland. When the two ‘Flying Finns’, as the

press nicknamed runners Paavo Nurmi and Hannes Kolehmainen, lit the Olympic

Flame the Finnish crowd was ecstatic with national pride. Also, stamps, posters,

photographs and numerous newspapers stories were circulated all over the world

heralding and depicting Finland as the host of the XV Olympiad.

In 2000, almost five decades after the Helsinki 1952 Olympics, Helsinki hosted

another spotlight event. Helsinki was awarded the title of the European Capital of

Culture along with eight other European cities celebrating the new millennium. In

2001, soon after Helsinki held the title of the European City of Culture, Andrew

Spooner writes:

“Helsinki is youthful, dynamic and stylish –a city graced by superb

architecture, parks and lakes. Whole areas are given over to souped-up

wireless internet connectivity, wild nightlife and decent food.151”

Additionally, Helsinki is referred to as a “user-friendly152” city with “eclecticism

[that] should satisfy everyone153”. Nature, architecture, technology, entertainment

151 The Guardian (8 September 2001) 152 ibid.

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and cuisine are themes covered in the article as Helsinki is portrayed as a great

getaway for British travellers for the weekend.

Cuisine is an issue of particular interest to the international visitors as the

restaurant and hospitality facilities and offerings are crucial to one’s decision to

visit and stay at a destination. The cuisine perspective is portrayed with emphasis

in a number of media narratives. The cosmopolitan nature of Helsinki is shown in

the following extract, which mentions the co-existence of various cuisines, such

as local Lappish dishes along with Asian and Russian ones:

“Quite decent wok-inspired noodleries abound and sushi is just

beginning to take off. Traditional Lappish sautéed reindeer and

smoked while-you-wait fish can be had along with a smattering of

excellent Russian dishes.154”

Placing emphasis on national cuisine or embracing international elements is

indicative of a nation’s identity and image, and its positioning of the global

gastro-map. Helsinki acquires yet another node into its association set, one of

internationalism in the tourism and hospitality sector.

Furthermore, Spooner in his article recognizes the power of infrastructure in

destination branding. In his article, the built environment and architecture is “a

simple way to grasp the historical forces that have shaped the Finnish capital.”

With vivid language and descriptive adjectives, he gives a lively narrative of

Helsinki’s atmosphere created by signature buildings such as, “the huge white

sepulchre of Engel’s cathedral at Senate Square [that] reveals cobbled streets,

neo-classical grandeur and the nearby Uspenski Orthodox church155”.

The Russian influence on Helsinki’s architecture is projected throughout media

narratives. Depending on the context, Finland is either associated with its Eastern

(Russia) or Western (Sweden) neighbour. The binary between the East and West

is critical in shaping Finland’s nation identity, image and positioning on the

153 The Guardian (8 September 2001) 154 ibid. 155 ibid.

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European map as well as the perception of the country and its capital, Helsinki, in

the international global arena.

Spooner writes:

“Finland, while hanging on to its language and individuality during

Swedish and Russian rule, only achieved independence in 1917 after

the fall of the old Russian Empire. The back streets around Senate

Square are a mini-facsimile of Helsinki’s eastern neighbour.156”

Additionally, Spooner refers to the romantic nationalism era that followed the end

of the Russian Empire, when the built infrastructure of Helsinki was embossed

with Finnish symbols and characters from Kalevala. According to Nipperdey

(1983), romantic nationalism was a “cultural nationalism” and its central

characteristics have been a) the nationalizing of culture and b) the founding of the

nation on the basis of a common culture.

Kalevala, Finland’s national epic, assembled by 32 epic and lyric folk poems,

“marked the beginnings of Finnish culture and served as the basis of Finnish

national identity157”.

“Towards the end of the Russian empire there was a flowering of

national romanticism in Helsinki via huge granite buildings embossed

with Finnish symbols such as characters from the national epic the

Kalevala.158”

Finland’s road to independence was paved primarily by cultural elements of

music, literature, and folklore customs. Indeed, Kalevala, the 19th-century epic

poem compiled by Elias Lönnrot from traditional Finnish oral poetry “did so

much to bolster early Finnish nationalism on the road to independence159”.

Also, Harriet O’Brien identifies the binary between Finland and Russia as she

describes the juxtaposition between Helsinki’s architectural styles of neo-classical

156 The Guardian (8 September 2001) 157 The Independent (8 September 2007) 158 The Guardian (8 September 2001) 159 The Guardian (9 June 2007)

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and art deco, which show the historical and cultural influence of Saint

Petersburg’s style in Finnish design.

“Helsinki was established as the Finnish capital by the Russians, with

much of the centre rebuilt in the early-19th century in the gracious

neo-classical style of St. Petersburg. Beyond this core area lie Art

Deco buildings, designed as a defiant expression of Finnish

identity.160”

O’Brien offers a historical account of Finnish architecture by extensive mentions

of world-renowned Finnish architect Alvar Aalto. Aalto’s architecture became

synonymous with Finnish design and architectural style. The extract below is

indicative of the changes that occurred in Finnish design and architecture in the

1920s and 1930s as well as the contemporary changes that contributed to the an

abundance of innovative architectural works of steel and glass, due t Finland’s

transition into a modern, industrialized, high-tech country and Nokia’s worldwide

success:

“During the 1920s and 30s, flush with the optimism of independence,

a group of young, idealistic Finnish architects and designers led by

Alvar Aalto made their mark. Functionalism and art deco held sway

through buildings such as the central Lasipalatsi - part of the 1940

Olympic village, not used until 1952 because of the Second World

War, and now a public library and media centre. Aalto added to the

functionalism of the city centre with the Finlandia hall on the shores of

Lake Töölö. Now Nokia cash is leading to a massive expansion of

glass and steel superstructures.161”

4.2.4.1 Helsinki during Eurovision

A great amount of media narratives were created about the Eurovision Song

Contest 2007 in Helsinki. Media attention was placed to both spatial and

intangible elements of the host city. The following passage is an excellent

160 The Independent (8 September 2007) 161 The Guardian (8 September 2001)

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introduction that sets the tone and transfers the readers to Helsinki’s Eurovision

atmosphere:

“The sun shines on Helsinki, reflected on the water and the harbour,

the domes of many great churches, and the upturned apple-cheeks of

the Finns, a people not easily given to merriment or excitement. And

yet this city of granite is en fête. For the first time, the Eurovision

Song Contest is in town and the flags and banners are flying in every

street and park. There are great white balloons in the Senate Square. A

stage has been erected and a giant screen, there are white plastic

loungers scattered everywhere, so that those unlucky enough not to

have a ticket for the Helsinki Arena may watch Eurovision in

comfort.162”

In the above paragraph, all elements of city branding are present, including

natural elements (sun, water), landmarks (Senate Square, Helsinki Arena), general

infrastructure (harbour, domes, churches, every street and park) and a cast of

characters (Finns with upturned their apple-cheeks, those unlucky enough not to

have a ticket).

Helsinki during Eurovision was a “city of granite en fête163”. The narrative

vividly describes the festive atmosphere that prevailed on the streets of Helsinki

due to the numerous outdoor events held in various places aiming to engage the

locals and the international visitors. It is interesting to note that “Finnish

officials put on a week-long party to celebrate Eurovision, including a giant street

party on Friday with military parades, samba shows and band performances164”

while “9,000 people packed Helsinki’s largest hockey stadium to watch the event

unfold165”.

162 The Telegraph (13 May 2007) 163 ibid. 164 CBC Arts (13 May 2007) 165 ibid.

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4.2.4.2 Helsinki as a travel destination

Spotlight events acts as image-makers, motivators for travel behaviour and media

strategy. Their unique, once-in-a lifetime appeal creates the feeling of a ‘must

experience’ opportunity for destinations to create, change or enhance their image,

and attract visitors and media coverage.

In 2007, Finland celebrated the 50-year anniversary since the death of the nation’s

musical hero, Jean Sibelius, as well as Helsinki’s 20th International Film Festival.

It was also a Eurovision year for the country. O’Brien, who visited Helsinki,

offers her account on the city and its cultural life: “Finland’s elegant capital

comes alive with film and music in the autumn. The perfect destination for chic

shopping, smart design – and smoked reindeer166”. Helsinki is portrayed as a

stylish capital that is an ideal destination for demanding cultural travellers. Also,

O’Brien poetically describes Helsinki as “a city on the water with a magical

quality of light – particularly so at the start of autumn, when the low sun lends the

Finnish capital a poignant feel.167”

In 2008, less than one year since Helsinki hosted the Eurovision Song Contest,

Helsinki is featured as one of Europe’s “best romantic city breaks168”. In an

article at The Sunday Times Travel Magazine, six romantic city break choices are

listed as destination alternatives to Paris, for those who think ‘the City of Lights’

is an outdated choice for couples. So, among five other destinations Helsinki is

featured as “The Tasty One169”. The storytelling of the article sets the scene as

such:

“The Finnish capital is full of surprises. Some bits feel like Rome, as

you idle over coffee at pavement cafes; others feel like St. Petersburg,

as you stroll by its powder-blue and primrose-yellow Neo-Classical

buildings.170”

166 The Independent (8 September 2007) 167 ibid. 168 The Sunday Times Travel Magazine (February 2008) 169 ibid. 170 ibid.

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Apart from the prominent emphasis on the build environment, weight is given to

cultural aspects such as cuisine and design. The article urges to “head for Helsinki

[which is] rapidly establishing Nordic cooking on the global gastro-map171”.

Restaurant Savoy, an important part of Finnish design history as its dining room’s

interior was initially designed by Aino and Alvar Aalto, is mentioned as

“Helsinki’s most romantic dining spot, with views over the leafy esplanade to the

archipelago172”, where visitors should “expect twists on tradition173” regarding

meals.

In addition, Design Forum, the outlet maintained by the Finnish Society for Crafts

and Design, is described as a place to shop for “sexy stuff174”, a place where “the

latest Finnish designers as well as the kitschest keepsakes parade175”.

Lastly, The New York Times describes Helsinki as “charming, park-filled176”,

“small, safe and fragrant177” city. Also, Helsinki is “one of those cities from

which you return and do things in your daily life a little differently178”.

Dichotomies between the traditional and the contemporary are present throughout

the narrative of Helsinki being a romantic city. From the diverse architecture that

resembles West and East at times, to the traditional with a twist dishes in

restaurants, to the luxurious yet minimalistic designs of hotels and ornaments,

Helsinki holds an image that can appeal to the international travellers with a

richer image than the one-dimensional one media used to project years ago

focusing merely on traditional Finnish characteristics or with one-dimensional

emphasis to certain characteristics.

4.3 DISCUSSION OF FINLAND’S PAST, PRESENT AND FUTURE

The Eurovision Song Contest has raised Finland’s media presence in the

international news media. Along with the media narratives of Eurovision, issues

171 The Sunday Times Travel Magazine (February 2008) 172 ibid. 173 ibid. 174 ibid. 175 ibid. 176 The New York Times (14 December 2008) 177 ibid. 178 ibid.

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about Finland’s history, politics, European identity, culture and music exports

were widely portrayed. Helsinki’s architecture, urban atmosphere and Finnish

people were integral parts of the news media articles and were used as backdrops

and actors for stories to unfold. Tourism, as expected, being next-door to culture,

drew the attention of many journalists -that given the occasion of the ESC- had

the chance to experience the local cuisine, traditions, sights and the way of living

in Finland.

The image of Finland in the news media has been growing more diverse and

multi-dimensional every time major international events have taken place and

journalists have been visiting the country and discovering more facets of

Finland’s identity. The ESC initiated media stories on Finland’s national identity,

history, its position at the crossover between the East and the West, its European

identity as a marginalized nation that is brought to the forefront due to rare

success stories from the cultural field such as Jean Sibelius, Alvar Aalto, Santa

Claus and Lordi.

Previously held images of Finland as the undiscovered land of a thousand lakes,

sauna, forests and reindeer are enriched with images of Finland as a modern,

high-tech, innovative country with rich urban culture, international cuisine, and

stylish and design choices for tourists in terms of hospitality infrastructure. Also,

the association set about Finnish people gains more elements apart from the shy,

reserved stereotype such as the politeness, practicality and hospitality. In

Finland’s mental map, the metal rock element is added along with those of

classical musicianship and the passionate relationship Finns have with tango.

The pairing of the destination brand and the event brand in the media articles

transfer positive elements from the Eurovision as a fun and international event to

the city as a fun and international place as well. The brand image of Eurovision

incorporates perceptions of a certain quality, values and feelings and some of

those, due to the co-branding existed in the media, were transferred to the host

city.

Additionally, it is important when talking about national, city, or destination

branding to be aware of the branding efforts at the levels of strategy and policy-

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making, which signify what the brand identity is and what the ideal brand

positioning should be.

In 2006, the Ministry of Education and its Department of Culture, Sport and

Youth policy of Finland set up a Committee with the task to draw a proposal for a

national strategy for major international events organized in Finland. The

Committee’s report titled “Kansainväliset suurtapahtumat Suomessa: Ehdotus

kansalliseksi strategiaksi179” defined a major international event as “an event with

national significance and one in which the state has good reasons to be involved”.

Among the ‘good reasons’ for the state to be involved in organizing major

international events are the expected “positive and long-term effects180”.

The Committee’s vision of Finland below is indicative:

“[…] a vision of Finland as a place, which is internationally known as

an active, modern, trustworthy and responsible organizer of major

events, and where the cooperation between different players produces

the best-organized events in the world.181”

Over the years, Finland has hosted a number of spotlight events. Since the first

Olympic Games in 1952, the distance between spotlight events hosted in Finland

is getting closer. In 2000, almost five decades after the Helsinki 1952 Olympics,

Helsinki was given the title of the European Capital of Culture along with eight

other European cities celebrating the new millennium.

In 2006, after 45 years of participation, Finland won the Eurovision Song Contest.

Helsinki won the bid over the cities of Rovaniemi, Turku and Tampere and

became the host city of the 52nd edition of the Eurovision Song Contest. The

Eurovision Song Contest in 2007 brought the marginalized geographically

Finland to the forefront and in spotlight of the international media once more.

Overnight Eurovision was turned from a source of embarrassment to a source of

national pride and an issue of national importance. Public officials, Helsinki

179 Report of the Committee on a national strategy for major international events in Finland, Ministry of Education, Finland: http://www.minedu.fi/export/sites /default/OPM/ Julkaisut/ 2006/liitteet/tr27.pdf?lang=fi 180 ibid. 181 ibid.

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City’s cultural authorities, the Finnish Tourism Board, the Finnish Broadcasting

Company YLE, private enterprises and citizens realized that the ESC would be a

unique opportunity to enhance Finland’s image, attract tourists, boost the local

economy and increase citizen pride.

However, still Finland’s brand had not been analyzed internally until December

2007, the Finnish government agreed on the need to define Finland’s brand and to

enhance coordination of international communication among enterprises,

organizations and representatives of various sectors of society. The collaborative

efforts from experts from different areas were organized by the Finland

Promotion Board and overseen by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The working

group included experts from the Finnish Tourist Board (MEK182) and Finpro183.

Jaakko Lehtonen, Director General of MEK, explains why Finland needs

branding:

“Finland is a relatively unknown country. With branding, it is possible to

increase familiarity and interest. People tend to reject marketing

communication because there is too much of it. A brand can pass through

these filters184.”

However, Lehtonen acknowledges the importance of identifying Finland’s brand

identity and its consistency, which can vary from the image portrayed by

marketing, media representations and people’s word of mouth:

“We do not aim to create an unrealistic image. The starting point was to

have a close look at Finland and what it really represents. The image is

created partly by activities such as marketing, but also by media, one’s own

experiences and conversations. The image can be incoherent or even

182 The Finnish Tourist Board, MEK, was established in 1973 under the Ministry of Employment and the Economy to promote tourism to Finland. http://www.mek.fi 183 Finpro is a member organization consisting of over 500 companies, the Confederation of Finnish Industry and Employers and the Finnish Entrepreneurs Organization. http://www.finpro.fi 184 Finpro Magazine. “Finland Is Officially Cool!” Firpro Web site. http://www.finpro.fi/en-US/About+Finpro/ Publications/ Finpro+Magazine/ December+2007/FM+article+Finland.htm, accessed March 2009.

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negative, but if the reality of Finland and any associated communication are

consistent, it invokes the desired positive image.185”

The process of the working group on Finland’s brand started by listing hundreds

of attributes, which described elements of tourism in Finland. The number of

words was narrowed down to the Four C’s: Credible, Contrasting, Creative and

Cool. Lehtonen argues that, “Finland has credibility. It also has positive contrasts

and creativity, which make it a cool country for tourism186”.

Despite the emphasis on tourism, Finland’s brand is seen as a three-sided entity.

The tourism aspect supports the development of foreign tourism in Finland, but

branding can also enhance Finland’s political and commercial status. Lehtonen

argues about the commercial function of branding that, “A country’s positive

image helps exports and helps its companies to establish themselves abroad. The

country is also likely to attract more investments from foreign companies.187”

Around the world cities, regions and nations alike spend millions of taxpayer’s

money on their branding strategies. Therefore, it is expected that these strategies

will produce results. According to Lehtonen, “long-term financing and political

support are key ingredients for a brand’s success188”. In addition, Lehtonen adopts

the view that synergy between various actors is vital for successful nation

branding, “Enterprises, organizations, political leaders and representatives of the

sciences, arts, sports and many other areas should accept the image and further it

as part of their work.189”

Finland’s future seems bright, since it strategically bids to host some of the

world’s major events. Helsinki was designated as the World Design Capital for

the year 2012 and this is another opportunity and challenge for culture and the arts

to collaborate closely with tourism enhancing Finland’s brand and attracting

creative people and tourists.

185 Finpro Magazine, “Finland Is Officially Cool!”, Firpro Web site, http://www.finpro.fi/en-US/About+Finpro/ Publications/ Finpro+Magazine/ December+2007/FM+article+Finland.htm, accessed March 2009. 186 ibid. 187 ibid. 188 ibid. 189 ibid.

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5. CONCLUSION

5.1 SUMMARY OF THE STUDY

This research was fuelled by the desire to identify the role spotlight events play in

city image in a long-term basis and how interrelated fields can collaborate in

order to produce successful events that would enhance destination image and

create a sustainable legacy.

This research has been based on three pillars: culture, tourism and media. This

study explored the reasons why destinations are consciously engaging in place

branding and what they hope to gain, how spotlight cultural events contribute to

destination brand image, and what is the role of media in creating and developing

destination brands through storytelling. Cultural tourism was seen as an essential

part of destination branding efforts; and media, which broadly belong to the

cultural industries, were viewed as catalysts for the sectors of culture and tourism

to interrelate through the transferral of image.

Finally, my exploration into the research field between destination branding,

cultural tourism and media focused on spotlight events and uncovered their power

in image-making by a case study analysis of the media narratives of Finland’s

victory in the Eurovision Song Contest and media images of Helsinki as an ESC

host city.

5.2 KEY CONTRIBUTION OF THE THESIS

I set out to bring knowledge of the fields of destination branding, cultural tourism

and media into a fruitful unit. To a certain degree, this research has managed to

achieve its objectives and through the literature it has been proven that those

fields indeed share common grounds. All three fields deal with events and can

benefit from the study of spotlight events and their impact on destination image,

which can propel urban reputation and have a positive impact on tourism.

My main claim is that a long-term holistic approach to urban branding can

overcome boundaries among disciplines and fields. Theoretical boundaries

between disciplines should be blurred in order to combine and share knowledge

103

that would allow viewing the big picture especially in relatively new fields of

academic knowledge. Various disciplines regard spotlight events through their

own theoretical lenses and perspectives, but in the present study culture in general

and spotlight events in particular were placed at the centre of all the fields

involved. Culture’s pervasive role has to be understood as an adhesive that brings

together culture, tourism and media in an urban context.

Additionally, since all the interdependent fields discussed here belong to the

creative industries, my research used a creative way in order to deal with media

narratives and make sense of a large amount of information that creates city

imagery. Media stories about events and places remain non-utilized. Therefore,

my focus has been on more subtle levels in which the spirit of places behind each

news story is brought to the surface. I searched for stereotypes, generalizations

and myths, which appear in the coverage of events and places, and I discovered

themes that portray place image and help transfer positive event image to

destination image, which creates co-branding associations in people’s perceptions.

Therefore, a practical goal of this study was to indicate creative ways that both

tourism and arts managers could employ in order to measure and understand how

destinations and events are experienced. It would be beneficial for cities to utilize

media narratives as powerful image creators that build stories, myths and images

for places based on events and, also, get inspired by storytelling in order to tell

their own stories of identity, history and desired future.

5.3 MANAGERIAL IMPLICATIONS

The creative and cultural industries are becoming growingly pervasive in all

sectors of society. This transformation has brought about the critical realization

that arts management is needed and its role is intricate. Therefore, employment

opportunities for arts managers are slowly starting to be created in both private

and public, profit and non-profit sectors as well as in various allied fields such as

tourism, media and place branding.

A suitable niche for arts management graduates and professionals could be event

management, since almost all culture and arts organizations are organizing events

104

from one-off mega-events to events hosted regularly. Event management is a

multi-dimensional profession with diverse career opportunities in event

management companies, tourism and hospitality industries, advertising agencies,

public relations firms, and news media.

Event managers are involved in more than just the planning and execution of the

event, but also brand building, marketing and communication strategy. Therefore,

it is essential to understand the complexity of events and the interdependence and

impact on all the involved stakeholders. This research attempts to increase the

knowledge of the event studies component in arts management and highlight

creative ways in achieving objectives within the cross-fertilization of the various

fields of knowledge and practice.

The arts managers of today need to have a wide and diverse knowledge of various

disciplines from law to finance and project management to aesthetics. An

effective arts manager is one who enables art-making and brings it to the public

by shaping cultural policy and media discourse and understanding how the

complex relations between all the involved actors work. Therefore, the arts

manager is an innovator, networker and multi-tasker that facilitates greater

interaction and exchange between art, artists, art organizations, policy makers,

media, places, and audience in a local and international level. Arts managers with

diverse backgrounds should be the ones bringing their own experiences and

engaging with other professionals on the critical issues facing the cultural and

creative industries today.

5.4 RECOMMENDATIONS

Building a destination brand image is not a one-time media event. All

stakeholders involved must support the maintenance of positive place image over

the long run. Spotlight events attract immense media coverage and tourists but the

synergy of tourism, culture and city authorities should keep in mind that the

legacy could be long-lasting if it is constantly cultivated.

Cities are also developing spotlight events to stimulate visitor numbers and

overcome fluctuation of visitation due to seasonality. In order to keep the

105

spotlight on cities and capitalize on spotlight events and enhance tourism, event

managers and tourism officials should be aware that within a city different

attractions may go through a lifecycle, but it is unlikely that they will all be at the

same stage simultaneously with the consequence that while one is declining,

another will be growing.

The idea of synergy is a concept of a critical weight in the area of destination

branding and cultural tourism. A broader coalition of interests is needed to

campaign for the interests of the arts and entertainment, sports, culture and

tourism. The role of the media in projecting place and event images should also

be creatively recognized and utilized.

Without media’s coverage, the potential visitor will not be aware of what place to

visit. Due to either signature buildings such as museums and stadiums or spotlight

events, capital cities -especially- have the great advantage that their image is

constantly being broadcasted in the media. However, the situation is not static and

a place’s position in the hierarchy of destinations to visit is not fixed for life.

There is no loyalty to destinations, and each decision the tourist makes where to

go this year is an opportunity for a nation, region or city.

Firstly, the results of the present study indicate that storytelling is a branding tool

that destination and event managers could implement in practice and in a cost

efficient way. A place’s local stakeholders should strategically and synergistically

identify and select stories they would like to tell to various audiences. It is

important that a place’s reality and its connection to the local community are

taken into account, so that the images projected are not alienated by the image and

reality citizens are experience. However, I still believe that a projected image by

destinations should hold a promise of a better future, it should partially act as a

self-fulfilling prophecy for the destination to develop into all those elements that

it imagines.

Secondly, professional arts managers that have the knowledge of cultural

production, tourism and media should be those actively involved in brand

building. Also, public actors and organizations should join forces with both the

academic institutions and the private forces.

106

Thirdly, educational institutions in tourism and arts management should have

subjects of culture, tourism and media in their curricula and common projects for

the professors and the students to network, share ideas and create multi-

disciplinary results. Especially for the future generations of tourism and arts

marketers, this suggestion would be a great opportunity to enrich their knowledge

and associate with their future co-workers.

Fourthly, developing an image strategy should e understood as a matter of great

importance for all national, municipal and local authorities, arts and tourism

organizations and media. In order to build an image strategy, an analysis of the

current -de facto- image destination brand among local and international

audiences is of the essence. Therefore, my suggestion is that cities should develop

a framework for a continuous news management of the city’s media coverage.

News media stories from around the world could be collected and analyzed. This

analysis would allow evaluation of the success of the marketing and PR efforts of

the destination’s press office, the tourism board and the arts organizations.

Lastly, all stakeholders involved in brand building should be conscious of how

particular communication channels and media can affect negatively or positively

the brand and how over-exposure or exposure to the wrong groups can damage

brands. Sometimes attention is given to wrong, fancy ways forgetting that

simplicity and creativity can yield more authentic results, which are the

prerequisites of the experience economy.

5.5 LIMITATIONS AND SUGGESTIONS FOR FUTURE RESEARCH

The theory and data analyzed in this thesis suggest the value of further work on

the role that spotlight events in strengthening, elaborating or changing a

destination’s brand image. For instance, more work is needed to examine the

ways in which event and place narratives can be most effectively utilized in

destination branding communications, before, during, and after spotlight events.

Spotlight events have a distinctive capacity to excite residents and to appeal to

international target markets. They become the basis for images, stories and

emotions. The challenge for destination marketers, arts managers, place marketers

107

and authorities is to find the best ways to use event images, stories and emotions

to capture travellers’ attention and to build the desired destination brand image

that leads to its favourable perception as a potential travel destination.

This research has presented the focal role of spotlight events and the high degree

of interrelatedness between destination branding, tourism and media. Despite the

intangibility of destination image and event image and the impact of media

coverage on city cultural tourism, emphasis has been given to the non-economic

and intangible impact of events such as image transfer due to co-branding, which

can have monetary and tangible effects on the basis of tourism.

Research on the non-economic impacts of cultural spotlight events and cultural

tourism in cities is rare and has usually been undertaken by academics and

students. This study contributes to the increasing desire for nations, cities and

regions to create successful brands by offering an insight in how media shape

image and how destinations can benefit from the analysis and news management

of media narratives.

Both academics and practitioners have become interested in the relationship

between tourism, culture and destination branding. Developing long-term holistic

approaches to destination branding could be the key for destinations suffering an

image crisis or in search of a new image. A particular issue here is how such

processes can work successfully when both public and private actors and sectors

take part, adapt and learn from each other.

It is evident though that spotlight events are powerful tools for destinations to

enhance their profile and image and, subsequently, attract tourists. The continuous

flow of tourists depends on the ways that each destination handles the media

coverage of its issues and of spotlight events it has hosted. Each special event

should thus be only part of a long-term campaign, which must be cohesive in

order for the results to be sustainable.

The study of destination branding and cultural tourism is still a relatively new

subject, and despite the growing literature, there is still much scope for research.

There is a need for more research about the nature of demand and the interaction

108

of culture and the arts with the tourism, economy, media and society. Especially,

there is a vital need for research on what is the role of image and visibility of

destinations in the media as a starting point before branding efforts commence.

Despite the significant role that events play in tourism since the ancient times,

there has been little research that addresses the use of events in destination

branding. Moreover, although authors note the importance of various arms of the

media in influencing how we interpret cities, there is little detailed case study

analysis. Nevertheless, as the Eurovision Song Contest in Helsinki case in this

research showed, even a one-off event can have a significant impact on

destination brand image via the transferral of images from the event to the

destination, which makes the place more vibrant, active and fun. This paper

contributes to that aspect of the literature focused particularly on news media and

the Internet, and their impact on social and spatial imaginations of destinations.

However, this study was based on one city in a certain country and the research

materials were from English speaking countries only. For these limitations, the

sample of the study might have been narrow, but its objective was to discover and

promote interesting ways that non-utilized media material could become a source

of creativity in branding efforts for destinations.

Media do not only shape public opinion but also they can easily influence public

behaviour by concentrating on certain issues and allowing certain images of event

and places to reach the public. In the case of spotlight events and destination

branding, news media’s power can easily accelerate (or hinder) travel behaviour

and place (or not) destinations on a ‘to visit’ list in the public’s perception.

Those responsible for promoting destinations as tourist locations are keenly aware

of the power of the media. Place imagery can be positive or negative and negative

place imagery and bad publicity is difficult to overcome. A place can get

stigmatized, which would cause a deeper image crisis affecting its image on

public perceptions.

Apart from the media, people who attend an event will return to their homes to

give first-hand accounts of their experience. The destination brand is inevitably

109

implicated by the success of the event and the level of satisfaction experienced by

people who, in the case of the Eurovision Song Contest, attended the event as

spectators, corporate guests, artists, national delegations, officials and the media.

All people that experienced the event and its atmosphere in an urban context hold

personal images associated with the destination brand that will affect their desire

to return to the place and the type of word-of-mouth promotion and stories about

their Eurovision experience.

In the future, researchers could analyze the motivations of travellers visiting a

destination that hosts a spotlight event and discover the influencing factors and

whether knowledge acquired by media played a critical role. Also, visitors’

narratives about their experiences, when visiting a destination during a spotlight

event could, reveal place imagery on visitors’ perception. Apart from how cities

are constructed in words, it would be worth exploring how cities are seen through

the camera lenses of both media and visitors. Photographs and videos create an ‘I

have been there’ feeling to visitors of a destination that like to share them with

their friends and family and even post them on the Internet. Also, photographs

and videos broadcasted by the mass media have a powerful effect on public

opinion and perception.

Additional conceptual clarification needs to be done regarding the relationship of

the experience economy, cities, culture and tourism. I believe the focus on

creating memorable experiences may offer a distinct advantage in the global

competition for tourists. Hosting spotlight events should not be considered as

panacea for image building, tourism development and sustainable event legacy,

but as a major opportunity, depending on how it is utilized, it offers potential

positive or negative impacts.

In conclusion, Anholt’s metaphor, “national image is like starlight which, by the

time it reaches us on Earth, is only the distant echo of an event that started and

finished long before” means that the images and stereotypes that media create

about destinations might not reflect the reality of the place. Despite the bad or

good reputation of places created by the media, we should explore places

ourselves and create our own, personal ‘I have been there, done that’ stories.

110

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APPENDIX A

No. Source Author Title Date 1 The New York Times (USA) Leslie Li A Land of a Thousand Lakes April 16, 1989

2 The Guardian (UK) Andrew Spooner Glossy Finnish September 8, 2001

3 The Telegraph (UK) Peter Culshaw Finland: Home of the tango June 7, 2004

4 The New York Times (USA) Dan Bilefsky Finland Squirms as Its Latest Export Steps Into

Spotlight April 24, 2006

5 CBC Arts (CAN) - Finland’s Lordi monster hit at Eurovision May 21, 2006

6 The Telegraph (UK) Ben Fenton Oh Lordi! Finn metal is new face of Eurovision May 22, 2006

7 The Guardian (UK) Robert Booth &

Helena Smith From the land of Sibelius, a song for Satan May 22, 2006

8 CBC Arts (CAN) - Finnish fans gather to celebrate Lordi May 26, 2006

9 CBC Arts (CAN) - Star-studded 2007 edition of Guinness World

Records released September 29, 2006

10 The Telegraph (UK) Jim White Eurovision is tuneless, but inspirational March 19, 2007

11 Milwaukee Journal Sentinel (USA) Tim Cuprisin Eurovisionary: Weird’s the way as pop and kitsch

collide in contest May 4, 2007

12 The Telegraph (UK) Terry Wogan Wogan’s World (1) May 6, 2007

13 The Telegraph (UK) Neil Midgley Why Eurovision’s not what it was May 11, 2007

14 CBC Arts (CAN) - Singers prepare for Eurovision final May 11, 2007

15 Financial Times (UK) Mark Cook ‘I’m a Eurovision addict’ May 11, 2007

16 The Telegraph (UK) Terry Wogan Wogan’s World (2) May 13, 2007

124

17 CBC Arts (CAN) - Eurovision winner: A Prayer answered for Serbia May 13, 2007

18 The Guardian (UK) Janine Gibson Eurovision: all over, bar the singing May 14, 2007

19 The Guardian (UK) Owen Sheers Land of the midnight sauna June 9, 2007

20 The Guardian (UK) Benji Lanyado Next big Finn June 30, 2007

21 The Dominion Post (NZL) Jenny Ling Oh Lordi... Christians take on fiends of rock December 3, 2007

22 The Independent (UK) Harriet O’Brien 48 HOURS IN... Helsinki, Finland September 8, 2007

23 Times Online (UK) - Six of the best romantic city breaks February 2008

24 CBC News (CAN) - Lordi hopes for monster hit with horror film debut February 6, 2008

25 World Hum Joanna Kakissis Dan Bilefsky: Telling Counterintuitive Stories From

the Edge of Europe February 21, 2008

26 http://www.wnew.com Paul Rhodes Finland: Land of Hard Drinking and Heavy Metal April 24, 2008

27 http://www.news.com.au (AUS) Sean Plambeck The high and very low notes of Eurovision May 22, 2008

28 Herald Sun (UK) - Finns find God is a rock September 22, 2008

30 The Guardian (UK) Saba Salman Brand of gold October 1, 2008

31 The New York Times (USA) Laurie Winer The Local Flavor of Helsinki’s Food Revival December 14, 2008