Maritime Horizons on Early Cyprus, ca. 11,000–1050...

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Maritime Horizons on Early Cyprus, ca. 11,000–1050 Cal BC Seafaring, Coastal Adaptations, and the Archaeological Record

Interim Project Report – June 2016

Duncan Howitt-Marshall


Duncan Howitt-Marshall 2

1. Introduction This doctoral thesis examines the role of seafaring and coastal adaptations (modes of subsistence, settlement and economy) in the rise of social complexity in Cyprus from the Late Epipalaeolithic to the beginning of the Early Iron Age, ca. 11,000–1050 Cal BC. The study draws on five seasons of fieldwork on the maritime landscape of western Cyprus, including a case study of an underwater survey near the Late Bronze Age site at Kouklia Palaepaphos and the discovery of 120 stone anchors and line weights (Howitt-Marshall, 2012). The extended chronological framework, broadly couched between the dawn of agriculture and the aftermath of the ‘systems collapse’ of Late Bronze Age palatial centres throughout the eastern Mediterranean, aims to establish Cyprus within its broader, regional and temporal setting. This research, therefore, is rooted in the Braudelian approach to the longue durée of Mediterranean history and closely adheres to Horden and Purcell’s (2000) theme of (maritime) ‘connectivity’. The evidence for seafaring and coastal adaptations is often overlooked in the study of the development of socio-political forms on early Cyprus. During the Late or Protohistoric Bronze Age (ProBA, ca. 1750/1700–1100 Cal BC), for example, the island is frequently referred to as a ‘crossroads of civilisations’, yet very little research has focussed on the development of maritime coastal communities or the role of seafaring during this period (cf. Howitt-Marshall, 2002, 2003; Knapp, 2014), save periodic references to Cypriot pottery on the Uluburun (Lambrou-Philipson, 1991: 14) or Point Iria (Lolos, 1995) shipwrecks, and the topographical typologies of Bronze Age harbours (e.g. Gifford, 1985; Blue, 1997). By contrast, in earlier periods, from the end of the Late Aceramic Neolithic (Khirokitia phase) to the Late Copper Age (Chalcolithic), a period spanning approximately two and a half millennia, the island is widely assumed to have undergone social and cultural development in almost total isolation, and is often referred to as a ‘sequestered island society’ (Broodbank, 2010: 251, 255). During this time, there is very little evidence for external contact with the Levant or Anatolia, creating a degree of ‘insular idiosyncrasy’ in the archaeological record and a perceived indifference to alternative, comparatively more advanced technologies and modes of existence on the adjacent mainland (Broodbank, 2013: 216). In the last thirty years, there has been a significant number of small-scale underwater archaeological surveys along various sections of the Cypriot coastline (e.g. Giangrande et al., 1987; Leonard and Hohlfelder, 1993; Hohlfelder and Leonard, 1994; Hohlfelder, 1995a, 1995b; Leonard, 1995a, 1995b, 2005; Manning et al., 2002; Howitt-Marshall, 2002; 2003; 2012; Leidwanger, 2005a, 2005b; Leidwanger and Howitt-Marshall, 2006; 2008; Howitt-Marshall et al., 2016; Howitt-Marshall and Leidwanger, in press;). All have provided valuable insight into the longue durée of the island’s maritime past from the Bronze Age to the present; the location of shipwrecks and cargo scatters, anchorage sites, stone anchors, and so on. Very few, however, have attempted to develop a more holistic approach to the wider maritime cultural landscape, seafaring, marine subsistence, and archaeologies of maritime culture during the prehistoric and protohistoric periods (c.f. Howitt-Marshall, 2002, 2003; Knapp, 2014). The motivation for this study, therefore, is to engage the available evidence for seafaring and maritime lifeways from a range of archaeological contexts on the island,



and develop a more holistic approach to the study of early Cypriot society in its broader Mediterranean, maritime context (Fig. 1).

Figure 1. General map of the eastern Mediterranean (B. Sawicky). 2. Aims and objectives The aim of this thesis is to explore the maritime context of early Cypriot society from the beginning of the eleventh millennium Cal BC to the Early Iron Age (LC IIIB–mid-eleventh century BC). This extended chronological timeframe of nearly 10,000 years bore witness to major changes in cultural and economic behaviour throughout the eastern Mediterranean, including the transition from hunting and gathering in the terminal Pleistocene (ca. 11,000 Cal BC) to the emergence of agriculture, the spread of animal husbandry and crop cultivation, the introduction of ceramic technology, metallurgy, and the early stages of ‘urban’ development in the Late Bronze Age. In the latter stages of this timeline, from the Middle–Late Chalcolithic onwards, the region also witnessed seismic shifts in social complexity, settlement organisation, and, over time, the nature and scale of exchange networks in the wider Mediterranean world. The first objective of this thesis, therefore, is to challenge traditional isolationist models of early prehistoric Cypriot society. As more and more scholars turn to broader models of networks and interconnections, the archaeology of islands should now be forced to abandon the traditional criteria of self-sufficiency and change from within, and acknowledge the vital role played by early maritime exchange and modes of connectivity. The concept of ‘Mediterraneanization’ began with Nicholas Purcell (1990) and has garnered continued support over the past 15 years, most recently by van Dommelen and Knapp (2010), Knappett (2011; 2013), and Knappett and Nikolakopoulou (2014), as well as, more generally, Knapp and van Dommelen (2014). Further studies have situated maritime connectivity as the central tenet of their work in the Mediterranean, including Nancy Demand in her treatment of early



Greek history from the Mesolithic to the Iron Age (2011) – broadly the same chronological timeframe covered by this thesis – and Thomas F. Tartaron in his study of maritime networks in the Late Bronze Age Aegean (2013). These studies and theoretical frameworks, as well as Cyprian Broodbank’s instrumental research on the early Cyclades (2000), have greatly influenced this thesis. My principle aim, therefore, is to add to the growing corpus of research that emphasises the importance of exchange in all forms of social, political and economic development. Furthermore, this thesis aims to establish an essential conceptual theory that seafarers were one of the primary agents of social, political and economic change throughout Cypriot prehistory and protohistory, establishing themselves as colonisers, adventurers, merchants and raiders, and driving forward experiments in settlement structure and socio-political forms that filtered back from overseas contacts and broadening spheres of interaction. It is through this lens that we must view changing social and economic practices in prehistoric and protohistoric Cyprus, and not necessarily focussing on the farmers, peasants or social elites who were left behind (Demand, 2011: xiii). This theory, however, presents an obvious methodological challenge. Conceptual and theoretical constructs are often devised by archaeologists to rationalise and ‘bring order’ to a world that is viewed from fragmentary evidence (Tartaron, 2013: 287). The establishment of a framework, which includes geographical scales and the distribution of artefacts and other cultural material, forms an important first step towards interpreting the nature and extent of maritime activity in the prehistoric and protohistoric eastern Mediterranean. The role and status of seafarers in Cypriot society, as well as the development of maritime technology (Fig. 2), must be viewed as a fundamentally important factor in relation to prehistoric and protohistoric social and economic developments on Cyprus.

Figure 2. Artistic impression of a papyrus boat – ‘papyrella’ (drawing: Y. Nakas).



3. Seafaring and maritime connectivity The earliest origins of seafaring in the Mediterranean have their roots in the Pleistocene, when early humans, some of whom pre-anatomically modern, embarked on sea-crossings to islands in search of food and resources (see Strasser et al., 2010; Runnels, 2014; Simmons, 2014; Howitt-Marshall and Runnels, 2016; cf. Leppard, 2014; Phoca-Cosmetatou et al., 2014). The motivations for seafaring form an important component of this study – curiosity and adventure, food, status, raw materials, trade and exchange, colonisation and settlement. Indeed, this thesis aims to demonstrate that, as human colonisation and settlement spread across the Mediterranean world, from the Late Epipalaeolithic (Mesolithic) to the Iron Age, these motivations continued to play a central role in social organisation, economic variations, and the development of political forms from the village to city-states (Demand, 2011: xv; Dawson, 2014: 39–40). Two attempts have been made at modelling maritime connectivity in the Eastern Mediterranean: Broodbank’s (2000) Proximal Point Analysis (PPA) for the Cycladic Islands in the Early Bronze Age, and Knappett (2011; 2013) and colleagues’ (2008) broader model for the Aegean in the Middle Bronze Age. PPA describes patterns in space, connecting points (i.e. settlements) to generate network clusters. The more interactive the network, the denser the clusters, thereby signalling interaction ‘centres’ on the map. Knappett et al. (2008) augmented Broodbank’s model with wider applicability and incorporated more variables that could feasibly influence connectivity, e.g. population density, settlement size, available resources and technologies. Both models simulate the kinds of networks that existed in the protohistoric Bronze Age Aegean to a fair degree, but there is a greater need to emphasise travel times rather than simple linear distances (Tartaron, 2013: 209). The sea is a textured place, with prevailing winds and currents. Incorporating these kind of data (so-called ‘friction factors’), models could more accurately portray the transport distances encountered in the past. As such, this thesis will build a simple but robust model for interacting nodes on Cyprus and the wider eastern Mediterranean. Furthermore, this study aims to explore the notion of seafaring as social agency. The study of seafaring as a social process is a relatively new concept. Helen Farr (2006; 2010) has considered the role and status of seafarers in Neolithic communities in the central Mediterranean, and the symbolic capital of having travelled and seen new things, places, and people, and encountered (and survived) significant risk. This thesis asks the same questions of early Cypriot society: would these factors have amounted to an increase in the social status of seafarers? Is it reasonable to assume that experienced, or ‘master mariners’ enjoyed a significantly elevated status in their local communities? And to what extent did these proposed shifts in social status, a significant phenomenon in the otherwise commonly-viewed egalitarian societies of the Neolithic Mediterranean, form the basis for later social stratification and the emergence of elites in the metal ages? 4. Research questions In the first instance, this thesis explores the significance of Cyprus as the earliest and best-attested evidence in the archaeological record of long-range seafaring in the Mediterranean



during the late Pleistocene (Late Epipalaeolithic/Mesolithic), ca. 11,000 Cal BC. The role of seafaring fisher-foragers has often been overlooked in the early exploration of large islands in the Mediterranean, principally due to the low resolution of the data in the archaeological record. The evidence from Cyprus, however, is absolutely key to the long-running debate on the origins and development of sustained open water seafaring in the Mediterranean. What is the evidence for coastal and island adaptations during this period, the so-called ‘Akrotiri Phase’? And what impact did the arrival of hunter-gatherers have on the island's biogeography and indigenous mega fauna? This study also explores the gap between the Akrotiri Phase and the Early Aceramic Neolithic based on recent evidence from two early coastal sites at Cape Aspros and Nissi Beach (Ammerman et al., 2011), and aims to demonstrate that the archaeological horizons from the terminal Pleistocene/early Holocene transition present us with evidence of seasonal occupations – pre-cursors to more sustained, longer-term settlement in the Neolithic (see Ammerman, 2013a; 2013b; 2014; Vigne, 2013; Vigne et al., 2013; Briois and Guilaine, 2013). Secondly, the spread of farming from the Near East to Cyprus during the Neolithic Revolution/Transition has posed a number of questions regarding the seafaring capabilities of early agro-pastoralists in the eastern Mediterranean. What were their motivations for making the open sea voyage across from the mainland to the island? And what type of seacraft did they use to transport everything necessary for an agricultural way of life? Was it a single 'Noah's ark event' as proposed by Simmons (1998; 2003; 2007), or was it a series of staged visitations over an extended period of time? And what role, if any, did the contemporaneous seafaring hunter-gatherers play in this transition? (See further discussions on early voyaging to Cyprus in Vigne, 2013; Vigne et al., 2013). The existence of water wells at two Early Neolithic coastal sites on Cyprus at Paraklessia Shillourokambos (Guilaine et al., 1998a; 1998b; 2000) and Kissonerga Mylouthkia (Peltenburg et al., 2000; 2001a; 2001b) (Fig. 3) suggest the development of long-term subsistence strategies that are similar to coastal sites in the Levant. These coastal adaptations were the first stage in a Neolithic way of life that spread throughout the region, and a more energetic ‘colonising’ mode that radiated outwards from the Near East. In addition, recent excavations at the inland sites of Vretsia Roudia (Efstratiou et al., 2010) and Ayios Tychonas Klimonas (Vigne et al., 2013; Briois and Guilaine, 2013) have uncovered evidence of small semi-permanent camps that subsisted on local resources and further demonstrate the process of ‘Neolithisation’ on the island. It is currently not known whether Cyprus was continuously occupied between the Late Epipalaeolithic and the earliest Aceramic Neolithic, but it seems plausible that small bands of fisher-foragers maintained a coastal way of life for at least two millennia after the arrival of the first farmers (Knapp, 2013: 62–63). In any case, long-term reconstructions of human agency that lead to the eventual settlement of Cyprus in the ninth millennium BC must place seafaring and maritime activity at the core of the debate. Ongoing debates about the ‘Neolithic Diaspora’ and the transition to the Ceramic Neolithic throughout the Mediterranean in the seventh millennium BC have often neglected the fundamental role of seafaring at this crucial juncture in human history. Successive waves of migrants were often carried by sea, hugging the coastlines or open-sea voyaging from island to island. What routes did they take and how did the physical environment in the eastern Mediterranean facilitate the creation of a Neolithic ‘maritime network’ of population



movement, trade and exchange? It is reasonable to assume that these expeditions would have been meticulously planned and well supported. In the case of Cyprus, early settlers crossed a stretch of open water ca. 70 km wide at its narrowest stretch, demonstrating formidable seafaring skills. Furthermore, the archaeological record has revealed evidence of sustained marine resource exploitation at Neolithic sites along the coastal Levant, most famously at the Pre-Pottery Neolithic C site of Atlit-Yam in Israel (Galili and Nir, 1993). These examples of early ‘Mediterranean Fishing Villages’ demonstrate a pattern of consumption that includes both terrestrial and marine food resources. To what extent was this pattern of resource exploitation in use throughout the Cypriot Neolithic?

Figure 3. Kissonerga Mylouthkia: view of the coastal landscape immediately adjacent the Early Aceramic Neolithic site (photo: D. Howitt-Marshall). As the study progresses through the Early and Middle Chalcolithic (Erimi Culture, ca. 4000–2700 Cal BC), the Late Chalcolithic (ca. 2700–2400 Cal BC), and into the Prehistoric Bronze Age (PreBA, ca. 2400–1700 Cal BC), the development of metallurgy becomes an important focus in the debate on long-term social and economic changes. From the outset of the third millennium BC, a new era of long-distance maritime interaction – or voyaging – in the eastern Mediterranean begins, largely spurred on by Egyptian and Levantine merchants and seaborne raiders (Broodbank, 2013: 325–326). What role did long-distance maritime trade play in the dispersal of Bronze Age technological innovations to and from Cyprus and throughout the wider region? As copper and bronze working was set in motion on the island, a complex process of hybridisation took place, including a number of cultural and material ‘adaptations’ from western Anatolian traditions, e.g. new pottery types and decoration, burials, and metalworking activities (Peltenburg et al., 1998: 256–258) – the so-called Philia Phase. It has been argued that, during this period, a wave of migrants or ‘colonists’ arrived from Anatolia, bringing with them new forms of material culture and sociocultural practices (Webb and Frankel, 2011: 30). Knapp (2013: 263–277), on the other hand, argues for a more



nuanced view of cultural change at the beginning of the PreBA, and, whilst discrediting the notion of an all-out Anatolian ‘colonisation’ in the third millennium BC, advocates for a closer look at the subtle layers of interaction between groups of incoming migrants and local indigenous peoples. In either case, seafaring must have played a crucial role in these exchange relations between indigenous and foreign groups, and in the broader context of interaction networks in the eastern Mediterranean. It is useful to consider the maritime technologies and mechanisms involved in these networks, the role of seafarers, and how aspects of maritime culture in the Chalcolithic and PreBA manifest themselves in the archaeological record. The range and distribution of sites around the island from the Philia Phase suggest a preference for good arable land and a reliable source of water (Swiny, 1981; 1997: 195). Settlement expanded into the central and western Mesaoria plain between the Kyrenia and Troodos mountain ranges, the coastal plain north of the Kyrenia range, and the mineral-rich foothills of the Troodos. Knapp (2008: 72) notes that most of the well-documented sites of the Philia Phase are cemeteries, but these must have been associated with nearby contemporary settlements. As such, the cemeteries at Lapithos Vrysi tou Barba and Bellapais Vounous on the north coast are the only indicators of coastal settlement during this period (Knapp, 2008: 73), and, as Steel (2004: 128–129) has suggested, may imply that communities were mindful of the threat posed by maritime peoples. Nevertheless, some access to the coast (e.g. Kissonerga Mosphilia) may have been a necessary concession for communities wishing to trade with the outside world. After all, the establishment of Philia settlements in copper-rich regions of the island is a strong indication that that exploitation and production of metal played a vitally important role in the economies of these sites (Manning 2014a). Despite the fact that maritime contacts are somewhat limited in the Prehistoric Bronze Age, contemporary polities in the Levant, Egypt and the Aegean sought increasing quantities of copper during this period (van Andel and Runnels, 1988; Knapp, 1994: 280–282 and fig. 9.4). The outcome of these interactions, albeit poorly understood, must have gradually broken down the barriers of isolation by introducing foreign forms of material culture, ideas and ideologies to the island (Knapp, 2008: 74–81, 2013: 263–277). As copper production intensified during the PreBA, a growing network of overseas trading contacts resulted in new social dynamics of interaction within family groups and communities; the emergence of ‘socially differentiated groups or individuals’ (Knapp, 2008: 81). What was the nature and extent of these maritime networks? And who managed them? Maritime networks form the basis of the so-called ‘International Age’ (Linder, 1981) of the second half of the second millennium BC, the Protohistoric Bronze Age (ProBA – ca. 1750/1700–1100 Cal BC), but what role did Cyprus play in the ‘warp and weft of the maritime Mediterranean world’ (Broodbank, 2013: 404)? This study argues that Cypriot merchants and seafarers were primary agents in the international trade and exchange of metal, ceramics, oil, wine, and exotica during this period (Knapp, 2014). Cypriot coastal kingdoms played a major role in the trade relationships between the Great Powers in the East, the Hittites, Egyptians, and Canaanites, but was the island ever a unified state? Scholars have argued for and against the notion of a centralised authority on Cyprus in the Late Bronze Age, and the existence of heterarchical or hierarchical forms of social organisation (see Knapp, 2013: 432–447). Peltenburg (2012: 2) notes that the material paraphernalia and ideological iconography of formal governmental institutions, prominent features of



centralised authorities in Egypt and the Levant, are conspicuously absent on Cyprus. In his view, the lack of state hierarchy (i.e. the palace) is evidence of some form of devolved regionally-based power structure. In the textual evidence, however, specifically Akkadian cuneiform letters recovered in the Egyptian capital of Amarna, the centralised states of the Near East portray Cyprus as a unified polity, ‘Alasiya’, and ruled by a king. Whatever the socio-political organisation of the island at the end of the Late Bronze Age, many of the large coastal towns and settlements survived destruction and abandonment in the decades after the ‘systems collapse’, ca. 1200 Cal BC. The subsequent influx of people from the Aegean and Phoenician merchants from the Levant after the collapse ushered in a period of cultural ‘hybridisation’ that brought about far-reaching social and political changes in the Early Iron Age. Again, what role did seafaring play in the cultural, political, and economic landscape at this time? 5. Background and context Few studies on Mediterranean islands have considered seafaring and the experience of navigation (currents, tides, wind directions and lunar cycles), and the lifeways of maritime coastal communities (fishing, marine subsistence, occupation and settlement), from an archaeological perspective (save Broodbank, 2000: 68–106; 2013: passim). Instead, the majority of published works have focussed on broader themes relating to island colonisation and biogeography, and the impact of insularity (and/or connectedness) on identity and material culture (e.g. Knapp, 2008; 2013; Dawson, 2011; 2014). Whilst these studies are hugely beneficial for our understanding of early island societies, they often neglect the fundamental role of seafaring and coastal adaptations in the development of social organisation. As such, many researchers have commonly over-stated the uniqueness of cultural and material trajectories of island societies. Whilst unique island traits certainly existed on early Cyprus (e.g. the long-term usage of traditional round houses), it can be argued that expressions of insularity are forms of divergent social practices (see Clarke, 2007: 127–129; McCartney, 2010: 192–193) and not necessarily reflective of an actual physical isolation from the outside world (see further discussion in McCartney, 2011). Despite the material evidence for long and protracted periods of seemingly insular development in Cyprus, particularly during the Ceramic Neolithic (ca. 5000/4600–4100/4000 Cal BC) and Chalcolithic (4000/3900–2700/2600 Cal BC), this thesis demonstrates that Cypriot society maintained networks of contact and seaborne exchange with southwest Asia, albeit on varying scales of interaction. Indeed, the study of Cypriot prehistory prior to the Bronze Age has almost always been viewed in terms of isolation and cultural ‘uniqueness’ (McCartney, 2007: 72). Whilst this thesis explores the concepts of isolation and ‘empowered insularity’, the main premise characterises early Cyprus as an active participant in the wider eastern Mediterranean sphere of social, technological and economic development and interaction. A principle tenet, therefore, is that cultural change should not always be seen as something that comes from within, even on large oceanic islands like Cyprus, and, as this research demonstrates, seafaring and maritime activity was the means by which early Cypriot society remained part of an ongoing process of exchange and interaction with the mainland societies of southwest Asia.



6. A conceptual ‘toolkit’ for maritime, coastal and island archaeology The archaeological evidence for early Cyprus has increased exponentially in recent years, and broad-scale, diachronic studies have examined a number of agendas and archaeological constructs related to materiality, ethnicity, social identity and insularity (most notably Knapp, 2008; 2013). Maritime aspects of early Cypriot culture, however, have never been made explicit (cf. Knapp, 2014), and there is need for a comprehensive study on the social and economic development of prehistoric and protohistoric Cyprus from a maritime perspective. As such, a number of conceptual and methodological frameworks on maritime, coastal and island archaeology heavily influence the form and structure of this study, including Westerdhal’s seminal research on the maritime cultural landscape, summarised in 1992 and further developed in 2010 and 2011. The social significance of the sea in archaeology was first acknowledged by Westerdahl during his PhD research on the coast of Swedish Norrland between 1975 and 1980. He coined the term ‘mariculture’ in an attempt to better define the human utilisation of maritime space by boats, including settlement, fishing, hunting, and shipping (Westerdahl, 1992; discussed in Vavouranakis, 2011: 17). In turn, mariculture creates a maritime cultural landscape, a construct that enabled a more holistic approach to Nordic cultural heritage from the terrestrial and marine environment. Indeed, this construct has been tentatively applied to subsequent research in the Mediterranean, particularly in the Aegean and eastern Mediterranean (e.g. Laffineur and Basch, 1991; Knapp, 1997). The development of a research framework to examine all aspects of maritime culture in the Mediterranean has received almost constant attention over the past 20 years, and will continue to grow in the years ahead. Recent debates in island archaeology in the Pacific have steadily changed the earlier stereotype of ‘islands as laboratories’ (e.g. Gosden and Pavlides, 1994; Rainbird, 1999; 2007: 32–39). Indeed, Broodbank’s work on the early Cyclades in 2000 was a timely response to the call for more considered approach to island biogeography in the Mediterranean. He further developed island and ‘seascape’ archaeology in the early Cyclades by examining connections and island life from terrestrial and maritime perspectives, hence ‘islandscapes’, and acknowledging the importance and natural constraints of the physical environment of seafaring. A central tenet of his study, Broodbank adapted a mathematical model for predicting patterns of mobility (PPA), previously used in Oceania (2000: 180–195). Knapp (2008; 2013; 2014) has also been a strong proponent of islandscape research in prehistoric and protohistoric Cyprus, most especially in relation to identity and social evolution, and the rise of elites in the Late Bronze Age. A framework for maritime cultural landscapes has recently been developed by Tartaron (2013: 186, table 6.1). It sets down a series of contrasting scales, including spheres of interaction, geography, temporality, operators, typical vessels, and typical modes of exchange, which portray the operation of maritime networks. This framework, designed for Late Bronze Age maritime networks in the Aegean, could, with the appropriate modifications, be re-worked as a conceptual toolkit to illuminate the complexity of maritime spheres of interaction in other periods (Fig. 4). The multidisciplinary nature of this kind of



research, incorporating data from both archaeological and geoarchaeological contexts, is a vitally important feature of coastal and maritime archaeology.

Sphere of interaction Operators Typical vessels Typical modes of exchange

Coastscape Specialists and non-specialists

Fishing boats; pilots; coasting vessels

Home-base and boundary reciprocity (inland and maritime)

Maritime small world Specialists and non-specialists

Fishing boats; coasting vessels; small cargo vessels

Home-base and boundary reciprocity, central-place market

Regional/intracultural maritime sphere Specialists Seagoing cargo

vessels; galleys Boundary reciprocity, down-the-line, freelance

Interregional/intercultural maritime space Specialists Seagoing cargo

vessels; galleys

Down-the-line, freelance, emissary trading, colonial enclave

Figure 4. A conceptual framework for maritime connectivity, adapted from Tartaron’s study on maritime networks in the Mycenaean world (2013: 186, table 6.1). 7. Methodology A substantial and constantly expanding corpus of research has focussed on late prehistoric Mediterranean seafaring and shipbuilding technology over the past 30 years (e.g. Ammerman and Davis, eds., 2013; Anderson et al., 2010; Basch, 1987; Broodbank, 2013; McGrail, 2001; Simmons, 2014; Tzalas, 1989; 1995; 1999; 2001; 2002; Wachsmann, 1998; Wedde, 2000). These studies are largely based on direct evidence from wreck sites, as well as iconographic representations and boat models. Conversely, the evidence for the exploitation of the maritime environment – fishing and marine resource exploitation – has received little attention save in the Aegean (e.g. Powell, 1996; cf. Knapp, 2014 for Cyprus). As such, a collation of the faunal (especially sea birds), malacological (marine molluscs) and ichthyological (fish) evidence from previous studies and site reports is a necessary starting point. The range and habitat of fish species represented in the archaeological record can be used to denote the various fishing methods involved, as well as the associated technology. Much of the work on fishing methods is based on the simple principle of analogy, building on Powell’s work on the prehistoric Aegean, who, in turn, based some of her work on Pacific societies. Methodological considerations for boatbuilding technology includes a summary of forms, functions and performance characteristics based on the actual evidence of seacraft from wreck sites and contemporary iconographic representations for later periods, as well as ethnographic data (see Broodbank, 2000: 101–106, 341–348; 2013: passim) and experimental projects of maritime voyaging in the region for earlier periods (e.g. Tzalas, 1995). The earliest indirect evidence for seafaring is constantly being pushed further back in time, with some scholars currently proposing evidence for Lower Palaeolithic sites in southwest Crete (Strasser et al., 2010; 2011; Simmons, 2014; Runnels, 2014; Howitt-Marshall and Runnels, 2016; cf. Leppard, 2014; Phoca-Cosmetatou and Rabett, 2014; Galanidou, 2014; Broodbank,



2014), such evidence would dramatically change the paradigm of previously-held theories that seafaring had its roots in the early Holocene (e.g. Franchthi cave in the Greek Argolid). A full chapter, therefore, is dedicated to the origins and development of maritime technology in the eastern Mediterranean, which emphasises the evolution of boatbuilding, design, propulsion, steering and navigation from the Palaeolithic to the Early Iron Age. A synthesis of the likely physical and performance attributes of prehistoric and protohistoric seacraft – canoes and rafts, fishing boats, rowing boats, coasting vessels, seagoing cargo vessels, and galleys – forms an interpretive exercise based on a range of information: contemporary boats and ethnographic data (from the Mediterranean and elsewhere), shipwrecks (for later periods), and the interpretation of iconography, boat models, and, where applicable, written sources. Furthermore, these considerations can shed further light on the existence of maritime routes and the configuration of ancient coastlines and anchorages where early boats and ships may have been active, e.g. shallow draft ships versus deep draft ships. This study also considers existing methods of network modelling, i.e. how to measure maritime ‘connectivity’. The current method is primarily based on Broodbank’s work on the Cyclades, which explains the growth of certain sites in terms of their interactions (Broodbank, 2000), and augmented by a later network, or ‘gravity model’ developed by Knappett et al. (2008: 1009–1024) for the Aegean Bronze Age (see also Knappett, 2011; 2013). These models are all based on variables chosen on the basis of archaeological data, including settlement size, geographical location, and the physical distance between sites, and determines the optimal networks or routes of interaction. The physical environment of seafaring, therefore, is of prime importance in this ‘archaeology of relations’. Finally, the thesis draws on the accumulated data from three seasons of underwater survey at the anchorage site of Kouklia Achni on the southwest coast, including the recording of 120 stone anchors and line weights, the largest assemblage of stone anchors located on Cyprus to date (Howitt-Marshall, 2012) (Fig. 5). This fieldwork serves as a case study for the nature and development of an early anchorage site along a previously unexplored stretch of coastline, addresses the issue of underwater archaeological survey in the study of prehistoric maritime lifeways, and provides a significant amount of data on stone anchor typologies found in the eastern Mediterranean. 8. Ecological and environmental context The geographical location, climate and physical landscape of Cyprus have all played key roles in the development of human societies on the island from earliest prehistory to the present day (Steel, 2004: 2; Knapp, 2013: 3–19). Situated in the northeast corner of the Mediterranean basin, Cyprus has always maintained a strategic position between the Asiatic, African and European continents: a ‘crossroads’ within the broader networks of communication and exchange between the Near East, Egypt and the Aegean (cf. discussion in Knapp, 2015).



Figure 5. A selection of schematic stone anchor drawings from the anchorage site at Kouklia-Achni (drawings: P. Westlake and D. Howitt-Marshall). Extensive geological and geophysical research conclusively demonstrates that Cyprus has been an island since the end of the Micoene epoch, some five million years ago (Robertson et al., 1995). Two deep-water trenches separate the island from the mainland – the Adana Trough from Anatolia and the Latakia Basin from the Levant (Swiny, 1988: 1–2, fig. 1) – and there is no evidence for a partial landbridge or chain of smaller islands that may have formed ‘stepping stones’ from the adjacent mainland since at least the Pliocene (Held, 1989: 67–69, 71, fig. 4; cf. discussion about one such possible ‘stepping stone’ in Vigne et al., 2013: 61, fig.1). As such, much of the island’s fauna, including fallow deer, cattle, sheep, goat and pig, as well as the fox, Cypriot moufflon, and domesticated cats and dogs, were brought with the first permanent settlers of the island in the Early Aceramic Neolithic (ca. 8500 Cal BC) from the neighbouring Near East. Seafaring and the spread of domesticates, including animals, early crops and seedlings, is often referred to as the ‘Noah’s ark’ model (Steel, 2004: 40; see discussions about the transportation of mammals to Cyprus in Vigne, 2013; Vigne et al., 2013). Prior to the Holocene, however, a number of endemic species of mini-megafauna evolved on the island, including the dwarf elephant (Elephas cypriotes) and the pygmy hippopotamus (Phanourios minutus). It has been argued, most notably by Simmons (1999), that these species were hunted to extinction sometime around 12,000 years ago, soon after the first recorded evidence of the earliest human visitors to the island in the Late Epipalaeolithic. Other researchers have credited rapid environmental and ecological degradation in the eastern Mediterranean as the principle cause for their demise (e.g. Ammerman and Noller, 2005). Indeed, the evidence for such unique fauna in the fossil record at a time when ecological degradation was widespread on the mainland presents an intriguing scenario. Whatever the precise reason for their extinction, these endemic mammals died out at the interface between Pleistocene and the Holocene in a pattern that is replicated in other large Mediterranean islands, including Crete, Malta, Sicily and Sardinia. This thesis takes the view that populations of endemic mini-mega fauna were already in decline by the end of the



Pleistocene, largely due to the cold climatic conditions and rapid desiccation of island landscapes. The arrival of seafaring foragers and the later introduction of new animal species from the mainland were likely responsible for their final demise (Knapp, 2010; 2013: 57–59; Simmons, 2013; cf. Ammerman, 2013a: 20–22; 2013b: 133–135). In the same context, the most dramatic environmental fluctuation to have occurred during the early prehistory of Cyprus was the onset of the Younger Dryas episode (ca. 12,800–11,600 Cal BP) at the very end of the Pleistocene. The markedly lower temperatures, accompanied by lesser precipitation than the previous warming phase of the Bølling-Allerød interstadial (ca. 15,000–13,000 Cal BP), resulted in a dramatic shift in the environmental conditions on the island, including the contraction of woodlands, the desiccation of the landscape, and the associated environmental pressures on endemic species – hence the already dwindling populations of pygmy fauna. These environment impacts were also felt by human populations on the mainland, as evidenced by the break-up and dispersal of complex hunter-gatherer societies at this time in the Near East, including the Natufian (Bar-Yosef, 2001: 140; 2013). Following a sharp increase in population in the region during the earlier warming phase, and in the wake of rapidly changing environmental conditions, communities developed a number of adaptive strategies that gradually facilitated the shift from mobile hunting and gathering to semi-sedentary settlements. Along the maritime littoral of the Levant and Anatolia, the ongoing search for food may have prompted coastal groups to exploit marine resources on an increasing scale, build ever-studier watercraft for deep-water fishing expeditions, and eventually, been the driving motivation behind exploring further and further offshore. This process may have been the first stage in a ‘two-stage’ migration/colonisation model of Cyprus (Fiedel and Anthony, 2003: 153; Knapp, 2013: 69–74). The island itself is divided into four major geographical zones: the Troodos Massif in the south, the Pentadaktylos (Kyrenia) mountains in the north, the Mesaoria Plain that separate the two upland ranges, and the low-lying coastal belts that run along and north and south coasts. Physically, the mountains of the Troodos Massif dominate the southwest landscape of the island, and the pillow lavas that encircle the igneous rocks are rich in sulphide ores. These were an important source of copper by the beginning of the metal ages, around the start of the fourth millennium BC; a period that signals the beginning of wholesale changes in the material culture, settlement patterns and social organisation on the island. In terms of the maritime environment, the coastline of Cyprus is indented by a vast number of small inlets and bays, but very few natural harbours. In the past, however, inner harbours or embayments may have existed at the Late Bronze Age centres of Enkomi, Maroni, Kition, and Hala Sultan Tekke, each navigable by open river systems that led to the sea (Knapp, 2013: 3). These channels have since silted up and the precise whereabouts of their harbours remain unknown (Nicolaou, 1976). In general, much of the coastal belt is low-lying, except for the steep cliffs near Cape Greco in the southeast, and the stretch of coastline between Kourion and Paphos in the southwest (Fig. 6). It is interesting note, however, especially in relation to the fieldwork that was carried out during the course of this research (discussed below in Section 10), that an extended area of the southwest region is formed by a vast limestone plateau that stretches inland to the foothills of the Troodos. During antiquity, it is reasonable to assume that travelling around this part of the island would have been a



formidable challenge. Access to coastal sites by sea, therefore, would have been a great deal easier.

Figure 6. Petra tou Romiou, southwest Cyprus – the legendary birthplace of Aphrodite (photo: D. Howitt-Marshall). An integral part of this research on the maritime environment of Cyprus considers the ‘physical environment of seafaring’, i.e. the physical features of the Mediterranean Sea, past sea levels and climates, the configuration of coastlines, and the frequency, strength and directions of prevailing winds, tides, and currents. This research is proceeded by a synthesis of all the ethnographic and archaeological evidence for early boat and shipbuilding technology in the region, which presents various scenarios of coastal and open water voyaging throughout the chronological timeframe of the study. How long would an early voyage have taken from the mainland to Cyprus? And what methods of propulsion would the crew have used? How did the physical environment of seafaring determine the establishment of maritime routes of communication and affect the associated development of boat and shipbuilding technology in the Neolithic and subsequent metal ages? 9. Chronological framework The period from 11,000–1050 Cal BC covers a broad range of periods from the dawn of agriculture to the aftermath of the collapse of palatial societies at the end of the Bronze Age. As such, the chronological framework of this study encompasses a wide range of material indicators, artefact styles and historical relationships. These relationships are especially important when viewed in the context of social and cultural developments in the wider eastern Mediterranean world. As Knapp (2013: 29) describes, aside from the initial migration episodes that brought settlers to the island in the first place, very little evidence for external contact exists until the Bronze Age. This study, however, views the limited evidence as confirmation that networks of maritime connection did exist, and that, whilst it is important to explore themes of insularity and Cyprus’s perceived isolation, especially in the Ceramic Neolithic and Chalcolithic, it is equally important to understand social developments on the island in the context of connectivity and the wider Mediterranean. The longue durée of this study, therefore, is vitally important for establishing a more comprehensive picture of



maritime connectivity from the earliest evidence of human contact in the Epipalaeolithic to the rise of city-states in the first millennium Cal BC (Fig. 7).

Periods

Phase/Culture Dates Cal BC

Late Epipalaeolithic Akrotiri Phase 11,000–9000 Initial Aceramic Neolithic Cypro-PPNA 9000–8500/8400 Early Aceramic Neolithic (EAN) 8500/8400–6800 EAN 1 (Cypro-EPPNB) 8500/8400–7900 EAN 2 (Cypro-MPPNB) 7900–7600 EAN 3 (Cypro-LPPNB) 7600–7000/6800 Late Aceramic Neolithic (LAN) Khirokitia 7000/6800–5200 Ceramic Neolithic Sotira 5200/5000–4500/4000 Chalcolithic Erimi 4000/3900–2500/2400 Early Chalcolithic 3900/3600–3400 Middle Chalcolithic 3600/3400–2700 Late Chalcolithic 2700–2500/2400 Prehistoric Bronze Age (PreBA) (Philia–Early/Middle

Cypriot) 2400–1700

PreBA 1 Philia ‘Phase’ 2400/2350–2250 PreBA 2 Early Cypriot I–II 2250–2000 PreBA 3 Early Cypriot III–Middle

Cypriot I–II 2000–1750/1700

Protohistoric Bronze Age (ProBA) (Middle Cypriot III–Late Cypriot IIIA)

1750/1700–1050

ProBA 1 Middle Cypriot III–Late Cypriot I

1700–1450

ProBA II Late Cypriot IIA–IIC early 1450–1300 ProBA III Late Cypriot IIC late–IIIA 1300/1125–1100 Early Iron Age Late Cypriot IIIB 1125/1100–1050 BC Figure 7. Chronological framework based on Knapp (2013: 27, table 2). Cypriot prehistory is primarily characterised by type-sites that correspond to temporal periods. For example, the Khirokitia Culture corresponds to the Late Aceramic Neolithic, the Sotira Culture to the Ceramic Neolithic, and the Erimi Culture to the Chalcolithic (Knapp, 2013: 25). This scheme, based on the relative dating of pottery types in chronological order (a dating method called seriation), is applied to the current study, with the inclusion of the earlier Akrotiri Phase (Epipalaeolithic) and the later Philia Phase (Early Bronze Age). Following Knapp (2008; 2013), the Bronze Age is broadly divided into a Prehistoric Bronze Age (PreBA) and Protohistoric Bronze Age (ProBA) respectively. This latter division has considerably streamlined the often problematic and unwieldy schemes that have plagued Cypriot archaeology for decades and broadly distinguishes the proto-literary Late Bronze Age (ca. 1750/1700–1050 Cal BC) from the Early and Middle Bronze Ages (ca. 2400–1700 Cal BC) (See Manning’s long appendix in Knapp, 2013: 485–515; see also updates in Manning, 2014a; 2014b).



Chronological inconsistencies exist across the eastern Mediterranean and Near East, and it is often quite difficult to establish any degree of equivalence when considering comparisons between wider regional typologies and material culture (Fig. 8). As such, archaeologists have often studied regions in isolation (e.g. Cyprus, the southern Levant, central Anatolia, and so on), which has further compounded the use of specific terminologies and sub-regional chronologies (Clarke, 2007: 9). Indeed, this study briefly addresses the chronological complexities that exist across Cyprus and the Near East, but the primary focus remains the broad differences and similarities between the island and the mainland and their significance within the spheres of maritime interaction. The Levantine (Cal BC) dates: Final Natufian 10,500–10,000 PPNA 9700–8500 Early PPNB 8500–8100 Middle PPNB 8100–7250 Late PPNB 7250–6700 Final PPNB 6600–6250 Pottery Neolithic 6250–5800 Figure 8. Chronological schema of Levantine Final Natufian–Pottery Neolithic following Kuijt and Goring Morris (2002: 386, table 1). Briefly, this study favours the term ‘Late Epipalaeolithic’ instead of the established ‘pre-Neolithic’ as a more accurate definition of the mobile hunter-gatherer, fisher-forager culture that arrived in Cyprus around the time of the terminal Pleistocene/early Holocene transition (e.g. Akrotiri Aetokremnos), ca. 11,000 Cal BC. The use of this term is a deliberate attempt to establish Cyprus in the broader context of material, social and technological developments of the Levantine mainland during this period (Bar-Yosef, 2001; 2013). 10. Fieldwork During the course of this study, three seasons of underwater archaeological fieldwork were carried out on the southwest coast of Cyprus at a newly-discovered anchorage site near the Late Bronze Age sanctuary at Kouklia Palaepaphos (Howitt-Marshall, 2012). During the survey at Kouklia Achni, 120 stone anchors and line weights were located in situ, effectively doubling the number of stone anchors found in Cypriot waters to date. This discovery is a significant development in the ongoing search to locate the original port that could have served Palaepaphos, the religious sanctuary, and the southwest region of Cyprus in the Bronze Age and Early Iron Age (see Iacovou, 2013: 285–287). A further two underwater surveys were carried out as part of a previous study along the western coastline between Nea Paphos and the southern Akamas peninsula, the most westerly point of the island, mapping and recording as much archaeological material on the seabed as possible, irrespective of period or provenance (Howitt-Marshall, 2002; 2003).



The principle aim of the fieldwork was to engage questions regarding the region’s maritime spheres of interaction. Contrary to the commonly-held view that western Cyprus was physically and culturally remote from the rest of the island, the results from these surveys demonstrate that the region, including the area around the large urban centre of Kouklia Palaepaphos, witnessed significant levels of maritime traffic, and played an important part in the communication networks of Cyprus and the wider Mediterranean world in the late second and early first millennia Cal BC.

Figures 9 & 10. Recording stone anchors in situ at Kouklia Achni (photos: J. Leidwanger). The data acquisition strategies were diverse and varied, employing a range of non-intrusive methodologies, including diver-deployed underwater search and survey, marine remote sensing using sidescan sonar, as well as basic field walking along the coast. Much of the work involved recording artefacts, including stone anchors, in situ, taking accurate measurements and high-resolution photographs (Figs 9 & 10). During the sidescan sonar survey, which was supported by the National Oceanography Centre at Southampton, anomalies up to a maximum depth-range of 35 m were ‘ground truthed’ by the dive team. A separate technical cruise report, produced at the end of the two-week field season in 2006, provides a comprehensive discussion of the survey, and may feature as an appendix for the current study. The most striking discovery of this fieldwork was the location of 120 stone anchors and line weights at the anchorage site of Kouklia Achni (Fig. 11). Some of the earliest underwater investigations ever undertaken in the eastern Mediterranean were aimed at the search and recovery of stone anchors (see Frost, 1963; 1970a; 1970b; 1970c; 1973). A number of assessments and typologies have been put forward over the years hypothesising various dating and derivation methods for the study of stone anchors, but scholars remain divided on



their validity and value as a cultural artefact, and how much they can attest to ancient maritime trade routes. However, a number of stone anchors of various distinctive types have been discovered in clearly stratified terrestrial contexts at sites around the eastern Mediterranean, including Crete (e.g. Shaw, 1995), and along the coastal regions of the Levant (Frost, 1969a; 1969b). It is therefore hoped that this study will further extend the boundaries of our understanding of stone anchors and their worth as ‘indictors’ of ancient maritime communication networks.

Figure 11. Satellite image (Google Earth) of the anchorage site at Kouklia Achni including survey markers and GPS points of recorded stone anchors (D. Howitt-Marshall, K. Westley, and J. Leidwanger). Results of the fieldwork at Kouklia Achni are summarised in Chapter 8 of the thesis. The argument is that the range and extraordinarily high frequency of stone anchors and line weights at the site is representative of the relative importance of the anchorage and the broader maritime landscape of southwest Cyprus. The discussion engages further questions on coastal typography, connectivity, zones of destruction (i.e. shipwreck distribution and anchor distribution), and discusses how all these levels relate. The problem with stone anchors as cultural artefacts is dating, and the only possible solution is to compare them with examples found in datable contexts on land, principally those placed as votive offerings in sacred precincts (Frost, 1973: 400, fig. 1). It is hoped that further study, which could include the petrographic analysis of the stone used within the assemblage, will identify different regional origins and reflect the home ports of the vessels using the anchorage.



11. Chapter outline PART ONE Chapter 1: Introduction 1.1. Maritime horizons: conceptualising the sea in Mediterranean prehistory 1.2. Background and current research 1.3. Chronology and terminology 1.4. Research questions 1.5. Basic hypotheses 1.6. Cyprus: a distinct island society Chapter 2: Conceptual and interpretative frameworks 2.1. Seascapes, islandscapes, and maritime cultural landscapes 2.2. Insularity and island identity 2.3. Perceptions of maritime space 2.4. Maritime technology and scales of connectivity 2.5. Contact and cultural encounters 2.6. Sea travel, knowledge, and social power 2.7. Mariners and maritime communities 2.8. Fusion, fluidity, and flux: towards a phenomenology of the (Mediterranean) sea Chapter 3: Dynamic spaces: environmental and social contexts 3.1. Cyprus and the eastern Mediterranean 3.2. Coastal landscapes and topographies 3.3. The Mediterranean climate 3.4. The Younger Dryas and the 8200 Cal BP ‘cold event’: human responses to environmental and climatic change 3.5. Some thoughts on island biogeography 3.6. Maritime processes and sea-level change 3.7. The physical environment of seafaring: prevailing winds, currents, and seasonal trends 3.8. Maritime settlement and marine exploitation 3.9. ‘Port power’: the development of anchorages, harbours and ports 3.10. Contrasting zones of near and far: the cultural creation of space and distance Chapter 4: Mariners, maritime technology, and the art of wayfinding 4.1. Hunter-gatherers, fisher-foragers: maritime activity in the Late Epipalaeolithic 4.2. The earliest watercraft 4.3. The maritime Neolithic: seafaring and the spread of farming 4.4. The development of mast and sail 4.5. Boat and shipbuilding technology in the Bronze Age



4.6. Navigation 4.7. Cargoes and trade routes 4.8. Ethnographic comparisons and experimental voyages 4.9. Ulysses with/without sails: seagoing ideology and the ‘ritual’ of travel PART TWO Chapter 5: Early Prehistoric Cyprus 1: Late Epipalaeolithic (Akrotiri Phase) and Early Aceramic Neolithic, ca. 11,000–6800 Cal BC 5.1. An early Palaeolithic prelude? 5.2. The coastal sites 5.3. Chipped stone assemblages 5.4. Evidence for fishing and marine resource exploitation 5.5. Palaeolandscapes and seascapes in the early Holocene 5.6. Submerged prehistoric coastlines and their relevance to early seafaring 5.7. Semi-sedentary foragers: cultural dynamics in the Levantine Final Natufian and Cypro-PPNA (‘Initial Aceramic Neolithic’), ca. 10,500–8500/8400 Cal BC) 5.8 Maritime transport and the spread of agriculture 5.9 No two sites are alike: permanency and colonisation in the Cypro-PPNB, ca. 8500/8400–7000/6800 Cal BC 5.10. Bridging the gap between the Late Epipalaeolithic and the Early Aceramic Neolithic: adaptations and social change Chapter 6: Early Prehistoric Cyprus 2: Late Aceramic Neolithic (Khirokitia Culture) and Ceramic Neolithic (Sotira Culture), 6800–4100/4000 Cal BC 6.1. Coastal sites throughout the Late Aceramic and Ceramic Neolithic 6.2. Marine foraging and fishing 6.3. Subsistence economies 6.4. Cultural transformations in the Ceramic Neolithic 6.5. Social organisation 6.6. Insularity and island identities Chapter 7: Later Prehistoric Cyprus: Chalcolithic (Erimi Culture) and Prehistoric Bronze Age (Philia Phase-Middle Cypriot II), 4000/3900–1690/1650 Cal BC 7.1. Cultural changes 7.2. Settlements near the coast 7.3. Fishing and marine resources 7.4. A new dawn: Bronze Age horizons 7.5. Migration and hybridisation 7.6. Metallurgy and agricultural production 7.7. Social organisation 7.8. Broadening spheres of interaction



7.9. Maritime paraphernalia Chapter 8: Protohistoric Cyprus: Middle Cypriot III to the Earliest Iron Age (Late Cypriot IIIB), 1750/1700–1100/1050 Cal BC 8.1. Primary coastal centres 8.2. Production, trade and exchange 8.3. Bulk commodities and exotica 8.4. Maritime connectivity with the Aegean, Near East and Egypt: documentary evidence 8.5. Coastal sanctuaries and sacred sites 8.6. Kouklia Palaepaphos and the anchorage site at Kouklia Achni: case study and fieldwork 8.7. Stone anchors and line weights 8.8. Fishing and the marine economy 8.9. Maritime motifs: ship models and representations in art 8.10. Identity and ideology 8.11. Social organisation 8.12. The ‘Sea Peoples’, piracy, and naval warfare PART THREE Chapter 9: Discussion 9.1. Visitation episodes and early occupation 9.2. Issues concerning island colonisation 9.3. Some thoughts on faunal extinction 9.4. Cyprus in the context of the ‘Neolithic Revolution’ 9.5. Social development and material culture 9.6. Connectivity and isolation 9.7. Marine subsistence strategies 9.8. Coastal geomorphology and marine inundation 9.9. Prehistoric site attrition 9.10. Raw materials, exotica, and seaborne trade 9.11. Maritime communication networks in the LBA 9.12. ‘Seascapes’ in the early Mediterranean Chapter 10: Synthesis and conclusions 10.1. The ‘Mediterranean-Levantine Fishing Village’ (MFV): the view from Cyprus 10.2. ‘Maritime lifeways’: archaeological perspectives on seafaring and society in early Cyprus 10.3. Archaeologies of the sea and early seafaring in the Mediterranean: further thoughts on a broader theoretical framework 10.4. Early Cyprus in maritime context 10.5. Proposed future work



12. Future work In sum, this study explores the mechanics of seafaring and maritime connectivity, the development of coastal adaptations, and their collective influence on the social formation of early Cyprus. In its broader context, this research serves as a case study for the impact of maritime activity on the social development of early island societies in the prehistoric and protohistoric Mediterranean, and how seafaring and coastal adaptations helped shape the socio-economic landscape of the island and the wider region over the longue durée. Maritime and coastal archaeology in the Mediterranean has received almost constant attention in recent years, and the origins and development of early seafaring is rapidly becoming a topic of research in its own right. This thesis is not only a timely contribution to ongoing debates about the evolution of maritime culture in early Mediterranean (island) societies, but also to the study of the high antiquity of seafaring and maritime crossings. As such, this thesis will provide a solid foundation for future work on the earliest phases of Cypriot prehistory, including further research on the arrival of seafaring fisher-foragers in the Late Epipalaeolithic and the subsequent occupation of the coastal littoral in the Early Neolithic. On completion of this thesis, in the short-term, I hope to explore the role of seafaring in the spread of agriculture from the Levant to Cyprus and further west, and establish a much broader study on maritime landscapes in the Neolithic Revolution/Transition. This work will initially involve the survey of sites hitherto unexplored on the present coastal littoral of Cyprus (and Greece?) in search of evidence for submerged prehistoric sites, a field of research that is very much under development in the eastern Mediterranean. It is hoped that this work will echo the underwater surveys of Pre-Pottery Neolithic sites located along the Carmel coast of Israel (see Galili et al., 1993). Finally, the remains of two coastal ‘campsites’ at Nissi Beach and Aspros, which date to the eighth millennium Cal BC (ca. 7592–7551 and 7586–7547 Cal BC, respectively at 68.2% probability), are more-or-less contemporary with the Pre-Pottery Neolithic B of the mainland (Ammerman et al., 2008: 15). Nissi Beach and Aspros, along with the rock shelter at Akrotiri Aetokremnos, reflect a familiarity with the Cypriot coastline that may indicate even earlier crossings/island visitations in the Pleistocene; the so-called ‘contested Palaeolithic’ (Knapp, 2013: 43–48; Ammerman 2013a; 2013b; 2014). Further evidence of these initial phases of human contact and exploitation still await discovery on the island and the island shelf, submerged by sea-level rise since the end of the last Ice Age. As such, in the long term, I hope to develop this research further and bring to light additional, perhaps even earlier evidence of island occupation/visitation by sea, which may have a profound impact on the way we view the origin and development of seafaring and maritime lifeways in the Mediterranean.



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