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8/16/2019 Make It Right Case Study
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REHABILITATING BRAD PITT A “MAKE IT RIGHT” CASE STUDY
Blake Crow
Shontae Hewlett
Thomas Hoque
December 8, 2015
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I. Introduction
New York Governor, Alfred E. Smith, once stated, “You want to give the people a fur coat when what
they need is red flannel underwear” in response to Robert Moses’ extensive plan for parkland and
regional park commissions, requiring a $15 million bond (Goldberger, 1981). With a resolve comparable
to the
master
builder,
Brad
Pitt,
stunned
by
the
city’s
slow
progression,
committed
to
“sink
that
first
stake” towards reconstructing a portion of the lower ninth ward, two years post‐Katrina in New Orleans,
by providing high‐performance, affordable homes for those most impacted by the storm’s devastation.
However, Pitt and his privately‐funded foundation “Make It Right” (MIR) have come under fire for both
the location of that stake (supply with little demand) and the price tag for building fewer homes than
other relief organizations in the area for the sake of sustainability. The current mission statement is “to
build safe, cradle‐to‐cradle inspired homes, buildings, and communities for people in need.” Although a
commendable intent, the neighborhood density has suffered under the conundrum of investors not
seeing the earning potential in providing goods and services to the unpopulated area, while prospective
buyers choose to move elsewhere because of the lack of nearby goods and services (DePillis, 2013). Yet,
the city has extended utilities and support to the isolated area, spent $45 million in road repairs, and
had plans
to
spend
$65
million
to
construct
a new
high
school,
police
station,
and
community
center
in
hopes of attracting more residents (DePillis, 2013). The current occupants have seen some financial
relief: a $564 monthly note, for example, substantially less expensive compared to post‐Katrina rent in
Algiers (MacCash, 2012) and cheaper utility bills approximated at $25 per month (“Make It Right
homes”, 2015). Most non‐residents, in contrast, have been critical of the government expenditure with
a few not satisfied with a design style non‐reflective of traditional New Orleans culture. Is Pitt’s
response to the call for social equity a case of “those who can, build…those who can’t (or won’t),
criticize?” (Goldberger 1981) Or has Pitt’s effort redirected attention and funding away from more
people in need, by funneling it into the sustainable redevelopment of an area with the weakest chance
of recovery?
Scott Campbell (2012) has consistently argued that planners are faced with the conflicting values of
“democracy, equality, diversity, and efficiency” as they attempt to reconcile the goals of “protecting the
green city, promoting the economically growing city, and advocating social justice.” (Campbell, 2012, p.
413) “In an ideal world, planners would strive to achieve a balance of all three goals. In practice,
however, professional and fiscal constraints drastically limit the leeway of most planners.” (Campbell,
2012, p. 415) Pitt’s inspiring vision for the future of the Lower Nine has put forth an honorable effort
towards a model for sustainable development, but the question really becomes whether Make It Right is
vulnerable to the same constraints and if its proximate to the target, the “elusive ideal” at the center of
Campbell’s “Planner’s Triangle” of being “green, profitable, and fair.” (Campbell, 2012, p. 415)
II. Racial
Past
of
the
Lower
Nine
A. Lower Nine Profile
The Lower Nine (as commonly referred to by its residents), not to be confused with the Lower Ninth
Ward which encompasses both the Lower Nine and Holy Cross communities, is bounded by St. Claude
Avenue, the Industrial Canal, the Bayou Bienvenue Wetland Triangle, and the parish line dividing
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Orleans and St. Bernard. Lakeside of the Lower Nine, above North Claiborne Avenue, is one of the few
areas where African Americans could buy homes after World War II, starting a “tradition of
multigenerational, black homeownership” (Baccinelli, 2015, p. 110) ‐ one of the top African American
homeownership rates in the country (Baccinelli, 2015, p.111). Not as commonly believed, the Lower
Nine was not the poorest or lowest‐lying area in New Orleans pre‐Katrina, although predominantly black
and lower
class.
Lakeview,
for
example,
a prominent
white
community,
has
many
areas
with
a lower
elevation than the Lower Nine (Rivlin, 2015). However, the area has commonly endured structural
racism, impacting “schools, access to health care, employment opportunities, and housing, and basic
human rights.” (Mwendo, 2012) Given the disparity in resources pre‐Katrina, the ability to adjust to
changes in the environment post‐Katrina was compounded for the disadvantaged, revealing one of
David Harvey’s “hidden mechanisms” in the structural organization of privatized decision‐making that
redistribute social inequalities and oppression (Young, 1990, p. 351‐352).
Overall Map retrieved from Google Maps
B. Brief History of the Lower Ninth Ward Development – Social Equity vs. Economic Growth
New
Orleans
is
a
city
with
an
extensive
history
of
racial
politics.
“…centuries
of
different
treatment,
by
individuals and by institutions, have left a lasting mark on the urban landscape, with far different
circumstances for people perceived to be of minority race or ethnicity in terms of living conditions,
residential patterns, and social and economic opportunities, particularly for those of low income”
(Thomas, 2012, p.339). “In the 1700s and 1800s, the Lower Nine was the backswamp of riverfront
plantations in present‐day Holy Cross.” (Baccinelli, 2015, p. 110) In the 1840s, the Holy Cross
neighborhood, bounded by the Mississippi River, the Industrial Canal, St. Claude Avenue and Jackson
Barracks, began developing while the Lower Nine was mostly a low‐lying cypress swamp. With narrow
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options, emancipated African Americans and immigrant families, in search of cheap farmland, moved to
the mosquito‐laden Lower Nine area enduring “flooding and epic bouts of disease.” (Harvey, 2013, p.
284) While the land above St. Claude Avenue was low‐lying and predominantly inhabited by African
Americans (either poor or working class), Holy Cross was racially diverse.
Decades later,
drainage
of
the
Lower
Nine
began
in
preparation
for
the
construction
of
the
Industrial
Canal. Completed in 1923, the Industrial Canal, “a five‐mile long, six‐hundred‐foot wide shipping route”,
connected Lake Pontchartrain to the Mississippi River while concurrently separating the Lower Ninth
Ward from the rest of New Orleans, both spacially and socially. In 1965, the Bayou Bienvenue Wetland
Triangle that once protected the neighborhood from floods, was turned into open water as saltwater
from the newly constructed canal, the Mississippi River‐Gulf Outlet (MR‐GO) killed the cypress trees and
freshwater species. (Baccinelli, 2015, p.111) The area, now more vulnerable, was sacrificed to
accommodate ships, navigating this 76‐mile waterway, sparing them from having to traverse the
winding Mississippi River to reach southern Louisiana (Rivlin, 2015).
C. Disasters and Urban Marginality
As per Harvey in “Urban Ills: Twenty‐First‐Century Complexities of Urban Living in Global Contexts”,
“disasters are increasingly being used as an excuse to exacerbate and extend the conditions of urban
marginality.” (p. 304) In September 1965, Hurricane Betsy catastrophically flooded the area after a levee
breach along the Industrial Canal. It is commonly alleged that the levee was deliberately blasted by the
Army Corps of Engineers in order to spare the more indispensable whiter neighborhoods (Snyder, 2005),
flooding “between three and five feet of water near St. Claude Avenue (nearer to Holy Cross) and nine
feet by Bayou Bienvenue (the Lower Nine)” (Baccinelli, 2015, p.111). Although an unsubstantiated
belief, distrust of the state draws from the dynamiting of levees in St. Bernard, in 1927, to ease the
pressure by the rising Mississippi River, which displaced poor black and white families in order to protect
the wealthy
segments
of
New
Orleans.
The
levee
breaches
during
Hurricane
Betsy
left
the
Lower
Nine
and St. Bernard Parish severely devastated, while high‐lying Holy Cross remained intact. However, white
flight from the Holy Cross area, which originated after the desegregation of New Orleans schools,
further persisted after the storm, resulting in an 87 percent African American region by 2000.
Forty years later, history repeated itself when Hurricane Katrina flooded the Lower Nine with more than
ten feet of water, polluted with oil from refineries that were decimated in bordering St. Bernard Parish.
Flooding in Holy Cross, comparatively, ranged from eight feet of flooding along St. Claude Avenue to two
feet near the river. The federal government has since closed the MR‐GO, ruling that the waterway was
also responsible for the flooding of the Lower Ninth and St. Bernard Parish (Rivlin, 2015). The majority
of people who died during Hurricane Katrina died in the Lower Ninth Ward, while waiting to be rescued.
Those who survived lost everything, as many of the residents had “no homeowners and flood
insurance.” (Mwendo,
2012)
The devastation from Hurricane Katrina appeared to be a “clean slate” for the city of New Orleans to
strategically “shrink the city’s footprint”, exacerbating the disparate impacts of the flooding. Mayor Ray
Nagin commenced the Bring New Orleans Back Commission (BNOBC) in September 2005. The BNOBC
Land Use Committee proposed a four‐month moratorium on building in the most devastated areas, like
the Lower Ninth Ward, and sparked a huge local planning effort in which the residents would prove the
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viability of their neighborhoods. The BNOBC committee presented its plan in January 2006, however
many residents only learned of the proposal through a graphic, the “green dot” map, in the Times‐
Picayune. The Lower Ninth Ward was covered in green, signifying forced displacement with no proposal
for resettlement. Infuriated residents and community organizations, such as the Association of
Community Organizations for Reform Now (ACORN), put pressure on authorities amidst this willful
dismissal and
devaluation
of
the
lives
of
those
who
resided
in
the
neighborhood.
Now
that
it
was
politically untenable for the mayor to continue with the plan, Nagin rejected the commission’s land use
recommendations and allowed rebuilding. “Shrinking the footprint” became synonymous with denying
those disproportionately affected by the flooding, a community of color, the right to return.
(Ehrenfeucht & Nelson, 2015, p. 141‐142)
Concurrently, the New Orleans City Council, predominantly African American, established the second
neighborhood planning process called the Neighborhoods Rebuilding Plan (NONRP). This process was
designed so that residents could express what they wanted in their neighborhoods. Residents believed
their neighborhoods could be restored, envisioning an urban utopia. A third recovery plan, the Unified
New Orleans Plan (UNOP) funded by the white elite, proposed bundling households and businesses in
neighborhoods with
higher
residency
and
on
higher
ground.
(Ehrenfeucht
&
Nelson,
2015,
p.
142
‐143)
The City Council and Louisiana Recovery Authority finally approved an official recovery plan that
included all three plans along with two community plans. However, large‐scale land use changes were
delayed when the city laid off approximately 6,000 employees. Although billions in funding were
earmarked for the redevelopment of New Orleans, these funds trickled down to local government
slowly. In addition, city agencies faced strict limitations on the use of funds, even though they were
insufficient given the level of damage. (Ehrenfeucht & Nelson, 2015, p. 143)
Exposing more “hidden mechanisms”, Road Home, a federally‐funded, state‐run program aimed to help
stricken residents
rebuild,
distributed
payments
to
homeowners
based
on
pre
‐Katrina
property
values,
not actual repair costs. This housing recovery program issued as much as $150,000 in grant money to a
homeowner to supplement the difference between a home’s appraised value and the insurance
payments. However, combining the low values of pre‐Katrina Lower Nine home prices with the
expensive estimation of rehabbing a house for approximately $100 per square foot in post‐Katrina New
Orleans further increased disparities and cemented the inability to rebuild, favoring “the middle class
over the working class, and white communities over black ones.” (Rivlin, 2015) Whites, who owned
homes in more wealthy neighborhoods, received larger payments that afforded them the opportunity to
rebuild, even though many of their homes sustained less damage than the minorities in neighborhoods
like the Lower Nine. Additionally, Road Home dismantled the area’s history of African American
homeownership as it required that applicants provide proof that they owned a property, no longer easy
to produce
as
homes
had
been
passed
down
over
generations
(Rivlin,
2015).
“In
many
cases,
the
legal
homeowner was deceased, having never officially willed the property to any particular individual, or the
property was owned by several family members.” (Harvey, 2013, p. 292) Sans the paper trail,
homeowners received nothing and subsequently relegated their property to an indefinite state of
overgrown grass or steps situated in front of open lots (that once led to porches) and illegally dumped
debris. A suit, charging that Road Home discriminated against African‐American homeowners, was
settled in 2011 by the Obama administration after 3 years of litigation (Rivlin, 2015).
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Picture taken on November 7, 2015
The Lower Ninth was the last area to have standing water pumped away and the last to have tap water
restored. Homeowners without water couldn’t reside in FEMA trailers and without trailers,
homeowners weren’t able to oversee contractors (Buchanan, 2015). Those dedicated to the rebuilding
effort suffered at the hands of unscrupulous contractors, who would work for a few days and then never
return, losing substantial portions of their insurance and Road Home grants (Harvey, 2013, p. 300).
D. Brad Pitt and the Make It Right Foundation – Silver Lining in the Dark Cloud
As historian and geographer, Richard Campanella wrote, the Lower Ninth Ward was “first on the list for
urban nuisances, last in line for amenities.” (Baccinelli, 2015, p. 115) A stalled federal government,
bureaucratic programs, and negligence contributed to the lag in rebuilding the Lower Nine, compared to
the other areas of New Orleans and the Gulf Coast Region. “The original master rebuilding plan had the
Lower Ninth slated to become green space” (Mwendo, 2012). It was overwhelmingly clear that the
Lower Nine reclamation was unwanted. The neighborhood’s recovery can be credited to community
leaders, citizens, volunteers, and non‐profit organizations devoted to the revitalization effort. However,
very little of the heap of outside money served the community’s “most basic needs: housing and
schools” (Rivlin, 2015). Shocked by the slow pace of redevelopment during a visit two years post‐
Katrina, Brad Pitt, a modern architecture enthusiast, moved to action. (“Make It Right Homes”, 2015)
In response
to
critics,
offering
no
alternatives,
who
questioned
the
sense
in
rebuilding
in
an
area
likely
to
get hit again, Pitt said, “My first answer to that is, talk to the people who’ve lived there and have raised
their kids there. People are needing to get back in their homes.” (Pogrebin, 2007) Gloria Guy, the
infamously interviewed 74‐year old and first beneficiary of a Make It Right home, has been quoted,
“Baby, this was the worst disaster to have, and they did nothing”, referring to the federal and local
powers that be. “The only person who came through here and worked with the people was Brad Pitt.
The Prince of Wales came down here, and boy he was in a helicopter looking at us hanging on the roof,
and then he took off in a jet and kept going.” (DePillis, 2013)
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“Promising green homes that would never cost a resident more than 30 percent of his or her income”,
Pitt invested $5 million of his own money and then fundraised the rest in an effort to build 150
sustainable homes in the area. Although churches and other local community groups tirelessly worked
in the neighborhood, using his celebrity power, Pitt drew media attention to the Lower Nine increasing
the visibility
of
a community
once
ignored.
Former
president,
Bill
Clinton,
attended
the
groundbreaking
ceremony for the first of Pitt’s Make It Right houses, built in an area where city officials, previously,
“would not even commit to bringing streetlights or street signs.” (Rivlin, 2015) In June 2008,
construction began and the first six homes were completed two months later. This momentum was
inspired by two of the main “Make It Right” beliefs: “everyone has the right to live in a high‐quality,
healthy home that enhances the natural environment” and “communities should be fully engaged in
defining their own needs and have a leading role in designing appropriate ways to meet those needs.”
(Make It Right, n.d.)
III. Making it Right ‐ Race and Sustainability
A. Sustainability
and
Equity
As reinforced by the constructions of the Industrial Canal and MR‐GO, one key sector, driving the New
Orleans economy, is commercial shipping. The Port of New Orleans, the largest inland port in the
United States, operates as a Foreign Trade Zone. As described previously, equity has been, historically
and consistently, traded off for growth with the addition of inland waterways to improve national and
international transportation of goods, disproportionately affecting low‐income or marginalized
communities in New Orleans, specifically the Lower Nine. These disparities were exacerbated following
natural and/or suspected man‐made disasters (i.e. levee breaches). Given the fewer resources to adapt,
the low‐income Lower Nine population was more susceptible to the impacts.
Judd Kahn, upon observing post World War II reconstruction, once noted that “disaster seems more
likely to beget substantial continuity in urban form, rather than radical innovation.” His point was that
existing cities are often re‐planned through politics; however, “cities destroyed are almost always
reconstructed on the old street pattern, and their damaged areas are rationalized with commercial
considerations in mind.” (Wilson, 1989, p. 81) This was true in other areas of New Orleans, but as
previously noted, exacerbated urban marginality took precedence in the lower ninth ward, a community
of color. Politics saw the catastrophic leveling of the region as a clean slate to sever the relationship
between people (of color) and place, with no consideration of alternative housing. Heretofore reckoned
as an opportunity to dislocate this working class community, the lower nine became a canvas for Pitt to
not only reconsider the neighborhood design equitably and sustainably but also in a highly
groundbreaking way.
Targeting
green
infrastructure
and
other
amenities
to
the
Lower
Nine
would
capitalize on the prospect to redress the historically biased environmental burdens. Make It Right, true
to its namesake, was duty‐bound by these goals that, arguably, would never be deliberated by the city.
The foundation believes that “design has the power to improve the quality of affordable housing and
bring dignity to people’s lives.” (Make It Right, n.d.) The return of dignity was certainly welcomed as the
community had been dehumanized and dismissed by the state and federal government throughout the
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rebuilding process. Committed to building only Leadership in Energy and Environmental Design (LEED)
Platinum certified homes, the nonprofit integrated strategies not traditionally dedicated to, or
considered deserved by, the previously expendable low‐income populations. Also, by hiring and training
local businesses and tradespeople (Make It Right, n.d.), the sustainability initiative addressed “racial
disparities in poverty and economic opportunity” through the creation of “green collar jobs”,
encouraging “just
sustainability.”
(Bassett,
Green,
&
Shrock,
2015,
p.
284)
Per
the
non
‐profit’s
website,
790 New Orleanians “including general contractors, sub‐contractors, laborers, skilled tradespeople,
landscapers, maintenance workers and project managers” added to this effort.
B. Make It Right Home Designs and the Participatory Process
Although inclusive, the neighborhood was designed by means of a top‐down planning approach of
limited choice to the residents. Over the course of many months, Pitt and world‐renowned architects,
met with Lower 9th ward homeowners and community leaders in design charrettes, geared toward
rebuilding needs and collaboration on home designs. Homeowners chose from 21 designs, including
single‐family and duplex houses, customizing their homes to their own personal style and needs, “by
choosing the
paint
colors,
flooring,
cabinets,
and
countertops.”
(Make
It
Right,
n.d.)
“The resulting cutting‐edge designs struck some as garishly out of place, while others dismissed the
actor’s vision as doomed to collapse under the weight of its own grandiosity.” (MacCash, 2012) The
houses are seen to “value individuality over community” (Culvahouse, p. 9). The project touts avant
garde, innovative,
environmentally
‐sound
plans
for
single
houses,
each
roughly
1,400
square
feet,
all
built five to eight feet off the ground, with a front porch and three bedrooms. Thom Mayne of Santa
Monica’s Morphosis decided on a lightweight concrete foundation anchored by two pylons, which like a
boat, buoys the house if floodwaters rise. James Timberlake of Kieran Timberlake Associates in
Philadelphia fashioned a house with native vines ascending up the side walls “to provide shade and
coolness.” Steven B. Bingler of Concordia in New Orleans, responded to the culture of the Lower Ninth
Ward, by envisaging a house with wide front steps, perfect for a traditional crawfish boil. He said
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residents asked him for “a house where the baby can be sleeping in the back, the mama making red
beans in the kitchen and the grandpa can be on the front porch entertaining neighbors.” (Pogrebin,
2007)
In an interview with Carrie Fischer, Associate Council for MIR, she stated, “Our homeowners vary in age
and so
do
their
tastes,
in
some
cases
our
older
homeowners
lean
towards
a more
traditional
design
whereas some of our younger homeowners are eager to try new innovative designs, but all have been
open and excited to be a part of something different. All and all there has been a positive spirit about
the designs we put forth and homeowners appreciate the creative and distinctive designs and
green amenities for which our homes are known. Most notably homeowners talk about how you cannot
get these home designs anywhere else and that adds a very unique experience to being a Make It Right
homeowner.”
C. LEED Strategies vs. Legislative and Construction Costs Roadblocks
LEED is a “green building certification program that recognizes best‐in‐class building strategies and
practices.” (USGBC,
n.d.)
Building
projects
must
satisfy
prerequisites
and
earn
points
across
five
major
credit categories: Sustainable Sites, Water Efficiency, Energy and Atmosphere, Materials and Resources,
and Indoor Environmental Quality, determining their level of LEED certification. Buildings can qualify for
four levels of certification, the highest level and most difficult to achieve being Platinum. LEED is not
intended to be a national standard that substitutes zoning codes or comprehensive plans. Given that
land regulation is principally controlled by local governments, LEED supplies voluntary leadership
standards that can be used to evaluate whether “existing development regulations, such as zoning
codes, development standards, landscape requirements, building codes, or comprehensive plans” are
aligned with sustainable development. Planning officials and the planning department can better
pinpoint code barriers “that make it onerous, costly, or even impossible to undertake some aspects of
sustainable development,”
by
making
this
assessment.
(U.S.
Green
Building
Council,
2009,
p.
xv)
“If our goal were to build as many houses as we could, then we wouldn’t have spent so much on the
items not related to an individual house,” Tom Darden, the foundation director, said. “We’re teaching
others to build this level of green building we’ve achieved.” (MacCash, 2012) Make It Right, in its pursuit
of Platinum certification, has consistently sought ways to lessen costs while tracking innovative
sustainable strategies, experimenting with materials and construction methods. Per the 2008‐2010 tax
forms of the 50 homes completed by December 2010, a rough average expense of $430,000 per house
was calculated, not including houses begun but not completed. These averages also neglect “research
and development, contractor training, community garden construction, street design and other
elements that ordinarily are not tallied with the price of building individual houses,” per Darden.
(MacCash, 2012)
The nonprofit has been transparent about its “misses”. Reflective of the learning curve in local
sustainable construction, geothermal HVAC systems, for example, are no longer approved due to budget
constraints and lack of experienced installers. Stringent city regulations have prohibited the use of grey
water and limited rainwater harvesting systems (applied to the first 25 homes). In addition, previously
excessive funding spent on sustainable landscapes has been limited as it was learned, in hindsight, that
homeowners would modify these landscapes as preferred. (Make It Right, n.d.) The most prominent
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and recent pitfall has been the use of an untested TimberSIL wood product for exterior stairs and
decking, which quickly rotted. The charity has filed a lawsuit, “seeking the cost of replacing the
damaged wood, legal fees and unspecified costs in relation to PR damage.” (Graham, 2015)
Additional cutbacks included “reducing the number of windows and other architectural features,
eliminating slatted
sun
screens
and
other
labor
‐intensive
flourishes,
making
construction
techniques
more efficient, and seeking uniform construction materials that could be used in all of the individual
designs.” (MacCash, 2012) As a result, single‐family home costs have dropped to between $180,000 and
$220,000 to construct, while double homes cost more. These lessons learned on the inaugural project,
in New Orleans, also known as “the laboratory for cost‐effective green building”, are being used to
streamline the projects for other communities in need in Newark, NJ and Kansas City, MO. (Make It
Right, n.d.)
Other methods and materials, in contrast, have been steadily effective. The installation of pervious
driveways and sidewalks, minimizing the runoff from paved areas, in turn, has promoted aquifer
recharge and warranted smaller storm sewers in the area, while achieving Sustainable Sites credits. The
inclusion of
low
‐flow
fixtures
and
dual
flush
toilets,
reducing
potable
water
consumption
and
decreasing
the draw on water bodies, are not solely dedicated to amassing Water Efficiency credits, but more
importantly, reducing the monthly water bill and easing the burden on the environment. Solar panels
have drastically lessened energy demands, lowering energy bills, while high standard filtering has
mitigated respiratory problems such as asthma and allergies. Interior paint, hardwood made from
recycled post‐industrial wood fiber, recycled carpet made of non‐toxic materials, countertops made of
75% recycled content and cabinets that do not contain formaldehyde have limited the exposure to
Volatile Organic Compounds (VOCs), further alleviating health issues while accruing points in Materials
and Resources and Indoor Environmental Quality. (Make It Right, n.d.) This is another important area of
equity that Make It Right is addressing in their construction of homes, ensuring that these populations
that have
historically
been
victims
of
poor
air
quality
and
other
environmental
hazards
are
now
experiencing holistic wellness opportunities within their homes and community. However, these
materials are not the cheaper option in each of their respective categories, thus contributing to the
higher than normal price tag for construction.
D. Sustainable Issues of Brownfield Redevelopment
Historically in the U.S., the trend has been that if a community is poor or largely inhabited by people of
color, they have experienced less protection in regards to environmental justice. We continue to see this
trend perpetuated today along the region of the Mississippi River, termed by many as “Cancer Alley,”
which established toxic chemical plants primarily near communities of color.
David Taylor points out in his article Remediation: A Break in the Clouds: Rebuilding New Orleans,
months after Hurricane Katrina, specialists from the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency and
Tulane/Xavier Center for Bioenvironmental Research collected over 5,000 soil samples from across the
city and found that soil lead rates were testing near 1,700 ppm. Such contamination came from old lead‐
based paint that coated homes’ exteriors, as well as, from leaded gasoline and other sources. In
particular to the Lower Ninth Ward’s 14‐block planned area for Make It Right, the lead levels were
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around 200ppm, which is considered half of the EPA remediation threshold. Completed site samples of
the projected site for MIR found that there were higher than normal levels of Mercury. Although these
levels were higher than normal, they did not surpass the levels that require brownfield remediation
action. Instead of allowing these levels of lead and mercury to remain in the soils of their site, Make It
Right developers took initiative to remediate this in order to stay committed to their mission of
providing environmentally
sound
communities
for
people
in
need.
For soils that were over the 400ppm threshold, the remediation process required 6 to 12 inches of clean
soil to be added over the contaminated soils. Make It Right foundation made it a policy to double this
recommended depth and added 18 to 24 inches of clean soil on its site. Inherent in every remediation
initiative is Scott Campbell’s Sustainability Triangle of Sustainable Development. The intentions of Make
It Right and the actual reality were that children in the neighborhood would eventually play in these
soils; therefore, they were determined to minimize any major impacts on children’s health in the long
run. This Make It Right case is an anomaly to the historical trend of low‐income community site
remediation, but is a step in the right direction of progressive planning towards equitable sustainable
development.
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IV. Housing Snapshot
A. Make It Right Homes vs. Other Nonprofit Homes
The major endeavor that sets Make It Right apart from many other home building organizations in the
area is
their
commitment
to
building
LEED
Platinum
certified
homes
–
the
highest
standard
in
green
building. With such grandiose commitments also comes a grand price tag, relative to other home
building groups. To date, Make It Right has built 109 LEED Platinum homes within a 20‐block radius in
the Lower Ninth Ward. As reported by the foundation’s website, a total of $26.8 million has been spent
on construction with a starting price of $150,000. On average, it has taken four months for each home
to be constructed. Of slightly lesser publicity, Harry Connick Jr. and Branford Marsalis partnered with
Habitat for Humanity to build 72 brightly‐colored single‐family homes and 10 elder‐friendly duplexes,
while preserving the porch culture, for low income musicians on an 8.2‐acre tract of land (the Musician’s
Village) in the Upper Ninth Ward. The musicians that have moved in have been able to finance their
homes for approximately $80,000, paying approximately $650 to $750 per month. Per the website for
Lowernine.org, the organization has rebuilt 75 homes in the area; however, the time and construction
costs were
not
documented.
Common
Ground,
founded
by
Malik
Rahim
(a
former
black
panther),
“only
built 10 houses in the Lower Ninth before shifting focus to job training, wetland restoration, and the
legal clinic it operates in the neighborhood.” (Rivlin, 2015) The non‐profit, St. Bernard’s Project was
launched in 2006 and has rebuilt 600 homes in New Orleans for low‐income residents whose homes
were destroyed by Katrina. Approaching the 10 year anniversary since the catastrophic hurricane, St.
Bernard’s Project held a 48‐hour marathon build and committed to building 48 low‐income homes
within 48 hours.
Many critics of Make It Right have brought up the higher than normal price tag as an area of scrutiny.
While the initial construction costs were originally estimated at approximately $400,000 per home, the
organization has
worked
to
drive
the
cost
of
construction
down
by
half.
The
homes
are
currently
sold
at
a starting price of $150,000. Per Carrie Fischer, the homes are able to be sold at a lower price tag due to
the generous donations Make It Right receives. Although not as low as the amount financed for single‐
family homes in the Musician’s Village, for example, this allows Make It Right to build at a higher
construction cost, yet, offer a lower sales price for higher quality materials, making access to these high
performance homes more affordable.
It is worth noting that although the price point for a single‐family, MIR home starts at $150,000,
potential buyers can qualify for up to $75,000 in down payment or closing costs. Ms. Fischer further
indicated that the MIR Homeowner Services Department works with potential homebuyers to
determine which subsidy, if any, the homebuyer can utilize. “There are subsidies available through the
City such
as
the
New
Orleans
City
Soft
Seconds
which
base
the
qualification
on
Area
Medium
Income
(AMI). These qualifications are determined by the City. In addition to the City Soft Second program, a
homeowner may qualify for MIR closing costs assistance and/or a MIR Forgivable loan which could cover
the gap between the homeowner's qualified mortgage amount/City Soft Second and the sales price. MIR
subsidies are always based on need which is determined using the household AMI and funding
gap.” Ailene of 1735 Deslonde Street, a middle‐aged white resident, expressed her satisfaction with the
aid towards her closing costs.
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Overall, there is no question that there are various other organizations in New Orleans building at a
faster rate and at lower costs and price tag for homebuyers; however, there is not another organization
focused on developing homes with sustainability social equity as its goal and making financial
adjustments accordingly, aside from Make It Right. While other organizations such as St. Bernard’s
Project and
New
Orleans
Habitat
for
Humanity
build
their
homes
with
primarily
volunteer
support
(enabling them to keep costs low), Make It Right is committed to employing people in the New Orleans
area to build homes and will generally seek volunteer help for minor landscaping projects.
B. Neighborhood Demographics ‐ Resident Numbers
Make It Right’s website states that they have completed 109 of the 150 homes in their sub‐division.
Within this community, there are more than 350 people residing in the area. It has a family friendly
design with an environmentally friendly playground at the core of the community, as well as,
information on the neighborhood and garden locations.
Initially Make It Right’s goal was to bring the population that was in the area pre‐Katrina back to the
community and fill their homes. What was experienced instead, was a slower than expected migration
back from the local residents. Criticisms include the lack of amenities, such as nearby grocery stores,
walkability/bikability, and the high price ticket for these homes as reasons why the residents were not
coming back. As a result, the organization has extended the sale of homes to first responders and local
teachers. Pre‐Katrina, this area was a predominantly black community, so it isn’t surprising that this was
the demographics that Make It Right intended to bring back to the area. However, since opening their
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homes to a new market, the Make It Right community is no longer focused on building the community
with only the black residents that once lived here. With the high price point for these homes, compared
to the costs of other homes in the area, it leaves the possibility that black residents will not be able to
purchase the remaining homes, even with the subsidies offered and the slash in selling cost. As Leigh
and Ross address in Planning, Urban Revitalization, and Inner City: An Exploration of Structural Racism,
there are
many
narratives
of
renewed
exclusion
in
modern
day
society.
This
continued
exclusion
has
been reborn through homeowner association requirements of certain materials over cheaper materials
in the home building and repairs process, which we see being utilized by Make It Right, however, not
explicitly as an exclusionary practice. Yet, this possibility still remains and can only be realized as these
homes continue to be occupied – we will see whether the no‐VOC requirements and environmental
friendly push become barriers of entry to the low‐income residents of the Lower 9th Ward, who Make It
Right strives to attract back and retain.
C. Neighborhood Limitations
It is an indubitable reality that the lack of amenities in the area, in particular ‐ a community grocery
store, has
affected
the
in
‐migration
of
residents
back
into
the
area.
Instead
residents
in
the
area
must
either travel over 2 miles across the Industrial Canal Bridge into the Bywater neighborhood (a trip that is
ultimately dependent upon ship traffic passing through the canal, ranging from 20 minutes to an hour)
for a small grocer that does not offer a wide variety of meats or produce or several more miles into
Chalmette for a Wal‐Mart Supercenter. In addition to affecting the in‐migration back into the area, the
lack of a full‐fledge grocery store in the long run will continue to hinder the economic vitality of the
area. The thought of travelling a couple of miles to a grocery store via car typically may not resonate
images of a daunting task to those who have access to a personal vehicle. However, as many of the
residents in Make It Right’s community and surrounding area do not have personal vehicles and are
reliant upon bus transportation and/or bicycling, travelling two to three miles in any direction becomes
a task
that
must
be
planned
out
in
advance
with
an
expected
commute
time
near
one
hour.
While the lack of a community grocery store still remains a problem in the area, the residents of the
Lower 9th Ward have taken initiatives and raised awareness for this necessity. Through community
meetings led by local community leaders, long‐time residents have created markets accessible to their
community, in some cases making very little to no profits. Sankofa Community Development’s CEO,
Rashida Ferdinand has lived the majority of her life in the area and has created the Sankofa Community
Market to ameliorate the inconveniences of living in a food desert. Sankofa’s market offers fresh
produce grown from its community garden several blocks away and select meats from local farmers and
fishermen. While the market is bringing food to the community, it is currently only open on Saturday of
each week.
From an interview with Ms. Ferdinand, she explained that she is not the only one in the area bringing
fresh produce and meats to the community. In addition to Sankofa’s efforts, residents have also taken
initiatives in their own hands. Burnell Cotlon invested $80,000 of his life savings into rehabbing a market
in the Lower 9th Ward to offer fresh fruits, vegetables, and meats to the community every day of the
week. While his market currently does not offer everything a full grocery store does, he is open to his
community’s input on items they want to see in the store. Hung all throughout the market are signs that
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read ‐ “Don’t see it, then ask for it.” This endeavor has led Cotlon’s market to start carrying shoes,
toiletries, hardware, and toys; leading the community to dub the market as “the Junior Wal‐Mart.” The
market has gained force in the area strictly by word of mouth of community residents. Residents
eventually began requesting the market to offer pharmacy items; however, this was something he
simply could not supply. Eventually, this need from his community led Cotlon to reach out to CVS
Pharmacy which
may
have
played
a significant
part
in
influencing
the
pharmacy
in
opening
a store
on
North Claiborne Ave in the Lower 9th Ward. Witnessed in this anecdote is the power and magnitude of
community planning in the area. As Ross and Leigh contend in Planning, Urban Revitalization, & Inner
City: An Exploration of Structural Racism, “community is the most important force for bringing about
change and revitalization” (Ross & Leigh, 2000).
While Make It Right has designed a close‐knit community within the boundaries of its neighborhood, it
cannot be denied that their community is deeply rooted within the larger community of the Lower 9th
Ward and the issues it faces, especially those involving transportation and food deserts. Despite the
bounds the foundation has made in making an environmentally sustainable neighborhood accessible to
the population of the Lower 9th Ward, it has overlooked an important part of this concept of
sustainability in
regards
to
substance
that
sustains
its
residents
‐food.
This
oversight
resonates
Jane
Jacobs’ arguments in The Life and Death of Great American Cities that architecture and the built
environment of parks isn’t going to sustain a community alone, but is ultimately dependent upon the
community’s walkability to necessities such as community markets and grocery stores, where in the case
of Cotlon’s market, is a location of thriving community engagement.
V. Market Transformation
A. Neighborhood Composition – Design (who was it for) vs. Reality (who lives there now)
Last year
in
an
interview
with
Doug
MacCash
of
the
Times
‐Picayune,
Darden
described
a story
in
which
an observer exclaimed, "Wow, what a cool neighborhood," instead of saying "Wow, such cool houses."
(MacCash (2014), 1). So, what is the composition of the neighborhood? The Lower Nine is a historically
significant component of New Orleans. Therefore, it is crucial that in rebuilding it would be composed of
a similar demographic—primarily low‐income African‐Americans. It is estimated that the Lower Ninth
Ward’s African‐American composition “rose from 31 to 73 percent” (Landphair, 2007) from 1940 to
1970. In 2000, pre‐Katrina, that percentage had increased to 90 percent.
As we know, not all displaced residents were or have been able to return to their neighborhoods. Still,
the Make It Right Foundation initially required participating homeowners to be former Lower Ninth
residents, which would reestablish the pre‐Katrina neighborhood demographics. Later this was
expanded to
include
educators
and
first
responders
as
well.
To
provide
a snapshot,
in
2014
there
were
79 families in the counseling program. Of these, “64 percent are former Lower 9th Ward residents, 23
percent are educators and 13 percent are first responders.” At that time they knew of 6 plans for new
homes: 5 for educators, 1 for a police officer. (MacCash 2014)
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*Based on
2014
counseling
program
only
However, the influx of residents based on occupation has the potential to incorporate some diversity to
the neighborhood, which was otherwise projected to remain the same. New residents moving into the
Lower Nine based on their occupation, with no consideration for their characteristics such as race and
income, can be expected to include new personalities. A similar movement is occurring with the
construction of new houses, built not in the traditional shotgun or bungalow styles, but rather in
modern shapes. Together, these two should create a “just city” (or neighborhood) as promoted by
Fainstein. The addition of new individuals and their contributions to the community could potentially
impact the future of the Lower Nine.
B. Preservation
Pitt described the Lower Ninth Ward as an architectural failure. He saw the design of future homes as
the solution. As previously mentioned, this was accomplished through the application of
environmentally‐friendly materials and concern for building costs. To a further extent, he considered the
future costs expected of residents to maintain his standards while avoiding a poverty trap, which would
consequently exaggerate the issues as seen from the effects of redlining.
One desirable aspect of owning a Make It Right home is the opportunity to choose a building design
from highly reputable architects from around the world. A concern arises however when asking if that
design will
remain
useful
and
desirable
to
future
generations.
A
personal
layout
in
a highly
modernized
design in response to a specific historical disaster is not likely to provide much flexibility to a future
family occupying the space. Although everyone can be expected to benefit from a recently constructed
ecologically‐sound home, the desire for a unique layout is less likely to attract many potential
homeowners on the market. (Unless, of course, preservation is promoted to upkeep a place‐specific
attraction for the coming years and continued tourists.) Additionally, a highly specialized design from an
architect on the other side of the world might be difficult to replicate by a New Orleans native if damage
or natural decay were to occur. Or, if the homeowner were expected to be responsible for maintaining
64%
23%
13%
Neighborhood Composition
Former Residents
Educators
First Responders
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the structure and its features, would he/she even consider trying to uphold the Make It Right status
instead of settling for the most financially feasible and convenient repair? One current homeowner,
Kimberly Roberts, expressed difficulties such as these: “The storm is one thing, but then keeping
everything together is a whole other storm in itself.” (Ensor, 2015)
VI. Conclusion
A. Contributions – Local Economic Development, Housing Production, Sustainable Development
Planning is concerned with accommodating growth. If an area is not growing, it is expected that a
solution be found. For better or worse, in this instance one was created. Make It Right’s effort in New
Orleans transformed the Lower Nine disaster zone into the “largest, greenest development of single‐
family LEED Platinum homes in the world” (Bio, n.d.). Darden endorses sharing the successes and
failures by the organization throughout its development on this project. The original plan of creating a
highly aesthetic area in a previously tame poor neighborhood proved to be a mistake. Instead, the
promotion of high‐performance, including efficiency and safety, prevailed. New Orleans was the first site
for the
Make
It
Right
organization,
serving
as
a foundation
for
the
future
hopes
of
other
areas
in
need
after a disaster. Through the trials and errors learned by its existence, there is an improved likelihood
that projects elsewhere will arise from a more stable blueprint.
B. Was Equity Served?
At a time when the city and its hardest hit areas needed planning more than ever, the city planning
department was depleted to nearly nothing and the usual plan of leaving the worst off to fend for
themselves continued. As those like Krumholz argue, there was a need to fight for change. As seen in the
documentary “Land of Opportunity” (2010), residents (who pre‐Katrina combine to hold the largest
percentage of
homeownership
in
the
city)
demanded
attention
in
the
Lower
Nine
through
protests
and
grassroots fights. Organizations such as the Association of Community Organizations for Reform Now
(ACORN) and federal programs like FEMA’s Recovery Roads also had influence. Ultimately, the Make It
Right Foundation built more than one hundred new homes over several blocks. It introduced
environmental improvements, economic assistance, and new neighbors. However, as Schrock et. al
mention, social equity usually loses ground to the environmental and economical goals (p. 282, 2015).
The City of New Orleans is indisputably guilty of denying utilities and assistance to the Lower Nine
neighborhood, not only due to geographic equity, but also social equity. The area’s majority lower‐
income African‐American demographic should not have been the city’s concern. Instead, it should have
approached recovery from a “shared roots” perspective, as mentioned by Zapata and Bates (p.247,
2015). Schrock et al. further mention the disregard by pre‐2009 plans to consider and account for social
equity (p.
287).
Noted
by
KTLA
(2015),
even
President
Obama
in
his
2010
visit
post
‐Katrina
avoided
the
role of racial disparity. However, in his follow‐up visit this year during the ten‐year mark of the
destruction, the president became “more open about addressing issues of race”.
Make It Right’s mostly normative goals of environmental and economic influence are admirable, but did
it do enough to revive the area and its surroundings? In a comparison to Krumholz’s study of the
proposed rail system in Cleveland (Retrospective View, p. 4), it could also be asked if the proposal was
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even necessary as an effective tactic to the recovery effort. Although it received its “five minutes of
fame” under the spotlight of celebrities’ donations, attention to the Lower Nine’s continuing recovery
efforts and future development should not be forgotten. This consideration comes not only in the wake
of disaster, but also for the inclusion of all neighborhoods as part of the Greater New Orleans area. As a
native New Orleanian declared in a speech to the National Urban League, “Until Lower Nine is back, we
cannot say
this
city
is
fully
recovered”
(KTLA,
2015).
It
is
in
the
public’s
interest
and
therefore
the
planner’s to extend equity to all stretches of our city.
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