Local Elite Adjustment in Indonesia’s
Transcript of Local Elite Adjustment in Indonesia’s
Local Elite Adjustment in Indonesia’s
Democratization:
Case Studies of North Sumatra and East Java,
1998-2013
Inaugural-Dissertation
zur
Erlangung der Doktorwürde
der Philosophischen Fakultät
der Albert-Ludwigs-Universität
Freiburg i. Br.
vorgelegt von
Panji Anugrah Permana
Aus Sukabumi, Indonesien
SS 2017
ii
Erstgutachter: Prof. Dr. Jürgen Rüland
Zweitgutachter: Prof. Dr. Judith Schlehe
Vorsitzender des Promotionsausschusses: Prof. Dr. Andreas Mehler
Der Gemeinsamen Kommission der Philologischen,
Philosophischen und Wirtschafts- und
Verhaltenswissenschaftlichen Fakultät: Prof. Dr. Hans-Helmuth Gander
Datum der Fachprüfung im Promotionsfach: 11.07.2017
iii
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Title Page ........................................................................................................................................... i
Table of Contents ...................................................................................................................... iii
List of Table ............................................................................................................................. v
List of Figure ............................................................................................................................ v
Glossary ..................................................................................................................................... vi
Chapter One Introduction ........................................................................................................... 1 Chapter Two ............................................................................................................................... 7 Theory and Methodology ........................................................................................................... 7
I. Theoretical Premises ..................................................................................................................... 7 A. Introduction ................................................................................................................................ 7 B. The Structuralist Approach ......................................................................................................... 7
Elite and democratization studies ................................................................................ 11 Structuralism and democratization studies in Indonesia ............................................. 12
C. The Actor-Centered Approach ................................................................................................. 14 Elite and democratization studies ................................................................................ 17 Elites and democratization studies in Indonesia .......................................................... 19
D. The Ideational Approach .......................................................................................................... 21
Ideas and democratization studies ............................................................................... 22 Democratization studies in Indonesia: Bringing ideas in ............................................ 23
Enlisting the cultural turn for elite studies in Indonesia .............................................. 25 E. Eclectic Theorizing in Elite Analyses ...................................................................................... 27 F. Research Arguments ................................................................................................................. 29
II. Methodology and Research Techniques ..................................................................................... 30 A. Comparative Case Study Method and Process Tracing Analysis ............................................. 30 B. The Cases .................................................................................................................................. 34 C. Research Techniques ................................................................................................................ 37
Chapter Three ........................................................................................................................... 40 Politics in Indonesia: Structure, Actors and Ideas .................................................................... 40
I. Introduction ................................................................................................................................. 40 II. Trajectories of Political Order in Indonesia: Institutional Structure, Actor Strategies and Ideas . 42 A. Parliamentary Democracy (1950-1957) ................................................................................... 42 B. “Guided Democracy” (1957-1965) .......................................................................................... 48 C. The New Order (1965/1966-1998) ........................................................................................... 50 D. The post-New Order Era: Bringing Democracy Back In ......................................................... 58
1. Habibie’s Reforms ................................................................................................... 59 2. Constitutional Amendments ..................................................................................... 61
3. Decentralization Reform in 1999: Deconstructing the Myth of Unitarism ............. 63 4. Revision of the Decentralization Policy in 2004 and Direct Local Elections ......... 66
III. Conclusion .................................................................................................................................. 68
Chapter Four Elites and Democratization in North Sumatra ................................................... 71 I. Introduction ................................................................................................................................... 71 II. Elite and Institutional Structure ..................................................................................................... 71 A. Socio-Economic Conditions and Historical Background ......................................................... 71 B. Institutional Dynamics of Local Political Power: Parties and Elections .................................. 75
1. General Elections ..................................................................................................... 75
2. Local Elections ........................................................................................................ 81 3. Elite Configuration: Old and New Elites ............................................................... 100
III. Elite and Strategic Actions towards Democratization ............................................................... 107 A. Local Elections and Transactional Politics ............................................................................. 111 B. Elite Networks and Alliance Building .................................................................................... 116
1. Party Networks and National Elites Networks ...................................................... 116
iv
2. Ethnic and Religious Politics ................................................................................. 122 3. Patronage and Personal Networks ......................................................................... 131 4. The Hobbesian Nature of Inter-Elite Competition ................................................ 137
IV. Elite and Ideational Contestation .............................................................................................. 144 A. Proximity to the People .......................................................................................................... 144 B. The Rise of Oppositional Ideas .............................................................................................. 153 C. External Challenge and Elite Perception: Local Elites as Ideational Carriers and Barriers ... 157
V. Conclusion: Tracing the Process of Elite Adjustment in North Sumatra .................................. 168
Chapter Five Elite and Democratization in East Java ............................................................ 172 I. Introduction ............................................................................................................................... 172 II. Elite and Institutional Context .................................................................................................... 172 A. Socio-Economic Condition..................................................................................................... 172 B. The Dynamics of Local Political Power: Parties and Elections ............................................. 174
1. General Elections ................................................................................................... 174 2. Local Elections ...................................................................................................... 181
C. Elite Continuity ...................................................................................................................... 200 III. Elite and Strategic Actions towards Democratization ............................................................... 206
A. Political Networks: Local Elites and Three Political Machines ............................................. 209 B. Personal Networks: Friends and Alliances ............................................................................. 214 C. Party Networks: Inclusion and Accommodation .................................................................... 220 D. Elite Cunning, Money Politics, and Political Corruption ....................................................... 227
IV. Elite and Ideational Structures .................................................................................................. 231 A. The Traditional Javanese Ideas of Stability and Harmony ..................................................... 231 B. The Bureaucratic Politician .................................................................................................... 234 C. Elite Resistance towards Liberal Democratic Ideas and Elite Perception towards Political
Reforms ....................................................................................................................................... 236 D. The Outsiders and Oppositional Ideas .................................................................................... 241
V. Conclusion: Tracing the Process of Elite Adjustment in East Java .......................................... 248
Chapter Six Conclusion .......................................................................................................... 253 I. Comparative Analyses: Similarities, Differences, and General Patterns .................................. 254 II. Understanding Elite Adjustment in Democratic Transition ...................................................... 260
Zussamenfassung .................................................................................................................... 265
Bibliography ........................................................................................................................... 267 Appendix ................................................................................................................................ 301
(List of Interviewees) ............................................................................................................. 301
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LIST OF TABLE
Tabel 2. 1 Distribution of Interviewees................................................................................ 38
Table 4. 1 The Result of 1955 General Election at the National and North Sumatra .......... 76
Table 4. 2 The Results of the 1971 General Election at the National Level and in North
Sumatra (in percent) ............................................................................................ 77
Table 4. 3 The Results of the New Order’s General Elections at the National Level and in
North Sumatran (in percent) ............................................................................... 78
Table 4. 4 Results of General Elections in Post New Order Era at the National and North
Sumatra (by percent of popular vote) ................................................................. 79
Table 4. 5 Local Elections in North Sumatra and Medan, 1998-2010 ................................. 82
Table 4. 6 Candidates, Parties and Result of Gubernatorial Election in 2008 ..................... 94
Table 4. 7 Backgrounds of Candidates in Gubernatorial Elections ................................... 118
Table 4. 8 The Position of Political Parties in the Gubernatorial Elections ....................... 120
Table 4. 9 Ethnic and Religious Background of Candidates in Gubernatorial Election ... 124
Table 5. 1 The Result of 1955 General Election, National Level and East Java ............... 175
Table 5. 2 The Results of 1971 General Election, National Level and East Java .............. 176
Table 5. 3 The Results of The New Order’s General Election, National Level and
East Java (in percent) ........................................................................................ 178
Table 5. 4 Results of the General Elections in the Post-New Order Era, National Level
and East Java (by percent of popular vote ........................................................ 180
Table 5. 5 Composition of Political Parties/ Factions in the Provincial Legislature in the
Gubernatorial Election of 1998 ......................................................................... 182
Table 5. 6 The Results of the Gubernatorial Election of 1998 ........................................... 183
Table 5. 7 Composition of Political Parties/ Factions in the Provincial Legislature in the
Gubernatorial Election of 2003 ......................................................................... 185
Table 5. 8 The Result of the Gubernatorial Election of 2003 ............................................ 186
Table 5. 9 The Results of the Gubernatorial Election of 2008 (in percent) ....................... 193
Table 5. 10 The Results of the Mayoral Election of Surabaya in 2000 ............................... 195
Table 5. 11 The Results of the Mayoral Election of Surabaya in 2005 (in percent) ............ 197
Table 5. 12 The Results of the Mayoral Election of Surabaya in 2010 (in percent) ............ 200
LIST OF FIGURE
Figure 2.1 Causal factors and outcome .................................................................................... 30
Figure 2. 2 Periodization and Major Events of Local Elite Adjustment in North Sumatra and
East Java 1998-2013 ................................................................................................................. 34
Figure 4. 1 The Result of 2008 Gubernatorial Election (based on regions) ........................... 126
vi
GLOSSARY
abangan nominal Islam, syncretic Islam
ABRI Angkatan Bersenjata Republik Indonesia, the Indonesian
Armed Forces
adat tradition, custom
aliran stream
among roso managing the sense
AMPI Angkatan Muda Pembaharuan Indonesia, Indonesian
Development Generation of Youth
APBD Anggaran Pendapatan dan Belanja Daerah (Local
Government Revenue and Expenditure), local government
budget
Banpres Bantuan Presiden, Presidential Grants
Bapak Pembangunan Father of Development, credit for President Soeharto
Bappeda Badan Perencanaan Pembangunan Daerah, Regional
Development Planning Agency
Bappenas Badan Perencanaan Pembangunan Nasional (National
Development Planning Agency)
batik traditional cloth of Indonesian
Bhineka Tunggal Ika Unity in Diversity, Indonesian local beliefs
BIA Badan Intelijen ABRI, ABRI Intelligence Agency
BMS Baptist Mission Society, British Missionaries
BPK Badan Pemeriksa Keuangan, State Audit Agency
BPS Badan Pusat Statistik, Central Statistics Agency
BPUPKI Badan Penyelidik Usaha-Usaha Persiapan Kemerdekaan
Indonesia, the Investigatory Committee for the Independence
Indonesia
BPWS Badan Pengembangan Wilayah Surabaya-Madura, Regional
Development of Surabaya-Madura
brengos Javanese’s name for moustache
Cakrabirawa Regiment Bodyguard to the President in Soekarno Era
calon dropping Centrally-ordered candidates
calon pendamping Supplemental/ accessorial candidates
CEPU Block One nationwide biggest contributor of oil, located in East
Java
Daerah pesisir barat West Coast regions
Daerah pesisir timur East Coast regions
dakwah proselytization/ missionary
desa village
Dewan Nasional National Council, established in the Guided Democracy era
Dewan Syuro Supreme/ Advisory Board
Dewan Tanfidz Executive Board
Dispenda Dinas Pendapatan Daerah, Revenue Service Office
DM-USU Dewan Mahasiswa Universitas Sumatra Utara, the Presidium
of the Student Council of the University of North Sumatra
DPA Dewan Pertimbangan Agung, Supreme Advisory Council
DPC Dewan Pimpinan Cabang, district board of political parties
DPD Dewan Perwakilan Daerah, Regional Representative Council
DPD Dewan Pimpinan Daerah, regional board of political parties
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DPP Dewan Pimpinan Pusat, central board of political parties
DPR Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat, People’s Representative Council
DPRD Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Daerah, Regional People’s
Representative Council, regional legislature
DPR-GR Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat-Gotong Royong, Gotong Royong
Parliament
DPT Daftar Pemilih Tetap, fixed voter list
DPW Dewan Pimpinan Wilayah, regional board of political parties
DRD Dewan Riset Daerah, Provincial Research Council
Dwi fungsi ABRI The doctrine of the military dual functions, in defense and
politics
Era reformasi Reform era, Post New Order Era
FKPMJSU Forum Komunikasi Pemuda dan Mahasiswa Jakarta-Sumatra
Utara (the Forum of Communication of the Youth and
Students of Jakarta-North Sumatra)
GAPENSI Gabungan Pelaksana Konstruksi Nasional Indonesia,
Indonesian National Contractors’ Association
gawe karyo work and cooperation
Gerakan Pemuda Ansor Ansor Youth Movement
GMNI Gerakan Mahasiswa Nasional Indonesian, National Student
Movement of Indonesia
Golkar Golongan Karya, Functional Group, the state political party
under the New Order, and one of the post-New Order party
golput Golongan Putih, a boycott movement in New Order’s general
elections
gotong royong mutual cooperation, mutual assistance
Guided Democracy the Sukarno Era, 1957-1966
HIPMI Himpunan Pengusaha Muda Indonesia, Indonesian Young
Entrepreneurs Association
HIPPI Himpunan Pengusaha Pribumi Indonesia, Indonesian
Indigenous Businessmen’s Association
HMI Himpunan Mahasiswa Islam, Islamic University Students
Association
ICIS International Conference of Islamic Scholars
ICMI Ikatan Cendikiawan Muslim Indonesia, Association of
Indonesian Muslim Scholars
IKA-GMNI Ikatan Alumni Gerakan Mahasiswa Nasional Indonesia,
Association of Alumni of National Student Movement of
Indonesia
IKOPI Asosiasi Koperasi Pribumi, Indigenous Cooperative
Association
IMF International Monetary Fund
Inpres Instruksi Presiden, Presidential Instruction
IPKI Ikatan Pendukung Kemerdekaan Indonesia, the League of
Supporters of Indonesian Independence
ITB Institut Teknologi Bandung, Bandung Technology Institute
ITS Institut Teknologi Sepuluh November, Sepuluh November
Institute of Technology
Jadel Jawa Deli, Javanese-Deli
jakon Jawa Kontrak, Javanese contract workers
Jalinkesra Jalan Lain Menuju Kesejahteraan, Another Way to People
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Welfare
JLS Jalur Lingkar Selatan, South Ring Road Highway
kabupaten district, regency
KADIN Kamar Dagang dan Industri, Indonesian Chamber of
Commerce and Industry
KAHMI Kesatuan Alumni Himpunan Mahasiswa Islam, Alumni of
Islamic University Students Association
kajati Kepala Kejaksaan Tinggi, High Attorney at the Province
kampung kampong, rural area
Kapolda Kepala Kepolisian Daerah, Chief of Provincial Police
KASDAM Kepala Staf Daerah Militer, Chief of Army Regional Staff
kawulo-gusti The relationship between the people and their leaders
kecamatan Sub-district
kepala desa village headmen
kepala dinas Head of province/ district level office
keterbukaan Opening
khittah Basic mission of NU in religious and social activities
KNPI Komite Nasional Pemuda Indonesia, National Committee of
Indonesian Youth
Kodiklat ABRI Komando Pendidikan dan Latihan ABRI, Indonesian Army of
Education and Training Command
konfrontasi Confrontation
konstituante Constitutional assembly
kopiah Moslem cap
KORPRI Korp Pegawai Negeri Republik Indonesia, the Indonesian
Civil Service Corps
KOSTRAD Komando Cadangan Strategis TNI-Angkatan Darat, the
Army’s Strategic Reserve Force
kota Municipality
KPK Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi, Corruption Eradication
Commission
KPU Komisi Pemilihan Umum, General Elections Commission
KPUD Komisi Pemilihan Umum Daerah, Regional General Elections
Commission
KSAD Kepala Staf Angkatan Darat, the Army Chief of Staff
KY Komisi Yudisial, Judicial Commission
kyai religious teacher, in NU tradition
LIPI Lembaga Ilmu Pengetahuan Indonesia, Indonesian Science
Institute)
LSI Lembaga Survey Indonesia, Indonesian Survey Institute
LSN Lembaga Survey Nasional, National Survey Institute
LSPERS Lembaga Studi Perubahan Sosial, Study Group for Social
Change
MA Mahkamah Agung, Supreme Court
MABES ABRI Markas Besar ABRI, the Indonesian Army Headquarters
MABMI Majelis Adat Budaya Melayu Indonesia, Malay Cultural and
Customary Council)
Malari Malapetaka Lima Belas Januari, January Disaster, student
protest towards the New Order in 1974.
malu shyness
manunggaling kawulo gusti the unity of the leader and people
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marga clan/ kinship group in North Sumatra
Masyumi Majelis Syuro Muslimin Indonesia, Consultative Council of
Indonesian Muslim, party with Islamic modernist orientation,
the second largest party in the 1950s
MK Mahkamah Konstitusi, Constitutional Court
monoloyalitas mono loyalty, the loyalty of civil servant (bureaucracy) to
Golkar (state party) in the New Order Era
MPI Masyarakat Pancasila Indonesia, Community for Indonesian
Pancasila
MPM Mahasiswa Pancasila Medan, Student Association of
Pancasila
MPR Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat, People’s Consultative
Assembly
MPRS Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat Sementara, the Provisional
People’s Consultative Assembly
Munas Musyawarah Nasional, national party meeting
Musdalub Musyawarah Daerah Luar Biasa, (Extraordinary Regional
Party Congress)
Musrenbang Musyawarah Rencana Pembangunan, Deliberation Panning
of Development
musyawarah mufakat Mutual consultation
nasakom Nasionalis Agama Komunis, Nationalist-Religion-
Communist, a syncretic political jargon in Soekarno Era
New Order the Soeharto Era, 1966-1998
noto roso controlling the sense
NST Negara Sumatra Timur, State of East Sumatra
NU Nahdlatul Ulama, the Awakening of Traditional Religious
Scholars and Teachers, Indonesia’s largest traditionalist
Islamic organization
P2SEM Program Penanganan Sosial Ekonomi Masyarakat, Socio-
Economic Community Treatment Program
PAD Pendapatan Asli Daerah, locally-generated revenue
pakde Javanese’s name for uncle
PAN Partai Amanat Nasional, National Mandate Party
Pancasila the five guiding principle of the Indonesian state
Pancasila Democracy The political system of the New Order
Pangab Panglima ABRI, Commander in Chief of ABRI
Pangdam Panglima Daerah Militer, Regional Military Commander
Parkindo Partai Kristen Indonesia, Indonesian Christian Party
Parliamentary Democracy the era of liberal democracy in Indonesia, 1950-1957
Parmusi Partai Muslimin Indonesia, Indonesian Muslim Party
Partai Gerindra Partai Gerakan Indonesia Raya, Greater Indonesia
Movement Party, led by Prabowo Subianto
Partai Hanura Partai Hati Nurani Rakyat, People’s Conscience Party, led by
Wiranto
Partai Murba Proletarian/ socialist party
pasangan pelangi Rainbow pairs
PBB Partai Bulan Bintang, Crescent Moon and Star Party
PBR Partai Bintang Reformasi, Star Reform Party
PBSD Partai Buruh Sosial Demokrat, Social Democratic Labour
Party
x
PCD Partai Cinta Damai, Peace and Love Party
PD Partai Demokrat, Democrat Party, party founded and led by
President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono
PDI Partai Demokrasi Indonesia, Indonesian Democracy Party,
one of political parties in the New Order, the party from
which the PDI-P split in 1997
PDI-P Partai Demokrasi Indonesia Perjuangan, Indonesian
Democratic Party Struggle, party led by Megawati
Sukarnoputri
PDS Partai Damai Sejahtera, Prosperous Peace Party
Pembaruan dan pembauran Renewal and assimilation
pemekaran Regional proliferation
Perti Partai Pergerakan Tarbiyah Islam, Islamic Education
Movement Party
pesantren Islamic boarding schools
Pesindo Pemuda Sosialis Indonesia, Indonesian Youth Socialist
Piagam Jakarta Jakarta Charter
PIB Partai Perhimpunan Indonesia Baru, New Indonesia Alliance
Party
PKB Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa, National Awakening Party
PKI Partai Komunis Indonesia, Indonesian Communist Party
PKNU Partai Kebangkitan Nasional Ulama, Ulema National
Awakening Party
PKPB Partai Karya Peduli Bangsa, Concern for the Nation
Functional Group Party
PKPI Partai Keadilan dan Persatuan Indonesia, Indonesian Justice
and Unity Party
PKS Partai Keadilan Sejahtera, Prosperous and Justice Party
PNBK Partai Nasional Banteng Kemerdekaan, Freedom Bull
National Party,
PNI Partai Nasionalis Indonesia, Indonesian Nationalist Party,
founded by President Soekarno in 1920s
PNI-Marhaen Partai Nasional Indonesia Marhaen, Indonesian National
Party-Marhaen
PNS Pegawai Negeri Sipil, civil servants
POLRI Kepolisian Republik Indonesia, Indonesian National Police
PP Pemuda Pancasila, Pancasila Youth
PPDI Partai Penegak Demokrasi Indonesia, Indonesian Democratic
Vanguard Party
PPDK Partai Persatuan Demokrasi Kebangsaan, United Democratic
Nationhood Party
PPK Panitia Pemilihan Kecamatan, Sub-District Electoral
Commission
PPKI Panitia Persiapan Kemerdekaan Indonesia, the Independence
Preparatory Committee
PPNU Partai Persatuan Nahdlatul Ummah, United of Nahdlatul
Ummah Party,
PPP Partai Persatuan Pembangunan, United Development Party
protap Provinsi Tapanuli, the Province of Tapanuli
PRRI Pemerintahan Revolusioner Republik Indonesia, the
Revolutionary Government of the Republic of Indonesia
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PSI Partai Sosialis Indonesia, Indonesian Socialist Party
PSII Partai Sarekat Islam Indonesia, Indonesian Islamic Union
Party
PT Perseroan Terbatas, limited liability company
PT Bentoel Cigarette factory, located in East Java
PT Gudang Garam One of the biggest cigarette factory, located in East Java
PT PAL One of the biggest shipyard company, located in East Java
PT Semen Gresik One of the biggest cement firm, located in East Java
PT Tjiwi Kimia One of the biggest paper factory, located in East Java
pujakesuma Putra Jawa Kelahiran Sumatra, Sons of Java Born in
Sumatra
pungli Pungutan liar, illegal levies
putra daerah son of the region
Rakerdasus Rapat Kerja Daerah Khusus (Special Regional Meeting, of
political parties)
Reform Era/ Era Reformasi the Post-Soeharto Era, 1998- present
reformasi total total reform
Rehap Lunas Siregar, Harahap, Lubis, Nasution, an acronym of the four big
Mandailing clans of Siregar, Harahap, Lubis and Nasution
rekanan pemda Partner of local government
RMG Rheinische Missionsgesellschaft (German Mission Society,
German Missionaries)
sahabat semua suku Friend of All Ethnic Group
santri orthodox Islam
sarong Cloth of traditional Indonesian Moslems
SBY Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, President of the Republic of
Indonesia, 2004-2014
sekda Sekretaris Daerah, Secretary of the Province/ District
sembako sembilan bahan pokok, nine primary foods
silaturahmi developing communication
SIUPP Surat Ijin Usaha Penerbitan Pers, Press Publication
Enterprise Permit
SKPD Satuan Kerja Perangkat Daerah, heads of provincial/ district
offices
sultan/ raja king
Supersemar Surat Perintah 11 Maret, the Letter of Command of 11 March
1966
Tapsel/ Tabagsel Tapanuli Selatan/ Tapanuli Bagian Selatan, South Tapanuli
Region, southern region of North Sumatra province
tim sukses campaign team
tingkat penggangguran
terbuka
Open unemployment
TNI Tentara Nasional Indonesia, Indonesian National Military
ulama Religious teacher
ustadz Religious teacher
USU Universitas Sumatra Utara, University of North Sumatra
wagub Wakil Gubernur, Vice Governor
wijil tresno lead to love
1
Chapter One
Introduction
With the collapse of President Soeharto’s authoritarian New Order regime in May 1998,
Indonesia embarked on a wide range of political reforms. These changes included the
introduction of a multi-party system which replaced the hegemonic party system1 of the New
Order era (Suryadinata 2007). The once dominant Golkar party can no longer win electoral
contests with ease due to the rise of other parties. The military has also undergone profound
changes, as its reserved seats in the parliament have been abolished (Honna 2003; Sebastian
2006; Mietzner 2006, 2009, 2011; Heiduk 2011; Rüland, Manea and Born 2013). Moreover,
the electoral system has been modified through the application of the open-list system of
proportional representation (King 2001, 2003; Subekti 2001; Sulistyo 2002; Reilly 2007). The
president and vice president are no longer elected by the People’s Consultative Assembly
(MPR); they are now directly chosen by the people. The 1945 Constitution has been amended
four times, introducing a presidential system of government based on an elaborate system of
checks and balances (Ellis 2002; Subekti 2001). Other significant changes include the
emergence of a new middle class, as well as the growth of civil society groups which have
spearheaded opposition against the New Order regime since the 1980s (Uhlin 1993, 1997;
Törnquist 2000; Aspinall 2005). Press freedom has also become a balancer and a monitoring
tool regarding the policies and economic performance of the government. Student groups,
intellectuals and professionals have been able to increase their bargaining position in
monitoring the government, in contrast to their experiences in the New Order. Another
important aspect initiating the political liberalization agenda was the release of some the New
Order’s prominent dissident political prisoners.
However, one of the most ambitious reforms in newly democratizing Indonesia was a
far-reaching and radical decentralization scheme, launched by Soeharto’s successor, President
Bacharuddin Jusuf Habibie (Bünte 2009; Hadiz 2004). Two major discourses dominated the
public discussion behind this scheme. The first discourse was about the bitter experience
under the centralized New Order system which allocated political power and economic shares
of central-local relations unfairly. It led to a widespread distrust of regional governments
toward central authority in Jakarta. The other debate was about a concern over the country’s
disintegration and the increase of separatist aspirations in some regions, particularly in Aceh
1 For the concept of „hegemonic party system,“ see Sartori (1976).
2
and Papua (Bertrand 2004; McGibbon 2006, 2007). In short, it can be said that the
decentralization scheme was produced in a period of extraordinary uncertainty and resulted in
a hurried and audacious policy choice. As a result, the “big bang” decentralization policy
enacted in Law Number 22/1999 and Law Number 25/1999 drastically shifted political
decision-making powers and reallocated financial resources from the center to regional
governments. Another significant feature of decentralization was the introduction of direct
popular elections of local chief executives in 2005.2 Until 1999, local legislatures nominated
three candidates, one of whom was subsequently selected by the central government. After
1999, in the initial years of the Reform Era, the central government lost its role in the
recruitment of local chief executives, leaving their election entirely in the hands of the local
legislatures.3
However, the impact of these local elections on Indonesian democratization is strongly
contested among scholars. While some maintain that they have made the Indonesian polity
more democratic, have given rise to a vibrant civil society (Haris et al. 2006; Romli 2006;
Legowo 2005; Fitriyah 2005; Antlöv 2004) and have increased the public needs orientation of
local politicians in service delivery (Kis-Katos and Sjahrir 2014), others argue that they have
rather contributed to firmly entrenching local elites in local power structures (Hadiz 2005;
Sulaiman and van Klinken 2007; Bakti 2007; Aragon 2007; McDougall 2007; Schulte-
Nordholt 2007; van Klinken 2007; McCharty 2007; Hidayat 2007; Romli 2007; Mietzner
2009; Schiller 2009; Bühler 2009; Aspinall 2010). These latter, more skeptical scholars
dominate the debate. They argue that local elites have captured local institutions, appropriated
local public resources for personal gain, and engaged in money politics to conquer elective
local government positions. This has resulted in wide-spread corruption, in fact,
“decentralization of corruption” as some observers contend (Rohdewohld 2003; Malley 2003;
Ratnawati 2006; Romli 2007a; McCharty 2007; Sulaiman and van Klinken 2007), patronage
politics (Hadiz 2003; Schulte-Nordholt 2005; Sidel 2005) and unprincipled ad hoc coalitions
among local elites. As a result, grassroots organizations of political parties have degenerated
into political vehicles for aspiring local leaders (Pratikno 2009; Choi 2007, 2009); electoral
fraud, money politics, rent seeking and politico-business symbiosis have become endemic
(Hidayat 2005, 2007, 2009; Lesmana 2007; Susanto 2007; Bünte 2009). Primordialism and
2 Although a result of decentralization policy and aimed at strengthening local democracy, direct local election
was not a product of the Law Number 22/1999, but rather a product of its revision in Law Number 32/2004. 3 This electoral mechanism of local executives by local legislatures was a subject of criticism. This mechanism
stimulated corruption, collusion, elitism, money politics, and transactional politics among local elites. These
critics were a basic starting point for the idea of direct local election; see Rasyid 2003, Haris et al. 2006, Romli
2006, Romli 2007a, Legowo 2005, Surbakti 2005, Fitriyah 2005.
3
ethnicity have often been employed to mobilize followers, with the unintended effect of
deepening ethno-religious strife (Smith 2009; Mietzner 2009a; Subianto 2009; Anggal and
Erb 2009).
If these analyses correctly depict local politics in Indonesia, this would have serious
consequences for the quality of the country’s democracy. As long as governance processes are
highly defective4, it is premature to consider a democracy to be consolidated, a point that has
been rarely addressed in the vast literature on political transition. This is more than surprising
as it is particularly at the local level, that the majority of people directly encounter political
decision-making. If local resources are becoming part and parcel of patronage politics, if
public service delivery is deficient and exclusive, and if local political leaders are
aggrandizing and enriching themselves, the legitimacy of the political system and the
personnel suffers. The consequence is the emergence of what Carothers has called “feckless
pluralism” or “dominant power politics” (Carothers 2002), or even worse than that.
However, given the diversity of the more than 500 local governments across the
Indonesian archipelago, it is risky to make sweeping conclusions about the country’s state of
local-level democracy (Mietzner and Aspinall 2010, 15-16). Numerous studies have, indeed,
as shown above, aptly documented the weaknesses of “big bang” decentralization, but as
Mietzner has pointed out, it also strengthened the cohesiveness of the Indonesian state at a
time when, due to numerous separatist conflicts, some observers were already depicting
Indonesia as a “failing state” (Mietzner 2011).
Nevertheless, quantitative data derived from 350 direct local elections between 2005
and 2008 show that the turn-over rate of incumbents - 40.1 percent - is quite high.5 While at
first sight this figure suggests that direct local elections instigate elite turn-over, and elite
capture is less wide-spread than asserted by the critics of Indonesia’s decentralization reforms,
the question of who precisely seeks political leadership positions in local electoral contests
nevertheless emerges. An analysis of the political background of candidates for local chief
executive posts in 205 regions from June 2005 to June 2006 indicates that elite circulation in
Indonesian local politics may be quite limited. This may be concluded from the fact that,
according to these data, 69.9 percent of the candidates for local chief executive posts were
former Regents, Mayors and bureaucrats. An additional 13.5 percent were professional
politicians.6 Other data exhibit a marked increase of businesspeople among the candidates for
4 On the concept of “defective democracy,” see Merkel (2004), Merkel and Croissant (2004).
5 Lembaga Survey Indonesia (Indonesian Survey Institute), internal database of 18 April 2008.
6 Kompas, 20 June 2006.
4
high local offices.7 During 2005-2008, 63.3 percent of the candidates in gubernatorial
elections were bureaucrats (23.3), parliamentarians (23.3), and regents or mayors (16.7
percent) (Bühler 2010, 275). These data also show that 11 percent of the candidates were
incumbent governor or deputy governor (Ibid., 275). Based on these data, one may argue that
locally established elites have been quite resilient and are still able to defend their elevated
political role even under the new democratic conditions. According to Bühler “a close
examination of the careers of these figures reveals that many of them were involved in local
politics for years, if not decades, throughout the New Order” (Ibid., 275). In other words,
direct local elections have not significantly produced new and alternative leadership.
Abundant research had been conducted in uncovering the impact of political reform in
Indonesia towards political elites, and even in particular approaching the phenomenon of elite
survival and the significant roles of established elites in Indonesia’s democratic transition.
While some scholars argue that Indonesia is characterized by a “freezing“ of structural
conditions following the breakdown of the New Order that has resulted in the structural
continuity of oligarchy, others argue that there exists local elite competition, diversification,
and reconfiguration. Nevertheless, the deeper question of how the process itself has occurred-
whether assuming elite continuity or change- has been grossly neglected. This study thus
raises the question of how and under what conditions local elite adjustment has taken place in
Indonesia. What factors have contributed to different patterns or outcomes of elite adjustment
in Indonesia’s democratization? Why have similar institutional reforms and designs of
democratization such as decentralization and direct local elections led to dissimilar outcomes
of elite adjustment? In short, this research seeks to examine processes of elite adjustment at
the local level. Pivotal here also is the question of the extent to which direct local elections
have been drivers of elite change. Or have, as the data above seem to suggest, old elites been
able to adjust to the new institutional environment and survive by capturing and manipulating
democratic institutions? Even more interesting is how old and new elites have managed to
conquer local elective positions. That is, what kind of alliances they have concluded, to what
extent they succeeded in excluding reformist politicians from local institutions, what
resources they are able to mobilize, and which electoral strategies they pursue?
These and similar questions will be addressed in this study, which is organized as
follows. The subsequent chapter outlines the theoretical framework and the methodology. The
7 In 50 direct local elections in June and July 2005, twenty-eight candidates had a background as business
owners. This deviates markedly from the professional profile of candidates during the New Order period. See
Marcus Mietzner (2010, 190). However, Bühler counted that only about 7.9 percent of the candidates in
gubernatorial elections during 2005-2008 were businesspersons. See Michael Bühler (2010, 275).
5
theoretical part discusses the concept of elite adjustment and reviews the major theoretical
strands of research on elites, which are structural approaches and actor-centered approaches.
It adds ideational approaches which have so far been much less applied. Especially
Indonesian elite studies have almost completely ignored ideational or cognitive approaches.
The eclectic or multivariate theoretical approach of this study, which combines all three major
strands of theorizing, thereby explicitly including an ideational perspective, is thus a major
innovation in the study of (local) elites in Indonesia. I argue that the problem of elite
persistence and elite adjustment to democratization are issues too complex for merely being
viewed either through a structuralist lens or as a chiefly actor-driven process. In doing so, I
propose eclectical theorizing (Katzenstein and Sil 2008) in approaching the problem of elite
adjustment in Indonesia. The following chapter also outlines the methodology which mainly
rests on by the comparative case study method (George 1979; Bennett 2002; Lim 2006;
Gerring 2007) and causal process tracing analysis (Bennett 2002, 2010; George and Bennett
2005).
With Chapter 3, the study turns to the empirical part. The chapter starts with a
description of the historical trajectory of Indonesia’s political system through the prism of
institutional structure, actor strategies, and ideas. It briefly describes the practices of
Indonesia’s four political systems, namely the Parliamentary Democracy (1950-1957), the
Guided Democracy (1957-1966), the New Order (1966-1998), and the post-New Order or
Reform Era (1998 until today). The chapter ends with an overview of Indonesia’s institutional
reform in the Reform Era, including democratization, decentralization, and direct local
elections.
Chapter 4 scrutinizes elite adjustment in North Sumatra. Particular attention will be
given to the institutional context, actor’s strategic choice in democratization, and ideational
contestation. In a first step, the chapter portrays the institutional contexts by assessing the
historical background of provincial politics, the province’s socio-political and economic
structures, elections and parties, and elite configuration. Second, the chapter explores the
actor-centered dimensions of local politics. This entails examining the strategic use of
political and personal networks, elite alliance and coalition, inter-elite competition, and
money or transactional politics.8 And, third, this chapter analyzes the ideational contestation
between the new normative framework of democracy and the existing local beliefs and
authoritarian orthodoxies. Ideational change is thereby distinguished into a phase in which the
8 In this study, I will interchangeably use the term transactional politics and transactional practices. Both refer to
the practices overshadowing electoral contest such as money politics, vote-buying, buying the political party’s
tickets for running as candidates, bribery, etc.
6
old order and the beliefs associated with it collapse and a phase in which the new order
consolidates (Legro 2000). Special attention in this part is paid to illuminating the perception
of local elites towards the form of majoritarian and liberal democracy. The question is here
the extent to which local elites adopt the new democratic norms and to what extent they still
retain the authoritarian political beliefs predominant during the Suharto era. In other words,
this section analyses the role of local elites as carriers of ideas, examining how they
rhetorically behave as protagonists of democracy but at the same time resist democracy in
everyday political practices. Subsequently, chapter 5 investigates elite adjustment in East Java
by addressing the same questions as chapter 4 did.
Finally, Chapter 6 summarizes the main research findings. It seeks to identify patterns
of elite adjustment and to trace the causal processes underlying it. In an outlook, I will reflect
on the merits of eclectic theorizing in understanding elite adjustment in Indonesia and other
transitional settings.
7
Chapter Two
Theory and Methodology
I. Theoretical Premises
A. Introduction
Research on political elites has received particular attention from social scientists. The birth
of classic elite studies by European social scientists - Mosca, Pareto, and Michels - in the
early twentieth century has triggered an abundance of subsequent research on the role of elites
in politics and society, elite change and elite transformation. Classical elite studies, arguing
that elites are “inevitable,” view elite actions as the main drivers of social change (Field and
Higley 1980; Putnam 1976). More recently, in the post-World War II period, North American
social scientists spearheaded theorizing on elites and – contrary to classical theories -
proposed a more dynamic feature of elites including a reciprocal relationship with non-elite
groups.
This chapter provides a framework for the following empirical chapters which
examine local elite transformation in two Indonesian provinces after the fall of President
Suharto’s New Order regime in May 1998. It lays the foundation for an eclectic theoretical
approach which combines all three major theoretical strands of elite studies: (1) structuralist
analyses; (2) studies focusing on agency; and (3) studies highlighting an ideational
perspective in the study of elites. It must however be noted that like many other attempts to
order and systematize theoretical approaches, this distinction is of an ideal-type nature, which
blurs the fact that there is overlap and combination especially of structuralist and agency-
related approaches. The subsequent overview categorizes them with respect to the dominant
paradigm which in some cases is structure, in others agency and, quite rarely, ideas.
B. The Structuralist Approach
Structuralist elite theorists positioned elites and elite change in a larger societal context. For
them structure is epitomized in economic scope conditions, the educational system and
religion (Mosca 1939), political institutions and organizations such as political parties
(Michels 1962), the bureaucracy, the government, the military, corporations (Mills 1959,
Domhoff 1978), or institutions set up for managing functional issue areas (Keller 1963, 1968).
Although structuralist elite theorists shared a consensus on the significance of
8
structural or institutional power as determinants of elite behavior, they emphasized different
dimensions. While Mosca referred to social forces, Michels focused on political organization
embodied in the political party. By contrast, more recent North American theorists such as C.
Wright Mills found structural power located in the triangular relationship between the
military, corporations, and the political directorates. Keller’s strategic elites were derived
from four functional societal problems: goal attainment, adaptation, integration, and pattern
maintenance and tension management (Keller 1968, 27). Other elite theorists such as Dreitzel
focused on institutions and organizations in modern industrial society, which were
characterized by a performance-based selection process (Dreitzel in Hartmann 2007, 29-31).
For Field and Higley, structural power was related to levels of socioeconomic development,
and the attitudes and orientation of non-elites towards elites (Field and Higley 1980, 18-21).
Fundamental for structuralist elite theorists is the belief that elites are the product of
societal structure. This assumption implies that structures predetermine the behavior and
attitudes of elites. Or put differently: agency is the result of structure. As a consequence, elite
composition and elite change are also strongly determined by societal structure. When societal
structure shifts, elite change is the most likely consequence. Here, the structuralist approach
has emphasized the argument that the development of elites “is an unavoidable product of
modern social organization” (Marger 1981, 52). Scholars with a structuralist leaning have
thereby portrayed elites as “reactive actors to social threats” as well as structural constraints
and opportunities (Lopez 2013, 8). In short, structuralist elite theory proposed the argument
that the existence of elites is dependent on exogenous structural factors.
Early structuralism can be found in the work of the classical elite theorist, Gaetano
Mosca. Mosca conceptualized societal structure as social force and argued that changes in
social forces create changes in the composition of elites. This implies that “…if a new source
of wealth develops in a society, if the practical importance of knowledge grows, if an old
religion declines or a new one is born, if a new current of ideas spreads, then, simultaneously,
far-reaching dislocations occur in the ruling class“ (Mosca 1939, 65). Later on, he illustrated
how the change from the feudal state to the bureaucratic state led to the demise of the feudal
elite or ruling warrior class and the ascent of an industrial elite with great capital: “…wealth
rather than military valor comes to be the characteristic feature of the dominant class: the
people who rule are the rich rather than the brave…to be rich is to become powerful” (Mosca
1939, 57).
Mosca’s theory thus highlighted the need for the political class “to be attentive to
emerging social forces and pressures” (Medding 1982, 397-398). In other words, elites should
9
be vigilant towards social change in economic, religious, and education institutions. Once
elites failed to anticipate social change, dislocation or elite change will be the likely result,
leading Mosca to stress the need for elite adaptation towards social change (Ibid., 398). Mosca
also argued in favor of elite circulation as the lower stratum acts “as the reservoir of
recruitment for the upper stratum, and as the supplier of talent” (Ibid., 398). According to
Medding, both these processes of social pressure and potential elite circulation suggest a high
degree of elite responsiveness to social forces and social change, which seems to stand in
direct contradiction with elite dominance and control (Ibid., 397-398).
For Robert Michels, elite power is the outflow of political organization. It is the
political party that enables elites to dominate and control the mass that is perceived as being
left without political structure and organization of their own (Ibid., 398-399). Michels
characterized his political elites as oligarchy (Michels 1962), which is a dominant and
exploitative minority, virtually independent of the control of, and tyrannizing the majority.
This minority imposes its will on the rest, its policies being the “outcome of the exigencies of
dominion and of the exploitation of the mass of helots effected by the ruling minority”
(Michels 1962, 353). The majority is subject to “eternal tutelage,” must “submit to the
dominion of a small minority” and “must be content to constitute the pedestal of an oligarchy”
(Michels 1962, 354). In this situation, the “power of the elected leaders over the elected
masses is almost unlimited” (Michels 1962, 365; see also Medding 1982, 396).
The American sociologist Charles Wright Mills continued the structuralist tradition by
paying attention to the pivotal role of institutions in his elite analyses. Mills posits elite power
as attached to institutions and defines his power elites “as those who occupy the command
posts” (Mills 1958, 34; Mills 1959, 4). Thereby his focus is on the power of American
military elites, corporate elites, and political elites (Ibid. 1959). According to Mills, the power
of making decisions is clearly located in political, military, and economic institutions, which
sideline and subordinate other sectors of society (Mills 1958, 32). For Mills, institutions are
indeed the centers of decisions and power by which history can be made (Ibid., 30-31). For
him, “the history of modern society can be understood as the enlargement and centralization
of the means of power, in economic, political, and military institutions” (Ibid., 31). He
continues that, “the rise of industrial society is thus the development of the means of
economic production” (Ibid., 31). Similarly, “the rise of the nation state has involved the
development of the means of violence and those of political administration” (Ibid., 31).
Mills also paid attention to the links between institutional characteristics and elite
structure, noting that if “institutional hierarchies are scattered and disjointed, then the
10
respective elites also tend to be scattered and disjointed. But if they have many
interconnections and points of coinciding interest, then elites tend to form a coherent kind of
grouping” (Ibid., 34). Nevertheless, it is not the unity of institutions alone that has a direct
impact on the unity of elites. Elite unity is also connected to other structural factors such as
the capitalist economy. As a consequence, elite formation and selection are also influenced by
structural factors outside elites themselves and existing institutions (Ibid., 34).
Elite attachment to institutions is also reflected in the work of the German elite
theorist Hans Peter Dreitzel, who centers his elite theory on a performance-based selection
process in a hierarchically structured modern industrial society. For him, “an elite is made of
the holders of top positions in group, organization, or institution who have acceded to these
positions on the basis of a selection process” (Dreitzel 1962, 71 as quoted in Hartmann 2007,
30).
Another elite theorist, Suzanne Keller, also highlighted the institutional dimension in
theorizing her strategic elites. Keller defined elites as “effective and responsible minorities
designated to serve the task of realizing major social goals and ensuring the continuity of the
social order” (Keller 1963, 31). For Keller, modern society consists of strategic elites with
specialized skills linked to social order, which markedly differs from past social formation
dominated by the aristocracy as the ruling class. This change of elite composition reflects
tremendous change in the societal structure such as population growth, occupational
differentiation, increased formal organization and bureaucratization, and moral diversity
(Keller 1963, 65-76; Keller 1968, 27). As a consequence of this development, there is no
single comprehensive elite in modern society but rather a complex system of specialized
elites. These specialized elites, or strategic elites in Keller’s term, reflect and promote the
pluralism characteristic of modern society (Keller 1968, 26).
Keller classified four categories of strategic elites aligned with four functional
problems which every society must resolve: goal attainment, adaptation, integration, and
pattern maintenance and tension management (Ibid., 27). First, political elites have the task of
goal attainment of all members of the society they lead. Political elites define and emphasize
common purposes and interests. Second, the economic, military, diplomatic, and scientific
elites have an adaptation function. Here, the elites coordinate diversified activities in societies
and “combat factionalism” (Ibid., 27). Third, there are elites exercising the function of moral
authority such as priests, philosophers, and educators. They are all elites of integration due to
their function to harmonize society. Fourth, and finally, there are elites consisting of
celebrities including outstanding artists, writers, theater and film stars, and top figures in
11
sports and recreation. This fourth category of elites has an objective to “keep the society knit
together emotionally and psychologically;” Keller denotes them as pattern-maintenance elites
(Keller 1963; Keller 1968, 27). Thus, the general functions of elites appear to be similar
across societies. According to Keller, “they symbolize the moral unity, coordinate and
harmonize diversified activities, combat factionalism, resolve group conflicts” (Keller 1968,
27) and incorporate all these functions into living institutions.
In the 1970s and 1980s, scholars began to study the dynamics of elite circulation and
transformation in Western countries. In general, they examined - at the national level - the
influence of economic structure and changes in the political system on elite transformation
(Putnam, 1976; Cayrol and Perrinau 1982; Eldersveld 1982; Legg 1982; Daalder and van den
Berg 1982). John Higley’s early work also contributed to this research agenda. In “Elitism”
(1980), which he published with Lowell Field, he argued that elite autonomy is faced with
structural factors: “elite formation and elite change are fundamentally and factually heavily
dependent on levels of socioeconomic development and the attitudes or orientation of non-
elites towards elites” (Field and Higley 1980, 18-21 as quoted in Hartmann 2007, 36; see also
Sherman and Kolker 1987, 158). While recognizing the importance of elites in shaping
societal trends, Field and Higley rejected the deterministic view of elites as all-powerful
actors, thereby differing from the rigid “elite inevitability” thesis of classical theorists such as
Mosca, Pareto, and Michels (Sherman and Kolker 1987, 158).
Elite and democratization studies
The third wave of democratic transition (Huntington 1991), which started in the mid-1970s
with the political transformations in southern Europe, stimulated debates among scholars
about the role of elites in democratization. In this debate, too, structuralist arguments of
different variants had numerous followers. For modernization theorists, elite patterns
necessary for democratic change are the result of profound societal change (Merkel 1999,
2010). Pivotal in this respect are the favorable scope conditions which economic growth
provided for democratization such as industrialization, urbanization, improved educational
opportunities, functional differentiation and, as a result, a broader, more pluralistic elite
structure.
Political economists and scholars in the tradition of critical theory, however, arrived at
different, much more skeptical conclusions. Many of them questioned major changes in the
class structure, if economic change and industrialization did not go hand in hand with a social
revolution, displacing the landed aristocratic elite and giving rise to an urban-based
bourgeoisie. “No bourgeoisie, no democracy” Barington Moore concluded succinctly (Moore
12
1966, 418).
Frances Hagopian, analyzing the survival of traditional elites in Brazil, explained elite
change and continuity in the post-authoritarian state by using a structuralist framework of
state-society relations, path dependencies shaping the political system and the mode of
transition. According to her, elite continuity is the result of corporatist legacies (Hagopian
1992). Following this logic, authoritarian elite survival and elite change are strongly
dependent on how authoritarian networks are preserved, reorganized or dismantled following
the process of transition (Ibid., 246-249). The degree to which state corporatist institutions
characterized by highly personalized politics, restrictions of political competition, dominant
party systems and durable clientelist networks are entrenched in a society, has a major bearing
on the resilience of the authoritarian order and is significant for elite survival and elite change
(Schmitter 1974, 105; Hagopian 1996, 25-26).
Other structuralists in democratization studies refer to the “three power structures,”
denoting class power, the role of the state and transnational structures (Grugel 2002, 54) as
strong driving forces for social change and democratization (Moore 1966; Rueschemeyer,
Stephens and Stephens 1992). With this approach, long-term historical trajectories and the
phenomena of partial or incomplete democratization can be explained. However, the
weakness of this approach lies in a deterministic view of elite structure and the neglect of the
role of agency in democratization.
Structuralism and democratization studies in Indonesia
In studies on elite and political transition of post-New Order Indonesia, the structuralist
approach has received particular attention. Like Hagopian for Brazil, structuralist scholarship
in Indonesia also relied on the “oligarchy thesis” in order to show that the country’s elite
structure has not changed much during the Era Reformasi. To this school of thought belong
some prominent political scientists who engaged in Indonesian studies for decades such as
Jeffrey Winters, Richard Robison and Vedi Hadiz, to name the most influential ones.
These scholars share a consensus on the eminence of structural and institutional
elements in their analyses. Hadiz and Robison, for instance, state that their analyses focus on
“the structural factors that give rise to a particular form of politico-business oligarchy” (Hadiz
and Robison 2013, 38), defining oligarchy as “a system of power relations that enables the
concentration of wealth and authority and its collective defense” (Ibid., 15). This includes the
belief in the primacy of structural power over agency. “In the Indonesian case,” they contend,
“individuals invariably find themselves required to accommodate the logic of the existing
power structure” (Ibid., 40).
13
Most oligarchy scholars stressed in their analyses “institutional inertia,” stating that
institutional change such as democratization, decentralization, the change toward a multi-
party system and free elections, and the emergence of vocal civil society movements did not
significantly contribute to the collapse of the oligarchic structure of the previous authoritarian
regime. For oligarchy scholars, “old faces continue to dominate politics and business, while
new ones are drawn into the same predatory practices that had defined politics in Indonesia
for decades” (Ibid., 35). For them, democratization “does not constitute a significant
disruption or even diminution of their (oligarchic and old elite, my emphasis) power”
(Winters 2013, 16). Winters continues this claim by stating that “having rules and norms in
the democratic political realm does not ensure oligarchs are tamed by impersonal institutions
of law” (Ibid., 16). Oligarchs and old elites still play a central role in determining who can
contend for political office (Ibid., 22). If reformist elites are to exist, this can only be possible
with the support of oligarchic backers or by involving themselves in predatory practices, such
as bribery, similarly to the oligarchs (Winters 2013, 28-29; Hadiz 2010, 29). Therefore,
oligarchy scholars are highlighting the durability and continuity of old elites and oligarchic
structure in the post-New Order polity. They argue that also in the Era Reformasi, Indonesia
is strongly influenced by the survival of oligarchic structure and disproportionally influential
actors who possessed superior material resources. Accordingly, democratization has only
shifted the form of oligarchy from sultanistic features to an electoral ruling oligarchy (Winters
2011, 2013).
Also specific institutional designs such as decentralization policy, electoral and party
reform are subjects of their skeptical view of the impact of institutional change. Hadiz and
Robison criticize decentralization policy by stating that “[…] far from providing a new
dimension of accountability and representation, the decentralization of administrative
accountability and parliamentary politics has extended the old ways of politics from the
political center in Jakarta down to a bewildering range of individuals and organizations in the
regions and towns of Indonesia” (Hadiz and Robison 2013, 36). As far as local political
parties and parliaments are concerned, they found these institutions “[…..] largely
unencumbered by programs and ideologies, and certainly free of liberal policies, and only
occasionally subject to the demands of broader social interests that remain largely
disorganized” (Ibid., 44).
Structuralists share – as we will see below – with actor-oriented scholars the belief
that elites usually rely on superior material resources in the pursuit of their interests. While
they concede that elites engage in material cunning, strategic action, use maximization and
14
profit taking, they differ from actor-oriented scholarship by the claim that these material
resources and the pertinent behavioral attributes are an inevitable outflow of their social
position and status.
In the Indonesian case, the oligarchy school proposed the wealth-defense thesis.
According to this view, the post-New Order polity is strongly influenced by the survival of an
oligarchy which possesses abundant material resources. Winters, for instance, defined
oligarchs as a small group of “actors who command and control massive concentrations of
material resources that can be deployed to defend or enhance their personal wealth and
exclusive social position” (Winters 2011, 6). Or expressed more precisely, oligarchy centers
on the political challenges of defending concentrated wealth” (Ibid., 14). With their material
power resources, oligarchs can do anything such as buying office or political-legal outcomes,
and they can operate directly or indirectly, “can sleep, play, or be far away while their wealth
power is fully engaged around the clock and for decades if necessary” (Ibid., 14). Winters, in
effect, refers to path dependency when arguing “that extreme material inequality necessarily
produces extreme political inequality” (Ibid., 12). Material power resources, thus, became
“virtually the only potent resource in politics,” a sufficient causal factor for the success of
elites in political competition and survival, as Liddle noted critically with reference to the
determinism inherent in the structuralist argument (Liddle 2013, 63).
C. The Actor-Centered Approach
Like structuralists, adherents of actor-centered approaches view elites as key players in social
and political change. While they do not completely dismiss structural scope conditions for the
analysis of elites in society, they differ from structuralists in that they do not regard them as
decisive and predominant factors for the social composition and the behavior of elites. Rather
than associating with them behavior that can be neatly derived from their social class or
status, they depict elites as persons that differ from the masses due to their peculiar capacities
or psychological characters. Elites have personal resources such as intelligence, cunning, or
skill. Agency-oriented approaches therefore focus on elites’ cunning for material benefits,
their strategic actions and choices for the sake of use maximization and the logic of
consequentialism in understanding the behavior of elites. It is context-specific voluntarist
agency and strategic behavior that determines social processes such as revolution, regime
change, and the stability of (democratic) political systems (Cammack 1990; Collier 1999). In
other words, analytical emphasis is less on the structure of institutions than on the acts of
employing, manipulating and orchestrating political organizations in line with their political
15
interests.
While classical elite theorists Mosca and Michels complemented their structuralist
notion of elites to a certain degree with agency-oriented factors such as “qualities that give
them a certain material, intellectual, or even moral superiority” (Mosca 1939, 53) over those
they govern, it was Vilfredo Pareto who was the strongest articulator of agency and
voluntarism. Pareto defined elites through their capacity, personality, and skill. According to
Pareto, in order to remain in power and accomplish higher position, elites are “restored not
only in numbers, but – and that is more important thing - in quality” (Pareto 1935, 1430-1431,
sec. 2054; Pareto 1970, 118). Self-interest, manipulation and guile, cunning and chicanery,
the use of force and persuasion, of elites become central points in Pareto’s analyses (Pareto
1935, 1556, sec. 2227; Sherman and Kolker 1987, 144-145). Elites also relied on the use of
“their physical, moral, and intellectual persuasion” (Marger 1987, 53).
Pareto enunciated the concepts of sentiments or residues as the psychological
propensities of elite power. Residues can also be defined as “the immutable emotional
structures or an irrational core of social acts in man which govern the dominant non-logical
part of human actions” (Hartmann 2007, 13). Residues can also be understood as humans’
psychological instincts that enable them to a certain behavior. These sentiments or residues
are important not only in order for elevating elites into positions of power and preserving and
defending their power, but also for anticipating their fall from power (Sherman and Kolker
1987, 142-143).
Pareto subdivided six types of residues into two classes. Class I or “the residue of
combination” refers to the ability of innovations, speculative activities, and skepticism
(Hartmann 2007, 13-14). This residue leads to social revolutions initiated by elites, or can also
become a source of elite actions for “economic expansion and scientific creativity” (Sherman
and Kolker 1987, 143). Class II or “the residue of persistence to aggregates” relates to “a
conservative predisposition dominated by a desire to preserve of the status quo” (Ibid., 143).
This residue is thus related to elite action to preserve political stability, manage national
interests, and organize military activities (Ibid., 143). For Pareto, if elites want to sustain
power, they must hold the right combination of these psychological propensities (Sherman
and Kolker 1987, 143; Hartmann 2007, 14-15). Once elites fail to manage them, it will lead to
their decline or elite circulation takes place (Sherman and Kolker 1987, 143; Hartmann 2007,
15).
Accordingly, the two psychological instincts mentioned above produce two types of
elites, that is, lions and foxes. Elites relying more on persuasion, chicanery and cunning, or
16
Class I residues, are categorized by Pareto as foxes. Class II residues relying more on force
are lions. For Pareto, the success of elites in managing power is highly dependent on “the
right balance of persuasion and force, and thus between the qualities of foxes and lions”
(Sherman and Kolker 1987, 145-146).
A more recent scholar, strongly influenced by Pareto’s elite theory, is Harold
Lasswell. Like Pareto, “he concentrated primarily on the psychological conditions required to
capture and hold positions of power, nearly wholly neglecting socio-structural processes”
(Hartmann 2007, 24). He argued that in order to secure their power, elites must above all be
able “to manipulate the masses with all the means at their disposal, including symbols, force,
and material goods” (Hartmann 2007, 24; Lasswell 1936).
Other scholars such as Dahl and Sartori placed their analyses on political elites under
the framework of decision-making and elite negotiation and bargaining. For them, decision-
making in democracies is the result of bargaining and consensus of political elites. Political
elites are the key players in registering, representing, mediating, and adjusting public desires
of various institutional segments in society. Following this logic, Dahl defined elites as
“controlling group whose preferences regularly prevail in cases of differences on key political
issues” (Dahl 1958, 464). For Dahl, “democracy is the result of a complex set of elite
bargaining and dispositions toward conflict and agreement” (Dahl 1971 as quoted in Lopez
2013, 4). This complex set of elite bargaining is bassicaly developed by transaction and
contribution, either in the form of financial or non financial rewards such as social status and
prestige (Dahl 1961, 96-97).
Sartori developed decision-making theory in democracy even further. According to
Higley et.al., (1991), Sartori proposed an argument that “a stable democracy is possible only
if elites perceive decisional outcomes as positive-sum rather than zero-sum game” (Higley et
al., 1991, 37). Elites are working in committee structures and they examine, discuss, draft, and
decide issues to be converted into public policies (Sartori 1987, 228; Higley et al., 1991, 37).
The logic that underlies the working of elites in decision-making is what Sartori calls
“deferred reciprocal compensation” (Sartori 1987, 229; Higley et al., 1991, 37). Here, elites
“who feel less intensely about one issue will go along with a decision, expecting that they get
their way on another issue that is vital to them” (Higley et al. 1991, 37), following the logic of
“I give to get in return” (Sartori 1987, 229). In short, “elites work, interact, and coordinate on
the basis of concessions or “side payments” that they concede to each other” (Higley et.al.
1991, 37; Sartori 1987, 231-232).
Other scholars such as Acemoglu and Robinson (2000) maintained that political
17
reform, democratization, and increased redistribution in Western societies during the late
nineteenth and early twentieth centuries are the results of elite strategic decisions. These
decisions are shaped by elites’ threat perception related to social unrest or revolution
(Acemoglu and Robinson 2012). Using rational choice approach, Acemoglu and Robinson
challenged studies, which regard the change of values, political competition, or the role of the
middle class as key variables in explaining the causes of democratization in Western societies
during this period (Collier 1999; Moore 1966).
While Higley in his early writings emphasized structural arguments, in subsequent
work he tilted towards the agency paradigm. Together with Dogan he discussed the role of
political elites in political crises and regime changes (Dogan and Higley 1998, 2012). For
them, “in moments of crisis, political elites possess autonomy and latitude for maneuver”
(Dogan and Higley, 1998, 2012). In addition, they argued that “the choices elites make at such
moments are frequently decisive for the outcomes of crises and for the regimes that follow”
(Dogan and Higley 1998, 2012, 269).
The agency-oriented approach in elite studies has been further developed with the rise
of the new elitist paradigm initially proposed by Field and Higley (1980). Broadly speaking,
the new elitist paradigm argues that “non-elites orientations are only manifested in very
general opinion tendencies and the detailed treatment of political questions is largely left to
elite choice” (Field and Higley 1980, 19-20; see also Hartmann 2007, 37). The new elite
paradigm also” introduced the significance of elite settlements, elite convergences, elite unity
and elite disunity as the determinants of the democratization process worldwide” (Lopez
2013, 6). For them, democracy is the result of a pact and cooperation between elite factions,
who sometimes reason that accepting a certain degree of elite circulation is more
advantageous than promoting a “zero sum” game (Lopez 2013, 6).
Elite and democratization studies
The new elitist paradigm received stronger emphasis due to shifts of scholarly attention from
structural explanations into elite pact-making and the elite consensus model in
democratization studies. Both analytical paths, while relying on agency, differ in explaining
elite choice and negotiation by their focus on different phases of transition. While the analysis
of pact-making characterizes the initial phase of transition (Karl 1990; Stepan 1986;
Huntington 1991, O'Donnell and Schmitter 1986), the elite-consensus model attaches greater
attention to the post-transition phase (Higley and Gunther 1992; Gill 1998; Karakatsanis
2001; Gel'man and Steen 2003; Higley, Bayulgen and George 2003; Gel'man 2003; Steen
2003; Higley, Kullberg and Pakulski 1996; Higley, Kullberg and Pakulski 1998).
18
Pact-making analyses can be found in the study of the third wave democratization,
where researchers highlighted the significant role of elite choices and interactions as key
variable in the breakdown of authoritarianism (O’Donnell, Schmitter, Whitehead 1986; Peeler
2001, 234). According to Karl, this approach accepts that “outcomes depend less on objective
conditions than on subjective norms, images and perceptions surrounding strategic choices,
stresses the importance of collective decisions and political interactions” (Karl 1990, 6).
Accordingly, democratization is seen as a process that can be initiated independently of
structural circumstances. Przeworski (1986, 1991) utilized the tools of rational choice theory
and game theory to shed light on what he depicted as negotiating games among regime
reformers (“soft liners”), adherents of the autocratic ancien régime (or “hard-liners”),
opposition moderates and radical oppositionists (Peeler 2001, 234). A successful transition,
Przeworski argued, depends on an accommodation between regime reformers and opposition
moderates. In addition, the success of democratization is highly dependent on the strategies
adopted by key actors and is strongly influenced by “the presence of preferable alternatives”
and “cost-benefit calculations” (Przeworski 1986, 52; Grugel 2002, 59). The merit of this
approach is that it pioneers the separation of “political negotiations from economic
circumstances and the rejection of functional determinism” (Grugel 2002, 63).
The elite consensus model was developed later when scholarly attention shifted to the
post-transitional phase. Scholars working with this model focused on an elite settlement as a
key to the stability and the survival of democratic regimes (Higley and Gunther 1992).
Nevertheless, this model shares with the previous pact-making analyses the significance of
strategic elite negotiations and interactions. In both cases, “democratic transitions and
breakdowns are ultimately the products of historically contingent elite choices” (Higley and
Burton 1989, 17). Devoting attention to elite choices, Higley and Burton, clearly argue that
democratic transitions and breakdowns can be best understood through the internal relations
of national elites (Higley and Burton 1989, 17). When elite cohesion breaks down, unstable
regimes will be the most likely consequence. By contrast, consensually unified elites will
produce stable regimes (Higley and Burton 1989, 17-18). Higley and Pakulski (1999, 2012)
further elaborated this model, by adding the concept of elite differentiation besides that of
elite unity, as major factors for regime types. This model posits that elite consensus can be
achieved in the light of elite unity and elite differentiation (Higley and Pakulski 1999, 2012,
295). Strong unity and wide differentiation among elites lead to consensual elites and
accordingly create consolidated democracy. On the contrary, weak unity and narrow
differentiation tend to produce fragmented elites and result in unconsolidated democracy
19
(Higley and Pakulski 1999, 2012, 295-297). In short, the existence of consensus elites and
their power sharing are an indispensable prerequisite for today’s stable democracy (Hartmann
2007, 37; Higley et.al, 1991, 36).
A multi-dimensional approach is at the core of the actor-centered institutionalism as
proposed by Wolfgang Merkel and his collaborators (Merkel 1999, 2010; Merkel, Puhle,
Croissant, Eicher and Thiery 2003). In their model of “embedded democracy,” Merkel and
associates tried to combine structure, agency and culture in order to define conditions under
which new democracies consolidate. Yet the strong reliance on Scharpf’s actor-centered
institutionalism, though seeking to mitigate the agency bias inherent in rational choice
institutionalism through the inclusion of normative arguments (Scharpf 1997), gives the
model a strong rationalist and agency-related focus.
Elites and democratization studies in Indonesia
In contemporary elite studies in Indonesia scholars leaning towards actor-oriented approaches
include political scientists such as William Liddle, Edward Aspinall, Marcus Mietzner,
Michael Bühler, Thomas Pepinsky, and others who may also be categorized as liberal-
pluralists. These scholars do not fully neglect structural arguments as much as structurally-
inclined scholars in many cases also do not completely dismiss agency. Yet for actor-oriented
analyses of democratization in Indonesia, policy change is to a much greater extent the result
of elite action than elite action that is predetermined by structure. In other words, elite action
is the key explanatory variable in actor-oriented analyses, whereas structure might be an
intervening variable at best. They believe in what structuralists such as Hadiz and Robison
dispute, that to a considerable extent individuals may “accumulate resources such as wealth,
authority, status, media control, and so on by virtue of the voluntary exercise of individual
skills, including that of leadership” (Hadiz and Robison 2013, 40).
Most actor-oriented analyses of democratization in Indonesia indeed belong to the
liberal-pluralist school of thought. Liberal-pluralists tend to emphasize the significant role of
political actors and individuals who can voluntarily and strategically influence and determine
the nature of political structure. Liddle, for instance, proposed a theory of action in order to
better understand Indonesian post-New Order polity. For him, a theory of action “can
conceptualize the role of the actor in the political system” (Liddle 2013, 62). Further, Liddle
suggested scholars must be attentive to “the actions of concrete individuals as their
independent and dependent variables to specify nature of the evidence that persuades them
and might persuade others of the validity of their claim” (Liddle 2013, 65).
Other liberal-pluralists such as Aspinall claimed that “personal qualities of leaders
20
may have been important” to create some policies that accordingly being “copied and adapted
from region to region” (Aspinall 2013, 117). These political elites are even “relatively
autonomous of the predatory interests” (Roser, Wilson, and Sulistyanto 2011, 15 as quoted in
Aspinall 2013, 117). In short, pluralist scholars evidently argued that individual decision-
makers can be drivers of political change and create policies autonomously or independently
of structural constraints (Bühler 2014, 162). In addition, they also stressed the personal
qualities of political elites for elevating and sustaining their power. Both aspects are among
the very notion of agency-oriented argument as previously discussed.
In contrast to the oligarchy thesis, some liberal-pluralist scholars argue that new
institutional designs paved the way for the change of elite behavior. For them, institutional
changes such as decentralization and direct local elections positively contribute to elite
adjustment. For political elites, these institutional changes “have created strong incentives for
all political players to design policies to attract constituents” (Aspinall 2013, 118) and “have
imposed a reorganization of local elites to build linkages to the population” (Bühler 2008,
315). Besides, institutional changes positively contribute to an increasing elite political
competition and elevate the role of constituents or public. For them, institutional changes
“have empowered Indonesian voters to have a significant say in the outcome of inter-elite
competition for political and economic power” (Mietzner 2010, 189), “have channeled
political competition in new directions” (Ibid., 318), have facilitated “virtual bidding wars to
entice voters” (Aspinall 2013, 118), “have shifted the balance of policy preferences in favor
of previously marginalized voters” (Ibid., 119), “have imposed a reorganization of local elites
to build linkages to the population” (Bühler 2008, 315) and “have given true power to the
population to elect or reject a candidate running for regent” (Ibid., 323). More than that,
Carnegie argues that institutional reforms of post-New Order “have, albeit modestly,
destabilized oligarchic proclivities (Carnegie 2008, 525). In short, most liberal-pluralists
shared a similar argument in positively appreciating the impact of democratic change on the
behavior of political elites, an increasing inter-elite competition, and the empowerment of
electorates.
Compared to structuralists, liberal-pluralists are also taking a more moderate
viewpoint in their treatment on material factors, although they too believe that material wealth
is a necessary condition for the success or failure of political elites in political arena. Liddle
for instance, prefers to see material wealth as “the only one of many resources mobilizable in
politics” (Liddle 2013, 63). Pepinsky, who proposed a critical pluralist idea, notes that
“material resources are necessarily at play in any aspects on Indonesia’s political economy”
21
(Pepinsky 2013, 7). However, he continues by stating that the effects of material resources on
political conflict are always conditional on non-material factors” (Ibid., 11) and rejecting “a
materialist scholar that non-material resources are outside his/ her theory’s explanatory scope”
(Ibid., 16).
Pluralist criticism of the materialist determinism of the oligarchy school is also
articulated by Mietzner in his analysis of political parties and politicians. Mietzner offers an
alternative interpretation that “goes beyond the focus of money as the vital power resources in
Indonesia’s post-New Order” (Mietzner 2014, 100). He provides an example of political elites
such as Akbar Tanjung of Golkar party whose material resources are limited, but nevertheless
has tremendous political influence (Ibid., 101-102).
D. The Ideational Approach
In the previous sections we saw that political elites have been either treated as
dependent on structural factors or as independent variable which influence political decisions
through their strategic actions. Structural as well as actor-centered analyses pay much
attention to the material and tangible factors such as political organization, class structure,
levels of economic development or power resources and mode of political transition. The role
of ideational factors such as ideologies, religious beliefs, collective norms, values, identities
and knowledge plays a much lesser role in elite analyses.
Pareto and Mosca are classical elite theorists who integrated the role of ideas in their
analyses on elites. Pareto formulated the concept of “derivations” as part of elite power
towards the masses. According to him, it is not only through manipulation and force that the
elite can consolidate its power over and control of the masses. Persuasion and myth are also
important tools for mass acceptance of elite rule. According to Pareto, derivations or myths
(such as the divine rights) have “effects of great consequence in the way of influencing human
conduct” (Pareto 1935, p. 1567, sec. 2239). In short, political myths play a function “to
persuade the masses to acquiesce to elite rule” (Sherman and Kolker 1987, 145).
Mosca agreed that elites need a legitimating myth for their rule over the masses. Here,
Mosca offered the concept of political formula as “the legal or moral basis, or principle, on
which the power of the political class rests” (Mosca 1939, 70). In agreement with Pareto,
Mosca referred his political formula to the divine right of kings as a legitimating myth that
“was the great superstition of past ages and contributes powerfully to consolidating political
organization and unifying peoples or even whole civilizations” (Ibid., 71). For Mosca, the
unity of elites and masses in their belief systems will accordingly strengthen the effectiveness
22
of political formula and positively contribute to political stability (Sherman and Kolker, 1987,
149). Elites use propaganda in the political, educational and religious system, and, if
necessary, also force in order to “win the masses and keep them loyal” (Mosca 1939, 190). On
the side of the masses, their loyalty and cohesion to collective ideas are normally achieved by
the spontaneous process of “mimetism” or imitation (Ibid., 184). Here, Mosca defines
imitation as “the tendency of an individual’s passions, sentiments and beliefs to develop in
accord with the currents that prevail in the environment in which he is morally formed and
educated” (Ibid., 184). From Mosca we learn that moral justification is crucial for elite
survival and consolidation.
By contrast, many other elite theorists paid little attention to the role of ideas for elite
power. They seem to ignore the need for the moral justification of elite rule. Mills, for
instance, claimed that “ideas which justify rulers no longer seem so necessary to their exercise
of power” (Mills 1958, 29-30). He further argued that “moral belief is not necessary, in either
the ruler or the ruled, for a ruling power to persist and even to flourish” (Ibid., 30). For Mills,
the irrelevance of moral belief or mass persuasion rests on two reasons: One is the frequent
absence in influencing great decisions, the other mass indifference (Ibid., 29-30).
In the 1960s and 1970s, growing scholarly attention was devoted to the study of
ideology, belief system, and ideas in political life. This trend emerged in parallel with the
intensive research on political culture and political development (Almond and Verba 1963;
Pye and Verba 1965; Putnam 1973; Almond and Verba 1979; Eckstein 1988). Nevertheless,
only few scholars tried to combine political culture and elite analysis. Putnam’s analysis of
elite political culture (Putnam 1971) and George’s “operational code analysis” in
understanding elite decision-making (George 1969) are among the exceptions.
Ideas and democratization studies
This disconnect between elite studies and ideational analyses has continued in the more recent
scholarly literature. While the literature on ideas largely ignored elite as study object and
rather contributed to policy studies, political economy (George 1979b; Hall 1989; Goldstein
1993; Goldstein and Keohane 1993; Schmidt 2008; Legro 2000; Sikkink 1991; Campbell
2002; Yee 1996; Blyth 2002), international organizations (Acharya 2004; Jetschke and
Rüland 2009; Rüland and Bechle 2014) and political parties (Berman 1998), elite studies and
the democratization literature infrequently utilized ideational analysis. In elite studies,
structuralist and voluntarist approaches with their material dimension still play a dominant
role. A similar development can also be observed in democratization studies where
structuralist approaches and rational choice theory take a prominent position.
23
A partial exception are culturalist approaches (Huntington 1984; Pye 1985), which
link the prospects for democratization to religious values deeply entrenched in societies’
cultural memory. Other culturalist studies inspired by the seminal work of Almond and Verba
(1963) focussed on the importance of civic culture, individualism, religion and mutual trust as
driving forces of democratization (Putnam 1993; Fukuyama 1995; Inglehart 1997; Huntington
1996; Diamond 1999). These studies tried to build a link between democracy and a particular
political culture, exploring to what extent the latter can foster political participation. More
recent culturally inspired studies also analyze the relationship between civil society and civic
freedom (Grugel 2002, 50). Yet some of these studies have been strongly criticized as overly
essentialist (Rüland 1994) and few of them paid particular attention to elites.
Democratization studies in Indonesia: Bringing ideas in
Elite and democratization studies in Indonesia almost completely ignored ideas. As shown in
the sections above, in Indonesia’s post-New Order polity, the investigation of political elites
and political transition are dominated by the structuralist oligarchy thesis and actor-oriented
liberal-pluralist approaches. Only a few studies integrated ideational issues into the general
analysis of political transition in Indonesia.
Concerning pro-democratic activists as his object of analysis, Uhlin applied
transnational democratic diffusion as his conceptual framework. He figured out on how pro-
democratic activists in Indonesia react to democratic ideas through the cognitive processes of
adoption, adjustment and rejection (Uhlin 1993, 523-524). However, Uhlin’s study neither
focussed on political elites nor on the post-New Order context. Instead, he examined the pre-
transition phase and concentrated on the role of non-elite actors (NGOs) in democratization.
Ecklof’s study applying a political culture approach in analyzing the Partai Demokrasi
Indonesia (Indonesian Democratic Party, PDI) covered a similar time-frame (Ecklof 2003).
By contrast, Webber and Choi situated their analyses in the post-New Order era,
arguing that the pervasiveness of patrimonial norms and practices became an impediment for
the consolidation of democracy (Webber 2006; Choi 2009). While Webber provided a general
overview on democratization in post-authoritarian Indonesia, Choi applied the concept of
patrimonialism to Indonesian post-New-Order local politics. However, both authors did not
systematically link their analyses to elite studies.
Given these blind spots identified in the general literature on elites in democratization
processes and the study of democratic transition in Indonesia, this study seeks to apply a more
comprehensive framework which – apart from structural and agency-related arguments – also
24
integrates ideas in the analysis of elite change. It is in this respect that this study enters new
ground in the analysis of elites in Indonesia. It thereby draws on the cultural turn of the 1990s
in political science. Reflexivist approaches such as sociological institutionalism (Hall and
Taylor 1996; Finnemore 1996; Checkel 1998; Finnemore and Sikkink 2001; Tannenwald
2005; Berman 2001, 2013; Beland and Cox 2011) provide a particularly useful theoretical
framework to better understand the phenomenon of elite adjustment under the condition of
transitional democracy such as in Indonesia. From this literature, the subsequent study adopts
some analytical instruments such as the concepts of ideational change, ideational contestation,
localization and the role of elites as ideational carrier in political change.
In examining elite adjustment in Indonesia, this research integrates the ideational
dynamics between the transnational norm of democracy and the preexisting ideational
structures in Indonesia into its analytical framework. Democratic ideas can be seen in this
particular context as international or transnational norms (Finnemore and Sikkink 1998;
Acharya 2004; Jetschke and Rüland 2009). These ideas are viewed as road maps or visions on
how to manage political affairs. Meanwhile, local norms are ideas, which are historically and
collectively constructed, reflecting a given identity and, hence, considered as appropriate
(March and Olsen 1989). Like ideologies, these ideas are abstract and based on philosophical
and theoretical foundations. However, different to ideologies, they are not a “total vision of
the world” (Aron 1967, 44; Berman 1998, 20), because they relate to everyday political
activities and policy solutions on governing political matters. In other words, the object of
study lies in “the middle range of ideas” (Berman 1998, 21). It means that ideas under study
have a certain level of generality and at the same time can be operationalized as a predictor of
political behavior because they are related to practical and everyday activities of political
actors.
Crucial for understanding processes of ideational change is the work of Jeffrey Legro.
Legro differentiates between two processes of ideational change, that is, “collapse” and
“consolidation.” The former occurs when actors collectively agree that “the old orthodoxy is
inadequate and should be replaced” (Legro 2000, 424). This is the case when the old ideas no
longer live up to the expectations associated with them. Facilitating such change are events
such as major external shocks or crises. They erode the plausibility of the old ideas and
provide avenues for new external ideas which in the process become the new orthodoxy. Or in
the words of Legro: “...when an old orthodoxy collapses, an oppositional idea with pre-
existing social support that appears to coincide with socially desired results (whether it
actually caused such results is irrelevant) is likely to be the new focal point of consolidation
25
and institutionalization” (Legro 2000, 429, 430).
However, if the new orthodoxy likewise does not meet the expectations associated
with them, the new ideas fail to consolidate. This subjects them to a process where they have
to compete with multiple oppositional ideas, including extant local ideas or the “old
orthodoxy.” This means that “the consolidation phase is more likely to be characterized by
indeterminate political contestation” (Legro 2000, 430).
The theoretical framework that gives particular attention to ideational contestation
between transnational norms and extant local norms is the localization concept formulated by
Amitav Acharya. Acharya introduces his theory by criticizing the existing norm diffusion
literature which, he charges, pursues a “moral cosmopolitanist” perspective. To him, this
perspective is unsatisfactory due to the following critical points. It is prejudiced in
dichotomizing “the good” of universal ideas and “the bad” of local beliefs. Moreover, it
strongly emphasizes the role of transnational agents and consequently neglects the role of
local agents. Besides, it sees norm diffusion as a process of conversion rather than
contestation (Acharya 2004, 242-243). Overall, this moral cosmopolitanist perspective
ignores the significance of local “social understandings that can contradict and overwhelm
international prescriptions” (Legro 1997, 32).
Enlisting the cultural turn for elite studies in Indonesia
The previous discussion has amply shown that the cultural turn of the 1990s in social
sciences has so far largely eluded elite studies in Indonesia. This is somewhat surprising as
constructivist scholarship opened many avenues to bring in the non-materialist foundations of
elite behavior. Amitav Acharya’s theory of “constitutive localization” is a case in point
(Acharya 2004, 2009). Acharya defines localization as an “active construction (through
discourse, framing, grafting, and pruning) of foreign ideas by local actors, which results in the
former developing congruence with local beliefs and practices,“ the so-called “cognitive
prior” (Acharya 2004, 245). Localization is an evolutionary process of ideational diffusion
between transnational norms and local beliefs, which is characterized by a “mutually
constitutive” relationship (Acharya 2004, 252). This process stands in between norm
resistance and norm displacement. It is, expressed simply, a process of fusing the new
external and the old local norms.
Following the above definition of localization, it is clear that local actors play an
important role as ideational carriers in the process of ideational contestation. The influence of
ideas on political behavior does not emerge from a political vacuum and can only be
26
understood when taking into account specific political actors (Finnemore and Sikkink 1998,
256; Berman 1998, 22). To put it another way, in order to become salient, ideas will need
agents who share them as collective values. The analysis of ideational diffusion refers to this
ideational agency as an ideational carrier (Berman 1998) or norm entrepreneur (Finnemore
and Sikkink 1998). These actors play a crucial role in the process of “norm emergence”
(Finnemore and Sikkink 1998). To facilitate society’s compatibility with pre-existing norms,
ideational carriers frequently frame external ideas in the light of extant local norms, that is,
the logic of appropriateness.
This study conceptualizes the elite (both the old-established and the new elite) as a
ideational carrier that channels various ideas into the social discourses in Indonesia. Elites act
as mediators between the competing foreign notions of democracy on the one hand, and local
norms and local versions of political order on the other. Hence, this research accepts
Berman’s propositions on ideational carriers, which are the following:
“First, the carrier´s status within the system will affect the likelihood of an idea´s gaining
political salience: the greater the influence of the carrier, the greater the chance that the
idea carried will attain political importance. Second, the lengthier and more successful
the carrier’s career, the more likely it is that his or her ideas will gain acceptance. The
longer a carrier has to mobilize support and provide incentives and disincentives for
cooperation, the greater will be the chance that others will come to accept the idea.
Prominent carriers, moreover, will be better positioned to ensure that their ideas remain a
force in politics even after they have left the scene.” (Berman 1998, 25).
These theoretical propositions establish three conditions that influence the success of the
diffusion of ideas, namely the elite’s status and influence in society, the elite’s duration in
power, and the perceived prominence of the elite in society. From these findings, one can
derive that, compared to the newly emerging elite, the established elite – as long as it is not
discredited - can more easily diffuse norms. This superiority is due to the established elite’s
position in bureaucracy, political networks and alignments, its knowledge of the local
problems, and its capacity in solving policy problems.
Furthermore, my previous discussion of the localization concept points to the
significance of local actors in norm contestation, since, as Acharya stated, “it is also a process
in which the role of local actors is more crucial than that of outside actors” (Acharya 2004,
244). Local agents have an important role in building congruence between external ideas and
local beliefs. Local agents act as the “insider proponents” of ideas, their credibility and
prestige are scrutinized by the public. This credibility tends to be greater when local agents
acting as ideational carriers represent local values rather than foreign norms (Acharya 2004,
247-248). This conceptual framework for local actors can be applied to the questions of: first,
27
how old and new elites choose from existing ideas; second, what implications these choices
have on society’s perception of the elite; and third, how elites respond to democratization
under these circumstances.
Moreover, in the process of localization, established elites realize that new norms can
be used as instruments to preserve their legitimacy and authority (Acharya 2004, 248). For old
local elites, localization can be an appropriate adaptation strategy as long as new norms do not
interfere with their legitimacy and thereby disrupt the social structure. As the transition
literature shows, democracy and other emerging new norms are not necessarily viewed by
established elites as a threat to their social status as long as they are not excluded from the
political process. Elites may accept the new norm of democracy because, to some extent, it
provides them with an opportunity for their political maneuvering. However, this situation
might be different if established elites prefer a resistance strategy which may evoke tough
responses from the new elites, seeking to entirely dislodge them from positions of political
authority.
While the concept of localization strongly stresses ideational processes and firmly
rests on a reflexivist logic, one of its great advantages is that it does not neglect strategic
action. This is highlighted by the active role of local actors as norm recipients which
reinterpret and reconstruct alien norms through framing, grafting and pruning (Acharya 2004,
243-244). They localize external normative challenges in order to modernize and thus re-
legitimize the extant normative order. The way they do this is clearly of a strategic nature.
The fusing of new external and extant local values is thus part of a process of use
maximization which climaxes in the objective to defend their elite status under the conditions
of major structural change. Acharya’s approach is thus superior and of a greater explanatory
scope than exclusively rationalist norm diffusion approaches such as, inter alia, epitomized in
the work of Oliver (1991), Braun and Gilardi (2006) or Simmons, Dobbins, and Garrett
(2007).
E. Eclectic Theorizing in Elite Analyses
Each of the theoretical approaches to elite studies discussed above – the structuralist
approach, the actor-centered approach and the ideational approach – has its merits in helping
to understand and interpret elites. Nevertheless, the “excessive monism” (Hall 1997, 189) or
“excessive compartmentalization” (Katzenstein and Sil 2008, 116) caused by applying these
approaches exclusively has the consequence of overlooking other approaches. To tackle this
problem, I apply the concept of analytical eclectisism in this study (Sil and Katzenstein 2010;
Katzenstein and Sil 2008; Sil 2000; Hemmer and Katzenstein 2002). Eclectic theorizing has
28
received much attention in recent years, especially in non-Western research contexts which
cannot be captured well by Western-centric theories. Eclectic theorizing is “an intellectual
stance that supports efforts to complement, engage, and selectively utilize theoretical
constructs embedded in contending research traditions to build complex arguments that bear
on substantive problems of interest” (Sil and Katzenstein 2010, 411). It treats theoretical
approaches not as exclusionary but as complementary to each other.
The application of eclectic theorizing in this research is driven by the pragmatic
intention to answer the research question of elite adjustment in Indonesia’s democratization.
More concretely, it has two basic objectives: first, to help in better grasping a given problem
and, second, to make the best use of the merits of competing theoretical approaches in
interpreting elite. The latter objective is crucial as it is almost impossible to neglect existing
research traditions as expressed in the structuralist, actor-oriented and ideational schools of
thought. It is hardly credible to adopt only one single approach in dealing with the complexity
of political life and elite change. This research, thus, adopts the position of self-consciously
engaging “in pursuit of empirical and conceptual connections that recognize the complexity of
political life in ways that no single research tradition can” (Katzenstein and Sil 2008, 118). By
taking eclectic scholarship seriously, this research proposes “a wider range of alternative
combinations of analytic and empirical components” (Katzenstein and Sil 2008, 119).
This study follows three distinguishing features of the eclectic theorizing in
comparison to any single conventional approach. It rests on a pragmatist ethos, it has an open-
ended approach to identifying problems, and it generates complex causal mechanisms and
causal interactions in diverse contexts (Sil and Katzenstein 2010, 412). Rather than reducing
complexities, this research seeks “to trace the complex stories and causal interactions through
which different types of mechanisms interact” (Sil and Katzenstein 2010, 416) in the process
of elite adjustment.
As a consequence of eclectic theorizing this study takes ideas serious as factors
influencing elite behavior, but also leaves the door open for an analysis of non-ideational
factors shaping the phenomenon of elite adjustment in democratization. This theoretical
position is attributed to the fact that social phenomena are too complex as to be reduced to a
monolithic and unidirectional causality (George 1979b, 104; Hall 1989, 390). By regarding
ideational factors as significant and at the same time accepting non-ideational explanations, I
avoid the exclusiveness which usually characterizes one theoretical strand.
29
F. Research Arguments
With reference to the previous theoretical framework, this comparative case study on
elite adjustment in the two Indonesian provinces of North Sumatra and East Java proposes the
following basic arguments. First and foremost, democratization does not occur in a
unidirectional and monolithic style because it is the result of dynamic interactions between
institutional context, actor’s strategic actions and ideational contestation. As a consequence,
the process of elite adjustment in the democratic regime is strongly influenced by these
dynamic interactions.
The institutional context is shaped by negotiated transition, the legacy of authoritarian
networks and the declining antagonism between democrats and their opponents. These
processes led to the founding institutional arrangements such as the decentralization policy
and the design of local elections. Nevertheless, founding democratic arrangements have
produced not only a basis of legitimacy for democratic regimes, but have also created an
electoral arena characterized by material transactions or money politics. This fact has
significantly curtailed the growth of new democratic elites and negatively affected democratic
practices by re-socializing authoritarian traditions.
However, without social base, those institutional arrangements and the related material
resources do not secure elite survival. The breakdown of the authoritarian regime and the
subsequent negotiated transition has not eradicated authoritarian ideas and local beliefs which
are institutionally embedded and still have diehard followers. Although democracy as the new
norm is strongly supported and intensively discussed in the public discourse, democracy has
been implanted into a political space which has already been occupied by existing and
enduring ideational structures. In such a context, political elites do not passively adopt
democratic norms in daily political practices. Instead, they actively shape democratic
institutions in line with their political interests. The fact that established elites are more likely
to have greater opportunities in this situation must be attributed to their political experience,
the duration they held power and their prominent status and influence in society. As a result,
rather than being restrained by democratization, established elites are able to adjust to
democracy and succeed in political contests.
However, beyond the structural and ideational explanations above, the degree of elite
adjustment is likely to be greater when elites can combine two basic personal resources, that
is, political skills and bureaucratic capability. Political skills relate to their ability to build
political consensus among political actors, create political networks, pacts and alignments,
gain political legitimacy and fulfill social expectations. Meanwhile, bureaucratic capacity
30
stems from their administrative expertise, their capacity to interpret policy, and their
knowledge about local problems. Once political elites fail to apply these two skills in the
democratic arena, they are likely to face problems in sustaining their power.
I further argue that elite adjustment can take various forms depending on the specific
institutional context, the sequence of events of democratization, and the social expectations of
the public. In the initial phase of transition, the established elite adopted a response of passive
conformity towards democratization. Adoption of this strategy is related to the strong
institutional pressure emanating from democratization and the dominant democracy discourse
prevalent soon after the breakdown of the authoritarian regime. Gradually, this response
shifted to an “avoidance” strategy characterized by the symbolic acceptance of democracy
and political behavior characterized by the mimicry of democratic norms. This also includes
that the political class rejuvenated itself and absorbed elements of civil society into its camp.
This enables them to exert their previous expertise, that is, political skills and bureaucratic
capability, to expose and exploit the shortcomings of the new central government’s policies
and regulations. Following these processes, established elites tended to switch to a pattern of
responses in which they exert more active resistance strategies.
Figure 2.1 Causal factors and outcome
II. Methodology and Research Techniques
A. Comparative Case Study Method and Process Tracing Analysis
In this study I employ the comparative case study method. The application of this method
follows several considerations relevant to the research objective. First, as this study attempts
to explain the complexity of mechanisms of change, it is faced with the “problem of
equifinality.” The strength of the Small N-case study lies in dealing with the problem of
Institutional Structure
Elite Adjustment
Actor Strategic Actions
Ideational
Contestation
31
multiple causalities. According to Bennett, this method focuses “on the conditions and
mechanisms rather than the frequency with which the specified outcomes and mechanisms
occur” (Bennett 2004, 42-43). Second, this research mainly relies on the depth of analysis as a
virtue of case study research rather than searching for the breadth exposition as commonly
found in Large-N research. By focusing on the depth analysis, this research seeks to explore
“the detail, richness, completeness, and wholeness of explanation” (Gerring 2007, 49). Third,
as the research objective is typified by Y-centered analysis (outcomes as variable of interest),
my study focuses on the exploratory/generating-hypothesis (causal mechanism) rather than
testing-hypothesis (causal effect) (Ibid., 43-48). This exploratory work fits well with the case
study design because it seeks “to operationalize qualitative variables (construct validity),
identify new variables or hypotheses, examine potential causal mechanisms within particular
cases or contexts, explain cases historically and to incorporate complex causal relations”
(Bennett 2004, 19). Fourth, in terms of data availability, the case study method has another
strength in its flexibility “to check facts, to consult multiple sources, and to go back to
primary materials” (Gerring 2007, 59). However, as George warned, the case study method,
particularly in the form of single case-study, has a basic weakness in its idiosyncratic features
or lack of “scientific consciousness,” which together do not form a cohesive whole (George
1979, 62). To overcome these shortcomings, this research will utilize the controlled
comparison approach.
In applying controlled comparison design, I will employ Mill’s method of most similar
design with some flexibilities and adjustments. With this design, two cases under study share
a whole range of contextual similarities (political, social, economic and financial capacity,
cultural, and demographic setting), except for the outcome and the proposed independent
variable (Lim 2006, 34-41; Bennett 2004, 31). According to Bennet (2004, 32), Mill’s method
itself has at least three basic attributes. First, it consists of “deterministic regularities of causal
mechanisms involving conditions that contributed to the outcome” (Bennet 2004, 32). Second,
“all variables that potentially contributed to the outcome would have to be assessed in the
analysis” (Ibid., 32). Third, “cases must be available for study to see the possible causal
paths” (Ibid., 32).
Nevertheless, these basic characteristics of Mill’s method inform us about its explicit
drawbacks. First, this design operates on the basic principles of the “method of elimination,”
whereas equifinality is present in many social phenomena. George and Bennett have
highlighted this problem, stating that “it is not always clear whether they [researchers]
recognize that the variables excluded as neither necessary nor sufficient may still have
32
considerable causal significance when combined with other variables. This is a matter of
considerable importance since we believe that there are few nontrivial theories in the social
sphere strong enough to support general claims of necessary or sufficiency for single
variables, and that indeed the causation of many phenomena of interest to social researchers is
complex and lacks nontrivial necessary or sufficient conditions” (George and Bennett 2005,
157). Second, the most similar design cannot completely control the effect of potential causal
factors to each case (Berman 1998, 35). Third, the three basic requirements of Mill’s method
as proposed by Bennett seem unrealistic and it is almost impossible to find a situation in
which all variables can be held constant, except the proposed independent variable and the
dependent variable (Bennett 2004, 32). To deal with these drawbacks, I employ process
tracing, longitudinal analysis, and the combination of cross-case (comparison) with within-
case analysis. Process tracing is needed to deal with the problem of elimination, while
longitudinal and within-case analyses are valuable in handling the weakness of controlling the
effect of potential independent variables to each case. The following discussion will explain
this aspect in greater detail.
Considering its imperfections, this research will use Mill’s method in a preliminary
way to identify potentially relevant variables, then emphasize the use of process tracing in
order to deal with the weakness of Mill’s method (Ibid., 22-23). According to Bennett, the
advantage of process tracing is in its ability to check the significance of intervening variables
between the causal factors and outcome as predicted by theories (Ibid., 22). In other words,
process tracing seeks to explore the causal mechanisms in a case under investigation and finds
out possible explanations from the chain of evidence from hypothesized cause and outcome
(Ibid., 22). In conclusion, process tracing is a powerful research strategy for helping to
achieve “continuity and completeness” in explaining a case (Ibid., 22-23).
In organizing process tracing, I apply a deductive and an inductive element.
Deductively, I use theories “to predict the values of intervening variables in a case, and then
test these predictions” (Ibid., 23). However, the inductive element is employed predominantly
because this research seeks to find insights and additional predictions about the process and
explain the “unanticipated sequences” in the case (Ibid., 37). The inductive strategy is
predominantly employed in order to “detect unexpected clues or puzzles that indicate the
presence of left-out variables which may lead to the development of new hypotheses” (Ibid.,
23).
Furthermore, the comparative method will be combined with longitudinal analysis in
the “before-after” case that pays attention to the relevant causal factors over time. It means
33
that this procedure over time focuses on the outcome and provides “control for the possibility
of too many factors in the analysis” (George and Bennett 2005, 81). Besides, in order to
manage the problem of controlling the effect of potential independent variables, this research
combines the comparative method with within-case analysis. In other words, this research will
be constructed diachronically (by observing the case or some subset of within-case units over
time) and synchronically (by observing within-case variation at a single point in time) (Gering
2007, 21). In short, this study combines the “horizontal” aspect by applying cross-case
analysis and the “vertical” feature by employing within-case analysis.
The operationalization of longitudinal analysis rests on the period of time between
1998 and 2013. This period of time has been identified as a critical juncture in Indonesia’s
democratization process. Thus, democratization and decentralization are the institutional
context in which this research is placed. In particular, local elections will be analyzed as the
main events. Further, based on the institutional context and major events in the cases under
study, two main phases are proposed in this examination: the 1998-2004 period, and the 2005-
2013 period. The first phase between 1998 and 2004 is shaped by institutional contexts and
events impacting on and impacted by the process of negotiated transition in 1998, the
enactment of Law Number 22/1999 on Decentralization, and elections of chief local
executives by local parliaments. Meanwhile, the second phase of 2005-2013 is equivalent to
the second period of transition, inaugurated by the implementation of the Law Number
32/2004 on Decentralization and direct elections of local chief executives.
34
Period North Sumatra East Java
Period
1998-2004
First transition, the
phase of installation of
democracy, negotiated
transition
Law Number 22/1999
on Decentralization
Elections by local
parliament in 1998,
2000, 2003
First transition, the phase
of installation of
democracy, negotiated
transition
Law Number 22/1999 on
Decentralization
Elections by local
parliament in 1998, 2000,
2003
Period
2005-2013
Second transition, the
phase of consolidation
of democracy
Law Number 32/2004
on Decentralization
Direct Local Elections
in 2005, 2008 and
2010
Second transition, the
phase of consolidation of
democracy
Law Number 32/2004 on
Decentralization
Direct Local Elections in
2005, 2008 and 2010
Figure 2. 2 Periodization and Major Events of Local Elite Adjustment in North Sumatra and East Java
1998-2013
B. The Cases
The case selection method is carefully planned on systematic grounds of various causal
leverage patterns rather than numbers, that is, cases which belong to the same class but differ
from each other (George 1979, 60; Ragin 2007, 68). The variance here is described in terms
of qualitative rather than quantitative or dichotomous types of outcomes. The investigator
seeks to explore the greater number of categories (in contrast to fewer categories such as
dichotomous variables as normally found in quantitative measures) to gain insights into the
richness and nuances of the causal factors (George and Bennett 2005, 85). The cases are
intentionally selected and necessarily unrepresentative of wider populations, and seek
contingent generalizations that apply to cases that are similar to those under investigation
(Bennett 2002, 51).
The option of examining elite change at the provincial level follows three premises.
First, the provincial level has a wide-ranging analytical leverage. It connects the political
dynamics at the national and the regency (kabupaten) level. Although this research pays
attention to provincial politics, it concurrently examines the political dynamics at the regency
HORIZONTAL
VE
RT
ICA
L
35
level (the capital cities of Medan and Surabaya). Second, in decentralization policy, the
province is restored as an important level. As a form of radical decentralization, Indonesia has
paid strong attention to the regency level, but there is now a tendency towards restoring some
of the provincial government’s political power after the revision of the decentralization
policy. Third, the provincial level study promises a great array of data regarding the elite
configuration. Overall, by tracing the adjustment of regional elites, this research expects a link
between local and national politics which, later on, will be critically examined against the
background of the larger democratization issues.
My decision to analyze the provinces of North Sumatra and East Java is based on
several factors relevant to the research objective. Both have similar backgrounds as provinces
which are institutionally influenced by the process of democratization and decentralization.
As a consequence, they share similarities of transitional situations, the structure of local
government, decentralization policy, the design of party systems and electoral arrangements
including local elections.
In particular, the two provinces have several distinguished characteristics in relation to
the independent variable. They are economically and politically significant cases. Their
demographic figures, political dynamics, socio-cultural backgrounds, and economic and
financial profiles, make them excellent case studies. While East Java is located centrally in
the archipelago and North Sumatra in the periphery, both provinces are highly urbanized and
industrial hubs. Both provinces are among the most heavily populated provinces in Indonesia.
North Sumatra has a population of approximately 12 million spread out over twenty-five
regencies/cities. Meanwhile, East Java has a population of 38 million, with over thirty-eight
cities/regencies (KPU 2009). Among the thirty-three provinces in Indonesia, East Java is the
biggest province of voters, with about 29 million, while North Sumatra is the largest voters’
area outside Java with more than 9 million voters (KPU 2009). This demographic dimension
has an important effect particularly on electoral politics in which political parties intensively
compete in gaining political support.
Seen from the angle of post-New Order political constellations, both provinces are
very important in terms of the parties’ electoral competition, particularly between the two
“established” parties (The Functional Groups Party/Golkar and The Indonesia Democracy
Party-Struggle/PDI-P) and the newly emerging party, the Democrat Party (Partai
Demokrat/PD). North Sumatra is an electoral stronghold for the Golkar Party and the PDI-P,
two parties which have been considered to be “nationalist-secular” ones (Mujani and Liddle
2010, 36; Ufen 2006, 11-13; Webber 2006, 399; Qodari 2005, 79; Baswedan 2004, 672-674).
36
Meanwhile, East Java is a territory predominantly influenced by strong nationalist traditions,
as shown by the PDI-P mass base, as well as being a strong basis of traditional Islamic
movements, as represented by the National Awakening Party (PKB) and the Awakening of
Traditional Religious Scholars and Teachers (Nahdlatul Ulama, NU). Moreover, highly
dynamic cultural settings with different backgrounds have enriched the political contest in
both regions. North Sumatra with highland communities has a strong feature of ethnic politics
and religious division, while East Java with the coastal communities has its peculiarity in
traditional Islam, nationalist tradition, and divided sub-culture.
Political struggle in both regions is also deepened by their similarly strong economic
and financial performances. Both provinces are significance in terms of their economic
structure, either in the past or in the contemporary era. According to Hadiz, “North Sumatra
was the center of the plantation sector in the colonial era, while East Java is the home of the
vibrant port city of Surabaya (now a gateway to Eastern Indonesia) and a vast rural and
agricultural hinterland” (Hadiz 2004,8). Hadiz also noted that “both provinces had been
beneficiaries of the New Order’s economic development policy and were locations of a
sprawling and quickly expanding manufacturing sector in the 1980s and 1990s” (Ibid.). North
Sumatra and East Java cannot be separated from their own resources, which influence the
dynamic relationship between political actors and various interest groups. In the
contemporary era, natural resources such as oil and liquid gas are found in Tambang Asahan,
and tin mine estates are located stretched along Sumatra’s east coast. The natural resources
also include natural products such as rubber, palm trees, sugar cane, coffee, etc. East Java also
has its peculiarities. This province has several large-scale industries, including the biggest
shipyard of PT PAL, PT Tjiwi Kimia’s biggest paper factory, the biggest cigarette factories of
PT Gudang Garam and PT Bentoel, and a plant of the country’s largest cement firm, PT
Semen Gresik. The province’s most prominent natural resource is oil. Its extractive activities
take place within the renowned CEPU Block, which is also the nationwide biggest contributor
of oil in Indonesia. Furthermore, among the thirty-three provinces of Indonesia, both rank
seventh in terms of locally-generated revenue, provincial budget, block grant, specific
allocation fund, as well as the shared-tax revenue (Kementrian Keuangan RI 2008, 2009).
Indeed, electoral politics became important in light of this context, not only in order to view
the political struggle of the candidates, but also in scrutinizing the interaction among the
national elites. Certainly, elite cooperation and competition are crucial in understanding the
struggle for political and economic power.
37
C. Research Techniques
Data and information were gathered from structured and semi-structured interviews,
participant observation, documentary sources, statistical data, scholarly journals, national and
local newspapers and the internet. The main source of data comes from interviews and
participant observation. Participant observation in district level local elections had been
conducted in both cases to get an initial empirical insight into the variable of interest.
Moreover, in order to get a better idea about potential causal mechanisms, I interviewed sixty-
three informants ranging from local executives (Governors and Vice Governors, former
Governors and Vice Governors, Mayors/Regents and Vice Mayors, and former Mayors and
Vice Mayors), local election candidates (at the provincial and regency level), national and
local legislators, politicians and political party functionaries, career bureaucrats, businessmen
and local strongmen, religious leaders, academicians at the national and local levels,
journalists and successful/victorious teams in electoral competitions (see the table). Local
executives, bureaucrats and legislators at the national and local level are crucial respondents
for obtaining information on all aspects of decentralization policies and local government
issues. They provided some useful comparative perspectives on policy problems of the New
Order period and the post-New Order era. Politicians and actors who have competed or have
been involved in local elections provided information on how have they perceived political
change, what strategies in political competition and mobilization they have applied, and how
they have built elite networks. Meanwhile local academicians, local journalists, and campaign
managers are important in providing background information on the local context and its
evolution over time. However, some of these informants overlap in their functions, for
instance, local NGO activists, local journalists, local academicians and businesspeople that
are at the same time campaign managers of local election candidates. More than that, career
bureaucrats often become politicians. National legislators whom I interviewed have
previously been candidates in local elections, local bureaucrats or provincial legislators. To
deal with the problem of overlapping functions, I categorized them using the most dominant
characteristic by which they might be identified. However, in the process of interviewing, I
could flexibly ask them in an interchangeable status. Some informants were interviewed twice
in order to clarify issues previously discussed or arising from subsequent interviews and for
getting more detailed and qualified information. The average duration of the interviews was
between 1 and 2 hours; a few took even more than that. These interviews were conducted
during the period of April-May 2010, April-May 2011, and January-March 2012.
38
Table 2. 1Distribution of Interviewees
No Category of Interviewees Number
1. Local Executives at Provincial Level (Governor, Vice Governor,
Former Governor, Former Vice Governor)
5
2. Local Executives at Regency Level (Mayor, Regent Vice Mayor,
Vice Regent, Former Mayor, Former Regent, Former Vice
Mayor, Former Vice Regent
6
3. Local Election Candidates at the Provincial Level 6
4 Local Election Candidates at the Regency Level 6
5. Politicians and Legislators at the Local Level 9
6. National Legislators 3
7. Career Bureaucrats 1
8. Electoral Commissioners at the Local Level 4
9. Business persons 1
10. Local scholars (political scientists, historians, anthropologists,
sociologists)
8
11. Local NGO Activists 3
12. Local Journalists 4
13. Political consultants/political strategists 2
14. Religious leaders 1
15. Social science scholars at the national level (political scientists,
sociologists, anthropologists, and administrative science experts)
4
TOTAL 63
There were two basic challenges I faced in conducting interviews. The first problem
related to the reliability of data/information. Interviewing elites usually raises problems of
how to ensure that they provide credible information. In order to deal with this challenge, I
proposed the following steps. First, implementing a formal procedure by requesting an
institutional letter of recommendation that confirms both my position as a researcher and that
the information will be used for academic purposes. Second, finding an appropriate gate-
keeper (usually their confidants) who not only assisted in arranging the appointment, but also
provided a personal guarantee of my research. Third, in order to get more qualified
information, I conducted personal communication with informants in informal ways, or with
39
their confidants. Fourth, I had a chance to clarify and cross-check information with other
informants.
The second challenge is the trade-off of using a tape recorder in my research. Using a
trade recorder means getting the original, literal and complete information. Refraining from
using it may encourage the interviewee to be more open in providing information. I decided to
use the tape recorder in consideration of the fact that I could then record detailed information,
get the flow of information, and memorize the context of the interviews. However, I offered
to switch off the tape recorder if interviewees wanted to talk more openly or to maintain the
confidentiality of the information. In this case, I relied on my field-work notes as a substitute.
In any case, while I recorded almost all the interviews, I also took notes from them.
Another important source consists of legal and government documents. They include
laws on decentralization, national and local government policy documents on
decentralization, local election arrangements, results of elections, national and local budgetary
documents and national and local statistical yearbooks. Quantitative and statistical data
inform the results of elections in both regions for all national elections since 1955, all general
elections in the New Order era, and general elections in 1999, 2004, and 2009. All these data
are required in order to trace the continuity and change in political parties’ power in both
regions. Quantitative data of all local elections at provincial level in the late and post-New
Order era are utilized in order to understand the political constellation in the provincial
parliaments and in direct elections. Besides, these data are useful in revealing the political
support for elites under study. This political support is not only based on political parties, but
also relies on demographic, ethnic or religious indicators.
To deepen and enrich the evidence, information is also extracted from the secondary
literature, a wide range of scholarly journals, national and local newspapers, biographies and
internet sources. National newspapers (both paper and online versions) such as Kompas, The
Jakarta Post, Media Indonesia, Tempo, and Republika as well as local newspapers such as
Sumut Pos, Waspada and Waspada Online, Tribun Medan, Analisa, Sinar Indonesia Baru
(leading public media in North Sumatra) and Jawa Pos, Surya Online, Harian Surya, Duta
Masyarakat (leading print and online media in East Java) were used as secondary data. All
these newspaper data provide useful information on crucial events such as the process of
transition at the national and local level, the process of policy formulation, for instance
decentralization policy, and also political events during local elections. Some major policy
issues at the local level are also documented in this newspaper data, and it enriches the
information of research.
40
Chapter Three
Politics in Indonesia: Structure, Actors and Ideas
I. Introduction
This chapter provides the historical and political context for the present study. Before
addressing the core question of how elite adjustment in the post-New Order period has taken
place at the local level, it is necessary to provide the reader with the background of
Indonesia’s political development. Since gaining its independence, Indonesia has experienced
four distinct periods of different government systems. Although all systems claimed or claim
to be democratic, we can classify Indonesia’s political history into two democratic or nearly-
democratic systems and two authoritarian types of political system. While the era of
Parliamentary Democracy (1950-1957) and the era of Reformation/post-New Order (1998-
present) were or are democratic, the era of Guided Democracy (1959-1965) and the New
Order regime/ Pancasila Democracy (1965/1966-1998) were of an authoritarian nature. In
this chapter, I show how institutional structure, political actors’ strategies and ideas have
played a significant role in shaping the trajectory of Indonesia’s post-independence political
development.
The failure of Parliamentary Democracy in the 1950s was mainly caused by the
weakness of democratic institutions (Anderson 1983, 482-483); weak societal support,
particularly among elites, for liberal democratic ideas (Feith 1962); the hidden agenda of
President Soekarno and the military (Lev 1994); and also by the persistence of deeply
entrenched illiberal indigenous political ideas (Benda 1964; Soemardjan 1970). The successor
to this liberal democracy, the authoritarian system of “Guided Democracy,” faced similar
predicaments: this first authoritarian experiment failed due to its lack of a profound
institutional basis, the unmanageable power struggles between President Soekarno, the
Indonesian Communist Party (Partai Komunis Indonesia, PKI) and the military (Feith 1963),
and also the growing number of critics from Western-democratic supporters towards
Soekarno regime (Feith 1963, 342-348). In short, according to Crouch, “both regimes failed to
create a stable political order, either in the form of plural politics of parliamentary system or
the balancing of rival coalition partners under Guided Democracy” (Crouch 1979, 166).
The New Order learnt from “Guided Democracy” by strengthening the new regime’s
institutional and ideological basis and by providing material incentives to elite groups and the
population. It combined three political resources as its basis of political legitimacy: the
41
coercive or repressive approach, material inducement and the persuasive approach through
normative or popular ideology (Liddle 1992, 1996). The survival of the New Order regime
over more than three decades can be seen as the first “success” story of authoritarianism in
Indonesia and that success was built upon the three aforementioned approaches. The coercive
approach created the basis for controlling political institutions, the material approach used the
“more tangible” (Liddle 1996, 249) measures of distributing material resources to the
regime’s supporters and wider population and the persuasive approach relied on the
ideologies of the integralist state and developmentalism. Nevertheless, the regime’s decay in
the 1990s was also anchored in these three basic elements of legitimacy. Growing and
spreading democratic ideas in correspondence with the Third Wave of democratization
(Huntington 1991) and the radicalization of democracy activists; intra-elite conflicts
foreshadowing the limits of patronage and co-optation, and the Asian Financial Crisis of
1997/1998 dramatically undermining the regime’s developmentalist self-image and ability to
create economic growth paved the way towards regime change and the revitalization of
democracy in Indonesia.
Following the introduction, the subsequent section (3.2) – in line with the theoretical
framework - illustrates how the interplay of the three major factors of (1) structural
conditions, (2) actors’ strategies and (3) political ideas has impacted on Indonesia’s pre-
Reformasi political development. The section is subdivided into four sub-sections. The first
sub-section (3.2.1) focuses on the period of parliamentary democracy (1950-1957) which
followed the withdrawal of the Dutch colonizers from Indonesia in late 1949.9 This
periodizing disregards that Indonesia had already declared independence on 17 August 1945.
But the armed struggle against the Dutch, who sought to revitalize their former colonial
empire after the surrender of the Japanese at the end of the Pacific War, made it impossible to
build up more than only rudimentary state structures. This justifies to start the overview with
the establishment of a parliamentary democratic political system in Indonesia in 1950. The
second sub-section (3.2.2) takes a brief look at the period of “Guided Democracy” (1957-
1965) under President Soekarno, which paved the way for more than four decades of
authoritarian rule. Accordingly, the third sub-section (3.2.3) outlines major features of
President Soeharto’s New Order regime (1965/1966-1998). The 1965 coup attempt, allegedly
staged by leftist army officers and the PKI enabled Soeharto10
, then the commander of the
9
The Dutch still retained Irian Jaya (today Papua) until 1962 from where they were expelled by an Indonesian
military campaign and international pressure. (See Chauvel and Bhakti 2004, 3-13). 10
The events surrounding the 30 September coup are still greatly contested by Indonesians and international
historiographers. The official version of the Indonesian government until to the present day was published by the
42
Jakarta-based elite Komando Cadangan Strategis TNI-Angkatan Darat (KOSTRAD), to crush
the coup and remove Soekarno from power. The fourth sub-section (3.2.4) then describes the
changes in Indonesia’s political system (Era Reformasi 1998-present) triggered by the forced
resignation of President Soeharto and the end of his New Order regime. This part will also
discuss some important elements of political change in Indonesia’s post-New Order political
development such as constitutional amendments, the change to a multi-party system, electoral
reforms including the direct election of the President, decentralization, and the direct election
of local executives. The chapter ends with summarizing its main findings (3.3).
II. Trajectories of Political Order in Indonesia: Institutional Structure, Actor
Strategies and Ideas
A. Parliamentary Democracy (1950-1957)
When the Dutch eventually left Indonesia in 1949, the country had to decide what kind of
political format it wanted to adopt. The literature names at least four major reasons why
parliamentary democracy was adopted as the political system after the withdrawal of the
Dutch. The first argument stressed the transitional situation. The rise and existence of
parliamentary democracy over seven years was perceived as the result of a lack of choice.
“No other political regime was possible” at that time, Anderson stated (Anderson 1983, 482).
On the one hand, this political system was the product of agreement between the governments
of the Republic of Indonesia and the Dutch (Kahin 1952; Feith 1962). On the other, it was
believed to be the most appropriate form of government given the political realities in
Indonesia. Parliamentary democracy with its popular representation system, including an
electoral system based on proportional representation (Feith 1954; Compton 1954; Tinker and
Walker 1956), was viewed as a clear expression of societal supremacy toward the state
(Anderson 1983, 482) and – in consideration of Indonesia’s extreme social and cultural
plurality - as an institutional safeguard for minorities.
The second reason was interest-driven and strategic. The experiment of parliamentary
democracy was also related to the fact that Indonesia needed international support (Feith
1962, 43). The search for international support, however, encouraged Indonesia’s elites to
build its government democratically.
Ministry of the State Secretariat in 1994. Previously, the regime version appeared in the writing of army
historian Nugroho Nutosusanto and the prosecutor Ismail Saleh (Notosusanto and Saleh 1989).
43
The third reason is related to the process of ideational emulation. At that time, Western
democratic ideas and their institutional arrangements had a high reputation in Asian countries,
particularly India and Burma, who supported newly independent Indonesia in international
fora (Feith 1962, 44). Thus, Indonesian elites - to a considerable extent - emulated the
Western democratic model.
The fourth reason was that there was also a small group of elite members who
regarded the Western model as the ideal political system for Indonesia. They were influenced
by European liberalism and socialism and believed that Western-style democracy could
protect Indonesia from resorting to authoritarian rule, fascism and demagoguery (Feith 1962,
41-45).
However, the parliamentary experiment was short-lived. It took more than five years
until a nation-wide parliamentary election (in 1955) could eventually be held, the results of
which were inconclusive. As shown by the electoral results, the political party system was
highly fragmented. With 22.32 percent the Partai Nasional Indonesia (Indonesian National
Party, PNI) came in first, followed by Masyumi (the Consultative Council of Indonesian
Muslims/Majelis Syuro Muslimin Indonesia), a modernist Islam party with 20.92 percent, the
Nahdlatul Ulama (Awakening of the Ulama, NU), a traditionalist-Islam party with 18.41
percent, and the Partai Komunis Indonesia (Indonesian Communist Party, PKI) came in
fourth with 16.36 percent of national votes. Altogether these four political parties gathered
78.01 percent of national votes and held 77 percent of total seats in the national legislature
(Feith 1971). The rest consisted of the middle-range parties which obtained only four to eight
seats in the national legislature such as the Partai Syarikat Islam Indonesia (Indonesian
Islamic Union Party, PSII), the Partai Kristen Indonesia (Indonesian Christian Party,
Parkindo), Catholic Party, and the Partai Sosialis Indonesia (Indonesian Socialist Party, PSI),
and also some small parties which gathered one to two seats in the national legislature (Feith
1957). Many parties represented in the national legislature greatly impeded the formation of
party coalitions for a stable government and decision-making, a situation that frequently led to
political deadlock. Seven cabinets succeeded each other since 195011
to 1957. In 1957, Ali
Sastroamidjojo, which came to power as a result of the 1955 election, was unable to cope with
the regional military rebellions in Sumatra and Sulawesi, and, as a consequence, declared
martial law (in 1957) before resigning as prime minister. The proclamation of martial law
11
This account is based on the effective enactment of the provisional constitution of 1950 as the result of series
agreement between Indonesia, the Dutch, and mediator countries. However, parliamentarian system was
factually introduced to replace presidential system in November 1945, when Soekarno appointed Sutan Sjahrir as
Prime Minister.
44
came at the request of the military elites in Jakarta and, supported by Soekarno, sought to
tackle the rebellions and to prevent the split in the military to deepen (Lev 1964, 23). The
unrest was mainly related to dissatisfaction of some regional military commanders in the
Outer Islands (particularly in Sumatra and Sulawesi) towards the practice of the parliamentary
system, the Java-centric policy-making, and also the involvement of the PKI in the cabinet of
Juanda (Lev 1957, 19-60). Nevertheless, even martial law could not completely prevent the
regional protests towards Jakarta. In early 1958, some regional military commanders in
consonance with Masyumi and PSI leaders launched the Revolutionary Government of the
Republic of Indonesia (Pemerintahan Revolusioner Republik Indonesia/ PRRI) in West
Sumatra, demanding, among others, the disbandment of the Juanda cabinet (Lev 1964, 49).
Without doubt, Jakarta viewed this protest as a rebellion and separatist movement and
launched a military action to stop the movement.
However, this was not yet the end of the crisis. Soekarno and his new political allies,
the military and the communist party, engineered the takeover of power from the cabinet and
parliament. Finally, through the presidential decree in 1959, Soekarno declared the
disbandment of the elected constitutional assembly (Konstituante) on the pretext that it failed
to draft a permanent constitution,12
suspended parliament, and declared the return to the 1945
constitution. Through this presidential decree, Soekarno ushered in the period of “Guided
Democracy.”
Influenced by Western liberal ideas, the era of parliamentary democracy was also
characterized by a commitment to political decentralization. Since Independence, three laws
had been enacted to regulate local government. These were the Law Number 1/1945, Law
Number 22/1948, and Law Number 1/1957. Although the first law on decentralization was
unclear and with only six articles very short, the government of newly independent Indonesia
showed a commitment to local democracy (Djohan 2005, 65-68). Following this initial effort
to create a decentralization law was Law Number 22/1948 which constituted a serious attempt
in regulating decentralization in its political, financial, and administrative aspects, including
the arrangement of special regions. This law championed regional autonomy, local
democracy, people’s sovereignty, and modern local government institutions (Ibid., 73-77).
12
The Konstituante is a Constituent Assembly with the objective to amend the 1945 Constitution. This idea
originated from Soekarno’s speech in the Independence Preparatory Committee (Panitia Persiapan
Kemerdekaan Indonesia/ PPKI) in 1945, in which he stated that the 1945 Constitution was the provisional
constitution (revolutiegrondwet) and should be refined later (Yamin 1959, 140). After the revolutionary period
(1945-1949), the effort to establish the Konstituante continued. It eventually started operations after elections to
the body in 1955. Nevertheless, after almost three years of work to write a new constitution, Soekarno through
the Presidential Decree 5 July 1959 terminated the Konstituante and announced to return to the 1945
Constitution. For details, see Nasution (1994, 1995, 404-405; 2001, 75-79); see also Budiardjo (1956), Feith
(1962, 97-98).
45
However, the implementation was ineffective due to unclear regulations in specifying central-
local relations and lack of preparation in regulating the technicalities of local government
(Maryanov 1958, 57-67). The Law Number 1/1957 was even more progressive. This law
replaced the indirect election of local head executives by direct popular elections (Djohan
2005, 81-84). Nevertheless, the commitment to establish modern local government
institutions only looked good on paper. Structural constraints and political conditions led to
political instability and regional crises caused ineffective implementation (Djohan 2005, 85,
Maryanov 1958, 67-69; Mackie 1980, 672-674). In many parts of the countries local
government suffered from similar deficiencies as the national political system.
This first attempt by Indonesia to build a democratic order thus failed. Cultural
approaches13
attribute this failure to the fact that liberal democratic ideas constituted only a
thin layer, promoted mainly by elites with a background of Western education. By contrast,
the overwhelming majority of politicians and ordinary Indonesians were socialized by
political ideas that strongly deviated from Western-inspired liberalism (Benda 1964). These
ideas merged with extant local ideas - which themselves rested on earlier layers of localized
foreign ideas of Indian, Chinese and Islamic origin (Reid 1998) -, Indonesian customary law
(adat) re-constructed by Indonesian nationalists and highly conservative – not to say
reactionary - Western organic state theory. The adoption of the latter – highly influential in
many parts of Europe and subsequently Japan in the late nineteenth and early twentieth
century - mainly served to modernize and thereby increase the legitimacy of the extant local
ideas.
The most articulate architect of this collectivist and, hence, staunchly anti-liberal set of
political ideas was Prof Supomo, a lawyer trained in Leiden. In the 1920s, Supomo and other
nationalists, inspired by Dutch law professor Cornelis van Vollenhoven, began to search
Indonesian customary law (adat) for norms and ideas that would constitute the Indonesian
“Volksgeist” (Reeve 1985; Bourchier 1994, 1999, 2001, 2014; Simanjuntak 1994; Nasution
1995). At least five basic sets of traditional norms have been identified by these nationalists
and – subsequently foreign scholars - to characterize social relationships among Indonesians.
First, Indonesian society is typified by an extraordinary ability to adapt to different
cultural influences (Willner 1966; Geertz 1963; Geertz 1972). Its geographical position and
intensive interaction with external norms have contributed to the ability of Indonesians to
respond to external ideational pressures (Willner 1966; Geertz 1963) with “receptivity,
flexibility, and at the same time selectivity” (Geertz 1963, 96). In other words, Indonesians
13
On the discussion of cultural approach see (Cribb 2000)
46
have a natural talent for practicable adjustment and absorption, but still keep “a distinct and
overall unique character” (Geertz 1963, 154).
Second, the dominant ideas in many Indonesian communities are harmony, the
minimization of conflict, and the preservation of unity. This does not mean that liberalism and
contestation have no place in the Indonesian polity, but these characteristics are not
predominantly adopted by the majority of Indonesian communities. Shyness (malu), the
importance of controlling emotion, and indirectly expressing ideas are still seen as positive
values by many Indonesians (Willner 1966).
Third, interdependence of community and reciprocal obligation through mutual
cooperation (gotong royong, see Bowen 1986) is another important dimension of traditional
values (Ibid.). In contrast to Western societies which Indonesian nationalists essentialized as
typified by individualism, personal ambition and material profit, the majority of Indonesian
people are seen as living in a network of interdependence and reciprocity (Ibid.). This exerts
pressure on those who occupy prominent positions in the social hierarchy to distribute their
wealth to the members of the network (Ibid.). The notion that rulers must create conditions in
which the population enjoys prosperity and economic well-being is an ancient idea that can be
traced as far back as to pre-colonial kingship and has been a major source of legitimacy for
the righteous ruler (Nguitragool 2012, Schulte-Nordholt 1987).
Fourth, conformity to group norms and expected social behavior figured highly in
traditional Indonesian societies (Willner 1966). This is strongly related to a collectivistic
notion of state and society and rejection of individualism as a tenet of social organization.
Learning in Indonesian societies is represented by the processes of observation, absorption,
and imitation (Ibid.). Experimentation seldom occurs in these learning processes. More than
that, demanding attention, showing off, seeking the limelight, or trying different approaches
are usually interpreted as negative (Ibid.). From this perspective, collectivism or anti-
individualism may be regarded in the Indonesian milieu as a cultural expression which
“avoids self-assertion and anonymity” (Djaksonagoro 1970, 198).
Fifth, and finally, there was the belief that the indigenous Indonesian system of
government did not determine leadership on the basis of skills or formal education, but by
ideals such as honesty, helpfulness, reliability and wisdom (Soemardjan 1970, 130). A village
headman was seen as “a father of the whole community who [was] trying to promote the
happiness and prosperity of his community, unity and harmony, between his village and the
unseen spiritual forces that live in and around it” (Soemardjan 1970, 130; Supomo 1970, 190).
47
Supomo galvanized these and other ideas into a state philosophy that became known
as “integralism” and which served to legitimize the authoritarian orders that followed the
period of parliamentary democracy. The core idea of the integralistic state is the notion of
unity between leader and people, with the basic principle of “the oneness of the entire state”
(Supomo 1970, 189). The concept of “one-ness” has been highly attractive to the nationalist
elite seeking to mobilize the nationalist movement and at the same time justify claims for
leadership after Independence. Supomo and other nationalist leaders thereby also drew from a
pre-colonial idea of imported Hindu-Brahmanic statecraft that following Benedict Anderson
is known as “Javanese conception of power.” This notion of power differs fundamentally
from Western concepts: power is finite, amoral and a ruler must possess all of it in order to
secure his legitimacy (Anderson 1972). By implication, such a concept of power is completely
at variance with liberal ideas of the division of power or decentralization. Unsurprisingly,
these liberal ideas played no role in the Indonesian constitution drafted by the nationalists
under Supomo’s strong intellectual influence in 1945. All powers lay in the hands of the
executive, leaving, if at all, only a rubber stamp function to the legislature.
The state is treated in Supomo’s integralism as a family, where the father is “the head
who best understands the needs of its members” (Reid 1998, 25). Everybody has his or her
position and function in this social order, which is hierarchical, and leaves space neither for
the liberal idea of upward mobility through personal achievement nor the socialist idea of
social change through class struggle. Social order exists, if – as shown above – people live
together in harmony, unity and tranquility (Reeve 1985; Bourchier 1994, 1999, 2001, 2014).
For Supomo “the inner spirit of the Indonesian people is characterized by the unity of kawulo-
gusti, that is, the unity of the outer and the inner world, of the macro-cosmos and micro-
cosmos, of the people and their leaders” (Supomo 1970, 190; Supomo 1959, 113; Schulte-
Nordholt 1987). This philosophical basis ruled out the liberal notion of a dualism between
individual and state as well as the dualism between society and state (Staat und staatsfreie
Gesellschaft). As a consequence, there is no guarantee for fundamental rights and liberties
(Grund- und Freiheitsrechte) of the individual against the state, because the individual is an
organic part of the state and in Hegelian terms, the state – as “gemeinschaft” – is the highest
ethical principle (Supomo 1970, 191; Supomo in Yamin 1959, 114). Although these
ideological foundations strongly drawing from Javanese culture were not without alternative –
especially in the regions outside Java (Reid 1998; Antlöv 2005) – they dominated the
discourse about the state and became even more influential as the parliamentary order
increasingly failed to satisfy the expectations associated with it (Legro 2000).
48
B. “Guided Democracy” (1957-1965)
As previously described, following its failure to handle regional unrests in 1957, Prime
Minister Ali Sastroamidjojo announced martial law. Since then, the tendency towards Guided
Democracy was irrevocable. Soekarno appointed Djuanda Kartawidjaja as the new prime
minister and military elites took military action to quell the regional rebellion of PRRI.
However, the new cabinet that consisted of four major political parties and non-party
representations was unable to work effectively work and the political instability increased.
Having a justification to restore political order, in 1959 Soekarno promulgated a decree
disbanding the Konstituante and declared the return to 1945 constitution.
The new period, which Soekarno called “Guided Democracy,” saw the suspension of
all legislative bodies and the reduction of political parties (from twenty-seven to ten) of
which, among others, the PKI could continue to exist. Due to the involvement of Masyumi
and PSI in the PRRI rebellion, these two pro-regionalist parties were disbanded and banned
(Mackie 1980, 674). As a substitution of the national legislative, Soekarno created a new
national parliament called DPR-GR/ Gotong Royong Parliament (Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat-
Gotong Royong), the members of which were appointed by the President and its leaders were
given a position as ministers. In the new political system, the President controlled parliament
and eliminated political opposition. No elections were held during this period. The “Guided
Democracy” was a political system in which power was only shared by Soekarno and the
army, with the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) as the third partner in a coalition of strange
bed fellows (Feith 1963, 309-409; Feith 1964, 1994; Lev 1964, 1994; Mackie 1980, 674-676).
The way of the regime managed the political system at the national level was also
reflected in the handling of local affairs. Central-local relations and local government were
designed to adopt the credo of “Guided Democracy.” With this, the spirit of liberalism and
local autonomy as enunciated in the previous parliamentarian era (through the Law Number
1/1957) was discarded. Following the presidential decree in 1959 in which Soekarno declared
the return to the 1945 constitution, Law Number 1/1957 was invalidated. In 1959, Soekarno
declared a presidential decision on local government (Penetapan Presiden No 6/1959) and
one year later, in 1960, he issued the presidential decision on the Gotong Royong Parliament
that regulated the national and local parliamentary affairs (Penetapan Presiden No 5/1960)
(Djohan 2005, 100). Both laws made local government responsible to central government, not
the local parliament. Local chief executives were appointed by the central government, a
serious setback in comparison to the previous law that envisaged to conduct direct local
elections. The local parliament was also appointed by the central government as it was also
practiced in the national parliament. Local chief executives were only the extension and
49
political vehicle of the central government. Unsurprisingly, they were also independent of any
control from the legislative institution (Ibid., 100-102). The effort to revise the regulation in
1965 (through Law Number 18/1965) as a response to criticism from political parties did not
significantly change the centralist structure of local government in this era. Central
government independently appointed local chief executives and the proposal of candidates for
the office by the local legislative was not binding. Local chief executives were given a
position as civil servant (Ibid., 101). The responsibility of the local government was directed
to both the central government and the local legislative.
Ideationally, the “Guided Democracy” marked a return to the integralistic state
concept promoted by Supomo,14
of which also Soekarno was an ardent advocate. Nothing
epitomized the return to the integralist state idea more than the re-institution of the 1945
Constitution in 1959, which replaced the essentially liberal provisional Constitution of 1950.
Soekarno had persistently derided Western parliamentary democracy as “50 percent plus one”
order (Ricklefs 2001, 305). He was of the firm belief that Western versions of democracy did
not fit Indonesia’s and other Eastern countries’ culture.
The process of regime change from Parliamentary Democracy (1950-1957) to “Guided
Democracy” (1957-1965) can be viewed as the strengthening of indigenous values. The rise
of charismatic personal leadership (Liddle 1996, 71) can be interpreted as a process of re-
culturation and reproduction of the past political formation (Soemardjan 1970; Wilner 1966).
Benedict Anderson’s work in particular has been crucial in tracing and identifying this
ideational change. He argued that the political basis of the Javanese conception of power,
which is characterized by “centrism, syncretism, and absorption,” can be found in the style
and treatment of political leadership in Soekarno’s Guided Democracy. This political style
resembles the way Javanese Kings managed their power (Anderson 1972). The concept of
unity or centrism is fundamental to the Javanese conception of power. As illustrated by
Anderson, concentration is identical with the idea of purity and strong power, while diffusion
and disintegration are identified as impurity or distraction and as leading to the loss of power
(Anderson 1972). Unity and nation-building are the most important concepts in the political
rhetoric of President Soekarno. The significant aspect of national unity is not only related to
the Javanese conception of power, but also as the basic task of the leader in maintaining unity
as putatively rooted in village community (Djaksonagoro 1970; Supomo 1970). In addition,
the character of syncretism and absorption can also be found in modern political systems.
Soekarno, for instance, stressed the importance of the mutual assistance principle (gotong
14
On the integralistic state concept see (Bourchier 1994, 1999, 2001, 2014; Reeve 1985; Simanjuntak 1994;
Nasution 1995).
50
royong) in managing political affairs (Soekarno 1970a). Other examples are Soekarno’s
syncretic conceptions: first, the Five Principles (Pancasila) (Soekarno 1970b), and second,
the Nationalist-Religion-Communist (NASAKOM) jargon (Soekarno 1970c). Besides, the
notions of “centrism, syncretism, and absorption” can also be recognized in the establishment
of the National Council (Dewan Nasional)15
that aimed to unify all socio-political power in
Indonesia (Sundhaussen 1989; Feith 1963, 319; Lev 1994).
Other features that substantively contrasted with the idea of liberal and majoritarian
principle of democracy was Soekarno’s belief on musyawarah-mufakat16
as the core idea of
“Guided Democracy.” For the sake of national unity, he urged musyawarah-mufakat as the
very idea of all political mechanisms. It realized since he announced his anti-party sentiment
in 1956 (Sukarno 1970d), his idea to create the Dewan Nasional that operated through
consensus rather than voting, and his request to create a four-legged cabinet (consisting four
major political parties with various ideologies) in the Djuanda administration in 1957. As a
consequence, Guided Democracy portrayed liberal democracy as a potential threat to national
unity and spurred public paranoia towards liberal political ideas. This “Guided Democracy”
regime associated the previous and first experiment at democracy as with political instability,
ethnic and religious strife as well as ideological conflicts, and ineffective Cabinets (Feith
1962, 1994; Lev 1994; Bourchier 1994; McVey 1994; Liddle 1992).
C. The New Order (1965/1966-1998)
The “Guided Democracy” under the leadership of Soekarno failed to manage the political
system. Its profound lack of institutional basis, the unmanageable power contests between
President Soekarno, the PKI and the army (Feith 1963), and also the growing criticism from
supporters of Western democracy (Feith 1963, 342-348) led to the demise of the “Guided
Democracy” and the formation of a new regime. Tensions between Soekarno’s allies - - the
army and the PKI – mounted and came to a climax in 1965. In the 30th
September affair
military officers under the leadership of the Commander of the Cakrabirawa Regiment
(Bodyguards to the President) kidnapped and killed six army generals. It was later announced
that the regiment was influenced and provoked by the PKI to arrest these army generals in
order to protect President Soekarno from a coup attempt. Nevertheless, the situation was
15
Dewan Nasional (National Council) is a Soekarno concept following the establishment of Guided Democracy.
According to Feith, it is “a high advisory body on which various functional groups - workers, peasants, national
businessmen, and so on — would be represented and which would operate through consensus rather than by
voting” (Feith, 1963, 319-320). 16
On the discussion musyawarah-mufakat see (Kawamura 2011)
51
changing and the PKI became the suspect of the coup attempt and their leaders were as the
alleged masterminds. Under the leadership of Major General Soeharto, the Chief of the
Army’s Strategic Reserve Force (KOSTRAD), the army succeeded in crushing the communist
movement, in the process killing at least half a million suspected communists (Ricklefs 2001,
347-349).17
Moreover, it was the Letter of Command of 11 March 1966 (Supersemar) from
Soekarno to Soeharto that can be seen as the initial step of taking over power from the former
by the latter. According to Crouch, Supersemar was a “disguised coup” perpetrated by
Soeharto to dislodge Soekarno from power (Crouch 1978). After the success of his political
maneuver and the return to political stability, Soeharto was appointed as acting President by
the MPRS (the Provisional People’s Consultative Assembly/ Majelis Permusyawaratan
Rakyat Sementara) in 1967. His presidency was eventually made permanent position in the
following year.
As an authoritarian regime, the New Order based its legitimacy on three elements:
institutional structure, material incentives and ideological foundation. During its 32 years of
existence, the New Order firmly established and consolidated its authoritarian structures and
policies. The regime elevated Golkar to become the hegemonic government party, established
the military in politics through the “dwi fungsi” doctrine,18
eliminated and banned the
Indonesian Communist Party (PKI), systematically sidelined Soekarno’s supporters in the
Indonesian Nationalist Party (PNI), took effective control of the parliament, and carved out
for itself a monopoly in the bureaucracy (Feith 1968; Liddle 1978, 124-127, 1992; King 1992,
104-116; Emmerson 1983, 1225-1231; Suryadinata 1992). The regime’s consolidation
continued in the 1970s by emasculating political parties through fusing them. This led to a
decline from ten political parties which run in 1971’s general election to only three electoral
contestants in the 1977 general election.19
17
The 30th
September 1965 coup attempt had been followed by mass killings of suspected communist party
members, supporters and sympathizers throughout the country. There is no precise statistic on the death toll of
this massacre, although one report stated that approximately five hundred thousand people were killed between
October 1965 and March 1966 (Cribb 2001, 219). Party members, supporters, or sympathizers surviving the
mass slaughter were sent to penal colonies such as the ones on Buru Island. For a comprehensive edited volume
discussing the mass killings, see (Cribb 1990). 18
“Dwi fungsi” establishes the dual functions of the military according to which the military is not only
responsible for the external and internal security of the state, but also performs social functions. The latter are
reflected in the military’s territorial structure which parallels the civilian bureaucracy and the seconding of
military officers to civilian positions (Crouch 1972, 1979; MacDougall 1982). Up to 80 percent (until 1977) and
still about 50 percent (until 1997) of Indonesian governors were active or retired military officers (Malley 1999,
76). Moreover, at least until the mid-1980s also many Indonesian ambassadors were senior military officers
(Nabbs-Keller 2013). 19
The idea of fusing political parties emerged in 1970 when Soeharto proposed to party leaders to combine
parties in three groupings: spiritual, nationalist, and functional. See Hindley (1971, 116-118); Moertopo (1974,
64-74); Budiardjo (1988, 275).
52
Control over political parties also included restrictions in opening sub-district
branches. The rationale behind this policy was the “floating mass” doctrine, which sought to
legitimize the de-politicization of Indonesian society on the ground that ordinary people are
like a floating mass which could be easily manipulated by all kinds of political opponents. It
was implemented by the prohibition of all parties to have village branches (desa) throughout
the country (Cahyono 1998, 151-196) This policy resulted in the organizational weakness of
political parties and impeded them in mobilizing voters at the grassroots level. The exception
was Golkar, which as the regime’s political party took advantage of its alliances with the
military and bureaucratic institutions (Fatah 1994, 191).
The regime’s control over political parties also implied government interventions into
their internal affairs, as exemplified in the case of the United Development Party (PPP) and
the Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI) (Haris and Saidi 1991; Putranto et.all. 2006; Sanit
1997; Radi 1984; Zulkifli 1996, 135-195; Eklof 2003; Lay 2010; Haris 2014). In both cases
the New Order regime used strong-arm tactics to influence leadership elections and blocked
the rise of any potential dissidents to top positions of these political parties (Haris and Saidi
1991; Eklof 2003; Lay 2010; Haris 2014).
The absence of a competitive political process was exacerbated by rigged elections
(Liddle 1992b; Irwan and Edriana 1995; Hikam 1998, 49-81; Haris 1998, 82-114). In the
absence of an independent electoral commission, the military and the bureaucracy became
effective political machineries for ensuring the victory of Golkar in six New Order general
elections (Fatah 1994, 191-193; Liddle 1992b; Crouch 1979b, 576; Ward 1974; Sanit 1985,
162; Liddle 1988, 185). Elections were thus hardly free and fair.
The role performed by parliament was an outcome of non-competitive elections. Apart
from Suharto’s dominant Golkar party, it only consisted of co-opted political parties. It was a
legislature that could not perform even its most basic functions in legislation, budgeting and
oversight (Sanit 1985, 249-288; Haris 1998, 82-114). Golkar and the military/police factions
always had at least a simple majority. As a consequence, the legislature’s performance was
hardly more than a “rubber-stamp,” at least until the early 1990s (Rüland, Jürgenmeyer,
Nelson & Ziegenhain 2005; Ziegenhain 2008).
The asymmetric horizontal division of power in terms of a dominant executive and a
weak legislature was complemented by a no less asymmetric vertical division of power. Law
Number 5/1974 created the legal basis for an extremely centralistic regime (Liddle 1992, 452;
Malley 1999), in which Jakarta effectively controlled regional affairs in the political and
economic domains. Decentralization policy in the New Order was thus a continuation of the
53
previous policy in “Guided Democracy,” although it rested on a more systematic institutional
architecture. It was centralist in the sense that central government controlled local authorities.
Local legislatures as the representation of local people had no effective policy-making and
oversight competences (Hoessein 2005, 205). Public participation of local people in policy
making was also absent (Rasyid 2002, 14). On the side of the executive, three candidates for
the post of local chief executive were proposed by the local legislatures, but it was the central
government which chose one among them (Rasyid 2003, 64; 2004, 68). As a consequence, the
local chief executives (governors, mayors, or regents) were not only the head of the region,
but also the representative of the central government (Rasyid 2004, 68). In terms of authority,
the central government controlled all local authorities and created uniformity of local
government down to the village level. This structure resulted in a lack of innovation,
bureaucratic red tape, and a slow response of local governments in responding to local
problems (Rasyid 2002, 14). The rationale of this political format was the prevention of
centrifugal separatist movements as occurred in the 1950s (MacAndrews 1986, 29; Hoessein
2005, 204). The centralist structure of central-local relations was also reflected in the financial
arrangements where local government depended on the financial support of the central
government in the form of subsidies and grants (Booth 1986, 77-100; Simanjuntak 2005,
245).
Press freedom as a basic element of democratic polity was virtually absent (Hill 1994;
Hidayat 2000, 127-164). Only few oppositional newspapers and magazines survived and their
existence was overshadowed by bans of the regime. The government possessed an effective
control towards press through the license system, the so-called Surat Ijin Usaha Penerbitan
Pers (SIUPP) or Press Publication Enterprise Permit. Once critical press reporting
transgressed a certain “red line,” the regime could easily revoke the newspaper’s license or
permit, as occurred with several critical magazines including Indonesia Raya, Tempo, Editor,
and Detik (Hill 1994, 34-60; Haryanto 1995; Rüland, Lang & Wiese 2014).
The New Order’s more repressive actions were directed toward the more militant
opposition groups: fundamentalist Islam in Lampung and Tanjung Priok, separatist
movements in Aceh and Papua, middle class dissidents, and NGO activists (Aspinall 2005;
Fatah 2010). Killings and imprisonments of political dissidents were used as an
uncompromising way of punishing and intimidating the opposition. In addition, corporatist
arrangements served to control interest representation by business associations (MacIntyre
1994) and organized labor (Hadiz 1994).
54
In contrast to the repressive treatment meted out to its political opponents, the regime
provided rewards towards its advocates, followers, and the majority of the people. By strongly
promoting development, the New Order built its legitimacy on economic success (Vatikiotis
1993, 32-59). Strategic alliances between bureaucracy, domestic and foreign capital as well as
the military succeeded in establishing a bureaucratic authoritarian regime (O’Donnell 1973).
Chinese domestic conglomerates collaborated with the Soeharto family and bureaucrats and,
backed by the military, were the main beneficiaries of the regime’s development policies
(Liddle 1992, 449). The monopolistic economy built up by the regime and domestic
capitalists strongly depended on state protection (MacIntyre 1990, 369-393). Kunio called this
phenomenon “ersatz capitalism” (Kunio 1988). Soeharto’s loyalist generals, national
politicians, bureaucrats, and local elites obtained incentives ranging from formal political
positions such as ministers, governors, members of parliament and ambassadors to positions
on the board of commissioners in state enterprises and enjoyed privileged access to business
licenses and state protection (Crouch 1979b; Jenkins 1984; Liddle 1985, 73, 78-79; Robison
1986; Mackie 2010).
Besides loyalist elite groups, the regime paid also attention to the larger population.
Economic growth, price control over some basic products important for the people such as
fuel and rice together with state subsidies in the agricultural sector such as fertilizers and
pesticides were among the New Order regime’s policies that served to showcase the regime’s
social responsibilities. The regime also appeared to the majority of people as economic and
social benefactor through specific agricultural, rural and infrastructural development policies
(Liddle 1992, 449). President Soeharto himself played a high-profile role in several social
assistance programs through the Inpres (Instruksi Presiden/ Presidential Instruction) and
Banpres (Bantuan Presiden/ Presidential Grants) schemes (Liddle 1985, 78; Rock 2003).
Through these presidential grants people appreciated the state’s attention and Soeharto was
celebrated as Bapak Pembangunan (Father of Development) (Heryanto and Lutz 1988; Huat
1993, 137). Uncounted schools, traditional markets, mosques, people’s farms, and agricultural
products throughout the country were the result of the presidential grants. As a consequence,
the New Order, according to William Liddle, acquired the reputation of a “benevolent-
obedience” regime (Liddle 1996, 80; Robertson-Snape 1999, 597).
From an ideational perspective, the New Order regime is a synthesis of two major
strands of political thought: integralism and developmentalism (Feith 1991, 72). The first
almost seamlessly continued Supomo’s ideas and developed them further. It strongly drew
from familist and other organic state theorems, proclaiming that the state should be run like a
55
family and be organized along state-corporatist principles according to which state and
individual citizen are inseparable.
The second set of ideas, too, is deeply rooted in ideational legacies of the pre-colonial
period. As noted earlier, prosperity and economic well-being has been an ancient source of
legitimation for rulers (Nguitragool 2012). But Suharto’s development agenda was also
related to a global trend of that time: many authoritarian Third World regimes - especially in
East Asia - adopted in the 1970s and 1980s the model of a bureaucratic-authoritarian regime
(O’Donnell 1973; Huntington 1972). This state ideology bestows priority upon economic
development and political stability, while ignoring political freedom and human rights (Uhlin
1995). Accordingly, major political institutions rest on military force, the bureaucracy, and
foreign capital (Robison 1978, 1986; Budiman 1991, 22-42).
Complementing these two major ideational streams were the state-ideology Pancasila
(Morfit 1981; Darmaputera 1988; Ward 2010), the negative image of liberal democracy
linked to its failure in the 1950s, and strident anti-communism (Uhlin 1997, 52-57). These
basic ideological tenets constituted the normative foundations of the anti-democratic character
of the New Order (Uhlin 1997, 56).
Nevertheless, the ideological foundation, institutional basis and material incentives
justifying authoritarian practices could not prevent challenges of the regime by opposition
forces from the early 1970s to the end of the 1980s. In the 1970s, opposition to the regime
was dominated by student movements. In the early 1970s, some student activists led by Arief
Budiman criticized the New Order’s general election and started the election boycott
movement (Golongan Putih/Golput). This movement expressed the widespread protest to the
regime’s systematic rigging of the first New Order general elections in 1971 (Aspinall 2005,
14). Other student protests followed such as the “January Disaster” (Malapetaka Lima Belas
Januari/Malari) in 1974 which targeted the increasing influence of foreign capital on
Indonesia’s development. In 1978, student activists of the Bandung Technology Institute
(Institut Teknologi Bandung/ITB) protested and opposed Soeharto’s renewed candidacy as
president. The protest ended with a military crackdown on the campus and the de-
politicization of universities (Aspinall 2005, 15).
In the 1980s, opposition had spread beyond student activists. Some dissident groups
are of notable importance, such as the Petition 50 group. This group was led by several
prominent retired Generals and democracy activists who criticized the regime for not
consistently implementing Pancasila and the 1945 Constitution. Other political dissidents
included Islamic fundamentalist groups in Jakarta’s Tanjung Priok quarter and in Lampung
56
(South Sumatra) and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and their advocacy activism,
as, for example, in the case of the controversial Kedung Ombo dam building project (Lucas
1992). While initially these sporadic expressions of dissident were not more than irritations
for the regime, this political disobedience became the root for the more organized movement
that followed in the 1990s (see Uhlin 1997).
Many non-state political actors deviated from the regime’s ideological orientations.
Assessing this development, scholars distinguish three major strands: First, the Left which
consisted of radical democrats who stressed the need to mobilize the masses and to build
countervailing forces against state and capital (Törnquist 1991 quoted in Uhlin 1997; Feith
1991; Uhlin 1997). In their emancipatory perspective, democracy is not only understood
simply as a liberalization of the political sphere, but also as the struggle for social and
economic equality, and the emancipation of the marginalized parts of the population (Uhlin
1997, 131-132). This group consisted of dissident academics, journalists, student activists,
and lawyers (Feith 1991). Second, in the Center, the focus of attention lay on the question of
how to strengthen autonomous legal institutions, the media and civil society associations
(Feith 1991; Törnquist 1991 quoted in Uhlin 1997, 128). The centrists could be called critical
pluralists (Feith 1991) or liberals (Uhlin 1997), emphasizing the need for democratic political
reforms in order to strengthen the institutions of civil society against the state. Most advocates
of this perspective relied on a more gradual process of democratization through free and fair
elections, representative democracy, and strengthening civil society (Uhlin 1997, 134). Unlike
the radical democrats, they believed in democratization from above and rejected popular
participation or lower class participation in politics. This group consisted of academics,
professionals, and non-governmental groups (Feith 1991). Third, the right consisted of
economic liberalizers who were more concerned with economic reforms than political reforms
(Ibid.). Major proponents of this group were technocrats, economists, business people, and
professional communities (Ibid.). Nevertheless, beyond this categorization, the conservatives,
whose ideas intersected with those of the liberals, relying on democracy in a more procedural
form, should also be noted. But their political ideas also overlapped with “integralist” thought
and emphasized the importance of national unity as Indonesia’s main value (Uhlin 1997, 136-
137). Conservative ideas can be found among certain elite dissidents and retired generals, as
well as among several “soft-liners” within the authoritarian elite (Ibid., 137). Other important
groups outside the regime were Islamic groups which combined the idea of democracy with
Islamic beliefs (Ibid., 63-83).
57
By the end of the 1980s and the early 1990s, the situation had markedly changed.
Three basic challenges threatened Soeharto’s New Order regime. The first was the changing
international situation following the advance of the “Third Wave” of democratization
(Huntington 1991) in many parts of the world. Unlike the previous waves of democratization,
the third wave was characterized by a transnational diffusion of democratic ideas or what
Huntington had termed snowballing effects. Such processes of diffusion could also be
observed in the Indonesian case where pro-democratic activists learned from other
democratizing countries in the region. Examples were the democratization in the Philippines’
following the so-called “People’s Power Revolution” in 1986, the democratization in South
Korea and Taiwan, the Tiananmen Square uprising in China in 1989, the breakdown of the
communist regimes in Eastern Europe in 1989 and the pro-democratic movement in Thailand
in 1992 (Croissant 2004). These international events gave Indonesia’s democracy activists
confidence that political change in Indonesia was also possible (Uhlin 1997, 155-184). From
these transitional events, many democracy activists in Indonesia learnt how to effectively
challenge the authoritarian Soeharto regime.
The second challenge was related to intra-elite conflict. By the end of the 1980s, one
particular factor signaled Soeharto’s weakening grip on power: his increasingly strained
relationship with the country’s most powerful institution besides himself, the military. This
conflict came openly to the fore in the selection of the country’s vice president in 1988.
Soeharto’s designation of Lieutenant General Sudharmono for the post aroused strong
resistance from a powerful military faction led by General Benny Moerdhany. This forced
Soeharto to reassign key military posts to close confidants (Liddle 1996, 211). As a reaction
to these events, Soeharto began to search for new political allies and found them in political
Islam which - after muzzling it since taking over power in the 1960s - he co-opted in the form
of a newly established organization, the Association of Indonesian Muslim Intellectuals
(Ikatan Cendikiawan Muslim Indonesia, ICMI) under the leadership of his trusted aide
Bacharuddin Jusuf Habibie (Schwarz 1994; Vatikiotis 1993).
The third challenge was the regime’s shift in political orientation towards becoming
more accommodating to emerging societal forces. Political change and democratization in
other countries contributed to changing the regime’s political orientation in the early 1990s.
Emerging democracies elsewhere in the region encouraged the New Order regime to soften its
repressive character. An indicator for this trend of “opening” (keterbukaan) was the release of
political prisoners in 1993 and the formation of a national Human Rights Commission.20
20
“Right Extremists” were released (‘Ekstrem Kanan’ Dibebaskan), Tempo, 4 September 1993.
58
However, this release was also related to the new strategic partnership with political Islam,
with the effect that many of the released were Islamic dissidents.21
Nevertheless, this
accommodation not completely eliminated the regime’s repressive nature. In 1996, the regime
turned against Megawati Soekarnoputri’s supporters in the PDI’s internal conflict which the
regime itself had provoked (Eklof 2003, chapter 11). The conflict led to open criticism of the
regime by Megawati’s followers and pro-democratic activists. Many party members and pro-
democratic activists were imprisoned immediately after the riot at the party’s headquarter in
central Jakarta. This event was followed by the manipulated general elections in 1997 and the
appointment of a highly reform-averse cabinet in early 1998 (Eklof 1997). At the same time,
the financial crisis which had eclipsed several Southeast Asian countries since May 1997 and
which also engulfed Indonesia in subsequent months, had grossly undermined the regime’s
sole remaining legitimacy ground: economic development. The Asian Financial Crisis thus set
the stage for the resignation of President Soeharto on 21 May 1998 and the subsequent
collapse of the New Order regime.
D. The post-New Order Era: Bringing Democracy Back In
The monetary crisis in mid-1997 was the catalyst for a wider economic crisis in Indonesia. In
only a few months from the middle of 1997 to early 1998, the exchange rate of Indonesia’s
rupiah had depreciated by as much as 86 percent.22
In the process, the real economy was badly
affected as well, leading to a contraction of Indonesia’s economic growth from 4.7 percent in
1997 to minus 13.2 percent in 1998. At the same time, the inflation rate surged, peaking at
59.6 percent in early 1998 (IMF, 1999). As these quantitative indicators show, the financial
crisis later led to a substantial decline in consumer purchasing power.
Even though the government was trying hard to stabilize the economy by inviting the
IMF to intervene in October 1997, the political situation went increasingly out of control. The
crisis spurred the radicalization of pro-democratic forces, particularly the student movement
which protested against the regime in almost all big cities. No longer did the critics of the
New Order regime focus on the performance of the economy alone: the student movement
shifted the attention to the issue of presidential succession, military involvement in politics,
the need for free and fair elections, and the reformation of political institutions. As the crisis
21
Ibid. The regime at that time released some Islamic dissidents such as A.M. Fatwa, A.Q Jaelani, Tasrief
Tuasikal, and Eddy Ramli. 22
The exchange rate was 2.400 rupiah per 1 dollar in July 1997, before it depreciated to 17.000 rupiah per 1
dollar on 22 January 1998. See Bullard, Bello, and Malhotra (1998, 95-96); MacIntyre (1998, 371); Sadli (1998,
273).
59
intensified, the New Order increasingly displayed internal rifts which, according to actor-
centered transition theory (O’Donnell and Schmitter 1986; Przeworski 1991), precede the
collapse of the ancien régime. Cabinet ministers and the parliamentary leadership defected,
while the military leadership, except for diehard Soeharto supporters, did little to suppress the
student protests (Rüland, Jürgenmeyer, Nelson & Ziegenhain 2005; Ziegenhain 2008). By 21
May 1998, the situation had become untenable for Soeharto, leading to his resignation and
opening the way for Indonesia’s democratization.
1. Habibie’s Reforms
Soeharto’s resignation left the country in an acute power vacuum, raising serious questions
about the country’s political future. The transfer of power to his vice president Bacharuddin
Jusuf Habibie was particularly disappointing for the radical democrats. An important part of
their demand for total reform (reformasi total) was purging the new regime of authoritarian
elements.
However, transition in Indonesia was characterized by a collaboration of “the
moderates” in the opposition camp and “soft-liners” of the former authoritarian regime
(Budiman 1999; van Klinken 1999). Negotiated or “pacted” transitions may result in a
comparatively smooth regime change, but may also downgrade the quality of democracy
(O’Donnell 1992; Valenzuela 1992). In the Habibie presidency (1998-1999), especially when
the Special Session of the Consultative People’s Assembly (Majelis Permusyawaratan
Rakyat, MPR) approached in November 1998, three power centers emerged. The first group
sought to preserve as much of the status quo as possible: these were pro-Soeharto elements
inside the military institution, the Golkar party and cronies of Soeharto. The second group
consisted of moderate reformists, dominated by civilian elites controlling mass-based political
parties (Ciganjur Group).23
The third group was radical reformists, who mainly relied on
thestudent movement and NGOs (Haris 2002, 10). The interactions of these power centers
created multiple configurations of conflict, cooperation and consensus and largely shaped the
post-New Order transition.
After Habibie came to power, he initiated significant political reforms. Even though
Habibie was a remnant of the New Order regime, his political orientation was different from
23
Ciganjur refers to one of suburbs of Jakarta where Abdurrahman Wahid, one of the leaders of this Group,
resided. Besides Wahid, the group consisted of Amien Rais (the leader and founder of National Mandate
Party/Partai Amanat Nasional/PAN), Megawati Soekarnoputri (the leader of Indonesian Democratic Party-
Struggle/Partai Demokrasi Indonesia-Perjuangan/PDI-P), and Sultan Hamengkubuwono X (the Sultan of
Yogyakarta).
60
his predecessor. However, it is not clear to what extent his reforms were driven by a sincere
commitment to democracy or the motivation to stay in power. As a former Soeharto confidant
embattled in office from the very first day, Habibie had to develop reformist credentials and
political legitimacy of his own. Radical democracy activists distrusted him and saw in him an
interim and caretaker president at best (Budiman 1999). However, intellectuals close to
Habibie such as Dewi Fortuna Anwar argued that Habibie was substantially different from
Soeharto. She claimed that “unlike Soeharto, who was highly suspicious of the West and
regarded democracy and human rights as manifestations of ‘Western values’ incompatible
with Indonesian cultural identity, Habibie did not seem to have any discomfort with ‘Western
values’ and once he became president he immediately embraced the concept of democracy
and human rights as universal values” (Anwar 2010, 100).24
During his 17 months in power, Habibie’s government initiated far-reaching political
change in Indonesia: he re-established civil liberties, enabled political liberalization,
conducted the first free and fair parliamentary elections since 1955, commenced a radical “big
bang” decentralization scheme, and paved the way, albeit unwittingly, toward the
independence of East Timor (Habibie 2006). In his short presidency, evidence for the
government’s commitment to civil liberties can be found in the release of political prisoners
and the guarantee of media freedom (Anwar 2010, 104). Following the re-instatement of civic
rights, the reforms also propelled political liberalization. Parliamentary elections were
scheduled for 1999 instead of 2002, and two landmark laws passed in the People’s
Consultative Assembly (MPR) Special Session of 1998 provided the legal foundations for
free and fair elections and created a framework for the participation of political parties.
Indonesia subsequently became a multi-party state and an independent election commission
(Komisi Pemilihan Umum, KPU) was tasked with supervising the elections (Anwar 2010,
106-107).
The general election was eventually held in June 1999, with the participation of forty-
eight political parties. The Indonesian Democratic Party for Struggle (Partai Demokrasi
Indonesia – Perjuangan, PDI-P) led by Megawati Soekarnoputri won, garnering 33.8 percent
of the votes, followed by Golkar, the dominant party during the New Order, with 22.3
percent. However, no party won an overall majority (Ananta et al 2004, 250). This result
determined the political constellation in the MPR, which in October 1999 had to elect the
President. The stronger position of anti-Habibie factions in the MPR led to the rejection of his
Presidential accountability report. Contributing to his defeat was the military, which was
24
On Habibie’s commitment towards democracy and human rights, see his autobiography (Habibie 2006).
61
frustrated over the loss of East Timor (Anwar 2010, 108). His regime ended amid intense
behind-the-scene maneuverings with the election of Abdurrahman Wahid as president, even
though the latter’s party, the National Awakening Party (Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa, PKB),
won only 12.61 percent of the votes in the June 1999 general election. The victory of
Abdurrahman Wahid in the presidential election in the MPR degraded the victory of PDI-P in
the general election. Megawati Soekarnoputri, the leader of the PDI-P, was outmaneuvered in
this political horse-trading in the MPR, and eventually had to settle for the position of vice
president.
2. Constitutional Amendments
One of the most important agendas in political reform was constitutional amendment. This
process took place during 3 years, from 1999 to 2002. During Indonesia’s post-New Order
era, four constitutional amendments were passed in the MPR General Session. The need for
amendments, however, became evident in the period of Habibie’s rule through the MPR
Special Session in November 1998. Although political parties, academicians, and NGOs gave
considerable attention to the need for an immediate amendment of the constitution, most of
the political parties were concentrating on preparing for the general election in 1999. As a
consequence, the first discussion and decision on the constitutional amendment only took
place in the MPR General Session in October 1999.
In the first amendment, which was passed on 19 October 1999 in the MPR General
Session, some articles of the 1945 Constitution were replaced. In short, the first amendment
focused on curtailing executive power, limiting the Presidential term to a maximum of two
periods, and also the strengthening of legislative power. Federalism was discussed as an
option and proposed particularly by the National Mandate Party (PAN), although the majority
of politicians rejected this idea based on bad memories of the federal state implemented in
Indonesia by the Dutch and adverse experiences with regionalism in the 1950s (see Maryanov
1958; Legge 1961). However limited, the first amendment was seen as “a clear statement of
political transition from authoritarianism” (Lindsey 2002, 249).
The second amendment, passed on 18 August 2000, was a step forward in relation to
the previous amendment. Three basic pillars of authoritarianism were changed in this second
amendment. Several important articles were newly inserted, e.g. principles with regard to
human rights, military disengagement in politics, and changing centralistic components of the
government (Ibid., 256). The constitution finally included some articles on human rights.
62
Decentralization and democratic elections of local executives were also guaranteed. Finally,
the military and the police were separated to execute different functions (Ibid., 252).
The third amendment concentrated on presidentialism and on strengthening the
judiciary. This amendment not only inaugurated direct presidential elections, but also
guaranteed that the president could not be removed from office on political grounds. Due to
bad experiences, like the impeachment of President Wahid by the MPR shortly before the
implementation of the third amendment in mid-2001, the article was supposed to provide a
more solid basis for the presidential system. In addition, the third amendment provided a
strengthened foundation for the independence of the judicial system through the establishment
of the Constitutional Court (Mahmakah Konstitusi) and the independent Judicial Commission
(Komisi Judisial). Other important changes concerned the establishment of a Regional Senate
(Dewan Perwakilan Daerah, DPD), the independence of the Commission of Elections (Komisi
Pemilihan Umum, KPU), and the State Audit Agency (Badan Pemeriksa Keuangan, BPK).
The fourth and final amendment did not regulate significant issues as the second and
third amendments had done. This amendment regulated the second round of presidential
elections, i.e. it was stipulated that a candidate had to obtain more than 50 percent of the votes
with at least 20 percent in half of the country’s provinces. Another article governed the
abolition of the Supreme Advisory Council (Dewan Pertimbangan Agung, DPA) and the
elimination of reserved seats in parliament, which had been an exclusive privilege of the
military and the police in the past.
Following the process discussed above, there was a debate on the success of the
constitutional amendments. Most observers saw the process as primarily symbolic rather than
as producing substantial change (Ellis 2002; Lindsey 2002; Crouch 2010; King 2001).
However, from a more optimistic perspective, this attempt can be perceived as the first
historical effort, after the failure of the Konstituante (Constituent Assembly) to amend the
constitution of 1945.
When the idea of amending the constitution was raised immediately after the
breakdown of the New Order, groups of elites within the military and the PDI-P still believed
in the sacredness of the old constitution as a symbol of national independence. In their
opinion, the constitution was without fault and the major problems rested only in the actual
implementation (Crouch 2010, 52-53). Other groups, especially some of the new parties, were
more reform-minded or at least tried to appropriate democratic ideas as their own ideas.
Outside of the system, groups of academics and NGOs demanded more progressive change
including the establishment of an independent constitutional commission (Ellis 2002; Lindsey
63
2002). However, in order to find a solution, a compromise was agreed upon on the basis of
musyawarah-mufakat. Following this consensus, the amendments would not touch the basic
foundation of the nation. According to Crouch, this basic foundation is found in the preamble
that contain the national ideology of Pancasila, the presidential system, and the unitary state
(Crouch 2010, 53). This shows how deeply the extant ideational structure is embedded in the
collective memory of political actors, even when most of them were not directly involved in
the political proceedings of the 1950s. Pancasila as the fundamental norm of Indonesia was
understood as a normative defense against the effort of some Islamic groups to include the
Jakarta Charter25
in the constitution, as attempted during the Parliamentary Democracy era.
Similar to this, the firm commitment to a presidential system was a result of the negative
experience of a “Western” parliamentary system in the 1950s. In addition, federal states as
introduced by the Dutch, and regional rebellions in the 1950s, led to a strong aversion towards
establishing federalism in the post-New Order polity. Although limited, cognitive factors
played a central role in impeding the more progressive demands for reform. The consensus
mentioned above was not only supported by the conservatives but also by the moderate
groups of reformers. Finally, the constitutional amendments with their substantial adoption of
liberal democratic values can be seen in a sense as some sort of victory of liberal democrats.
3. Decentralization Reform in 1999: Deconstructing the Myth of Unitarism
The political reform in post-Soeharto Indonesia was not completed with the institutional
changes created by the constitutional amendments, re-designing the presidential system, re-
formulating the party system, and reforming the electoral design. It had spread to another
component of the political system, namely the relationship between the center and the regions.
Following the fall of Soeharto, growing regional aspirations to decentralize emerged. This
political demand arose due to the fact that the centralistic government under the rules of
Soekarno and Soeharto did not distribute political and economic goods fairly. In short, a
centralistic government was regarded as inappropriate in combination with a flourishing
democratic political system. In order to respond to this political demand, Habibie’s
25
The Jakarta Charter is the draft for the preamble of the 1945 Constitution. This draft was discussed in the
Investigatory Committee for the Independence Indonesia (Badan Penyelidik Usaha-Usaha Persiapan
Kemerdekaan Indonesia, BPUPKI) which incorporated Pancasila in the preamble of the constitution. There was
a debate on the content of the preamble between so called Islamist and secular-nationalist camps. The former
proposed to incorporate the words “…with the obligation to carry out Islamic Law for its adherents.” The latter
proposed to exclude these words and considered to dispel any words about Islam, merely stating that “The state
is based upon the belief in one God.” The latter version was accepted by the Committee, although in the
subsequent years, the Jakarta Charter became one of the major aspirations of the Islamist camp. For details, see
Yamin (1959, 153-154); Nasution (1995, 11); Barton (1999, 49); Ichwan (2003); Fealy (2004); Hosen (2005);
Elson (2009, 2013).
64
administration created a team mandated with exploring decentralization reforms led by Ryaas
Rasyid, a political scientist with expertise on decentralization. Rasyid was not only the main-
architect of the decentralization law, but also the chief expert on the team that developed three
fundamental political reform laws: the Law on Political Parties (Law No. 2/1999), General
Election (Law No. 3/1999), and the Law on Parliament (Law No. 4/1999).26
The latter team
comprised seven experts; five of which were American-trained political scientists (see Crouch
2010, chapter two). However, the team concerned with decentralization laws was not only
composed of academics but also bureaucrats from the Ministry of Home Affairs.
The decentralization laws produced by this team were obviously radical, progressive,
and liberal. Most political analysts observed the change created by Indonesia’s
decentralization policy as having “few parallels in the contemporary world” (Aspinall and
Fealy 2003).27
This “big bang reform” (Hofman and Kaiser 2004; Rasyid 2004) radically
shifted political affairs from the central authority to district governments. Central power
rested on five basic political pillars, consisting of foreign policy; defense and security; the
judiciary; monetary and fiscal policy; and religion. What is more, regional governments were
subsequently endowed with rights to elect their local executives through local legislatures in
democratic elections. This mechanism is clearly different from the process that existed during
the New Order, under which the central government possessed veto power in determining
local executives. In short, the content of the decentralization policy, as stated by Rasyid, is “in
fact not very different to federalism” (Crouch 2010, 92). The only major difference rested in
the authority being bestowed upon the district level, not the provincial level as generally
implemented in a federal system.
The formulation of the decentralization policy was developed during the deep crisis
and the uncertainty after the fall of the New Order. Harold Crouch described this institutional
context accurately as “crisis-ridden,” which was indicated by growing concerns over the
country’s disintegration (Crouch 2010). As previously explained, regional resentment towards
the New Order’s centralistic government triggered radical aspirations in the form of separatist
movements. This tendency could particularly be seen in regions rich in resources such as
Aceh, Irian Jaya (later Papua), West Kalimantan, and Riau. Additionally, the disintegration of
the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia aroused fear among political elites of a similar development
in Indonesia. This institutional context paved the way for debates on the matter, and a
consensus was quickly reached based on lessons from countries which had experienced
similar decentralization reforms (see Crouch 2010). The decision for implementing
26
On the discussion of these three laws, see (Darwis et al. 2000). 27
See also (Crouch 2010) for a comparison of processes of decentralization in other developing countries.
65
decentralization was made in the MPR Special Session in November 1998 and it was
established in the MPR decree Number XV/1998. The team had only been working for a short
period and already in February 1999 the draft was sent to parliament. Without thorough
debates and with little feedback from politicians, the decentralization laws were signed by the
president in May 1999 (Crouch 2010; Schulte-Nordholt 2005).
Law Number 22/1999 on the Regional Government and Law Number 25/1999 on the
Fiscal Balance between the Central and Regional Government came into effect in January
2001. However, beyond the transition, the rather hasty drafting of these laws might also have
been driven by the fact that the politicians had to focus on several other political issues and
could not actually concentrate on this one matter alone. Instead, political reformation laws on
elections, political parties and parliament were receiving more attention from politicians,
which is also due to the fact that they were preparing for the general election in June 1999.
From an interest-driven perspective, the decentralization policy was not resisted by
major political parties. The nationalist camp, the PDI-P, and the military did not oppose it due
to the reason of disintegration threat as illustrated by the disintegration of the Soviet Union.
For Habibie, this policy could be seen as a way to gain more legitimacy in a situation in which
regions strongly lobbied for greater autonomy. For a major party such as Golkar party,
supporting decentralization meant that it had better prospects of maintaining “its power bases
in the Outer Islands” (Schulte-Nordholt 2005, 37). The party expected to gain political
mileage out of decentralization due to its strong presence in certain regions, particularly in the
Outer Islands. Different from their rather straightforward formulation, the actual
implementation of the decentralization laws encountered severe problems. Central issues
attracting public attention were the corruption among local executives and legislatures, vote-
buying during elections, as well as the accountability report of the local chief executives.
Following this, other problems started to occur, notably arising from the weak institutional
basis of, and the lack of supporting regulation for, the decentralization policy. In addition, the
rapid formulation and lack of proper preparation contributed to the chaotic implementation in
the regions (Crouch 2010).
From an ideational perspective, resistance arose in the unitarist camp. Major political
parties such as the Golkar party, the PDI-P party and the military initially supported the
decentralization, or at least were pressured to do so by the crisis. Major opposition against the
implementation came from the central bureaucrats. This group of bureaucrats received
symbolic support from President Megawati who was skeptical of the decentralization and how
it might affect national unity and the integrity of the unitary state (Crouch 2010, 103). This
66
group of bureaucrats were convinced that the abolition of the hierarchical relationship
between the different levels of government resulted in chaotic and un-coordinated
administrative affairs. The focus of decentralization on a district level markedly reduced the
powers of both provincial and central government. What is more, the strong authority of the
district level led to the rise of regional egoism, arrogance of the regions rich in resources and
separatist inclinations (Crouch 2010).
Moreover, the unitarist camp joined forces with the camp more concerned with the
changing vertical distribution of power, which was mainly represented by the central-
bureaucratic institutions. For the latter, decentralization meant the loss of central authority,
material benefits, and institutional self-esteem, all of which they enjoyed during the previous
centralistic system. The three major problems faced by decentralization – an elementary
weakness of institutions, a lack of regulatory clarity and a lack of preparation – were also
influenced by conflicting interests between the reformists and conservatives inside the central-
bureaucratic elites. The “liberal-federalist” ideas of decentralization - as Rasyid later showed
in his position as the Minister of State for Regional Autonomy – were confronted with the
“conservative-unitarist” idea of Lt. Gen. (ret) Surjadi Sudirdja as the Minister of Home
Affairs. The latter eventually prevailed in this conflict when the responsibility for
decentralization was transferred back to the Ministry of Home Affairs (Crouch 2010, 96).
4. Revision of the Decentralization Policy in 2004 and Direct Local
Elections
Only a month after its chaotic implementation, the government started to revise
decentralization laws. However, the revision itself was not solely initiated by the government.
Before this revision, the MPR recommended a fundamental re-evaluation through Decree
Number IV/2000 (Wasistiono 2005, 186). Led by the senior bureaucrat of the Ministry of
Home Affairs, Dr Soedarsono Hardjosoekarto, the modification of the laws focused on three
major aspects: first, the re-establishment of central authority in regional governments; second,
the revitalization of the unitary state through the concept of “interdependent and hierarchical”
relationships between central, provincial and district governments; and, third, the enactment
of direct elections of local executives.
However, this revision cannot be seen as a full-move towards re-centralization in the
same way as it was implemented during the centralistic New Order. In general, the central
government still recognized some fundamental bases of decentralization, but the patterns of
hierarchical administrative affairs became clearer. The basic philosophy underlying the Laws
67
No 22/1999 and the revision in Law No 32/2004 were similar in terms of their recognition of
the principle of diversity in the unitary state. Different from this principle, in the New Order
era, Law No 5/1974 recognized the basic principles of uniformity in all of the forms of
regional governments. Some observers (Hoessein 2005; Wasistiono 2005) interpreted the
revision of Law No 32/2004 as a marriage of local democracy (as characterized in Law No
22/1999) and structural efficiency (as characterized in Law No 5/1974). Finally, one
significant feature of the new law was the adoption of direct elections of local executives.
The decision to implement direct elections cannot be separated from several other
important factors during the implementation of decentralization. Since its implementation in
early 2001, the relationship between local executives and the local legislature was
characterized by questionable practices. First, Law No 22/1999 gave central power to the
local legislature, and consequently the institution had the political power to reject local
executive reports or to dismiss them. Second, in order to make the process of executive
accountability smooth, both institutions practiced collusion, deal-making and bargaining
processes, or even material transactions. Third, it also included vote-buying in the elections of
local executives by local legislators. As a result, the previous law (No 22/1999) established
the elections of chief executives by local legislatures. However, regarding political change,
the previous law did not significantly change the structure of local elites. Some observers
concluded that authoritarian elements survived in the local political landscape (Schulte-
Nordholt 2005; Crouch 2010). Another event that created the need for direct local elections
was the amendment of the constitution in 2000 regarding the necessity of democratic elections
of local executives. Finally, the implementation of direct local elections cannot be separated
from the spirit and implementation of direct elections of the president as for the first time
practiced in 2004.
In contrast to the formulation of Law No 22/1999, its revision was not a response to a
crisis; a chaotic situation, with high political demands from the regions and the possibility of
national disintegration. As a consequence, the formulation was discussed in few debates and
the contents followed the logic of appropriateness to a changing political environment. Its
revision, the Law No 32/2004, was influenced more by the interests of political players,
mostly the central government and the big political parties. The tendency towards re-
centralization cannot be separated from the interests of the central bureaucratic institutions in
regaining their political power. The revision was also supported by established political
parties such as the Golkar Party and the PDI-P, particularly because it contains the enactment
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of direct local elections. Their calculations were based in particular on having confidence in
their strong political basis in the regions.
III. Conclusion
This chapter shows that modern Indonesia has experienced both democratic and authoritarian
political systems. Indonesia’s political trajectory includes a short-lived experiment with
democracy in the 1950s, the long journey of authoritarianism for almost 40 years, and the
revitalization of democracy in the new millennium. This political trajectory has been shaped
by institutional infrastructure, political actors’ strategies and political ideas.
Six decades of experience in modern political systems show that democracy and
authoritarianism were contesting norms in Indonesia. Authoritarian experiences usually had
their normative legitimacy in the extant local norms which survived over centuries in pre-
modern Indonesia. In this context, it becomes clear why authoritarian rule could survive in
modern Indonesia for such a long time.
Nevertheless, historical evidence also illustrates that Indonesian society has the
flexibility to accept external values and modern political thoughts. Indonesians have selected
external values from different cultures and religions such as Hinduism and Islam, as well as
from Western political thought over a long time. The process of interaction with external
ideas did not consist of a process of full adoption, but was instead one of cultural adjustment.
In other words, Indonesians did not simply take over these external ideas, but rather localized
and adjusted them to local contexts.
The attempt to adopt a democratic system in the 1950s demonstrated the open-
mindedness of political thought among political elites in response to cosmopolitan ideas. The
failure of this experiment cannot be solely attributed to ideational counter-trends, but also
rests on the weakness of the existing degree of institutionalization and of the lack of
democratic supporters. This condition, however, is different from the situation of
democratization in the post-New Order era. In the latter, democrats from different factions
had been struggling against the authoritarian regime for more than two decades, which means
that the democratic system had supporters who were democrats. In addition, the second
democratic experiment concentrated more on building the institutional foundation of
democracy. Moreover, also international political conditions also differed greatly from the
global situation in the 1950s. With the growing global interdependence and transnational pro-
democratic movements, democratic ideas diffused with greater ease.
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The rise of the liberals in the era of democratization in Indonesia succeeded in
facilitating political reform agendas. However, this interim-victory still faced resistance from
authoritarian elements. In all likelihood, the most problematic issue for the future of
Indonesia’s democratic consolidation does not only rest on the material interests of its
authoritarian elements, but also on the contestation between new ideas of democracy and
enduring and established ideas which are deeply embedded in political structures. Due to
Indonesia’s “pacted” transition, the breakdown of President Suharto’s New Order regime
cannot be necessarily interpreted as the disappearance of authoritarian ideas.
As regards liberal ideas, they, too, have their place in the history of the political
system in Indonesia, and these ideas flourished again in the last days of the New Order.
However, liberal democratic ideas are still regarded as foreign ideas, and they are not yet
strongly anchored in the everyday life of the political elite and the people.
Institutional infrastructure and interests of political elites also played important roles
in shaping the country’s political trajectory. The weak institutional basis of parliamentary
democracy contributed to its short-lived existence in the 1950s. Cabinets could not work
properly as they highly depended on a shaky coalition building in the parliament and among
political parties. Extra-parliamentary power persisted as illustrated by the growing aspirations
of separatist movements, following unfair central-local relations. This was also exacerbated
by fierce elite rivalry, particularly between Soekarno and the military vis a vis political parties
and parliament.
Arguably, the Guided Democracy as its successor struggled with similar
circumstances. Rather than paying attention to develop a modern and rational administration,
the era of Guided Democracy was riddled with abundant political rhetoric and ideological
disputes. This led not only to an abysmal failure in the economic development but also
undermined political stability. This institutional vulnerability led to elite struggle and
culminated in the PKI’s coup in 1965.
Having learnt from its predecessors, the New Order built its long authoritarianism on a
strong institutional infrastructure, an elaborated ideology and material incentives. It relied on
Golkar as hegemonic party, inviting the military to play a significant role in politics,
controlling other political parties and the parliament, applying corporatist arrangements
towards civil society, and using a coercive approach towards oppositional forces. Rhetorically
it highlighted economic development, expressed in the mantra of developmentalism. In other
words, political stability was to be maintained at all cost in order to achieve economic growth.
70
Nevertheless, at the end it could not avoid institutional decay, the decline of legitimacy by a
devastating economic crisis, and the rise of liberal ideas.
The post-New Order’s transitional democracy was initiated by elite negotiation that
eventually led to the installation of democratic institutions. This included amendments of the
constitution, the conduct of free and fair elections, the revitalization of a multi-party system,
the withdrawal of the military to the barracks, political space for a lively civil society, press
freedom and the enactment of decentralization policy. However, the installation of democratic
institutions cannot be separated from elite’s struggles where the democratic transition also
provided authoritarian elements room for political maneuver. In this case, the future of
Indonesia’s fledgling democracy might be highly dependent on how the country can manage
its democratic institutions, contradictory elite interests, and the transformation of authoritarian
norms into democratic ideas by the elite and the population. To a considerable agree, this
outcome of this transformation is decided at the local level and the type of elites emerging
there. This ensuing process of elite change and adjustment to Indonesia’s changed new
democratic system is at center stage of the two case studies that follow in chapters 4 and 5.
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Chapter Four
Elites and Democratization in North Sumatra
I. Introduction
In this chapter I will trace the process of local elite adjustment in the province of North
Sumatra. I will analyze how and under which conditions local elite adjustment has taken place
in the province, in line with the theoretical chapter focusing on three major factors, namely:
institutional structure, actor strategies, and ideational contestation. More specifically, I will
study historical antecedents, general and local elections, competition in political parties, and
discursive practices for gaining a better understanding of local elite adjustment in the region.
The chapter is organized into five sections. Following this introduction, the second
section covers structure defined by the institutional context. It will show how structural
factors as epitomized by the national political system, the local government system and the
local electoral system impact on the local elite configurations. The third section will discuss
local elections in greater detail by applying an actor-centered perspective. This section
focusses on transactional politics, alliance-building, and the means marshalled in inter-elite
competition. The fourth section will be devoted to the cognitive dimension. Starting with what
Acharya has called the “cognitive prior” (Acharya 2009), the set of extant ideas and beliefs
about statecraft and political order (ibid.), the section explores the rise of oppositional ideas,
external challenges and elite perception. It concludes with a discussion on ideational change
and ideational contestation. The last section summarizes the empirical findings of this case
study.
II. Elite and Institutional Structure
The subsequent section examines North Sumatran provincial politics and local election from a
structural perspective. The argument is here – as indicated above – that the national
government system and its institutional framework, the variations of the local government
system and the local electoral system – greatly, though not exclusively, determine the
trajectories of local elite composition.
A. Socio-Economic Conditions and Historical Background
North Sumatra consists of thirty-three regencies and municipalities. Almost half of these are a
product of the regional proliferation policy (pemekaran) executed since Indonesia enacted
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decentralization. They are home of a population of 12.98 million according to the population
census of 2000 (BPS Provinsi Sumatra Utara 2011). This makes North Sumatra one of the
largest provinces in Indonesia. The population is divided into various ethnic and religious
groups. The Bataks are the largest ethnic group with 44.75 percent of the population (BPS
Provinsi Sumatra Utara 2011). Within this group, there are several sub-ethnic groups
including (Christian) Toba Batak, (Muslim) Mandailing Batak as well as Pakpak Batak,
Angkola Batak, and Karo Batak whose religious affiliation is mixed. Of these ethnic groups,
the two largest are the Toba Batak with 25.62 percent of the population and the Mandailing
Batak with 11.27 percent of the population (BPS Provinsi Sumatra Utara 2011). The second
largest ethnic group is the Javanese with 33.40 percent. In terms of religion, Islam dominates
with 65.45 percent of the population; Protestants and Catholics make up 31.40 percent (BPS
Provinsi Sumatra Utara 2011).
The province is economically prosperous, with a growth rate of 6.35 percent per year.
Nevertheless, 11.31 percent of the people are still classified as poor (BPS Provinsi Sumatra
Utara 2011). The majority of the population (over 90 percent) has received a secondary school
education. However, the number of people with tertiary education is still very low, only about
3.82 percent (BPS Provinsi Sumatra Utara 2011).
In 2010, the economic growth of the province (6.35 percent) was actually higher than
the national growth of 6.1 percent (BPS Provinsi Sumatra Utara 2011). Most of the province’s
Gross Domestic Regional Product (GDRP) came from three key sectors: manufacturing
(22.96 percent), agriculture (22.92 percent), and trade and services (19 percent) (BPS Provinsi
Sumatra Utara 2011). The existence of a large agricultural sector is obvious, since plantations
cover 22.73 percent of the whole area of North Sumatra. The province is best known for its
production of rubber, palm, sugar cane, coffee, etc.
Since the mid-nineteenth century, North Sumatra has been confronted with
colonialism, rug-shot capitalism in plantations, and ethnic tensions caused by migration, civil
war, and social revolution, resulting in high levels of ethno-religious tension. Clifford Geertz
thus characterized the history of this region as influenced by “a disturbing ‘foreign’ element
to the already explosive ethnic mix” (Geertz in Pelzer 1982, ix).
The regions of Tapanuli or Batak in the central and southern part of the province have
their own history. During the nineteenth century, three major events affected the development
of these regions: the Paderi War in the south (related to the process of Islamization of the
Mandailing Batak), the Batak War against the Dutch colonialists, and the activities of
Christian missionaries in the central part of Tapanuli inhabited by the Toba Batak. The Paderi
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War occurred between 1824 and 1833 in the southern part of Tapanuli. Motivated by the
purification of Islamic belief, some Minangkabau ulamas (religious teachers) started this war
against the Dutch-backed population adhering to local customary law (adat). This war then
spread to the northern part of West Sumatra (in particular the southern part of Tapanuli)
(Simanjuntak 2009; Castles 1972). This war was also seen as an attempt to counter the
process of Christianization in Tapanuli which was originally initiated by Stamford Raffles – at
the time British Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies - and the Dutch. Driven by the
concern that the two predominantly Islamic territories of Aceh and Minangkabau (West
Sumatra) could be a significant threat to colonial government in Sumatra, Raffles launched a
strategy of blocking them in the middle of these regions.28
Consequently, he supported British
missionaries who came to Tapanuli with the Baptist Mission Society between 1820 and 1824.
This effort failed and was followed by another two failures of Christian missions: American
missionaries in 1834 and Dutch missionaries in 1856. The eventual success of the Christian
mission among the Batak people was due to the German Rheinische Missionsgesellschaft
(RMG), which started its mission in Tapanuli in 1861. One of the German missionaries
spreading Christianity among the Batak people was Ludwig Ingwer Nommensen. Winning
over the Batak’s traditional elites and the grassroots, his mission succeeded in converting the
Batak people to Christianity in only four decades between 1861 and 1900 (Simanjuntak 2009,
75-77). At around the same time as the last missionary wave, the Batak War (1877-1907)
raged, in which Batak people under the leadership of Sisingamangaraja XII rebelled against
the Dutch colonial power and Christianization in the region (Simanjuntak 2009, 69-70).
While history in the central and southern regions was driven by religious and anti-
colonial wars, tremendous capitalist development was the major feature in the eastern part.
Since Java’s land area was comparatively small and its economic value for the Dutch thus
limited, they searched for other sources of exploitation. In 1863, Western tobacco plantations
opened on the East Coast of Sumatra. In order to support the large-scale tobacco industry,
companies invited Chinese laborers from China, Singapore, and Penang (Perret 2010, 37). In
addition to tobacco, other agricultural plantations – e.g. rubber, coffee, tea, and palm oil -
emerged from 1890 onwards. The establishment of these large-scale plantations on the East
Coast attracted migration from outside the country, from other islands and from the central
and southern parts of the region. As a result of the colonial government's increasing taxation
of the labor of Chinese workers, plantation companies brought Javanese people to work in
28
According to Castles, this strategy is known as “wedge policy,” “the strategy of keeping the two Islamic
bulwarks of Aceh and Minangkabau separated by a belt of non-Muslim territory” (Castles 1972, 26).
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plantations. As a result, the demographic composition of East Sumatra changed dramatically.
It was not only inhabited by the indigenous people of the Malay, the Simalungun Batak, and
the Karo Batak, but also Javanese, Chinese, Toba Batak, Mandailing Batak, and other ethnic
groups. Based on the 1930 census, the Javanese were the single largest ethnic group in East
Sumatra with 35 percent of the population, followed by the Malay with 19.9 percent, the
Chinese with 11.4 percent, with Batak sub-ethnic groups (Karo, Toba, Mandailing,
Simalungun, etc.) comprising less than 10 percent of the population (Reid 1979, 43). The
plantations were not only providing an increasing wealth for the capitalists and the colonial
government, but they also increased the socio-economic status and privilege of traditional
elites, particularly several large Malay sultanates.
The symbiotic relationship between the capitalists, colonial government, and
traditional rulers deteriorated following the global economic depression in the 1930s. This
unfavorable condition was aggravated by the extravagant lifestyle and massive debt of
aristocrats and their royal families (Reid 1979, 50-53). The latter’s luxurious lifestyle
attracted criticism and negative sentiments from non-Malay nationalist (pergerakan) groups
(Reid 1979, 53; van Langenberg 1982, 4-5). This situation could be seen as a seed of social
discontent mounting to revolution in this region after independence was achieved.
After independence in 1945, the transfer of power in the region between the Japanese
authorities, the Allies and the representatives of the new Republic turned out to be a complex
process. In addition to these formal authorities, there were two other political forces: the
declining old authority of aristocracies or Sultanates and the rising power of radical
republicans (Reid 1979, 148-177). The proclamation in Jakarta of Indonesia as a new republic
accelerated the radicalization of nationalist supporters and revolutionaries in the region. The
main targets of these groups were the traditional rulers that, in the past, had collaborated with
the colonial powers. In a chaotic situation, revolutionaries consisting of some radical elements
of the Indonesian Nationalist Party (PNI), the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI), and the
Indonesian Socialist Youth (Pesindo) launched a social movement that later turned into a
social revolution. In early March 1946, hundreds of traditional elites and families of ethnic
Malay, Simalungun, and Karo were either killed or arrested. According to Reid, two motives
could be identified in this social revolution: (1) the resentment of revolutionaries to traditional
elites’ sympathy to the Dutch and its dangerous consequences for independence; and (2) the
desire to gain control of the wealth of the aristocratic class (Reid 1979, 230). Additionally,
this social revolution symbolized the democratic aspirations in the region, although it was
unstructured following the chaotic process of power transition.
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However, this social revolution was not exclusively nationalist in character. It also
had a component of class struggle, since it was related to communist leadership and questions
of ownership, and elimination of the social status and privileges of the aristocratic class.
Finally, there was also an ethnic dimension in this upheaval. The revolution consequently
altered the special status of the aristocratic class, abolished the privileges of native ethnic
groups (primarily the Malays), and nationalized the communal land rights (van Langenberg
1982, 5). Javanese and Toba Batak migrants who worked as peasant cultivators in plantations
gained from the revolution and became the supporters of the PNI and PKI with their quest for
a unitary and independent Indonesian state (Reid 1979, 256). In contrast to them, the Malay
and Simalungun people, who had lost their social and economic privileges, continued to strive
for a federalist system with the support of the Dutch (Reid 1979, 256). Especially Malay
aristocratic rulers perceived federalism as a chance for restoring their power. Under the name
of the State of East Sumatra (Negara Sumatra Timur/NST), the restoration of the East
Sumatran kingdoms from 1948 to 1950 was short-lived (Reid 1979, 260; van Langenberg
1982). Nevertheless, in this federal state, the “moderate” Malay intellectuals who led the state
were strongly opposed to the conservatism of the sultans and rajas (van Langenberg 1982,
15). After the departure of the alien military forces and the re-integration of the republic, and
following strong resistance from the non-Malay ethnic population (van Langenberg 1982, 27),
the existence of the NST ended in 1950. In that same year, the former NST region was
“merged with Tapanuli in a larger province of North Sumatra” (Reid 1979, 262).
B. Institutional Dynamics of Local Political Power: Parties and Elections
1. General Elections
General Election of 1955
Political life in North Sumatra can be best understood when looking at the differences existent
in the dynamics of political parties from one period to another. This section studies the
institutional framework impacting on the dynamics of local political power: general elections
under different political systems and local elections. The first part will show the constellation
of political parties in the general election of 1955, general elections in the New Order era and
general elections in the post-New Order period. The second section will explore the local
elections from the period of democratization in 1998 until 2010. At the time of writing, the
2014 general elections and several local elections in the province had not yet taken place.
The results of the 1955 parliamentary election reveal important facts regarding
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political parties in North Sumatra. First, Masyumi (Majelis Syuro Muslimin
Indonesia/Consultative Council of Indonesian Muslims) as a political party with modernist-
Islamic values had the largest support from North Sumatran voters with 37 percent of the
vote. This result differed markedly from Masyumi’s national-level result. At the national
level, with 20.92 percent of the vote Masyumi was only the second largest party the after PNI
(Indonesian National Party/Partai Nasional Indonesia) (22.32 percent). In the North Sumatra
region, the PNI itself won the second-highest level of popular support with 15.44 percent of
the vote. Second, in this region, there was quite significant support for Parkindo (Indonesian
Christian Party/Partai Kristen Indonesia). With 13.65 percent, this party was the third largest
in terms of popular support. The strong support for Parkindo, however, is related to the fact
that – as shown in the previous section - North Sumatra has a large Christian population,
particularly among the Toba Batak ethnic group. Third, political support for the PKI
(Indonesian Communist Party/Partai Komunis Indonesia) was also high - 12.13 percent.
Electoral support for the PKI seems to be related to the fact that North Sumatra is a plantation
region. One of the most crucial bases of the PKI was indeed in fact plantation laborers. Their
exploitation added a class struggle dimension29
to the conflict lines in the region even before
the Coup of PKI in 1965, fueling a communist riot in Bandar Betsy, North Sumatra. Fourth,
the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU/The Revival of the Islamic Scholars), which has a traditional-Islam
orientation and was Java-centric, did not receive significant support in North Sumatra. The
party garnered only 4 percent of the vote, which was considerably lower than its national
support of approximately 18 percent.
The election results presented above provide a basic framework for understanding that
North Sumatra is a region where political parties with varying ideologies (modernist-Islam,
nationalist, Christian and communist) all received substantial popular support.
Table 4. 1The Result of 1955 General Election at the National and North Sumatra
(in percent)
Political Parties National North Sumatra
PNI 22.32 15.44
Masyumi 20.92 37,00
Nahdlatul Ulama 18.41 4,11
PKI 16.36 12,13
Parkindo 2.66 13,65
Perti 1.28 3,67
Source: Indonesian National Election Commission (KPU) 2000, 18, 36.
29
Interview with Ichwan Azhari, Medan, 4 May 2011.
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General Elections in the New Order Era
During the time of the New Order, from 1971 to 1997, six general elections were held. Except
for the general election in 1971, only three political parties were allowed to participate in
general elections: the Functional Group (Golongan Karya/Golkar), the United Development
Party (PPP), and the Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI). In 1971, ten political parties
participated in the general election, before, in 1973, the Christian and nationalist parties were
merged into the PDI and the Islamic parties into PPP (Hindley 1971; Moertopo 1974;
Budiardjo 1988; Vatikiotis 1993; Schwarz 1994). On the whole, all general elections during
the New Order era were dominated by Golkar, which was the government party. The other
two parties (PPP and PDI), even though they were called non-government parties, were also
under the control of the government. This control was applied by means of ideological
cooptation as well as pressure exerted by the government on the respective party’s elite and
government interference into these parties’ internal affairs even to the point of leadership
recruitment (Schwarz 1994, Sanit 1997, Lay 2010, Putranto et.all. 2006, Fatah 1994 (ch.8),
Suryadinata 1992, Liddle 1999 (ch.2), Radi 1984). The results of all general elections during
the New Order can be seen in Tables 3 and 4 (below). They are subdivided into national
results and the results in North Sumatra.
Table 4. 2 The Results of the 1971 General Election at the National Level and in North
Sumatra (in percent)
Political Parties National North Sumatra
Golkar 62.82 70.14
NU 18.68 5.36
Parmusi 5.36 7.34
PNI 6.93 6.52
PSII 2.39 2.74
Parkindo 1.34 4.40
Katolik 1.10
Perti 0.69 3.50
IPKI 0.61
Murba 0.08
Source: Indonesian National Election Commission (KPU) 2000, 52-55.
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Table 4. 3 The Results of the New Order’s General Elections at the National Level and
in North Sumatran (in percent)
Political
Parties
1977 1982 1987 1992 1997
National North
Sumatra
National North
Sumatra
National North
Sumatra
National North
Sumatra
National North
Sumatra
Golkar 62.11 66.46 64.34 72.54 73.16 72.76 68.10 71.29 74.51 80.33
PPP 29.29 22.22 27.78 20.44 15.97 13.76 1701 17.81 22.43 12.84
PDI 8.60 11.32 7.88 7.01 10.87 13.48 14.89 10.90 3.06 6.83
Source: Indonesian National Election Commission (KPU) 2000, 74-174.
The statistical data above show the domination of Golkar at the national level as well
as in the region of North Sumatra. In the general election of 1971, Golkar gained 70 percent
of the total vote in North Sumatra (Table 3). Two groups of political parties with ideological
affiliation to Islam and nationalist-Christianity came in far behind Golkar.
After the fusion of political parties in 1973, the electoral base for nationalist-Christian
political parties (which fused into PDI) was weakened. In contrast, support for the United
Development Party (PPP) was still quite strong during the New Order era. In five general
elections, the PPP attained between 13 and 22 percent of the total votes. This result was
higher than that of the PDI, which received only between 6 and 13 percent of the vote.
However, the general trend for both parties was similar: they had decreasing electoral support.
In the late New Order era, the situation for PDI even worsened. The party faced serious
internal elite conflict as a result of government intervention against the leadership of
Megawati Soekarnoputri, whom the regime saw as threatening its legitimacy. The central
government intervened and ensured that Surjadi, Megawati’s opponent, was appointed as
leader of the party (Putranto et.all. 2006).
During the New Order era, developments similar to those at the national level occurred
in North Sumatra. This region had electoral bases for the modernist-Islam party (Masyumi),
the nationalist party (PNI), and the Christian party (Parkindo). But during this period the two
non-government parties, PPP and PDI, could not mobilize significant popular support. Golkar,
as the representation of the regime, consistently won all general elections, with over 64
percent of the vote.
General Elections in the Post New Order Era
The lack of competition among political parties during the New Order era changed
dramatically after the forced resignation of President Soeharto in May 1998. Until the time of
writing, Indonesia conducted three general elections (1999, 2004, and 2009) which combined
a multiparty structure with a variant of a proportional representation system (Subekti 2001;
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King 2001, 2003; Crouch 2010). The following table (Table 5) exhibits the results of the
elections.
Table 4. 4 Results of General Elections in Post New Order Era at the National and
North Sumatra (by percent of popular vote)
Political Parties 1999 2004 2009
National North
Sumatra
National North
Sumatra
National North
Sumatra
Demokrat * * 7.5 7.52 20.81 23.99
Golkar 22.4 21.81 21.6 20.68 14.45 11.92
PDI-P 33.7 39.66 18.5 14.81 14.01 9.19
PK(S) 1.35 0.84 7.3 7.39 7.89 7.25
PAN 7.1 9.00 6.4 5.59 6.03 4.74
PPP 10.7 10.05 8.2 7.21 5.33 4.03
PKB 12.6 1.11 10.6 2.23 4.95 1.62
Gerindra * * * * 4.46 2.78
Hanura * * * * 3.77 3.5
Other 12.15 17.08 19.9 34.57 18.2 30.98
Source: Indonesian National Election Commission (KPU) 1999, 1999a, 2000, 2004; Yatim et.al. 2010;
Ananta et al. 2004.
*did not participate
The electoral results suggest that in the Post New Order era a great number of political
parties competed in three general elections. In 1999, the PDI-P obtained the greatest popular
support at the national level with 33.7 percent of the vote. With almost 40 percent, popular
support in the province of North Sumatra was even higher. The Golkar Party came in second
with 22.4 percent nationally and 21.81 percent in the province. Third at the national level was
the People’s Awakening Party (Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa/ PKB) with 12.6 percent, although
support for this party was significantly lower in North Sumatra, where it obtained only 1.11
percent. The PKB was the party for which most Javanese voted, with the Muslim socio-
religious organization Nahdlatul Ulama (see above) as their strongest source of support. The
PPP attained more than 10 percent at both the national level and in the province of North
Sumatra.
The result of the 1999 general election shows the growing popularity of the PDI-P as
the most articulate opposition to the New Order regime. The PDI-P, with Megawati as its
prominent leader, succeeded in representing the party as possessing a strong anti-authoritarian
spirit. The results of the Golkar Party suggest that, on the one hand, the Golkar Party lost
80
significant popular support compared to the general elections during the New Order era. After
the collapse of the regime, the party became the target of widespread criticism which went so
far that student movements and pro-democracy activists demanded its dissolution and banning
in the country. On the other hand, the fact that the Golkar Party still managed finishing in
second place is testimony of its strong political infrastructure throughout the country, which
was its heritage from the past (Suryadinata 2007, 340-341; Crouch 2010; Tomsa 2006, 2007,
2008; Tandjung 2007).
The 2004 general elections largely confirmed this assessment. The Golkar Party
overturned the PDI-P. With 21 percent both at the national level as well as the provincial
level, the Golkar Party won about the same percentage of the vote as in 1999. Surprisingly,
though, this was enough to become the largest party in the country and in the province,
benefitting from the fact that the PDI-P’s vote nose-dived from 31 percent to 18 percent at the
national level and from almost 40 percent to an utterly disappointing 15 percent at the
provincial level. This significant decrease in PDI-P popularity can be attributed to several
factors: the decreasing popularity of Megawati as the President, the lack of capable party
cadres, and charges of corruption against party members. Once again, the PKB suffered from
a significant gap between popular support at the national level and in the province of North
Sumatra. Popular support for the PPP decreased between 2-3 percent at both levels. Finally,
the general election of 2004 was marked by the introduction of the two “new rising stars:” the
Democrat Party (PD) and the Prosperous and Justice Party (Partai Keadilan Sejahtera/PKS).
Both parties obtained more than 7 percent at the national level and in the province of North
Sumatra.
The general election of 2009 showed an unstoppable rise of the PD. The PD won the
national parliamentary election with almost 21 percent. With 24 percent voting for the PD, the
result in North Sumatra was even higher. A few months after the parliamentary elections, in
July 2009, the party’s candidate, retired Lieutenant General Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono
(usually referred to as SBY) also won the presidential elections, thereby becoming the
country’s fourth post-New Order president. The rise of the PD went hand in hand with
decreasing popular support for the PDI-P and the Golkar Party. The Golkar Party lost 7
percent at the national level and 9 percent in the province of North Sumatra, and the PDI-P
lost between 4 and 5 percent at both levels. The results for the PKS remained stable at both
levels, and the results of the PPP and the National Mandate Party (Partai Amanat
Nasional/PAN) decreased slightly. The PKB suffered greater losses – it garnered more than 5
percent less than in the previous general election.
81
The results of three general elections in the post New Order era demonstrate the
volatility of the Indonesian political party system. The winner of general elections can be
replaced periodically, a development that can be traced back to several causes. First, during
the authoritarian New Order, the formation of a party identification among the population was
weak, since the state actively promoted the success of the Golkar Party as the hegemonic
party. Second, the popularity of political parties during the post-New Order era relied on the
popularity of their top leaders, as in the case of the PD and SBY (Honna 2012; Mietzner
2013). Third, elections, by and large, began to show a mechanism of “reward and
punishment” for political parties. Once political parties are able to create public sympathy,
they can transform this sentiment into good results in an election. On the other hand, if
political parties act in a way that generates public disappointment (i.e. their members get
involved in corruption), electorates punish them in subsequent elections.
2. Local Elections
The subsequent analysis of local elections will focus on gubernatorial elections at the
provincial level and mayoral elections in Medan as the capital and the biggest city in North
Sumatra. These two local electoral arenas are significant with regard elite representation, both
in terms of their official roles or informal networks.
Local elections for the governor of North Sumatra and mayor of Medan followed two
different electoral systems. The first system, applied before 2005, provides for the election of
the chief local executives by local legislatures (at provincial or city levels). In this system,
local legislatures elect the local chief executive based on the “one man, one vote” principle in
the local parliament’s general assembly. However, under this system, there are variants.
During the New Order era, local legislatures elected three to five candidates for the local chief
executives, and sent their names to the central government, represented by the Ministry of
Home Affairs. After that, the central government selected or assigned one of them as local
chief executive. This mechanism was regulated under Law No. 5/1974 on Local Government.
In the post-New Order era, after the implementation of Law No. 22/1999 on Decentralization,
the mechanism of election in local legislatures was changed. Based on this new law, the local
legislatures elected local chief executives independently and without any intervention from
the central government.
The second system is direct local election. This system was introduced in 2005 under
the revised decentralization law (Law No. 32/2004). In this electoral system, political parties
82
or a coalition of political parties can nominate candidates.30
The basic requirement for
political parties to field candidates is that the respective party or the coalition of parties must
have received at least 15 percent of the seats in the local legislature or 15 percent of total
votes in the provinces or regencies in the last general election.
Based on the above classifications, in subsequent sections, I examine six cases of local
elections in North Sumatra. First is the gubernatorial election in 1998 in the New Order
system (election in local legislature and final decision resting with the central government).
Second is the gubernatorial election in 2003 with the system of election by local legislature
without intervention from the central government. Third is the gubernatorial election in 2008
with direct local election, as prescribed in the new law of decentralization (Law No. 32/2004).
Fourth is the mayoral election of Medan in 2000 with the system of election by local
legislature without intervention of the central government. Fifth and sixth are the mayoral
elections of Medan with direct local election: 2005 and 2010. Table 6 below describes each
case with its specifications.
Table 4. 5 Local Elections in North Sumatra and Medan, 1998-2010
No. Cases Level of
Government
Legal Basis Modes of Election
1. Gubernatorial
Election in 1998
Governor/Provincial
Government
Law Number 5/ 1974 Local legislatures elect 3-5
candidates and later on
consult with the central
government. Central-
government chooses one of
the candidates as local
executive.
2. Gubernatorial
Election in 2003
Governor/Provincial
Government
Law Number No. 22/
1999
Local legislature elects
Governor without
intervention of central
government.
3. Gubernatorial
Election in 2008
Governor/Provincial
Government
Law Number 32/ 2004 Direct local election by the
people
4. Mayoral Election of
Medan in 2000
Mayor/Municipality
Government
Law Number 22/ 1999 Local legislature elects
Mayor without intervention
of central government
5. Mayoral Election of
Medan in 2005
Mayor/Municipality
Government
Law Number 32/ 2004 Direct local election by the
people
6. Mayoral Election of
Medan in 2010
Mayor/Municipality
Government
Law Number 32/ 2004 Direct local election by the
people
Source: Laws No. 5/1974, No. 22/1999 and No. 32/2004.
30
After the implementation of direct local elections in Indonesia, there was criticism regarding limited access for
candidates who could not participate in elections because they did not receive any party’s support. Lalu
Ranggalawe (a local legislator from Central Lombok, West Nusa Tenggara) called on the Constitutional Court
(Mahkamah Konsitusi) to subject this matter to a judicial review. After the court’s ruling, the government
enacted a new regulation which allowed independent candidates (non-party candidates) to participate in direct
local elections. See Constitutional Court Decision Number 005/PUU-V/2007, 23 July 2007.
83
The 1998 Gubernatorial Election: The Last Election with Central Government Interference
in the Centralistic New Order
In the course of the 1998 gubernatorial election, most candidates still had social backgrounds
as high-ranking military officers, bureaucrats, or they were politicians from the Golkar Party.
The nomination process lasted for more than a year, after which eventually nineteen
candidates with military backgrounds (either active personnel or retired officers) and twenty-
two with civilian backgrounds were submitted to the legislature. The candidates submitted
letters of support which they received either from civil organizations or individuals.
Candidates with military backgrounds ranged from the rank of major general to colonel with
different positions such as Regional Military Commander (Panglima Daerah Militer),
members of national parliament, regents or mayors. Involvement of military officers was
possible due to the dual function of the Indonesian military (Dwifungsi ABRI), under the New
Order which means that military personnel can become involved in political affairs in addition
to their primary defense duties. Some well-known figures registered as candidates, such as
Major General Tengku Rizal Nurdin (Regional Military Commander of Bukit Barisan),31
Major General Syamsir Siregar (Former Head of the ABRI Intelligence Agency/BIA), Major
General Sembiring Meliala (member of national legislature from the ABRI faction),32
Major
General Luhut Panjaitan (the Commander of the Indonesian Army of Education and Training
Command/KODIKLAT ABRI), Major General Agum Gumelar (Regional Military Commander
of Wirabuana),33
Brigadier General Mudyono (former Chairman of the North Sumatra
parliament/DPRD Sumatra Utara), and Colonel Bachtiar Jafar (Mayor of Medan). On the
civilian side, several well-known names were also recorded, such as Abdul Wahab
Dalimunthe (Vice Governor of North Sumatra), A.M. Situmorang (Deputy Governor), some
Regents and Mayors, and also academicians like the Rector of the University of North
Sumatra (Universitas Sumatra Utara).
After the process of screening and filtering, the local legislature decided to select five
candidates for the shortlist of Governor. They were Tengku Rizal Nurdin (Regional Military
Commander), Usman Pelly (academician), A.M. Situmorang (Deputy Governor), Syarifudin
Harahap (former Secretary of the Province, Sekretaris Wilayah Daerah), and Fahruddin Lubis
(Assistant of Administrative Development of the Province/Asisten Administrasi
31
Bukit Barisan is the military-region/military-territory of North Sumatra, West Sumatra and Riau. 32
In the Indonesian Parliament, a group of members belonging to the same party is called a faction, what in
Britain would be called a parliamentary party or group. However, small parties sometimes coalesce to form a
faction. For the definition and description of this concept in the Indonesian context, see J.H.A. Logemann (1952,
349). 33
Wirabuana is the military-region/military-territory of Celebes (Sulawesi).
84
Pembangunan Provinsi). The decision to proceed with five candidates was wholly determined
by the political process in the provincial parliament. It did not necessarily reflect the quantity
of letters of support that the candidates had received. According to local parliament
documents, support for Major General Syamsir Siregar was the highest with 2,853 letters of
support. He was followed by Major General Tengku Rizal Nurdin with 2,572 and Zulkifli
Harahap with 2,413.34
After approving five candidates, the local legislature presented the results to the
Minister of Home Affairs in Jakarta, who decided to continue with three names: Tengku Rizal
Nurdin, Usman Pelly, and A.M. Situmorang, as candidates for governor. From these three
candidates, it was clear that Tengku Rizal Nurdin would not face serious opposition in the
next stage of the process. Usman Pelly and A.M. Situmorang were not as popular as Rizal. At
that time, these two figures were far less popular than Major General Syamsir Siregar, Abdul
Wahab Dalimunthe, or Zulkifli Harahap. Following the screening of the three candidates, the
provincial parliament held a general meeting to elect one of them. On 14 May 1998, Tengku
Rizal Nurdin received forty-nine votes and thereby won the election easily. Usman Pelly and
A.M. Situmorang received only three and two votes respectively. After this, the results were
sent to the central government, which had veto power and could select another candidate as
the one who received the strongest support in the provincial legislature. Finally, the central
government approved the results and Tengku Rizal Nurdin was formally elected as Governor
of North Sumatra.
The victory of Tengku Rizal Nurdin was due to support from the military elites in
Jakarta and broad support by local legislators, especially those of the Golkar Party.35
The
decision to appoint him as the one and only candidate from the military was made by the
Commander in Chief of ABRI (Panglima ABRI/PANGAB) and the Army Chief of Staff
(Kepala Staf Angkatan Darat/KSAD).36
In addition, other factions of political parties in the
provincial parliament, PPP and PDI, also supported Tengku Rizal Nurdin as governor.
Hence, there was no significant public participation in the 1998 gubernatorial election.
Hidden competition occurred inside the provincial military establishment (ABRI), which
accepted a recommendation from the military elites in Jakarta. The decision of military elites
34
“Dokumen Berkas Proses Pencalonan dan Pemilihan Kepala Daerah Tingkat I Sumatra Utara Masa Jabatan
1998-2003,” Kantor DPRD Sumatra Utara. 35
In the New Order era, the internal structure of Golkar can be divided into three pillars (Tiga Jalur), referred to
as ABG; an acronym for ABRI (the military), Birokrat (bureaucrats) and Golkar (Golkar politicians). These
“three pillars” were usually involved in strategic political decisions, including deciding on local executives. In
the 1998 gubernatorial election in North Sumatra, press reports documented the meeting of these “three pillars.”
See meeting of these “three pillars” can be seen in “Keputusan Tiga Jalur Belum Ada,” Waspada 15 April 1998;
“Rapat Tiga Jalur Balon Gubsu Deadlock,” Waspada, 30 April 1998. 36
"Mendagri: ABRI Aktif Harus Dapat Restu dari KSAD dan Pangab,“ Waspada, 16 April 1998.
85
in Jakarta to approve only one candidate might have been made in the interest of preserving
the cohesion of military organization. Thus, the appointment of Tengku Rizal Nurdin as the
candidate of the military can be seen as a clear feature of centralism of the New Order regime
(Damanik 2008, 47-48).37
Another feature of centralism appeared in the electoral mechanism.
The Minister of Home Affairs had the power to screen and filter the candidates as well as the
veto power to decide upon a candidate without any consideration of the result of the election
in the provincial parliament. Another centralistic attribute can be found in the process of
candidacy of other figures from bureaucratic backgrounds or academicians. As a bureaucrat in
the province, A.M. Situmorang had to get approval from the Governor. Similarly, Usman
Pelly, as an academician, had to ask permission from the Minister of Education in Jakarta.
Somewhat different from previous elections in the New Order era, this election during
the last days of the Soeharto regime showed a few elements of progress. In terms of
candidacy, there was a growing participation in the election by mayors, politicians,
bureaucrats, retired generals, NGO activists, academicians, lawyers, businesspeople,
journalists, and other professions. Even though candidates with military and bureaucratic
backgrounds still dominated, the initial process of democratization at the national level
encouraged some figures from non-bureaucratic or non-military backgrounds to compete in
the election. Moreover, the mechanism of the letter of support for the candidates was getting
more attention from various mass organizations. More than that, several civil society
organizations, such as the Forum of Communication of the Youth and Students of Jakarta-
North Sumatra (Forum Komunikasi Pemuda dan Mahasiswa Jakarta-Sumatra
Utara/FKPMJSU) started to criticize the centralistic process and the mechanism of “centrally-
ordered candidates” (calon dropping/calon pesanan dari pusat) and
“supplemental/accessorial candidates” (calon pendamping).38
The atmosphere of openness
and public participation led to some critical opinions being voiced against the local
parliament’s management of the election. Local parliament was seen as not paying enough
attention to public aspirations.39
The ensuing public call for electoral reform coincided with
the growing mass-movement for political reform. Since the end of April 1998, student
demonstrations had been occurring in Medan, the provincial capital, which resulted in ethnic
37
Khairul Ikhwan Damanik, Tengku Rizal Nurdin, Selalu Berbuat yang Terbaik, Medan: Universal Komunika,
2008, pp. 47.48. In this biography of Tengku Rizal Nurdin, it was stated that Tengku Rizal Nurdin took the order
to run as a candidate from the Commander of the Armed Forces (Panglima ABRI) General Feisal Tanjung. 38
“DRPD Sumut Dinilai Sepelekan Aspirasi Masyarakat”, Waspada, 29 April 1998; “Pemilihan Gubsu Jangan
Tutup Aspirasi Masyarakat,” Waspada, 22 April 1998. 39
“DRPD Sumut Dinilai Sepelekan Aspirasi Masyarakat,” Waspada, 29 April 1998.
86
riots.40
Ethnic riots and demonstrations for reform also occurred in several cities in other
North Sumatran cities on 7 May 1998,41
thus preceding the riots in Jakarta on 13 May 1998.42
The increased public attention for the protest movements and riots in North Sumatra might
have reduced the attention given to the electoral process.
The 2003 Gubernatorial Election: Old System with New Spirit
In the 2003 gubernatorial election, as a result of the decentralization reforms initiated in 1999
(Law No. 22/1999), the provincial parliament elected the local chief executives without
intervention from central authority. Another reform was the introduction of pairs of
candidates (for governor and vice-governor) in the local elections, replacing the previous
system in which only the governor was elected. There was a significant increase in the
number of participants in the candidacy process, with variegated professional backgrounds.
There were not only military officers, bureaucrats and politicians, but also NGO activists,
academicians, business people, journalists, and people of several other professions. Political
openness, political reforms and decentralization thus facilitated a higher degree of political
participation, even making grassroots participation possible.43
These reforms engendered, at
least to some extent, a greater willingness of citizens to get involved in the political process
compared to the previously limited participation in the New Order era. It can be interpreted
also as part of the process whereby military officers and bureaucrats ceased to be the only
options for local executive positions. During the previous decades of the country’s political
history it was unimaginable that NGO activists, journalists, high school teachers, tourist
guides or dishwashers could come to the provincial parliament and register themselves as
candidates for governorship.
Nevertheless, public euphoria generated by the process of candidacy was at odds with
the political process in the local parliament. After the process of screening and filtering, the
local parliament approved only three pairs of candidates. These three were Amrun Daulay-
Baskami Gintings, Chairuman Harahap-Serta Ginting, and Tengku Rizal Nurdin-Rudolf
Pardede.44
Tengku Rizal Nurdin was the incumbent and was running for his second term. At
that time, Amrun Daulay was the Secretary of the Province (Sekretaris Daerah), who had
40
“Perekonomian Medan Lumpuh;” “19 Mobil, 40 Sepedamotor Dibakar dan Dirusak;” “1200 Kios/ Lods
Dibakar,“ Waspada, 7 May 1998. 41
“Luar Medan Jadi Sasaran,” Waspada, 8 May 1998. 42
The riots in Jakarta were part of mass violence that occurred throughout the country and had an anti-Chinese
racial background. The riots were triggered by the economic crisis and eventually led to the resignation of
President Soeharto and the breakdown of the New Order regime. 43
“Masyarakat Kelas Bawah Hendak Tunjukkan Eksistensinya,” Sumut Pos, 22 March 2003. 44
“DPRDSU Loloskan 3 paket BK1,” Waspada, 1 May 2003.
87
nominated himself against his superior. Amrun held some important positions in the region.
He was not only Secretary to the Province for two terms, but also had officiated as regent in
several regencies in North Sumatra. The third candidate, Chairuman Harahap had held a
position as the High Attorney (Kepala Kejaksaan Tinggi) of the North Sumatra province.
Rudolf Pardede was a businessperson from a well-known and rich family in North Sumatra.
He was the Chairman of the PDI-P of North Sumatra, which held the majority of seats in the
local parliament. Two additional candidates were politicians and members of local
parliament: Baskami Gintings, a politician from PDI-P, and Serta Ginting from the Golkar
Party.45
In contrast to the gubernatorial election of 1998, the process in 2003 showed
significantly more elite competition. PDI-P as the major party in the provincial parliament had
to contend with internal friction. Even though it formally supported Tengku Rizal Nurdin and
Rudolf Pardede as its party’s Regional Chairman, one of its politicians, Baskami Gintings, ran
as a candidate for vice-governor with his running mate, Amrun Daulay. This revealed that
there was competition between two cadres of this party in the same election. In the field of
bureaucracy, tension mounted between Rizal and his subordinate, Amrun. According to
Amrun, he ran for governorship after asking permission from Rizal. Referring to Amrun’s
acknowledgement, Rizal stated personally to him that he would not run again for the second
term.46
Rizal’s statement was a basic reason for Amrun to run in the election. Yet Rizal
decided to run for a second term. More than that, he responded to Amrun’s seeming disloyalty
by discharging him from the position of Secretary of the Province during the process of
candidacy. Fortunately for him, Amrun had a good relationship with the national Minister of
Social Affairs and also the National Chairman of the United Development Party (PPP),
Bachtiar Chamsyah. As a result, Amrun was appointed a Director General of Social
Assistance in Jakarta. This post is quite prestigious in the bureaucratic structure in Indonesia.
Another contest, albeit with less tension, evolved within Golkar Party between Abdul Wahab
Dalimunthe, the Regional Chairman of the party and the Vice-Governor, and Chairuman
Harahap. Chairuman succeeded in obtaining the ticket to run as his party’s candidate.
Although Amrun was perceived as having a close relationship with the National
Chairman of the United Development Party (Partai Persatuan Pembangunan/PPP), Bachtiar
45
After the general election of 1999, Golkar (Functional Group) revised its name to “Golkar Party.” The change
itself was symbolically reflected as Golkar became more equal to other parties in the post-New Order era, while
in the New Order era, Golkar called itself a “non-party” and represented the party as a “Functional Group”. The
symbolic significance of this was related to Golkar’s connotation as the integral part of the New Order regime.
This was an attempt to detach Golkar from the negative connotation of political parties in the authoritarian
period. 46
Interview with Amrun Daulay, Jakarta, 11 May 2011.
88
Chamsyah, he did not get solid support from this party’s legislators in the provincial
parliament. Amrun and Bachtiar had a similar background as activists of the Islamic
University Students Association (Himpunan Mahasiswa Islam/HMI) and its alumni
association KAHMI in the region. One of the reasons for the PPP’s weak support for Amrun
was the fact that its Regional Chairman (Ketua Dewan Pimpinan Wilayah/DPW), Hasrul
Azwar, supported Tengku Rizal Nurdin.47
According to Amrun, he was supported by
politicians of the National Mandate Party (Partai Amanat Nasional/PAN) and the Prosperous
Justice Party (Partai Keadilan Sejahtera/PKS).48
The other candidate, Chairuman Harahap,
also became a candidate after the Golkar Party threw its support behind him. However,
Chairuman was neither the leader of this party nor a local bureaucrat.
The competition itself generated speculation from local observers. One of the local
political scientists of the University of North Sumatra, Muryanto Amin, observed that the
competition of three pairs of candidates showed that the candidates instrumentalized ethno-
religious divisions and geo-political aspects as part of their political strategy.49
Tengku Rizal
Nurdin, for example, was a representative from the Moslem-Malay community, while his
partner, Rudolf Pardede, was a businessmen-cum-politician with a Christian Toba Batak
background. This combination was seen as appropriate in light of the ethno-religious divisions
which existed in the region. Chairuman's running as a candidate was seen as part of Tengku
Rizal Nurdin’s political strategy. With Chairuman running, Tengku Rizal Nurdin wanted to
split the support for Amrun in the provincial parliament50
as Chairuman had a similar
background as Amrun. They were both Islamic Mandailing Batak and in a geo-political sense
representatives of the South-Tapanuli region (Tapanuli Bagian Selatan/Tabagsel).
The proportion of political support in the local parliament for the various candidates
was slightly uneven. PDI-P, the party that supported Tengku Rizal Nurdin, had thirty seats,
while the Golkar Party which supported Chairuman Harahap had seventeen seats. Two other
parties, the Khrisna party and the Peace and Love party (Partai Cinta Damai), also supported
Chairuman. Each of them had one seat. This means that Chairuman had a total support of
nineteen seats in the provincial parliament. Amrun, however, had less support from PAN with
only seven seats. Until 7 May 2003, other factions like PPP (eight seats), TNI/POLRI (nine
seats) and the Joint Faction (nine seats) had not clearly declared their support for a definite
candidate.51
47
Interview with Muryanto Amin, Jakarta, 1 March 2012. 48
Interview with Amrun Daulay, Jakarta, 11 May 2011. 49
Interview with Muryanto Amin, Jakarta, 1 March 2012. 50
Interview with Muryanto Amin, Jakarta, 1 March 2012. 51
“Hari Ini Ketua dan Enam Pimpinan Fraksi DPRDSU Menghadap Presiden,” Waspada, 7 May 2003.
89
The election itself had to be postponed due to administrative review by the Ministry of
Home Affairs. The problem was allegations that Rudolf Pardede’s electoral documents
contained a fake diploma (ijazah palsu).52
Some student organizations such as the Student
Association of Pancasila Medan (Mahasiswa Pancasila Medan) and the Presidium of the
Student Council of the University of North Sumatra (Dewan Mahasiswa Universitas Sumatra
Utara) reported this alleged fraudulous behavior to the Provincial Parliament.53
Yet the
administration’s review resulted in the decision of the Ministry that Rudolf Pardede could
continue as a candidate even though it remained unclear whether the diploma was valid or
not.
The election was held on 26 May 2003. In the first round, the incumbent, Tengku
Rizal Nurdin, with his running mate Rudolf Pardede, received thirty-nine votes; Chairuman
Harahap-Serta Ginting received twenty-seven votes; and Amrun Daulay-Baskami Gintings
nineteen votes. Since no single candidate achieved a simple majority, there had to be a second
round of elections among the two leading candidates. In the second round, Tengku Rizal
Nurdin-Rudolf Pardede won with a total of fifty-one votes, while their contenders Chairuman
Harahap-Serta Ginting obtained only thirty-three votes. In this second round, there was one
abstention.54
Also in the final round, it can be seen that Baskami Gintings, a member of PDI-
P, shifted his political support to Tengku Rizal Nurdin. According to Baskami, the decision to
switch support was an instruction from Taufik Kiemas, a PDI-P leader of Jakarta,55
and
husband of Megawati Soekarnoputri, the National Chairman of the party and the President at
that time. Tengku Rizal Nurdin was then elected by the provincial parliament for a second
term as governor.
The gubernatorial election in 2003 had several distinct characteristics compared to the
elections in the New Order era. First, there was a more inclusive set of candidates. In the
initial process of registration, the public was highly attentive and candidates came from
various backgrounds. However, this initial openness soon ended when the election process
entered the provincial parliament. Second, in some cases parties’ functionaries no longer
followed the policies of their respective parties. Leaders of the same political party contested
52
“DPRDSU Kembali Diminta Konsultasi dengan Mendagri Soal Suksesi Gubsu: Mendagri Minta Isu-isu agar
Diantisipasi,” Waspada, 21 May 2003. For the issue of the alleged fake diploma of Rudolf Pardede before the
election, see “DPRDSU Loloskan Tiga Paket BK 1: Adanya Ijazah Palsu Bukan Urusan DPRDSU,” Waspada, 1
May 2003; “Ada Fraksi DPRDSU Bocorkan Berkas Calon Gubsu-Wagubsu,” Waspada, 15 May 2003. After the
election, public complaints on this issue are documented in “Uji Publik Terbatas pada Pengaduan Politik Uang,”
Waspada, 28 May 2003. 53
"Wakil Gubernur Sumatra Utara Terpilih, Diduga Tersangkut Ijazah Palsu,“ tempo.co.id, 31 May 2003,
accessed on 14 August 2013. 54
“Rizal Lima Tahun Lagi,” Waspada, 27 May 2003. 55
“Baskami Ginting Dinilai Sebagai Penyelamat Partai,” Waspada, 29 May 2003.
90
against each other in the election, as the example of PDI-P cadres Rudolf Pardede and
Baskami Gintings demonstrated.
This election was not only characterized by political scheming within parties, e.g.
party members fighting against each other, but also by the growing opportunism of political
actors. Local politicians, some of whom became members of the regional elite, showed their
support for different candidates. Syamsul Arifin,56
for instance, supported both Tengku Rizal
Nurdin and Amrun Daulay.57
One local observer indeed stated that Syamsul was providing
more of his support to Amrun Daulay. However, after the victory of Tengku Rizal Nurdin,
Syamsul was “the first person who admired Tengku Rizal Nurdin.”58
Third, this gubernatorial
election was overshadowed by the issue of money politics among candidates and local
legislators. This is reflected by the fact that the legislators were “quarantined” in one place
before the voting day.59
This measure aimed to isolate the local legislators from vote buying
practices. Fourth, this gubernatorial election ended the “centrally-ordered” mechanism which
was part of the centralistic New Order system. The number of candidates with a military
background declined and they were replaced by civilian candidates with bureaucratic,
political party, business, professional and NGO backgrounds. The decision to determine
candidates who were eligible to run was, however, taken in an elitist and, in the end,
centralistic fashion. It was elitist in the sense that the process in the provincial parliament was
isolated from public participation, and it was centralistic in that the central party leadership
decided who would run in the contest. The final decision thus shifted from the regime in the
New Order to the elites of the central parties in the Era Reformasi. Fifth, and finally, this
election exhibited a more aggressive nature of competition among political parties than
previous local elections. As the ruling party in the New Order era, Golkar faced new and
strong political contenders, particularly PDI-P. Nevertheless, this did not lead to the decline of
Golkar’s negotiation power in the local arena. With their abundant political experience,
Golkar politicians were still able to mobilize strong political support, as indicated by the
provincial legislators’ support for Chairuman.
The 2008 Gubernatorial Elections: New System in the New Spirit
The gubernatorial election of 2008 was influenced by two political conditions. First, two
important figures in the region, Raja Inal Siregar (Governor between 1988 and 1998) and
Tengku Rizal Nurdin (Governor between 1998 and 2008) died in an airplane crash in Medan
56
At this time, Syamsul Arifin was the Regent of Langkat and a politician in the Golkar Party. In the local
election of 2008, Syamsul was elected Governor. 57
Interview with Fadly Nurzal, Medan, 28 April 2011. 58
Interview with Muryanto Amin, Jakarta, 1 March 2012. 59
“85 Anggota DPRDSU Menginap di Hotel Tiara,” Waspada, 25 May 2003.
91
in 2005. This resulted in a “back to zero” situation in terms of elite configuration. Second,
after Tengku Rizal Nurdin died, his Vice-Governor, Rudolf Pardede, replaced him as Acting
Governor. Although Pardede enjoyed popularity as a businessperson and his father was a
minister in the Soekarno era, his political and bureaucratic experience was still limited. His
leadership was interpreted as lacking bureaucratic capability and managerial skills.60
These
two events - the death of Nurdin and Siregar, and Pardede succeeding Nurdin - began the
process of “de-patronization” in which local elites who previously followed Tengku Rizal
Nurdin as their patron started to build different political bases for the following electoral
contest.
The process of “de-patronization” and local elites’ preparation for the election
heightened tension and competition. To some extent, the competition among local elites
threatened the cohesion of political parties. The two largest parties, Golkar and PDI-P, faced
serious friction among their leading local cadres. In Golkar, a contest to win the party’s ticket
for the election took place among three provincial party leaders: Ali Umri, Abdul Wahab
Dalimunthe, and Syamsul Arifin. Ali Umri was the Mayor of Binjai and held a top position as
Regional Chairman (Ketua Dewan Pengurus Daerah) of the Golkar Party in North Sumatra.
Abdul Wahab Dalimunthe was the former Regional Chairman of the party; and at that time,
he served as the Chairman of the Provincial Parliament of North Sumatra. Syamsul Arifin was
the Regent of Langkat and the Chairman of the Regional Advisory Council (Ketua Dewan
Penasehat Daerah) of the Golkar Party in North Sumatra.
Ali Umri eventually won the contest and became the official candidate of the Golkar
Party. His victory was not only due to his formal position as the Regional Chairman, but also
to his close personal ties with his national patron, Surya Paloh, who happened to be the
Chairman of the National Advisory Council (Ketua Dewan Penasehat) of the Golkar Party.
As the Regional Chairman, Ali Umri had an opportunity to block other candidates from his
party.61
Concurrently, Jusuf Kalla (with the support of Surya Paloh) had defeated Akbar
Tanjung for the position of the National Chairman of the Golkar Party.62
As a consequence of
Ali Umri’s victory, Syamsul Arifin and Abdul Wahab Dalimunthe were eliminated from the
candidacy. Furthermore, Syamsul Arifin and Abdul Wahab Dalimunthe were expelled from
the party due to their continued opposition to the party’s choice of Ali Umri as their official
60
Interview with Gatot Pujo Nugroho, 2 May 2011. 61
Interview with Chairuman Harahap, Jakarta, 10 May 2011. 62
For details of the competition between Jusuf Kalla and Akbar Tanjung in the National Meeting (Musyawarah
Nasional) in Bali, December 2004 see Akbar Tanjung, “The Golkar Way: Survival Partai Golkar di Tengah
Turbulensi Politik Era Transisi” (The Golkar Way: Survival of Golkar Party in the Midst of Political Turbulence
of Transition Era), Jakarta: Gramedia Pustaka Utama, 2007.
92
candidate. Syamsul Arifin and Abdul Wahab Dalimunthe later accepted support from other
political parties.
The victory of Ali Umri itself can be seen as a surprising political event. At that time,
Ali Umri was 41 years old, he had served two terms as the Mayor of Binjai starting from the
age of 34, and had become the Regional Chairman of the Golkar Party. Syamsul Arifin and
Abdul Wahab Dalimunthe were the old players in the political and bureaucratic arena with
long and plentiful political experience. Before their contest, Ali Umri himself was not really
considered a highly influential figure in the Golkar Party in the region. His standing in the
party was not as strong as that of Abdul Wahab Dalimunthe, Syamsul Arifin or Amrun
Daulay (Regent of Mandailing Natal).63
After they were defeated in Golkar’s internal struggle, Syamsul Arifin and Abdul
Wahab Dalimunthe sought to find alternatives. Syamsul remained in the party, although the
party revoked his membership. He eventually accepted electoral support from an array of
smaller parties: PPP, PKS, PBB, Patriot, PKPB, PKPI, PPDK, PSI, Merdeka, PPDI, and
PNUI. Abdul Wahab Dalimunthe expressed his disappointment by leaving the party and
joining the Democrat Party (Partai Demokrat). As a result, fierce elite competition
fragmented the Golkar Party because the three candidates, who were involved in the contest,
had their own followers. Moreover, Abdul Wahab became the Regional Head of the Victory
Team for Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono’s (SBY) second presidential run in 2009. Yudhoyono
was the founder and the Chairman of the Advisory Board of the Democrat Party. However,
Chairuman Harahap, the party’s functionary and former candidate for Governor in 2003,
described this phenomenon as only a friction among local elites, and not as factionalism.64
It was not the Golkar Party alone that faced internal friction; PDI-P encountered a
similar situation. In contrast to Ali Umri of the Golkar Party, Rudolf Pardede - the Regional
Chairman of PDI-P and Acting Governor - did not gain the party’s approval to run as a
candidate. The central party leadership in Jakarta recommended Major General (ret) Tri
Tamtomo (the former Regional Commander of Bukit Barisan, see above) as the party’s
candidate. Pardede disagreed with the central decision and tried to register with the Regional
Electoral Commission (KPUD). Responding to Pardede’s resistance, the central party’s
leadership remained uncompromising and removed him from the position of Regional
Chairman of the party. To solve the problem, the central party sent a team under the
leadership of Panda Nababan (who also became the Acting Regional Chairman). The process
of candidacy itself was marked by high tension between the supporters of Pardede and the
63
Interview with Muryanto Amin, Jakarta, 1 March 2012. 64
Interview with Chairuman Harahap, Jakarta, 10 May 2011.
93
central representatives in the registration process of the KPUD.65
In the end, it was, Tri
Tamtomo who ran in the election as the PDI-P candidate.
Elite competition of a lesser degree also occurred in the Democrat Party. After failing
in the Golkar Party, Abdul Wahab Dalimunthe proposed himself to the Democrat Party. In
this party he had to compete with Tengku Milwan, a former military officer and Regent of
Labuhan Batu for two periods.66
Similar to Abdul Wahab Dalimunthe, Milwan had been a
member of the Golkar Party (Tans 2011). After prevailing in this intra-party contest, Abdul
Wahab Dalimunthe accepted the Democrat Party's nomination. With extensive bureaucratic
experience, strong social networks, and as a strong figure in public discourse, Abdul Wahab
Dalimunthe ran as a candidate without any essential difficulties. Besides, unlike Golkar and
PDI-P, both of which were well established parties, the Democrat Party had a basic problem
in that it lacked experienced leaders due to the fact that the party was new in Indonesia.67
In
addition, the decision to nominate Abdul Wahab Dalimunthe was related to what had
occurred in two interconnected political events: the impact of internal competition among
national elites of Golkar and the upcoming presidential election in 2009. One local observer,
Muryanto Amin, stated that Abdul Wahab Dalimunthe had a close personal relationship with
Akbar Tanjung, the former National Chairman of the Golkar Party.68
This close relationship is
unsurprising since they formerly served as the National Chairman and Regional Chairman of
the party, respectively. What is more, Akbar Tanjung proposed Abdul Wahab Dalimunthe to
SBY as the candidate for the Democrat Party after Akbar’s defeat by Jusuf Kalla in the
National Meeting (Musyawarah Nasional/Munas) of the Golkar Party in 2004.69
The
relationship between SBY and Jusuf Kalla (the President and Vice President) in 2008 was not
fully harmonious because Kalla intended to run as a candidate in the presidential election in
2009.70
After being defeated by Jusuf Kalla, Akbar Tanjung tried to cultivate closer
connections to SBY and proposed Abdul Wahab Dalimunthe as candidate for governor. As a
consequence, Akbar Tanjung supported SBY’s candidacy for a second term. This is further
evidenced by the appointment of Abdul as the Regional Head of the Victory Team of SBY in
65
“Coret Rudolf Pardede, PDIP Usung Tritamtomo di Pilkada Sumut,” available at: news.detik.com, 25 January
2008, (accessed, 31 March 2012). 66
In 2010, two years after the gubernatorial election, Tengku Milwan was elected as the Regional Chairman of
the Democrat Party after contesting with several candidates such as Amri Tambunan (Regent of Deli Serdang),
available at: http://www.potretnews.com, 06/11/2010, (accessed 5 December 2012). 67
The Democrat party was founded in 2001 and formally registered as political party in 2003. This party was
established as a political vehicle of Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, who ran for President in the 2004 election. 68
Interview with Muryanto Amin, Jakarta, 1 March 2012. 69
Interview with Muryanto Amin, Jakarta, 1 March 2012. 70
Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY) and Jusuf Kalla (JK) formed a pair of candidates in the presidential
election of 2004, and were elected as the President and Vice President. In the presidential election of 2009, they
ran separately for the position of President.
94
North Sumatra. For SBY himself, the decision to choose Abdul benefited him and his party in
two ways. On the one hand, SBY received a higher degree of support in the competition
against Jusuf Kalla, resulting in a concomitant loss of support for Jusuf Kalla inside the
Golkar Party. On the other hand, the Democrat Party had an experienced and well-known
candidate: Abdul Wahab Dalimunthe. Table 7 below summarizes the results of the 2008
gubernatorial election in North Sumatra:
Table 4. 6 Candidates, Parties and Result of Gubernatorial Election in 2008
No. Candidates Political Parties Results (in
percent)
1 Syamsul Arifin
Gatot Pujo Nugroho
PPP, PKS, PBB, Patriot, PKPB,
PKPI, PPDK, PSI, Merdeka, PPDI,
PNUI
28.31
2 Tri Tamtomo
Benny Pasaribu
PDI-P 21.69
3 Abdul Wahab Dalimunthe
Raden Muhammad Syafii
PD, PAN, PBR 17.40
4 RE Siahaan
Suherdi
PDS, PKB, PPIB, PPD, PNI-
Marhaenisme, Pelopor, PNBK,
PBSD
16.58
5 Ali Umri
Maratua Simanjuntak
Golkar 16.01
Source: KPUD of North Sumatra (KPUD Sumatra Utara) 2008
With the support of mid-sized Islamic parties, the pairing of Syamsul Arifin and Gatot
Pujo Nugroho won the election with 28.31 percent of popular votes. Tri Tamtomo and Benny
Pasaribu with the support of the PDI-P obtained second place with 21.69 percent. Three other
pairs of candidates attained slightly different results, between 16 and 17 percent of popular
vote. Although Ali Umri was supported by the Golkar Party, he lost the election and came in
last place. This poor result was not only influenced by frictions in the Golkar Party, but the
election also demonstrated the more crucial aspect of candidates’ image and popularity rather
than party identification. However, compared to the Golkar Party, the success of Tri
Tamtomo-Benny Pasaribu showed that the PDI-P performed in a more cohesive manner, even
though they were less popular in the region compared to other candidates.
The results of this first direct gubernatorial election were appealed by the pairing of
Tri Tamtomo and Benny Pasaribu at the Supreme Court (Mahkamah Agung).71
However, the
Court rejected their appeal and as a consequence ensured that Syamsul Arifin and Gatot Pujo
71
“Triben Daftarkan Permohonan Keberatan Pilkada ke PT,” waspada.co.id, 29 April 2008, 08.25, (accessed in
29 July 2013).
95
Nugroho were declared winners of the election.72
This was in consonance with Law No.
32/2004 which states that a pair of candidates that obtains more than 25 percent of the vote
wins the election.73
Mayoral Elections of Medan in 2000, 2005, and 2010
The mayoral election of Medan in 2000 followed electoral rules similar to the gubernatorial
election of 2003. Based on these rules, the local chief executive was elected by the local
parliament without intervention from the central government. The legal basis for both
elections was Law No. 22/1999 on decentralization.74
In this system, local parliaments had
full authority to elect local executives. The authority of the central government rested only on
the legal and administrative authorization in the final step of the process. As explained
previously, the contrast to the previous system in the New Order era was the introduction of
the pairing of candidates.
In 2000, the local parliament of Medan consisted of forty-five parliamentarians from
different political parties. The PDI-P was the largest with sixteen seats, followed by the
Golkar Party with six seats, the TNI/POLRI faction had six seats, the Joint Faction (Fraksi
Gabungan, a coalition of PKS and PBB) had six seats, and the Unified Faction (Fraksi
Bersatu, the unification of small parties) had four seats. Due to the electoral rules, candidates
had to get support of at least two factions in the local parliament. After the process of
selection, there were three pairs of candidates who were eligible based on the minimum
support of two factions. They were the pairs of Abdillah-Maulana Pohan, Zaufi Lubis-Fachri
Muda, and Ridwan Batubara-Bahdin Nur Tanjung. Bureaucratic figures dominated the list of
candidates, but candidates with a business background like Abdillah, a contractor involved in
government infrastructure proejcts and with close contacts to the local government also
emerged. On the day of election, Abdillah-Maulana Pohan won a comfortable majority with
the support of thirty-five votes. Zaufi Lubis-Fachri Muda received six votes and Ridwan
Batubara-Bahdin Nur Tanjung only four votes.75
Several issues surfaced during the election. The first issue was the tension inside
political parties in nominating their candidates. As the biggest political force in the local
parliament, the PDI-P experienced the most serious internal friction. Thus, the party’s support
72
“Gugatan Triben Kandas,” Harian Mandiri Online in
http://harianmandiri.wordpress.com/2008/05/28/gugatan-triben-kandas/, 28 May 2008, (accessed in 29 July
2013). 73
Law Number 32/ 2004 on Local Government, Article 107 (2). 74
For the mechanism of election in the local parliaments, see Law Number 22/1999, Article Number 40. 75
“Abdillah Menang Mutlak,” Waspada, 21 March 2000.
96
of Zaufi Lubis in the process of candidacy did not manifest itself on voting day. Zaufi Lubis
obtained only six votes, which contrasted considerably with the party’s total of sixteen seats
in the local parliament.
The internal friction primarily started already during the candidate selection. Many
PDI-P members protested in the local parliament and complained about seeming vote buying
in the course of the candidate selection and the election itself.76
Some PDI-P legislators, who
switched their support from Zaufi Lubis to Abdillah, were charged with vote buying. This
accusation turned out to be true in the case of four legislators from PDI-P, who admitted that
they had received money.77
The requirement of obtaining the support of at least two factions
in the local parliament seemed to be the cause for this practice.78
The practice of vote buying
in political parties was unanticipated in the regulations, and it spread as political parties
became mere political vehicles for the candidates. Without the support of political parties,
candidates could not continue their candidacy. Moreover, money politics also impacted on the
cohesion of political parties. Formal decisions of political parties in nominating one candidate
could be reversed by the transaction between legislators and other candidates.
However, new developments emerged in the electoral process, notably the rise of
candidates with business backgrounds. In the public opinion, businesspersons were assumed
to be able to foster and accelerate local development with their expertise.79
The pair of
Abdillah-Maulana Pohan was identified as an ideal combination of a businessperson with
innovative capacities, and a bureaucrat whose abilities lay in understanding regulations and
governmental affairs.
Five years later, in the mayoral election of 2005, the electoral system was changed.
Law No. 32/2004 stipulated that mayoral elections were to be conducted through direct
elections. The people were to directly elect their local chief executive based on the principle
of “one man-one vote.” The reason behind the replacement of the system from election by
local parliament to the direct election was the widespread practice of vote buying in the
previous arrangement. However, the process of candidate selection still had to go through
political parties. As a consequence, the pairs of candidates that voters could choose from were
very limited. There were only two pairs of candidates that obtained eligibility by support of
political parties: Abdillah-Ramli and Maulaha Pohan-Sigit Pramono Asri. Abdillah was the
incumbent mayor, while Maulana Pohan, his contender, was the incumbent vice mayor. Ramli
76
“Penyampaian Visi Misi Terganggu,” Waspada, 9 March 2000. 77
“Pemilihan Abdillah Sah,” Waspada, 23 March 2000. 78
“FPG Tidak Akan Memperjualbelikan Calon,” Waspada, 6 March 2000. 79
“Abdillah-Maulana Pasangan Walikota Paling Diinginkan,” Waspada, 18 March 2000.
97
was a career bureaucrat with the position of Secretary of the Local Government (Sekretaris
Daerah). Sigit Pramono Asri was a politician of the Prosperous and Justice Party (PKS) and
had served as a legislator in the provincial parliament since 1999. So even though the field of
contestants was severely limited, they nonetheless came from different backgrounds:
businessperson (Abdillah), career bureaucrat (Maulana Pohan and Ramli), and politician
(Sigit Pramono Asri).
The parties’ support of these candidates was uneven. Almost all political parties
supported Abdillah-Ramli, whereas only PKS endorsed Maulana Pohan-Sigit Pramono Asri.
In addition, Abdillah and Ramli also enjoyed wide support from social organizations and local
media. Abdillah had a positive image as a caring leader and was perceived as close to the
people. As a result, Abdillah-Ramli obtained 62.54 percent of the vote, while Maulana-Sigit
gathered only 37.46 percent.80
This direct local election also inaugurated Abdillah as part of
the new popular elite in Medan and North Sumatra. His style of populist leadership and an
extensive social network were seen as his greatest assets for running in the gubernatorial
election in 2008.
Nevertheless, Abdillah found himself in prison in early 2008 after more than half a
year of court proceedings.81
He and his vice mayor, Ramli, were charged with corruption in
relation to the local budget of Medan. After Abdillah and Ramli had left their positions,
Medan faced a power vacuum. The problem was solved by the appointment of an acting
mayor. During this period, Afifudin Lubis, Rahudman Harahap, and Syamsul Arifin
(Governor) all at various times held the position of acting mayor of Medan. In the transitional
situation, the figure of Rahudman Harahap appeared in public discussions. He was a
newcomer in the city’s political arena, but an experienced career bureaucrat who had held
several essential positions in some regions of North Sumatra. During the short time he served
as acting mayor, he made a name for himself with a program to promote city cleanliness. This
position as acting mayor enabled him to have a better standing during the electoral
competition in 2010.
In contrast to the mayoral election of 2005, in the 2010 election ten pairs of candidates
run. The candidates’ motivation to compete in this election seemed to have increased by the
absence of Abdillah, who was jailed for corruption. One of the contenders was Sigit Pramono
Asri, a PKS politician who had run for the position of vice mayor in the 2005 election. In the
2010 election, he was nominated as a candidate for mayor. Another was Maulana Pohan,
Abdillah’s vice mayor in the first term, and a candidate for mayor in the election of 2005.
80
“Rekapitulasi Penghitungan Suara Pemilihan Walikota Medan Tahun 2005,” KPU Kota Medan. 81
“Walikota Medan Divonis 5 Tahun Penjara,” Kompas, 22 September 2008.
98
From the Golkar Party, Ajib Shah ran for the first time. Ajib was a local legislator and came
from the rich Shah business family. Bahdin Nur Tanjung (who for the first time in 2000 was
introduced as a candidate for the position of vice mayor) tried to run again. Two other figures
were Rahudman Harahap and Sofyan Tan. Rahudman was acting mayor, while Sofyan Tan
was a PDI-P politician with a background of social activism.
Due to the sheer number of candidates, the election itself was held in two rounds. In
the first round, Rahudman with his running mate Dzulmi Eldin (Secretary of the Local
Government) earned 22.20 percent of the vote. The other candidates, Sigit, Ajib Shah, and
Maulana, obtained only 14.33 percent, 13.72 percent, and 11.25 percent, respectively.82
Rahudman’s challengers in the second round were Sofyan Tan-Nelly Armayanti who obtained
20.72 percent of the vote in the first round. In this second round, Rahudman-Dzulmi obtained
a simple majority and won the competition with 65.88 percent of the vote, while their
competitors Sofyan-Nelly received only 34.12 percent.83
Although Rahudman was a newcomer in Medan, he was an experienced career
bureaucrat in several other regions in the province. While holding the position of Secretary of
the Local Government in South Tapanuli (Tapanuli Selatan), he ran unsuccessfully for the
office of regent in 2005. After his defeat, he was banished by the winner and was placed in a
staff position in the office of the province. During the period in which Rudolf Pardede was
Acting Governor, Rahudman was appointed as the Assistant to the Province (Asisten Daerah
III). After Syamsul Arifin held the position of governor, Rahudman officiated as Acting
Mayor of Medan to replace the jailed Abdillah. In less than 2 years, Rahudman succeeded in
defeating most of the experienced political players in Medan due to his long experience as a
career bureaucrat and familiarity with political struggles. His strongest competitor, Sofyan
Tan, was not a newcomer in the political arena. However, Sofyan was born and grew up in
Medan, politically socialized in the field of social activism and affiliated with Golkar and its
party under-organizations of the New Order era.84
He was also involved in the education field
where multiculturalism is a major goal. Later on, in the post-New Order era, he joined the
PDI-P.85
In the local election, Sofyan faced a major challenge concerning his social identity:
his ethnicity as a Chinese was exploited by his contenders.
82
“Daftar Rekapitulasi Hasil Pemilu Kepala Daerah dan Wakil Kepala Daerah Kabupaten/Kota Se-Sumatra
Utara Tahun 2010-2011,” KPU Provinsi Sumatra Utara. 83
“Daftar Rekapitulasi Hasil Pemilu Kepala Daerah dan Wakil Kepala Daerah Kabupaten/Kota Se-Sumatra
Utara Tahun 2010-2011,” KPU Provinsi Sumatra Utara. 84
For biography of Sofyan Tan, available at: www.dpr.go.id/anggota/detail/id/1330 (accessed in 5 January 2017) 85
Budi Agustono, “Sofyan Tan Tionghoa ‚Wakil Walikota,” Waspada, 21 December 2009.
99
In the initial process of the election, Governor Syamsul Arifin proposed Rahudman
and Sofyan as a pair of candidates. Rahudman and Sofyan met Megawati Soekarnoputri in
order to get the endorsement for their candidacy from the PDI-P party leadership.86
However,
the process took several turns; one reason being that at that time a corruption case implicating
Rahudman surfaced from the time when he had served as the Secretary of the Local
Government in South Tapanuli (Tapanuli Selatan). If the allegations proved to be true in
court, Rahudman would be jailed and Sofyan would take the position of mayor, replacing
Rahudman. This led Rahudman’s supporters to worry that Sofyan, a Chinese, would take over
the position.87
As a result of these ethnically-based reservations, Rahudman ran with Dzulmi
Eldin with the support from the Democrat Party. Dzulmi had a background as a career
bureaucrat (the Secretary of the Local Government) and was supported by the Malay ethnic
association. Sofyan then ran as a candidate for mayor with the PDI-P support.
The mayoral election in Medan in 2010 led to some important developments. First,
with ten pairs of candidates, the electoral process was highly competitive.88
The great number
of candidates resulted from the new regulations allowing independent (non-party) candidates
to run in local elections. Candidates in this local election came from different social
backgrounds including career bureaucrats, politicians, academicians, social activists, and also
a former commissioner of the local election commission. Second, the huge number of
candidates created the need for a second round of elections, since none of the candidates
could generate sufficient popular support to win in the first round. However, popular support
for the candidates did not differ markedly. This could be an indication that there was no
popular figure and each of the candidates had basic weaknesses which could be exploited by
the opponents. For instance, Rahudman had political credit as an experienced bureaucrat, but
he faced corruption charges. Sofyan Tan - who run on “renewal and assimilation”
(pembaruan dan pembauran) platform - faced discrimination due to his Chinese ethnic
background. Ajib Shah, although coming from a well-known family, was alleged to have been
involved in criminal activities in his youth.89
Sigit Pramono, although possessing a good
reputation as a clean politician, lacked popularity beyond his PKS party. Maulana Pohan who
had lost in the previous local election faced similar constraints. The lack of popular
alternatives and Sofyan’ ethnic Chinese background eventually worked to Rahudman’s
86
Interview with Sofyan Tan, Medan, 21 February 2012. 87
Interview with Sofyan Tan, Medan, 21 February 2012. 88
Several direct local elections took place, in which as much as which eleven pairs of candidates participated in
the event; “11 pasangan calon perebutkan Walikota Bengkulu,” www.waspada.co.id, 7 August 2012 (accessed in
4 May 2013). 89
Interview with Ahmad Taufan Damanik, Medan, 26 April 2011.
100
advantage. However, Rahudman’s victory was also due to the support of Syamsul Arifin as
governor, large political parties, and the local bureaucracy.
3. Elite Configuration: Old and New Elites
In the New Order era, the model of local leadership was a replica of the centralistic-
authoritarian paragon. Centralization and Jakarta’s control of local political dynamics
demanded strong political leadership. Soeharto and his military inner circle attempted to
control almost all of the political landscape in the name of national unity. As a consequence,
elite circulation in the local arena was dominated by figures with military or bureaucratic
backgrounds. During the New Order era, military domination of the local chief executives
was part of the strategy of regime stability. According to MacDougall, the military dominated
the Ministry of Home Affairs. At that time, the ministry was at the top of all local
bureaucracies and controlled them. The regime pursued three objectives in the interest of
assuring this dominant position of the military (MacDougall 1982, 100).
The first objective was to control the bureaucrats at all levels, from the provincial level
down to the villages. The second was to ensure a positive result in the general elections. And
the third was related to accelerating and fostering socioeconomic development on which the
legitimation of the regime greatly depended (MacDougall 1982, 100). For these three reasons,
the regime significantly increased the level of military personnel in the Ministry of Home
Affairs. The rapidly increasing number of military personnel in this ministry can be seen over
more than 15 years between 1966 and 1982. In 1966, the percentage of military personnel was
only 29 percent. This number significantly increased to 71 percent in 1971, and became 89
percent in 1982 (MacDougall 1982, 90). Therefore, the Ministry of Home Affairs was the
second largest Ministry under military control after the Ministry of Defense and Security
(Departemen Pertahanan dan Keamanan), the personnel of which was composed by 100
percent of military personnel in 1982 (MacDougall 1982, 90).
During the New Order era, local elites replicated the authoritarian New Order style of
leadership, and this leadership was characterized by centralistic command and tended to be
undemocratic. Furthermore, this top-down style was “far-off” to and “untouchable” for the
public. Although the leaders noticed the aspirations of the people, local political elites tended
to make decisions regardless of pressure from the masses. This style of political leadership is
referred to by one local scholar as the archetypal “commander” style.90
This term refers to the
convention in Indonesia’s New Order that most governors were previously regional military
90
Interview with Ahmad Taufan Damanik, Medan, 26 April 2011.
101
commanders. North Sumatra was no exception to this political culture and leadership style. In
the New Order and transition eras, the two most important figures in this region were
Lieutenant General (ret) Raja Inal Siregar and Major General (ret) Tengku Rizal Nurdin. Raja
Inal Siregar ruled as the governor for two electoral periods between 1988 and 1998, and had
previously been the Chief of Regional Staff of Bukit Barisan, Regional Commander of
Merdeka (the old military territory of North and Central Sulawesi), and Regional Commander
of Siliwangi (West Java). Raja’s military career did not really differ from that of Tengku
Rizal Nurdin, who held positions as Chief of Regional Staff (Kepala Staf Daerah
Militer/Kasdam) and Regional Commander (Panglima Daerah Militer/Pangdam) of Bukit
Barisan. Rizal replaced Raja in the position of governor through the elections in the local
parliament in 1998 and 2003. After retiring from the governorship, Raja Inal Siregar became a
member of the National Senate (Dewan Perwakilan Daerah/DPD), in which he represented
North Sumatra. The airplane accident of 2005 mentioned earlier ended their careers and lives.
The deaths of these two prominent local figures made way for a new local political
constellation where some of their supporters could compete in the local political arena.
Although both leaders had similar backgrounds as military commanders, the public
perceived them differently. Raja Inal Siregar was considered a strong and stern leader,
whereas Tengku Rizal Nurdin was regarded a more communicative and open-minded figure.
One local political scientist and NGO activist, Ahmad Taufan Damanik, attributed this to the
fact that, unlike Raja, Rizal had received military training in America and was hence
familiarized with the concepts of a democratic army and democracy.91
The variation in
leadership style may be a result of the different cultural backgrounds of the two generals.
Rizal came from the Malay culture whose members are said to be softer, more implicit and
indirect in their communication style, while members of the Batak culture, such as Raja, are
perceived as more straightforward, outspoken and explicit.
In the post-New Order era, one can generally classify the local elites into two
categories. The first category is the old elites who were already involved in the political arena
during the New Order era and have continued their political career in the Era Reformasi. This
category of local elites is diverse, ranging from local bureaucrats, politicians or legislators to
active or retired military officers. The second category is the new elites who stood outside of
the political structures in the New Order. They are the politicians from political parties, which
only appeared after the resignation of Soeharto, as well as academicians, professionals, former
student activists, former NGO activists, and former journalists, all of whom entered the
91
Interview with Ahmad Taufan Damanik, Medan, 26 April 2011.
102
political arena after the breakdown of the New Order. Some of the new local elites also were
businesspersons. These new elites were still affiliated with the old political players in various
ways. As we shall see below, most of them were connected by patronage relations with the
old elites.
In the New Order era, most social organizations were the product of state corporatism
(MacIntyre 1994; Hicks 2012). Some of these organizations had ties to political parties. The
affiliation of mass organizations with political parties was not only developed formally, but
also personally. In addition, several new elites who emerged in the post-New Order era were
members of old elite families.
For example, the old elite in the region is represented by several prominent figures
such as Syamsul Arifin, Hasrul Azwar, Abdul Wahab Dalimunthe, Chairuman Harahap, Tri
Tamtomo, Amrun Daulay, Tengku Milwan, and Rahudman Harahap. They all had experience
as local politicians, local bureaucrats, high-ranking military officers, or holders of local
executive positions during the New Order. During the democratic transition they did not
necessarily lose their prominent status in the political arena. They survived and, even more,
succeeded in the post-transition political contests.
Their track record supports this assessment. Syamsul started his political career in
1977 as a local legislator from Golkar in Langkat regency. Besides his position as a member
of local parliament, Syamsul had been actively associated with various mass organizations,
such as the Indonesian Development Generation of Youth (Angkatan Muda Pembaharuan
Indonesia/AMPI), the National Committee of Indonesian Youth (Komite Nasional Pemuda
Indonesia/KNPI), the Malay Cultural and Customary Council (Majelis Adat Budaya Melayu
Indonesia/MABMI), and the Indonesian Indigenous Businessmen’s Association (Himpunan
Pengusaha Pribumi Indonesia/HIPPI), both in the regency of Langkat and at the provincial
level. When he was elected as the Regent of Langkat in 1999, he was among the first local
chief executives who had a background as an active member of youth organizations or mass
organizations. These organizations were the product of state corporatism in the New Order.
After two terms in the position of Regent, Syamsul ran successfully in the gubernatorial
election of 2008. His success in the contest was partly due to his long experience in the
political arena for more than 31 years and his strong social network based on membership in
the organizations mentioned above. This social capital was reinforced by his formal position
as a local legislator, regent, and member of the Golkar Party.
Another example is Abdul Wahab Dalimunthe, who had a background as a long-
standing career bureaucrat. Wahab was the oldest of the candidates in the gubernatorial
103
election of 2008. He began his career as an employee of a plantation company. After
graduating with a law degree from the University of North Sumatra, he became a local
bureaucrat in Labuhan Batu regency. In this region, Wahab held the important position of
Secretary of the Local Government (Sekretaris Wilayah Daerah) for 10 years. After this
position, Wahab was appointed as Assistant Governor for People’s Welfare (Asisten
Kesejahteraan Rakyat) in the provincial government, and later on he was given the post of
Acting Regent of Asahan in 1984. After 4 years in this region, Wahab obtained the position of
Regent of Central Tapanuli (Tapanuli Tengah) from 1988 to 1990. Additionally, he became
familiar with another sector of the bureaucratic structure as the Regional Inspector of the
Province during 1990-1994. In 1995, he held the top provincial bureaucratic post as the
Secretary of the Province (Sekretaris Provinsi). Afterwards, in 1998, he was appointed as the
Vice Governor (Wakil Gubernur), during the period when Tengku Rizal Nurdin was
governor.92
In the political arena, Wahab had been a member of Golkar since 1968 and in
2001 he attained the provincial top-level position in this party as the Regional Chairman for
North Sumatra (DPD Golkar). His position as the leader of the Golkar Party paved him the
way to the position of Chairman of Provincial Parliament (Ketua DPRD). Similarly to
Syamsul, the important positions he held helped Abdul Wahab Dalimunthe to establish
himself as one of the prominent figures in North Sumatra. In short, based on the above
evidence, it can be concluded that the old elites in North Sumatra depended on several
important assets, such as large social networks, strong political skills, and long bureaucratic
experience.
In contrast to most established political players, the new elites have entered the
political arena in different ways: fast-track, instant, and being promoted by external forces.
Some new members of the local elite with business backgrounds cannot be called new elites.
One categorical reason for this is that even though they entered the political arena after the
New Order era, some of them were already businessmen in the New Order period and were
affiliated with the old elites, mass corporatist organizations, or political parties of the previous
regime. Figures in this category are Abdillah (Mayor of Medan), Tengku Ery Nuradi (Regent
of Serdang Bedagai), and Ali Umri (Mayor of Binjai and candidate for Governor in 2008).
Abdillah (who was elected in the mayoral election of Medan in 2000) was a businessperson
and a partner of the Medan local government (rekanan pemda). In his business activities he
had a close relationship with the mayor, Bachtiar Jafar. With the support of Jafar, Abdillah
92
The track record of Abdul Wahab Dalimunthe was obtained from an interview with the latter, Medan, 3 May
2011. It was also compiled from secondary data such as Khaerudin, “Pengabdian Paripurna Abdul Wahab
Dalimunthe, Sering Jadi Sasaran Tembak,” Kompas, 7 April 2008.
104
succeeded in the electoral competition. Another factor that contributed to his victory is his
family’s background. Abdillah is the son of H. Said, a well-known traditional cloth merchant
in this city and an activist of the mass-based Islamic organization in the region, Al-
Washliyah.93
This strong social network of his late father helped Abdillah significantly in the
local elections.
Another figure is Tengku Erry Nuradi, whose name cannot be separated from his
older-brother, Tengku Rizal Nurdin, Governor from 1998-2005. With his background as a
businessman, Erry entered the political arena when his brother was in the public’s memory.
Tengku Rizal Nurdin had a good reputation as a modest, friendly and humble governor and
the people in the province deeply regretted his premature death. Erry and Rizal were also seen
as the representatives of esteemed Malay families.
The last example in this group is Ali Umri. In the New Order era, Ali Umri was a
Golkar-affiliated businessman. He was also involved in several business associations such as
the Indonesian Young Entrepreneurs Association (Himpunan Pengusaha Muda
Indonesia/HIPMI), the Indonesian National Contractors’ Association (Gabungan Pelaksana
Konstruksi Nasional Indonesia/Gapensi), the Indonesian Chamber of Commerce and Industry
(Kamar Dagang dan Industri/KADIN), and he led the Golkar youth organization, the
Indonesian Development Generation of Youth (Angkatan Muda Pembaharuan
Indonesia/AMPI).94
In 1999, he was elected as a member of local parliament in Binjai, and
one year later as Mayor at the age of 32. The political star of Ali Umri rose rapidly, and 2
years later he held the positions of Local Chairman of the Golkar Party in Binjai and Regional
Chairman of the Golkar Party of North Sumatra. He was able to lead this major political party
and skip the tedious process of career advancement. The fast track political career of Umri
cannot be understood without reference to his close relationship with Surya Paloh, who was
the influential Chairman of the Advisory Board of the Golkar Party.
Further, it was hardly conceivable in the New Order for someone to hold the position
of mayor at the age of 32 years. Moreover, Umri’s lack of political and bureaucratic
experience makes his case a hallmark of change in terms of local elite recruitment. This
development devalued the rise through the bureaucratic ranks and opened up opportunities for
everyone to attain elite status. The political reforms in the areas of democratization and
decentralization paved the way for a process of faster and more extended elite circulation.
Commenting on the effects of democratization, Ali Umri stated:
“When I held the position of a leader of a business organization, I had never thought
93
Interview with Ahmad Taufan Damanik, Medan, 26 April 2011. 94
“Ali Umri: Orang Muda dari Partai Beringin,“ Kompas, 2 April 2008.
105
that I could obtain the position of a mayor, because you actually had to be a civil
servant or military officer for this. I led HIPMI, KADIN, GAPENSI, and AMPI in
Binjai. I think I obtained a benefit as a private person who can run for the election.
This is the goodness of the reform, without restrictions …”95
However, beyond the category of new elites with affiliations to the New Order regime,
a new category of local leaders can be identified. This group includes local figures who do not
have any connections with the past regime or the established elites. This group is mostly
associated with the politicians of the new parties in the post-New Order era, or former
democracy activists who moved from civil society to the political arena. Examples in this
category are the PKS politicians Gatot Pujo Nugroho96
and Sigit Pramono Asri.
The background of Gatot is far from spectacular. Before the 2008 gubernatorial
election, his name was less known than that of Sigit Pramono Asri, who had competed in the
Medan mayoral election and had been a member of the provincial parliament since 1999.
Before he jumped into the political arena, Gatot was a lecturer at the Medan Polytechnic and a
civil servant. During his time on campus, Gatot was actively involved as a campus dakwah
activist and this activity became more intense during his study at Bandung Technology
Institute (ITB).97
His name appeared in the political arena after he held the position of
Regional Chairman of the Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS) in 2006. His leadership of this
party paved his way to the center of local power. Before the election, Gatot was actively
involved in building a coalition of Islamic political parties in opposition to the leadership of
Rudolf Pardede.98
Similar to Gatot, Sigit was also a dakwah activist on his campus, the University of
North Sumatra. However, Sigit began his political career earlier than Gatot. In 1999, he was
elected as a provincial legislator, and he was reelected in 2004 and 2009. But his political
performance as a local legislator did not guarantee him success in the local elections: he failed
as a candidate for vice mayor in the Medan mayoral election of 2005 and as a candidate for
mayor in that city’s mayoral election of 2010.
The configuration of local elites in the post-New Order period illuminates several key
points. First, political change created a more open environment for local elite recruitment and
circulation. Members from very diverse social backgrounds can compete for public positions,
95
Interview with Ali Umri, Medan, 29 April 2011. 96
In the 2008 gubernatorial election, Gatot Pujo Nugroho was elected as vice Governor. After Governor
Syamsul Arifin was charged with corruption and jailed in Jakarta in 2010, Gatot was appointed as Acting
Governor. After the court proceedings, the President formally discharged Syamsul as governor on 12 October
2012 and the Provincial Parliament appointed Gatot as definitive Governor. 97
“Gatot dan Komitmen Melayani,” Kompas, 10 April 2008. 98
loc.cit.”Gatot dan Komitmen Melayani,”Kompas, 10 April 2008, also interview with Gatot Pujo Nugroho,
Medan, 2 May 2011.
106
in particular those of local chief executives. However, this positive development also raises
the possibility of electing incompetent politicians. Second, the analysis highlights the
surviving power of the old elites. Two factors contribute to their continuing political
significance in the democratic regime. On the one hand, they have performed in the political
arena for a long time, which contributes to their political knowledge and experience. From
this elementary political capital, on the other hand, they can rely on widely ramified social
networks in various fields of the political arena, social organizations, and the bureaucratic
domain. After regime change, they activated this social capital and succeeded in political
competition. Third, the new elites who were affiliated with the authoritarian elements of the
New Order have, to a certain level, some political advantages compared to the “pure” new
elites. Most of the figures in this category are the product of past political patronage, members
of established families, or affiliated with socio-political structures of the New Order. Their
experiences with the New Order’s patronage networks socialized them in authoritarian
traditions.99
This pattern of socialization not only preserved authoritarian practices, but also
restricted the expansion of democratic norms. Far from acting as proponents of democracy,
these elites continued to cultivate ties to the old elites. Fadly Nurzal, a representative of this
group and a young leader of the Partai Persatuan Pembangunan (PPP), stated that in reforming
the party he did not take a confrontational approach, he did not hurt the old politicians in the
party, and he was searching for compromise.100
The case of Fadly Nurzal also highlights the
process of learning from old elites; Nurzal stated that when he accompanied Syamsul Arifin
in the campaign, he sometimes recorded Syamsul’s speeches on his cell phone and used them
when he needed them.101
Fourth, the more genuine new elites who entered the political arena
after 1998 have faced higher political barriers, but at the same time they had less historical
“baggage” to carry. Options for this group might be restricted to two distinct choices: either to
be patient and slowly promote democratic norms or to build political alliances with the old-
authoritarian elements and become the latter’s political clients. According to Fadly Nurzal,
the new elites must increase their political experience if they want to replace the old ones.102
99
Interview with Ahmad Taufan Damanik, Medan, 26 April 2011. 100
Interview with Fadly Nurzal, Medan, 28 April 2011. 101
Interview with Fadly Nurzal, Medan, 28 April 2011. 102
Interview with Fadly Nurzal, Medan, 28 April 2011.
107
III. Elite and Strategic Actions towards Democratization
The following section analyzes local politics and local elections in North Sumatra from a
different angle. While in the previous section, the analysis concentrated on the impact of the
institutional structure on elite composition, this section examines the strategic actions of
elites. This includes investigating their pact and alliance building and the use of material
resources for electoral success.
During the democratic transition, local elites who were associated with the New Order
faced an uncomfortable situation following the strengthening of the democratic movement.
This old regime group consisted of local politicians from the New Order political parties, in
particular Golkar and PPP, and local bureaucrats. They were the targets of criticism by the
reform movement and people regularly demonstrated in front of local parliaments or
governmental offices. The pressure of demonstrators on the old authoritarian regime was
strong and these local elites had no choice but to agree to their political demands. One of the
old local elites in the province of North Sumatra, Hasrul Azwar, described the situation as
follows:
“In the time of reform, my position was that of the Vice Chairman of the Provincial
Parliament of North Sumatra. Certainly at the national level, even at the local level, we
could not restrain demonstrators who came and stormed the office of the provincial
parliament. It was like I was on trial, something like an open trial in my office …”103
Responding to this unfavorable situation, the old local elites tried to reach some
understanding with the reform activists. Benefitting from the declining euphoria over regime
change, the old elites slowly but surely replaced their former strategy of conformity (i.e.
through acquiescence to the democratic agenda) with a strategy of intensive communication
with pro-democratic activists, combined with inducing these activists into their political bloc.
Additionally, after only two years of widespread support, the pro-democratic movement faced
disorientation. This political disorientation occurred due to the necessity of developing and
adhering to multiple urgent political issues as opposed to the simple, single goal of regime
change in the early stages of reform. This situation weakened pressure on the old authoritarian
element. Furthermore, the new NGOs which emerged in the reform era did not all have a
commitment to democracy, a clear goal or solid organization. Some of them were built as
political instruments of old-established elites and some NGO activists benefited from the
reform by extorting money for the use of their organizations. Moreover, some independent
103
Interview with Hasrul Azwar, Medan, 24 April 2011.
108
political activists or former student activists lost interest in becoming politicians or political
brokers. Therefore, the nature of the relationship between pro-democratic activists and old
elites was changing from one of antagonism to one of partial cooperation. More than that,
some NGO activists were allegedly involved in “transactional practices,” that is, money
politics, and were absorbed into old political traditions.104
However, the old authoritarian
elements could not fully control the political arena and they had to continue to adapt to the
new political environment. They had to be aware of and sensitive to public opinion, issues,
and political demands from diverse interest groups.
The strategies of communication and inducement employed by old elites toward pro-
democratic activists were followed by a more active involvement in the local political arena.
Starting with the infiltration of political parties and local NGOs, old elites adapted to the new
policies of decentralization and direct local elections. With their political experience from the
previous political system, they could astutely influence local regulations and policy-making in
the local parliament, control strategic positions and co-opt key office holders in the latter (e.g.
securing the position of chairman or vice chairman) and manipulate bureaucratic structures.105
Moreover, after re-establishing their elevated political role in the new regime, the old elites
became more active in the rent-seeking activities of local development projects compared to
the years before.
Old local elites have adapted to the new environment by projecting themselves as part
of the democratic system. This endeavor was related to their strategy of dissociation from the
past political regime. In fact, however, they were simply reproducing old political traditions in
the new political system of democracy.106
The reproduction of past political culture could
effectively be operated in their relations with the new elites, NGO activists, or in formal
political institutions which were still partially under their control.107
This strategy had to be
continually applied as the political arena became more open and competitive.
The adaptation of old political elites to the new political environment was supported
by their experience in nurturing social interactions and networking. What this means, has been
aptly expressed by Syamsul Arifin as follows:
“… I was living among the grassroots; my childhood was spent in Kotamaksum,
Medan. The process of maturing took place in Brandan, in the village. Living in a rural
society is very tough. If we do not take care of the people and our surroundings, so the
people and our surroundings will not take care of us. If somebody dies and we do not
104
Interview with Ahmad Taufan Damanik, Medan, 26 April 2011; Interview with Fadly Nurzal, Medan, 28
April 2011. 105
Interview with Ahmad Taufan Damanik, Medan, 26 April 2011. 106
Interview with Ahmad Taufan Damanik, Medan, 26 April 2011. 107
Interview with Ahmad Taufan Damanik, Medan, 26 April 2011.
109
come, if somebody gets married and we are not invited, if somebody is sick and we
can’t see the person, if there is a gathering and we don’t want to participate, if there is
a patrol and we do not want to come, then we don’t have any value in the village
…”108
This learning process of living in a community’s collectivity contributed to elites’ natural
ability to engage with the people. For them, the core aspect of social engagement is
communication. This special component became an effective selling point in their political
contest, as Syamsul Arifin describes:
“… because God says Habluminallah (obey God) and Habluminannas (maintain
human relations). If we want to be good in our relation with the above (God), we have
to be good in our relation with the below (people). Support from above has never
occurred without support from below, so maintain the below first …”109
Furthermore, the process of adaptation of old elites to democratization was reflected in local
values. For instance, Syamsul Arifin quoted some traditional Malay expressions, symbolizing
how the elites should adapt to the new political situation:
“… if we are not good at dance, don’t blame the floor …”
“… a dance has to fit the rhythm of a drum, as a drum has to fit the rhythm of a dance
…”110
The first statement shows the tendency of humans to blame the situation on a scapegoat, so
that the failure is not theirs. The second utterance means that we must adapt to the changing
environment as a natural process of life. Basic indicators of success are determined by the
human capacity to adjust to a new environment.
Yet, in the process of adaptation the actor is not solely passively following the
changing situation. He or she is expected to avoid becoming involved in other political
players’ gambits. In order to control the game in the political arena, political actors must be
aware of, anticipate and control situations. The leaders, according to Syamsul Arifin, should
keep their abilities and adopt the philosophy of reading (iqro) in all senses: to read for what
had been written (tersurat), to read implicit ideas that have not been directly expressed
(tersirat), and to read concealed or hidden ideas (tersuruk).111
These attitudes determine how
actors could actively become involved in the changing political system, but at the same time
try to adapt to the situation without radically resisting political change itself. This also shows
the elites’ awareness in predicting uncertain situations that generally occur as part of political
108
Interview with Syamsul Arifin, Jakarta, 12 May 2011. 109
Interview with Syamsul Arifin, Jakarta, 12 May 2011. 110
Interview with Syamsul Arifin, Jakarta, 12 May 2011. 111
Interview with Syamsul Arifin, Jakarta, 12 May 2011.
110
change. Their ability to predict the direction of political change can be seen as a natural
political “soft” skill that can only be gained through lengthy experience as a political actor
and knowledge of political and social institutions. For instance, old players in the political
arena possessed such adaptability in their political parties. They could survive and even gain
important positions under different leaders. According to them, loyalty to the leaders was a
key virtue under all political circumstances. In other words, they preferred to choose
compromise rather than conflict and tried to set their position in the middle in order to be
accepted by all sides. This modus of adaptation on first sight appears opportunistic, but has
been utilized effectively by local elites in order to survive during political change. One
member of the old elite, Hasrul Azwar, the Regional Chairman of the PPP, recounts his
experiences as follows:
“… I existed in the era of Mr. Naro, I existed in the era of Mr. Ismail Hasan as the
Chairman of the party, I existed in the era of Mr. Hamzah Haz as the Chairman of the
party. And I existed in the era of Mr. Suryadarma as the Chairman, and even though I
did not choose him, I was appointed as the Head of Faction (in the National
Parliament). First, this might be simple, but in practice this was difficult. There is one
hadith [a saying or teaching of Prophet Muhammad, P.A.] which states that we do not
allow for others’ disadvantage. Don’t bother others and don’t let others bother us! I
applied the principle to be loyal to whoever was the leader. If a conflict occurred, I
avoided getting involved. I kept my loyalty to the leader because he was the result of a
musyawarah [general meeting with deliberation, P.A.]. This made me always have a
position in every era, either at the local or the national level. And second, if a conflict
occurred, my position was always in the middle …”112
The resistance of local elites to democracy was not obvious from their actions. They
could infiltrate the democratic system with conservative ideas or by invoking authoritarian
nostalgia. They usually compared the political stability of the New Order with the uncertain
condition of its successor: the democratic political system. One criticism that was often aired
was excessive political change and the ensuing instability and uncertainty, as evidenced by
decentralization policy, direct local elections, freedom of the press, demonstrations, and the
growth of NGOs. For these elites, living in the New Order era was better compared to the
post-New Order, as stated by Hasrul Azwar:
“… I have been living in two eras. The system of the New Order was rigid;
consequently I had to resign as a civil servant. In 1982, when I was elected to the
DPRD, I experienced joy and sorrow of the political condition in the New Order.
Nowadays, I also experience joy and sorrow of the political life in the reform era. If
we are talking about its detriment, the present situation is more detrimental. To be
honest, although in the past we were under pressure, political power was under the
control of Soeharto, but we felt free in terms of saying our opinion in parliament.
112
Interview with Hasrul Azwar, Medan, 24 April 2011.
111
Nowadays, everything that is done by the legislators is wrong, public trust in the
legislators at every level is low. This also occurs to the political parties …”113
A. Local Elections and Transactional Politics
One important issue that emerged simultaneously with the implementation of direct
local elections is massive transactional or “money politics.” The practice of vote buying had
been evident in the previous system of local elections (in which local parliaments elected
local executives), but it was limited to the members of local parliaments and the candidates.
One of the reasons behind establishing direct local elections was to prevent vote buying in the
new spirit of democracy. However, the realization of this objective was far from problem-
free. Rather than restrict vote buying, the direct local elections tended to amplify the practice.
This section discusses the potential causes and effects of transactional politics in North
Sumatra.
The open space of the political arena invites candidates from very different
backgrounds. These candidates differ from each other by their financial capacity, popularity,
personal identity, social networks, or their experience in the political or bureaucratic domains.
However, if liberal democracy is understood as the mechanism of “one man, one vote,” then
candidates must be elected by obtaining as much popular support as possible. On the other
hand, this “one man, one vote” system comes without any serious consideration of its
essential prerequisites. Two basic conditions for democracy are always discussed in scholarly
literature: a certain economic level and political culture, in particular education of the people
(Lipset 1959; Przeworski et.al. 1996; Przeworski and Limongi 1997; Welzel and Inglehart
2008). In North Sumatra, these basic requirements have still not been fulfilled adequately
enough to foster democratization. More than 11 percent of the region’s population is defined
as poor and the number of people that have acquired a higher level of education is just 3.8
percent (BPS Provinsi Sumatra Utara 2011). Consequently, the market mechanism works
well: the political demand of candidates for votes is determined by the supply of votes from
the constituents for money. In short, transactional politics seems to emerge as an integral
aspect in the presence of hurried political reform and persisting poverty.
Fadly Nurzal, the North Sumatran PPP chief quoted already before, described the
chain of transactional politics in the region as having its roots in the poor living conditions of
113
Interview with Hasrul Azwar, Medan, 24 April 2011.
112
most people, who would prefer to choose candidates that give them financial rewards.114
His
argument was also corroborated by one senior politician, Hasrul Azwar, who stated that the
election comes with high political costs, and this is mostly driven by poor economic
conditions among the people. Hasrul Azwar of the PPP described his experience as follows:
“… if we want to become a member of the DPR without money, people will not elect
us. If we don’t give them them rice, peoples’ choice will change, although they are
PPP constituents. People change their preference according to who gives them rice.
So, the stimulant is the economic factor …”115
After candidates are elected, they must recover their costs from the election. Thus,
local budgets often become the object of misuse. For this reason, rampant political corruption
and rent-seeking practices have occurred in almost all regions in Indonesia as a direct
consequence of this chain of transactional politics. In short, it can generally be stated that
transactional politics is driven by the “supply and demand” mechanism or the symbiotic
relationship between elites and the masses. On the one hand, elites need political support from
the masses and mobilize their constituents through financial and material incentives, while, on
the other hand, the poor masses need money.
Transactional politics occurs not only between candidates and voters; this practice has
expanded to other sectors of the political process as well. One important development
associated with direct local elections is the emergence of the political brokerage. This system
played an important role in the process of political mediation between elites and the
masses.116
In the elections, the role of political brokerage can be identified in the form of the
“campaign team” (tim sukses) of the candidates.
The phenomenon of the campaign team arose concurrently with the beginning of
direct local elections in 2005. Members of campaign teams can be functionaries of political
parties who nominate the candidates, leaders of mass organizations, religious leaders, high-
ranking local bureaucrats, and informal elites in society. Below this structure of political
mediation are the lower level supporters. They are coordinated by the higher echelons of the
brokerage structures. For some of them, elections are a commercial event through which to
find and gain money, alleviating pressure caused by their difficulties in finding jobs. For the
lower level members of the successful team, being a member of this team means an increase
in social standing. They make themselves appear more “educated,” more elegant, and more
affluent. Many of them have worked as commercial motorcycle-riders (tukang ojek),
114
Interview with Fadly Nurzal, Medan, 28 April 2011. 115
Interview with Hasrul Azwar, Medan, 24 April 2011. 116
For the concept and empirical study of political mediation, see Auyero 2000.
113
schoolteachers, party functionaries at the sub-district level, or low-level bureaucrats. The
regular, direct local elections, however, inaugurate them as “political professionals” in the
local political arena. What is more, direct local elections have increased their instrumental
political shrewdness in relation to their political patron. On the one hand, they are able to
“exploit” the elite candidates who dole out money in an effort to mobilize electoral support.
On the other hand, however, one often finds these people to be double-crossing their patrons
in election campaigns.
When examining past political activities of local elections held in local parliaments, it
can be seen that civil society support for political candidates had already emerged. The
support was provided in the form of a “letter of support” that was addressed to the local
parliament. The objective of this societal support was not only to show the popularity of
candidates, but also to pressure political parties into nominating certain candidates. However,
this practice was regarded as having transactional motives. One local political scientist,
Ahmad Taufan Damanik, stated:
“… in the past, in the elections (of local executives) in the DPRD, the political parties
had a right to nominate candidates, and this process usually depended on societal
pressures. Two people can create twenty social organizations. They can
interchangeably act as the head or secretary (of organizations) and make statements.
One stamp costs 25,000 rupiahs and it can generate 1.5 million rupiahs, and getting
support can cost up to 25 million rupiahs …”117
Furthermore, transactional politics have not only influenced candidates, voters, and
political brokers as described above, but the local electoral commission (KPUD) as well. As
the organizer, administrator and also arbiter of the elections, the position of the commission is
vulnerable to transactional practices. This vulnerability, in fact, increases in conditions of bad
administration, poor database management, and lack of capability the commissioner. The poor
management and database system of elections in Indonesia actually facilitates vote buying
and other types of electoral fraud. This became a much greater problem when Indonesia
shifted its electoral system from a closed list proportional representation system to an open-
list proportional representation system in general elections in 2008 (Nurhasim 2009). In the
latter system, competition not only takes place between candidates of different parties, but
also among candidates within one party. In this system only the candidate with the greatest
popular support (winner takes all) gets elected as legislator. The severe impact of
transactional politics on political actors, voters and the commission was succinctly described
by Ahmad Taufan Damanik as follows:
117
Interview with Ahmad Taufan Damanik, Medan, 30 April 2011.
114
“… What is the purpose of a political campaign in the elections? You just give money
to the PPK (sub district electoral commission) and the KPU (provincial/district
electoral commission), and you will get elected as a legislator. Many candidates who
didn’t conduct campaigns suddenly got elected, (because) they paid the PPK, the
KPU, and voters.”118
Although most political actors at the local level believed that transactional politics
were a new habit brought on by the era of democratization, the seeds of these practices were
nurtured in the New Order. In this era, the regime had coopted political parties through social
privileges and by granting economic access for the parties’ elites. As a consequence, the state
was able to control these elites and gained their loyalty. Similar political treatment was
applied to the leaders of corporatist mass organizations where the state financed their
activities but controlled them through the Ministry of Home Affairs and its apparatus at the
local level. In addition, the regime had operated with material inducement when political
parties faced a dispute or friction among their elites, as evidenced in the case of internal
conflict in PDI in 1992. The regime had developed a mechanism of providing political
rewards to its supporters, on the one hand, and political punishments to its opponents, on the
other. Liddle confirmed this mechanism, stating that material inducement was a key strategy
upon which the regime ensured its survival (Liddle 1996c, 249). This strategy was not only
directed at the upper layer of socio-political elites, but also at the grassroots through
governmental programs such as the Presidential Instruction (Instruksi Presiden/INPRES),
which expressed the generosity of the government and, in particular, that of the President. For
this reason, the survival of the regime for 32 years relied not only on its cohesive political
structure, but also on its popular reputation as the regime of “benevolent-obedience” (Liddle
1996, 80; Robertson-Snape 1999, 597). The belief that transactional politics is one of the
backbones of and corresponds to the New Order regime is strengthened by the fact that in
previous regimes transactional politics was insignificant. In the era of Parliamentary
Democracy or Guided Democracy, Indonesia’s politics was primarily characterized by the
ideological divisions of political parties (see Chapter 3).119
Furthermore, transactional politics in the post-New Order era have considerable
consequences for political life at the local level. For political actors, it has generated the
impression that politics is an instantaneous process that leads to power and prosperity alone.
They believe that they can develop their political career rapidly with the use of money. The
widespread practice of transactional politics and its contagion effects has inaugurated this
118
Interview with Ahmad Taufan Damanik, Medan, 26 April 2011. 119
Interview with Affifudin Lubis, Medan, 20 February 2012; interview with Fadly Nurzal, Medan, 28 April
2011.
115
phenomenon as a decisive factor in the political arena. As a consequence of this, politicians
who honestly and seriously engage in political work with their constituents have become
discouraged and demoralized; their efforts appear useless in the midst of this extensive
practice of transactional politics. The hegemonic structure of transactional politics has
coerced them into adopting the same practices in order to get electoral support. Quoting one
of his political supporters, one senior politician, the PPP’s Hasrul Azwar, described the
prevailing sentiment of local politicians:
“Bang (old brother)… in the next general election in 2014, we don’t need to campaign.
From now on, you just prepare new money of 20 thousands, 50 thousands, and 100
thousands. For what do we spend so much money on campaigning? Just distribute it in
the night (before the voting day) …”120
Hasrul Azwar confirmed that transactional politics has indeed a damaging effect on the
serious political work of politicians.121
However, the impact is related not only to the political
actors, but also to the public at the grassroots level. There is a general consensus among
political observers and politicians that the public’s behavior and its sense of morality have
been influenced by money politics. As the voting day approaches, people know that
candidates frantically scrambling for votes distribute money. One practice that provides a
good example of money politics at a grassroots level is the tendency of voters to leave their
doors open the night before the election. This is intended to show that the inhabitants are not
sleeping; rather, they are waiting for a possible payoff. This expresses people’s acceptance of,
or at least indifference to, money politics.122
As Fadly Nurzal of the PPP points out, this
behavior of ordinary people is new. He later worried that this practice may become the new
model of political behavior in post-New Order Indonesia, endangering the prospects of
Indonesia’s democracy.123
Although there are widespread practices of transactional politics, particularly in local
elections, the system does not guarantee the success of candidates on financial grounds alone.
Social relationships also play an important role in gaining popular support and, naturally,
candidates who are perceived as paying attention to their voters are regarded as good leaders.
This reputation can be attained through good deeds in the past or present political activities,
social network building, and a close social relationship with the people. Of course, this social
engagement is easier to display for incumbents since they are in the ideal position from which
to build social relations. Accordingly, this social capital can help candidates to minimize their
120
Interview with Hasrul Azwar, Medan, 24 April 2011. 121
Interview with Hasrul Azwar, Medan, 24 April 2011. 122
Interview with Fadly Nurzal, Medan, 28 April 2011. 123
Interview with Fadly Nurzal, Medan, 28 April 2011.
116
costs in the competition. Tengku Eri Nuradi, Regent of Serdang Bedagai for two periods,
described this circumstance as follows:
“… the costs of local elections depends. If we are known by the public, we don’t need
to spend much, although this (expenditure) can be divided into two categories. First
are the formal costs, which are regulated by our local budget (APBD) and managed by
the KPUD, such as the costs for ballots and officials. Second are non-formal costs
from candidates such as those needed for campaigning, T-shirts, and for socialization.
For the challengers in local elections, since they haven’t been socialized, they have to
spend more. For the incumbent, he does not need socialization because the public
knows him, particularly if he simultaneously works for the grassroots …”124
B. Elite Networks and Alliance Building
This section portrays elite networks and their alliance building in the local arena, particularly
during the local elections themselves. The discussion will be classified into three categories of
elite networks and alliances: (1) party networks and national elite networks; (2) ethnic-and
religious-based politics; and (3) patronage and personal networks.
1. Party Networks and National Elites Networks
In direct local elections, political parties play an important role in nominating the candidates.
As stipulated in Law No. 32/2004, the candidates have to obtain the support of political
parties which have received at least 15 percent of the total votes or 15 percent of the total
seats in the local parliament. The support of each party is measured based on the results of the
last general election. In the previous systems of decentralization (based on Law No. 5/1974
and Law No. 22/1999, respectively), there was no specific regulation on the role of political
parties. Under these laws, the right to nominate candidates rested entirely with local
legislatures (DPRD) at the provincial, regency, or city level. However, the local parliaments
had the right to regulate the requirements for nomination. For example, the candidates had to
get support from at least two factions in the local parliament.
Despite having an important role in nominating the candidates, the role of political
parties is generally believed to play a minor part in helping candidates to succeed. Direct local
elections have a different character compared to indirect elections by the legislature in relation
to the function of political parties in the electoral contest. In direct local elections the
individual characteristics of the candidate counts, whereas in indirect elections by the
legislature party identification is usually a more significant factor. However, most of the local
political actors and observers believe that political parties make it easier for candidates to gain
124
Interview with Tengku Eri Nuradi, Serdang Bedagai, 26 April 2011.
117
popular support.125
This opinion was aired by Tengku Eri Nuradi, twice Regent of Serdang
Bedagai:
“… I have observed that in direct local elections people have not noticed which
political parties the candidates come from. Parties are recognized in legislative
elections. The voice of political parties is insignificant when they nominate unpopular
candidates or candidates without popular support from the people …”126
Moreover, several political parties have encountered difficulties in local elections.
Most of the post-New Order political parties are newcomers to the political arena and,
consequently, most of them are not well-prepared in terms of arranging their ideologies,
platforms and programs, or even having qualified or experienced personnel. Therefore, in the
first wave of local elections, such as in the gubernatorial election of 2003, candidates without
affiliation to any party still dominated the nominations. In this local election, candidates were
mostly bureaucrats or military officers. Most party politicians had positioned themselves as
candidates for vice governor. Problems arose when members of political parties nominated
themselves in the contest, resulting in one political party having several candidates in the
same election, as was the case in 2003 when Rudolf Pardede and Baskami Gintings, both
members of PDI-P, ran as candidates for vice governor.
Five years later, in the 2008 gubernatorial election, political parties faced serious
factionalism and strong competition among local leaders. In the two largest parties, Golkar
Party and PDI-P), this tension could not be resolved despite the fact that the central party
authorities in Jakarta sought to address the problem. In the case of PDI-P, the conflict erupted
between the regional authority (DPD) and the central authority (DPP). The Regional
Chairman of the party, Rudolf Pardede, nominated himself as a candidate for governor, while
the central board under Megawati’s leadership preferred another candidate, Tri Tamtomo
(who was not a member of this party at that time). This tension led to a conflict between
supporters and members of the party when the central authority decided to discharge Pardede
from his position as Chairman of the Regional Board and appointed a central party
functionary, Panda Nababan, as Acting Regional Chairman.127
A similar internal conflict
arose in the Golkar Party. Ali Umri was the candidate of choice for the central board, but
some party members in local party units chose to endorse alternative candidates, therefore
causing serious friction within the party between the supporters of each of its candidates.
125
Interview with Muryanto Amin, Jakarta, 1 March 2012; Interview with Amrun Daulay, Jakarta, 11 May 2011. 126
Interview with Tengku Eri Nuradi, Serdang Bedagai, 26 April 2011. 127
“DPP PDIP: Rudolf Tak Direstui Karena Terganjal Pendidikan,” available at: news.detik.com, 25 January
2008, (accessed 4 April 2013); “Pengurus PDIP Sumut di Bawah Nababan, Bertekad Ulang Sukses Pemilu
1999,” available at: www.inimedanbung.com, 18 May 2008, (accessed 4 May 2013).
118
Furthermore, the development of political parties in local elections can be observed in
three areas: candidacy, the election, and conflict and competition among local elites. In terms
of candidacy, in the gubernatorial election of 1998 the three candidates for governor were
selected from non-party members or non-politicians, with military, academic, and
bureaucratic backgrounds. In the 2003 contest, there was a combination of non-party and
party politicians. The external non-party candidates ran for governor, while the party
politicians ran for vice governor. In 2008, this combination still existed, but politicians started
to run as candidates for governor. With the exception of Ali Umri (Golkar), most politicians
who ran were not nominated by their parties. This situation changed significantly in 2012
when the region prepared for the gubernatorial election of 2013.128
After approval by the
KPUD, five pairs of candidates are set to compete. Of these five pairs of candidates, four were
members of political parties. In this election, political parties tended to nominate candidates
from among their cadres rather than external contenders. The complete background of
candidates in four gubernatorial elections can be seen in Table 8 below.
Table 4. 7 Backgrounds of Candidates in Gubernatorial Elections
1998 2003 2008 2013
Tengku Rizal Nurdin
(M)
Tengku Rizal Nurdin
(M)
Rudolf Pardede (P)
Syamsul Arifin (P)
Gatot Pujo Nugroho (P)
Gus Irawan Pasaribu
(Pro)
Soekirman (P)
Usman Pelly (A) Amrun Daulay (B)
Baskami Gintings (P)
Abdul Wahab
Dalimunthe (P)
Raden Muhammad
Syafii (P)
Chairuman Harahap
(P)
Fadly Nurzal (P)
AM Situmorang (B) Chairuman Harahap (B)
Serta Ginting (P)
Ali Umri (P)
Maratua Simanjuntak
(O)
Effendi Simbolon (P)
Djumiran Abdi (B)
Tri Tamtomo (M)
Benny Pasaribu (P)
Amri Tambunan (P)
RE Nainggolan (B)
RE Siahaan (P)
Suherdi (P)
Gatot Pujo Nugroho
(P)
Tengku Eri Nuradi
(P)
Abbreviation: (M) military officer, (A) academician, (P) politician, (B) career bureaucrats, (O) mass
organization, (Pro) professional.
Source: Own compilation.
The recent trend of nominating party members in local elections is viewed as a
128
This thesis was written prior to the gubernatorial election of 2013. At the time of writing, five pairs of
candidates had been approved by the provincial election commission (KPUD) and these candidates were based
on the nomination of political parties.
119
positive development in political parties. It can be attributed to a more regularized political
recruitment process within political parties. In the previous elections of 1998 and 2003,
political parties nominated candidates from outside the party due to the lack of competence
and popularity of the party’s personnel. In the gubernatorial election of 2008, this tendency
still prevailed, partly due to the continued lack of popular candidates, but also due to other
reasons such as the rise of transactional politics between parties and candidates.
Also the roles of political parties in the local electoral process changed. In the
elections of 1998 and 2003, it seems that political parties were more marginal as they only
nominated external candidates for the governor’s position and fielded their own members for
the position of vice governor. In the 2008 gubernatorial election political parties developed a
more instrumental role which was indicated by the strong tendency towards money politics.129
But while in the 2008 election money politics favored external candidates, in 2013 political
parties supported internal candidates to compete in the gubernatorial election of the following
year.
A third major change is the increasing tension among party leaders in local elections.
In 1998, internal conflict was low and almost without serious friction both within and between
political parties. In 2003, the tension was higher than in the previous gubernatorial elections,
although it could be classified as moderate. In this gubernatorial election, there was some
competition among local elites to get the ticket from the Golkar Party. Elsewhere competition
occurred at the top level of the provincial bureaucracy between the incumbent Governor,
Tengku Rizal Nurdin, and his subordinate, the Secretary of the Province, Amrun Daulay. The
internal frictions with the greatest tension in political parties occurred in the gubernatorial
election of 2008, particularly in the Golkar Party and PDI-P. Two forms of friction emerged:
tension between the regional and central board of the party in the PDI-P and the high tension
of inner-provincial elite competition in the Golkar Party. In the 2013 gubernatorial election,
the level of internal conflict in political parties seemed to be lower than in the 2008 election.
This decrease in tension might correspond to the more inclusive approach of political parties
in promoting their own personnel as candidates. Table 9 below illustrates the three trends
discussed above.
129
The existence of transactional practices in local elections was revealed (covertly or overtly) in interviews,
personal communication, and participant observation during the process of field work.
120
Table 4. 8 The Position of Political Parties in the Gubernatorial Elections
of North Sumatra
1998 2003 2008 2013
Candidacy External Mixed Mixed Internal
Role Superficial Superficial Instrumental Substantial
Internal conflict Low Moderate High Moderate
Source: Own compilation.
Any analysis of local elite networks must take into account the role of national elites.
Particular in local elections, local elites have a dependent position toward their political
superiors in Jakarta. For instance, the decision to nominate candidates was highly dependent
on the endorsement of national elites. Party functionaries at the provincial or regency level
(DPD/DPC) usually played a less prominent role in the recruitment of candidates. By contrast,
central party authorities and national elites had veto power to accept or reject candidates. If
the local branches and central authorities could not reach an agreement on candidates, tension
or internal conflict was often the result. For instance, Rudolf Pardede’s self-nomination in the
gubernatorial election of 2008 caused substantial internal friction in the PDI-P. A similar case
occurred in the Golkar Party, when the nomination of Abdul Wahab Dalimunthe and Syamsul
Arifin as regional leaders of the party encountered opposition from the Central Board of the
Golkar Party, which ultimately decided to choose Ali Umri as the candidate.
The connection between local and national elites was greatly determined by personal
relationships among them. Ali Umri owed his success in obtaining the ticket from the Golkar
Party not only to his formal position as the Regional Chairman of the party, but also to his
close relationship with Surya Paloh, the National Chairman of the Advisory Council of the
party. Their close personal relationship was also supported by the fact that Umri’s wife is a
close relative of Paloh.130
This connection became clearer when Ali Umri followed Surya
Paloh in quitting the Golkar Party and joining Paloh’s new party, the National Democrat
(Nasional Demokrat) party. In this new party, Ali Umri holds the position of Regional
Chairman of the party in the province. Personal bonds were also crucial in the case of Abdul
Wahab Dalimunthe when he got the ticket from the Democrat Party. As pointed out in the
previous sub-chapter on the 2008 gubernatorial election, Dalimunthe had a personal
relationship with Akbar Tanjung, a former central leader of the Golkar Party, and benefited
from the competition between Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (President and the Chairman of
the Advisory Council of the Democrat party) and Jusuf Kalla (Vice President and the
Chairman of the Central Board of the Golkar Party) in the presidential election of 2009. As a
130
“Rini Sofyanti Paloh: Percaya Suami Sepenuhnya,” available at: www.waspada.co.id, 30 March 2009
(accessed 11 October 2009)).
121
result, Wahab got the ticket from the Democrat party.
Nevertheless, the ties between local and national elites were not solely determined by
personal bonds; they were also influenced by a more pragmatic and instrumental political
culture. An example is the attitude of the Golkar Party towards Syamsul Arifin. Before the
gubernatorial election, the party fired Syamsul because he run without the party’s blessing.
Shortly after he was elected as governor, the party reinstated him as its member and later on
even inaugurated him as the Chairman of the Regional Board of the Golkar Party.131
Syamsul’s comeback as the top regional leader of the Golkar Party was supported by changes
in the party’s central board. At the 2009 national party meeting (Musyawarah Nasional),
Jusuf Kalla and Surya Paloh were defeated by Akbar Tanjung and Aburizal Bakrie. The latter
two were elected as the Chairman of the Advisory Council and the Chairman of the Central
Board of the party, respectively.
Personal networks between local and national elites also existed for the PDI-P. In the
2008 gubernatorial election, the party’s Central Board supported Tri Tamtomo and, at the
same time, rejected the nomination of Rudolf Pardede. During his post as Rizal’s vice
governor, Rudolf acquired the reputation of lacking managerial capabilites. Another
significant barrier for Pardede in his nomination was the issue of his alleged fake diploma.132
By contrast, the party’s decision to nominate Tri Tamtomo was not only backed by his
prominent position as a former regional military commander, but also by the personal network
of his brother, Bambang Hendarso Danuri, and the PDI-P’s central board members. At that
time, Danuri held an important position in the Indonesian National Police (POLRI) and had
wielded strong influence to propose Tri Tamtomo to the party’s leadership.133
The PDI-P's
decision to promote Tri Tamtomo was evidence for the instrumental role of political parties in
nominating candidates and the importance of personal networks. Tri Tamtomo was allegedly
involved in the 27 July 1996 riots, when the PDI headquarters were attacked by the military.
At that time, Tri Tamtomo held the important military position of Regional Commander of
Jakarta Raya (Kodam Jaya) and Megawati was a victim of this riot. Nevertheless, 12 years
later, Megawati supported Tri Tamtomo as a candidate in the gubernatorial election, which is
testimony to the opportunistic behavior of political parties and their leadership.
131
“JK Dituntut Mundur: Kalla Akui Syamsul Arifin Kader Golkar yang Diusung Partai Lain,“ available at:
www.waspada.co.id, 19 April 2008 (accessed 11 October 2009); “Musda Golkar Sumut Pilih Syamsul Arifin
Secara Aklamasi,” available at: www.medansatu.com, 23 November 2009 (accessed 12 December 2011). 132
“DPP PDIP: Rudolf Tak Direstui Karena Terganjal Pendidikan,” available at: news.detik.com, 25 January
2008, (accessed 4 April 2013). 133
Interview with Muryanto Amin, Jakarta, 1 March 2012.
122
2. Ethnic and Religious Politics
As a region with a multi-cultural identity, North Sumatra is a laboratory for the study of the
relationship between political life and socio-cultural identities. One important aspect of the
elite network that has emerged in local elections is the use of ethnic and religious sentiments.
However, this aspect has a contradictory element. On the one hand, ethnic- and religious-
based politics seem to be sensitive issues and elites who compete in the local elections usually
exploit these issues as part of their political strategy for mobilizing popular support. Part of
this strategy is a campaign that instrumentalizes divisions in the ethnic and religious
backgrounds of the candidates. On the other hand, direct local elections or local elections in
general, tend to prevent social conflict (Aspinall 2011; Aspinall et al. 2011; Mietzner 2011).
Competing political parties often avoid nominating candidates with similar ethno-religious
backgrounds. They frequently create tickets representing the country’s socio-cultural
heterogeneity.
As described in section 4.1, North Sumatra is a highly diverse province in terms of
ethnicity and religion. In addition to the national revolution in the second half of the 1940s,
there was also a social revolution in the province. Driving this social revolution was fierce
ethnic competition between the non-Malay ethnic groups and the Malay (Reid 1979; van
Langenberg 1982; Said et.al. 1973). Before, when the old kingdoms and traditional elites still
existed, the Malay had dominated the socio-political and economic life of the province. The
social revolution markedly changed social structures and ended the domination of the Malay
ethnic group in socio-political life. The legacies of this social revolution still left their imprint
on the New Order era. During this period, Mandailing Bataks were the dominant ethnic group
in political and bureaucratic structures. With two distinct identities as Batak and Muslim, the
Mandailing Bataks were pictured as the “winners” of the social revolution. This group differs
from other Batak groups because of its Islamic identity, which corresponds to the majority of
the population in the region.134
During the New Order era, the domination of Mandailing
Batak was expressed by the term “Rehap Lunas” - an acronym of the four big Mandailing
clans of Siregar, Harahap, Lubis and Nasution - that dominated local politics and
monopolized the governor position (Aspinall et. all 2011, 34 ; Nuryanti 2004, 208). Of the
five governors during the New Order era, three were Mandailing Batak from the clans of
Harahap, Nasution, and Siregar. Nevertheless, the last governor in the New Order period was
Tengku Rizal Nurdin, a person from Malay ancestry.
134
The concept of the superiority of Mandailing Batak based on its two peculiar identities is a result of personal
communication with Anthony Reid, Freiburg, 9 November 2012.
123
The emergence of Tengku Rizal Nurdin, however, was followed by several symbolic
Malay appearances in the public sphere. One historian claimed that Nurdin's rise to
prominence was reminiscent of the glory and domination of the Malay in the past and
accordingly triggered the aspiration of the Malay people to regain their power in the new
political environment.135
This expectation was strengthened by the rule of Bachtiar Jafar, a
Malay with a military background who held an important position as the Mayor of Medan
from 1990 to 2000. Moreover, the rise of Malays in the political arena culminated in the
emergence of Abdillah as Mayor of Medan, replacing Bachtiar Jafar. During the time he held
the position of Mayor, the popularity of Abdillah increased both among the political players
and the people of the region. Many political observers or political actors in this region
acknowledged his popularity, and shared a common perspective that if Abdillah implicated in
corruption and were subsequently nominated as a candidate for governor in 2008, nobody
could possibly defeat him in the competition.136
After Abdillah's fall from power, the Malays
found a new popular leader in the figure of Syamsul Arifin who won the gubernatorial
election in 2008. However, after 2 years in power, Syamsul faced a similar problem as
Abdillah and was subsequently replaced by the vice governor, Gatot Pujo Nugroho, a
Javanese.
Before the gubernatorial election of 2008, ethnic and religious sentiments emerged as
a response to the replacement of Tengku Rizal Nurdin by his deputy, Rudolf Pardede. Rudolf
is Toba Batak and Protestant; this combination of ethnicity and religion, despite representing
a remarkably large proportion of the population, was met by resistance from the majority of
the Muslim population. The resistance was not only directed against Rudolf’s ethnic identity,
but was also related to the public’s impression that he lacked governing capabilities. As
pointed out previously, Rudolf’s public image also suffered from the issue of his fake alleged
diploma in the gubernatorial election of 2003. The controversy continued in the Medan
mayoral election of 2010 when the local electoral commission rejected his candidacy due to
the alleged illegality of his high-school diploma. The growing aversion of and resistance to
Rudolf’s leadership was evidenced by the development of a coalition of Islamic political
parties (particularly PKS and Partai Bintang Reformasi/Star Reform Party PBR, later
extended to PAN and PPP) specifically for gubernatorial elections. Part of this coalition
supported Syamsul Arifin-Gatot Pujo Nugroho (Syampurno) in the gubernatorial election of
135
Interview with Ichwan Azhari, Medan, 4 May 2011. 136
Interview with Muryanto Amin, Jakarta, 1 March 2012; interview with Ahmad Taufan Damanik, Medan, 16
April 2011; interview with Usman Pelly, Medan, 25 April 2011; interview with Hasrul Azwar, Medan, 24 April
2011.
124
2008.
The significance of ethnic and religious issues in electoral competition became clear in
the first direct election for governorship in 2008. The five pairs of candidates represented
combinations of ethnic groups and religions. Table 10 below details the backgrounds of the
candidates in terms of ethnicity and religion.
Table 4. 9 Ethnic and Religious Background of Candidates in Gubernatorial Election
of 2008
No. Candidate Ethnicity Religion
1 Ali Umri Malay Islam
Maratua Simanjuntak Toba-Batak Islam
2 Tri Tamtomo Javanese Islam
Benny Pasaribu Toba-Batak Protestant
3 R.E. Siahaan Toba-Batak Protestant
Suherdi Javanese Islam
4 Abdul Wahab Dalimunthe Mandailing-Batak Islam
R.M. Syafi’i Javanese Islam
5 Syamsul Arifin Malay Islam
Gatot Pujo Nugroho Javanese Islam
Source: Own compilation.
During the contest, the candidates tried to use ethnicity and religion as instruments to
attract popular support by combining ethno-religious backgrounds as shown in Table 9. The
combinations themselves were popularly known as “rainbow pairs” (pasangan pelangi).
Syamsul Arifin not only used his background as a Malay and his membership in the Malay
Cultural and Customary Council (Majelis Adat Budaya Melayu Indonesia, MABMI), of
which he was a Chairman, but he also sought association with the Batak by joining the clan
(marga) of Silaban.137
He used the popular slogan in his campaign, “Friend of All Ethnic
Groups” (Sahabat Semua Suku). The other candidate, Tri Tamtomo, was regarded as an
“outsider,” even though he was Javanese (the largest single ethnic group in the region). Tri
was not seen as a “son of the region” (putra daerah), because he held the position of Regional
Army Commander for only a short period. To compensate for this disadvantage, Tri Tamtomo
made use of his ties with the Toba-Batak clan of Panggabean. Gatot Pujo Nugroho, a
Javanese, faced a similar problem as he, too, was not born in North Sumatra. However, unlike
Tri Tamtomo, Gatot Pujo Nugroho, starting in 1986, had established his career in the region
as a lecturer at Medan Polytechnic and he later joined the PKS. More than his Javanese
ethnicity counted that Gatot was not born in the region, a fact that his contenders exploited in
137
“Pengetua Adat Negeri Limbong Restui Raja Batak H. Syamsul Arifin, SE Jadi Gubsu,” available at:
www.silaban.net, 21 May 2007 (accessed 11 October 2009); “Syamsul Arifin Silaban Ziarah ke Makam Raja
Silaban,” Analisa, 5 April 2008.
125
their campaign rhetoric. Within the region it is publicly known among political actors that the
“insider” term also includes Javanese born in the region. This fact can be related to a major,
long-established organization of the Javanese ethnic group of Pujakesuma, known as Sons of
Java Born in Sumatra (Putera Jawa Kelahiran Sumatra). If one was not born in, but lived in,
Sumatra, the Pujakesuma term would change to have a pejorative meaning: “Sons of Java
‘Hang Around’ in Sumatra” (Putera Jawa ‘Keliaran’ di Sumatra).
The election results corroborated the obvious connection between ethnicity and
religion, on the one hand, and voting behavior, on the other. This evidence, moreover,
intertwined with another geopolitical dimension in the region. Three pairs of candidates with
Islamic backgrounds received support from regions with Muslim majorities. These regions
were dominated by several ethnic groups associated with Islam such as Javanese, Malay,
Batak-Mandailing and Batak Angkola. The victors, Syamsul Arifin and Gatot Pujo Nugroho,
won in some regencies at the East Coast, which were dominated by the Malay-Islam
population: Langkat, Binjai, Medan, Deliserdang, Serdangbedagai, Tebingtinggi, Batubara,
Asahan and Tanjungbalai. Ali Umri and Maratua Simanjuntak won only in Mandailing Natal,
while Abdul Wahab Dalimunthe won in Labuhanbatu, South Tapanuli (Tapanuli Selatan),
Padangsidempuan, Nias and South Nias (Nias Selatan) (KPUD, 2008). The rainbow pairs
consisting of candidates combining Islam and Christianity won in the regions that were highly
populated by Christians and with the ethnic configurations of Toba-Batak, Karo, Simalungun,
and Pakpak. Tri Tamtomo and Benny Pasaribu won in the regencies of Simalungun,
Pematang Siantar, Karo and Samosir, while R.E. Siahaan and Suherdi won in the regions of
North Tapanuli (Tapanuli Utara), Humbang Hasundutan, Toba Samosir, Dairi, Pakpak
Bharat, Central Tapanuli (Tapanuli Tengah) and Sibolga (KPUD, 2008).
The victory of Syamsul Arifin was, indeed, supported by his domination of the East
Coast regions (daerah Pesisir Timur) which are also populous regions. Additionally, Tri
Tamtomo’s second place was related to the solid support of the Christian communities as well
as the north and central regions (Tapanuli Bagian Utara dan Tengah). But part of the
electoral support in this region went to R.E. Siahaan who was also a Christian candidate. By
contrast, Abdul Wahab Dalimunthe and Ali Umri had to share their electoral support in the
regions of the South (Tapanuli Bagian Selatan), the West Coast (Pesisir Barat), and Nias.138
138
Riza Fakhrumi Tahir, “Potensi Etno-Religiopolitik Pilkada 2013,” Waspada, 23 April 2013.
126
Figure 4. 1 The Result of 2008 Gubernatorial Election (based on regions)
Source: KPUD Sumatra Utara 2008
If one considers the configuration of ethnicities in the region, the Javanese constitute
the largest ethnic group, followed by Toba-Batak and Mandailing-Batak/Angkola. However,
the result of the 2008 gubernatorial election showed different patterns of voting behavior
among the three largest ethnic groups. The Toba-Batak gave their support to their own
political representatives (Toba’s candidates) as shown in the popular support for the pair of
Tri Tamtomo (Javanese) and Benny Pasaribu (Toba) and the pair of R.E. Siahaan (Toba) and
Suherdi (Javanese). Less consistent was the electoral support of the Mandailing Batak. On the
one hand, Abdul Wahab Dalimunthe (Mandailing) and R.M. Syafii (Javanese) obtained
significant support from this ethnic group if one considers Wahab as the representative of the
Mandailing Batak. Nevertheless, this ethnic group had also supported “outsiders” Ali Umri
(Malay) and Maratua Simanjuntak (Toba), who gained significant support in the Mandailing
regions. But the weakest correlation existed between the Javanese and their candidates. The
127
fact that Tri Tamtomo enjoyed significant success in the regions highly populated by Toba
could refer to the appeal of his running mate, Benny Pasaribu (Toba). Also the running mates
of RE Siahaan, Suherdi, and of Abdul Wahab Dalimunthe, RM Syafii, seemed to have
received only weak support from the Javanese living in North Sumatra, as their poor electoral
performance in regencies with strong Javanese population share seem to suggest.
Moreover, the weak affinity of the Javanese towards their own leaders is further
evidenced in the election of the region’s representatives for the National Senate (Dewan
Perwakilan Daerah, DPD). In the so far two terms of its existence (2004-2009 and 2009-
2014), Toba-Batak and Mandailing-Batak dominated the region’s members in the DPD, while
no Javanese leaders were elected.
According to one influential anthropologist, Usman Pelly of the State University of
Medan, the different patterns of ethnic support were driven by two important socio-
anthropological factors, particularly among the Toba-Batak and the Javanese. The first factor
is related to the difference in their communal structures. The Toba-Bataks are identified as
having great social cohesion, while the Javanese have a looser social structure. The second
factor is associated with the different mentalities of the Toba-Batak and the Javanese. The
Toba-Bataks have always been dominant and desired to be number one, while the Javanese
have been stereotyped by other ethnicities as having the character of a “silent-safety-
majority.” With this term Usman Pelly seeks to express that the Javanese are an ethnic group
which prefers to be silent, attributes great importance to safety and always seeks to constitute
the majority. This is related to the historical legacies of bitterness and trauma stemming from
the Javanese migration to the region, in the view of anthropologist Usman Pelly an important
factor for the Javanese feeling of “inferiority.”139
While historical legacies may explain the marginalized social position of the Javanese
in North Sumatra, so does history account for a markedly greater social cohesion of the Toba
Batak. Crucial is here the social revolution of 1946 and the subsequent Malay attempt to
create the State of North Sumatra (Negara Sumatra Timur) which resulted in fierce ethnic
violence. Van Langenberg (1982, 25) described this as follows:
“… considering the Javanese as uneducated, politically naive and hence, easily
“managed” by whoever controlled the political system as a whole, they (i.e. the
Malays in support of the NST, P.A.) saw little need for anything more than token
gestures. The Toba Batak were a much more immediate threat to the communal
interests which the NST sought to protect. Socially aggressive, relatively well-
educated, and communally cohesive via the mutually reinforcing institutions of clan
and church, the Toba Batak had begun moving in increasing numbers into East
139
Usman Pelly, “Mengapa Harus Jawa dan Batak Toba?,” Waspada, 27 March 2008.
128
Sumatra since the Japanese occupation."
“… consequently, so far as the NST elite were concerned, the Toba had to be denied
access to any real political power within the NST, but at the same time sufficiently
accommodated to minimize their alienation …”
Moreover, the cynical stereotype that has labeled the Javanese as low-class plantation contract
workers (Jawa Kontrak/Jakon or Jawa Deli/Jadel) adds to the lack of confidence on the part
of the Javanese in their social life.140
Historian Ichwan Azhari concurred with Pelly’s and
Langenberg’s argumentation, describing the Toba-Batak as follows:
“… the Tobas have a strong kinship system. The modern political systems can be
elastic, but this kinship system is far stronger. This kinship solidarity is stronger than
the political parties’ bond. As an example, we can find that someone from this group
could change their membership from one party to another, or could directly become
the member of one political party by using the kinship system to join this party. So, the
change of political regime from the New Order to the Reform era occurred, but the
kinship system still survived ...”
“… so they were not being adapted to the political system, but the political change can
be adapted into their social system. None of the ethnic groups in Indonesia is as great
as the Toba [in terms of adaptation and domination, P.A.].”141
Another related element is the strong kinship system among the Toba Batak that shapes their
political behavior and influences the aspiration to form their own province under the name of
Protap (Provinsi Tapanuli/the Province of Tapanuli). The decentralization policy in Indonesia
during democratization intersected with the growing desire for the creation of new local
governments, both at the provincial and regency levels. By the end of 2010, seven new
provinces, 164 new regencies, and thirty-four new cities had been established (Prasojo 2011).
The idea of forming the Protap and therefore being separated from the Province of North
Sumatra, however, failed after a tumultuous demonstration by its supporters which led to the
death of Azis Angkat, the chairman of the provincial parliament of North Sumatra.142
This
incident caused the central government to re-evaluate the policy of creating new local
governments (pemekaran).
Nevertheless, ethnic- and religious-based politics alone did not shape electoral
preferences. This can be seen in the strong support for Syamsul Arifin and Abdul Wahab
Dalimunthe. The former was an experienced politician and the latter was a bureaucrat who
had strong networks both in social organizations and with political players. In both cases,
patronage and personal networks of the elites influenced their success at the polls. Another
140
“Ramai-ramai Memanipulasi Etnisitas,“ Kompas, 7 April 2008. 141
Interview with Ichwan Azhari, Medan, 4 May 2011. 142
“Massa Pendukung Provinsi Tapanuli Duduki DPRD Sumut,“ Kompas, 3 February 2009; “Usai Didemo,
Ketua DPRD Sumut Meninggal,” Kompas, 3 February 2009.
129
case was the success of Ali Umri-Maratua Simanjuntak in the southern part of the region,
which was dominated by Mandailing-Batak, an ethnic group with which none of the
candidates was affiliated. In this case, it appeared that the personal network of Amrun Daulay
(the Regent of Mandailing Natal and an influential member of the Golkar Party) had played
an important role in attracting popular support.143
Another event strongly characterized by ethnic and religious tension was the Medan
mayoral election of 2010. Tension was here related to the running of one Chinese-Buddhist
candidate, Sofyan Tan. Although the Chinese were the third largest ethnic group in the city
with 11.2 percent, after the Javanese (31.9 percent) and the Toba-Batak (14.7 percent), in the
political arena Chinese presence was marginal. Partly this must be attributed to the traumatic
experiences of the Chinese in the past. The communist coup in 1965 as well as the anti-
Chinese riots following the process of democratization could be seen as two reasons for their
low profile in the political arena. Therefore, in order to distance themselves from “political
turbulence” they preferred to distance themselves from political life. Although the Chinese
were alienated from the political arena, they dominated the economy. Moreover,
democratization provided an opportunity for them to enter the political system by running for
legislative and executive positions. Under these circumstances, Sofyan Tan, who was
previously known as a social activist, tried to compete in the mayoral election.
According to Aspinall, Detmann and Warburton, this mayoral election was
characterized by two stages with different patterns: In the first round of the elections, coalition
building and bargaining with regard to the ethnic background of the candidates dominated the
competition (Aspinall et al. 2011, 29). The second round was characterized by a high degree
of ethnic and religious contestation. In the first round, ten pairs of candidates were trying to
present a cross-ethnic background in order to attract popular support, while in the second
round the candidates competed by exploiting the issues of ethnicity and religion (Aspinall et
al. 2011). The second round saw competition between the pair of Rahudman Harahap and
Dzulmi Eldin and that of Sofyan Tan and Nelly Armayanti. Rahudman Harahap and Dzulmi
Eldin were both career bureaucrats and Muslims. The former was a Mandailing Batak, while
the latter a Malay. Sofyan Tan was an ethnic Chinese and Buddhist. Sofyan’s running mate,
Nelly Armayanti, was a university lecturer, a former commissioner of the local election
commission, and a woman of Minang ancestry. The major issue during the second round of
the election was Sofyan's Chinese background.
Although he faced corruption charges during his time in South Tapanuli (Tapanuli
143
Riza Fakhrumi Tahir, “Potensi Etno-Religiopolitik Pilkada 2013,” Waspada, 23 April 2013.
130
Selatan), Rahudman was backed by major political parties and influential political elites,
including the Governor, Syamsul Arifin. In contrast, Sofyan was backed by his party (PDI-P)
and was free from any allegation of corruption, since his career centered on social activism.
During the competition, therefore, he proposed a program to combat corruption.144
When the
voting day approached, both candidates intensively utilized religious symbols in order to gain
support and discredit their contenders.145
Religious activities in mosques around the city were
used as an effective instrument to attack the non-Muslim candidate, Sofyan Tan.146
Sofyan
also activated his Muslim supporters and Islamic religious teachers (ustadz) to counter the
campaign of his opponent. However, this counter-attack was ineffective as it was ineffective
to use Islamic scriptures to discredit his rivals. A supporter of Sofyan Tan acknowledged this
problem and told one local observer, Ahmad Taufan Damanik, the following:
“Which verses in the Qur’an should I use to convince the masses? We could use no
verses in the Qur’an. On the other hand, their religious teachers (who support
Rahudman) have used the effective verses, those who tell voters that Moslems have to
choose Muslims (leaders). How could we counter it, brother …?”147
The result of the election itself, as explained above, underscored a significant
difference in popular support for these two pairs of contestants. Rahudman-Dzulmi obtained a
comfortable majority and won the competition with 65.88 percent of the vote, while their
competitors received only 34.12 percent.
Public sentiment regarding Sofyan Tan’s Chineseness seemed to be the predominant
factor facilitating Rahudman’s victory. However, the issue was not wholly limited to Sofyan’s
ethnic identity as Chinese or Buddhist, which eventually induced Muslim voters to vote for
Rahudman. Public sentiment centered on the current dominant position of ethnic Chinese in
the economy. What if they conquered a superior position in the political domain? Besides, the
anti-Chinese riots during the process of democratization in 1998 that had resulted in most
Chinese leaving Medan and fleeing to neighboring countries had particularly become part of
the collective memory. This memory created sympathy for the Chinese, but also antipathy
since the Chinese exodus was interpreted as capital flight and, hence, an unpatriotic and
opportunistic attitude.148
This collective memory also provided people with a legitimation for
attacks on Sofyan Tan, even though his track record was clean and his programs were more
substantive compared to other candidates. One can thus argue that the track record, vision,
144
“Sofyan Tan Siap Digantung Jika Korupsi,” Waspada, 8 May 2010. 145
“Calon Walikota Medan Mainkan Isu SARA,” Waspada, 14 June 2010. 146
Interview with Ahmad Taufan Damanik, Medan, 30 April 2011. 147
Interview with Ahmad Taufan Damanik, Medan, 30 April 2011. 148
“WNI Turunan Eksodus ke Luar Negeri dan Hotel,” Waspada, 7 May 1998.
131
and programs of candidates can be overarched by the power of collective memory and
perception regarding ethnic identity.
Nevertheless, ethnic and religious politics could not exclusively explain the success of
Rahudman, although these factors surely contributed to his victory. These primordial
sentiments were closely related to transactional politics. Societal organizations, in particular
religious and ethnic-based organizations, served as intermediaries between elites and the
masses and could thus not become an independent or autonomous representation of civil
society. Local elites employed them as vehicles for mobilization when they needed symbolic
legitimation. On the other hand, the widespread concern over identity was useful for local
elites because of their desire to identify themselves as a part of their groups. Identity became a
requisite and a part of social legitimacy in order to gain popular support. What is more,
identities could also be manipulated by local elites who had not performed well in office or
who had violated the law and been charged with corruption, by arguing “he is our man.”149
3. Patronage and Personal Networks
The relationship between elites and their political clients in democratization was
theoretically elaborated by James Scott. Following modernization and the change in electoral
politics, patronage in the contemporary era, as compared to the traditional patron-client ties, is
characterized by less durable bonds, a lower ratio of affective to instrumental ties, and to
being more office-based (Scott 1972, 106). Evidence of the above-mentioned modern
character of patron-client relations could be observed in the relationship between Syamsul
Arifin and his confidants and clients. When Syamsul was the Regent of Langkat, he had two
close subordinates: M. Idaham, the head of the district-level office (Kepala Dinas) and Danny
Setiawan, his personal assistant in the regent’s office. With the success of Syamsul Arifin in
the gubernatorial election, these two close clients obtained new strategic posts. Idaham served
in the position of head of the district level (Kepala Dinas Pertamanan) in the capital, Medan,
while Danny earned a position as one of the Special Staff of the Governor (Staf Khusus
Gubernur). In 2010, these two subordinates of Syamsul competed in the mayoral election of
Binjai. They ran with the support of Syamsul Arifin, particularly financial backing and
provision of political party support. The competition itself resulted in the victory of Idaham as
Mayor and the disappointment of Danny. Danny’s defeat, according to a personal
conversation with him, was predominantly caused by Syamsul Arifin’s half-hearted support
of him. Danny also thought that Syamsul ultimately gave his support to Idaham. Just months
149
Interview with Usman Pelly, Medan, 25 April 2011.
132
after Idaham’s victory in 2010, Syamsul Arifin was arrested on charges of corruption.
The corruption of Syamsul Arifin was closely related to elite competition, including
that of his running mate, Gatot Pujo Nugroho. Syamsul and his supporters believed that Gatot
and his party, PKS, were behind the plot to send Syamsul to jail, although Gatot and his
supporters denied this claim.150
Idaham, for his part, after Syamsul Arifin went to prison, tried
to restore his relationship with Gatot151
who after Syamsul was imprisoned, became Acting
Governor. At that time Idaham served as mayor of Binjai. Idaham’s move could be easily be
seen as a shift of political loyalty and an effort to align himself with the most powerful
politician in order to secure his own position. This case illustrated why patronage networks
can be characterized as fluid, instrumental, coercive, and non-durable. On the other hand, the
rise and fall of political patrons correspondingly influenced the ensuing patronage pyramids.
Persistent alignments and re-alignments also characterized the political careers of Ali
Umri, Syamsul Arifin and Abdillah. As the candidate of the Golkar Party in the gubernatorial
election of 2008, Umri formally received support by the majority of Golkar politicians and
was also backed by the DPP’ national board due to his position as the party‘s Regional
Chairman. Nevertheless, after his electoral defeat by Syamsul Arifin, Umri also had to give up
his position as Regional Chairman of the party, which then went to Syamsul. Interestingly,
Syamsul was fired from the party because he ran for the governorship as a nominee of other
political parties. Most politicians, who previously supported Umri, shifted their loyalty to
Syamsul.
A similar situation occurred when Syamsul Arifin was imprisoned. Some of his clients
shifted their support to the new Acting Regional Chairman, Andi Ahmad Dara. Other clients
and followers continued supporting Syamsul. This situation led to high tension, internal
conflict, and factionalism in the party. As a result, the DPD (regional board), with the backing
of the DPP (central board), fired some of Syamsul’s followers due to their demand for an
extraordinary party congress (Musdalub, Musyawarah Daerah Luar Biasa) to replace Andi
Ahmad Dara as the local party leader.152
A similar trajectory of events can be observed in the case of Abdillah. When Abdillah
held the position of mayor of Medan, his clients admired him, but after he was charged with
corruption some of his followers shifted their loyalty to Abdul Wahab Dalimunthe or Syamsul
150
Interview with Syamsul Arifin, Jakarta, 12 May 2011; interview with Hardi Mulyono, Medan, 3 May 2011;
interview with Gatot Pujo Nugroho, Medan, 2 May 2011; interview with Ahmad Taufan Damanik, Medan, 24
April 2011. 151
Interview with Ahmad Taufan Damanik, Medan, 24 April 2011. 152
“Panas Menjelang Pilgubsu 2013: Golkar Sumut Terbelah Tiga,” Sumut Pos, 3 April 2012; “Kelompok 55
Desak Musdalub,” Sumut Pos, 4 April 2012,
133
Arifin.153
The reasons for this shift must be attributed to material benefits and concern for
securing their political positions. This highlighted the opportunistic attitude of his clients
toward their political patron.154
These scenarios encourage one to rethink the conventional
wisdom in patronage analyses, which often highlight the superior position of political patrons
towards their clients. Democratization provides a political opportunity for clients to improve
their bargaining position in relation to their patrons by applying temporary or short-term
loyalty with fluid, opportunistic, volatile and fluctuating political bonds.
Moreover, short-term patronage ties also shaped the relationship between Syamsul
Arifin and Rahudman Harahap. Syamsul was known as a politician who had an established
and strong personal network with politicians, leaders of social organizations, and local
journalists, which thrived on material inducements and affective engagements. Idaham and
Danny, for instance, had been closely and personally related to Syamsul for a long time.
However, Syamsul’s relationship with Rahudman was different. Since they were
developing political and bureaucratic careers in different regencies, Syamsul and Rahudman
had never had direct contact or a personal relationship. Before Rahudman moved to Medan
for a new bureaucratic position, he was part of the inner-elite nucleus in Medan and North
Sumatra. As governor, Syamsul promoted Rahudman to Acting Mayor of Medan, which
invited speculation among observers regarding Syamsul’s motives. According to one local
observer, Ahmad Taufan Damanik, material and transactional motives played a major role. By
appointing a newcomer, Syamsul could more freely gain material benefits from Rahudman
because they were not personally close. If he had asked for such material benefits directly
from his close associates, he would have needed to be more restrained.155
This argument is
quite persuasive in light of Syamsul’s choice of another new political player, Gatot Pujo
Nugroho, who became his running mate in the 2008 gubernatorial election. By promoting
newcomers, it appeared to Syamsul that he could more easily control them without
jeopardizing his position as primus inter pares in regional politics. In contrast to this
argument, one local politician who had a close relationship with Syamsul Arifin, Fadly Nurzal
of the PPP, stated that the appointment of Rahudman reflected a blunder on the part of
Syamsul and showed Rahudman’s shrewdness. That is to say that Syamsul was being cheated
by Rahudman.156
However, both arguments were challenged by another local observer, Muryanto Amin,
153
Interview with Ahmad Taufan Damanik, Medan, 30 April 2011. 154
Interview with Ahmad Taufan Damanik, Medan, 30 April 2011. 155
Interview with Ahmad Taufan Damanik, Medan, 24 April 2011 and 30 April 2011. 156
Interview with Fadly Nurzal, Medan, 28 April 2011.
134
who proposed that both actors - Syamsul and Rahudman - were mutually exploiting each
other and both had taken political advantage of the other.157
While Syamsul obtained material
benefits and loyalty from Rahudman, Rahudman gained political support from Syamsul. This
argument is plausible due the fact that both leaders were long-experienced political players in
different regions. Their relationship was instrumental and characterized by short-term strategy
and a lack of affection.
The changing characteristics of patronage cannot be treated as an isolated
phenomenon. However, to generalize regarding the pattern of patronage is rather difficult due
to the existence of contradictory evidence. Despite the volatile and opportunistic nature of
these relationships, patronage networks may also be marked by political ethics and affective
imperatives among political actors. This can be observed in the attitude of clients who did not
offensively attack their former patron, but simply shifted their loyalty to a new patron.
Empirical evidence of affective ties existed between Abdillah and al-Washliyah (one of the
biggest Islamic organizations in North Sumatra) and also between Syamsul Arifin and several
local politicians and journalists. Although Abdillah was left powerless after he faced
corruption charges, Al-Washliyah has never showed an intention of attacking him.158
A
similar situation occurred in the relationship between Syamsul Arifin and several local
politicians who still supported him. For them, Syamsul’s corruption had not eradicated his
appeal as a popular leader, a man perceived as having a close relationship with the people.159
In another example, several local journalists had established personal relationships with
Syamsul over a long time and accordingly identified themselves as his supporters. Syamsul’s
ability to build an inclusive relationship strengthened their affective bonds. This ability to
create affective bonds could not instantly be imitated or copied by his successor, Gatot Pujo
Nugroho, who practiced a different leadership style and was seen also as a newcomer and an
“outsider” in the local political arena. Ahmad Taufan Damanik, who was close to Nugroho,
explained:
“In the past, when Syamsul was nothing, he was our friend. When some local
journalists met Gatot, they simply talked: ‘Sorry Mr. Gatot, we are supporting Mr.
Syamsul because he is our friend …’ So, this means that they have a loyalty, although
they were also rational and could replace their loyalty. However, to a certain limit,
they would keep their loyalties and they do not want to attack Syamsul …”160
This statement clearly shows that the duration and quality of relationships influence patronage
157
Interview with Muryanto Amin, Jakarta, 1 March 2011. 158
Interview with Ahmad Taufan Damanik, Medan, 30 April 2011. 159
Interview with Hasrul Azwar, Medan, 24 April 2011; interview with Fadly Nurzal, Medan, 28 April 2011;
interview with Hardi Mulyono, Medan, 3 May 2011; interview with Usman Pelly, Medan, 25 April 2011. 160
Interview with Ahmad Taufan Damanik, Medan, 30 April 2011.
135
networks. To some extent, patrons are not only seen as the guarantor or protector of clients’
interests, but also as an embedded part of their group’s identity. Patrons are also “friends.”
Another episode from the gubernatorial election of 2008 centers on Truna Jasa Said,
the owner of the oldest and the most influential local newspaper in the region, Waspada.
During the campaign, Truna supported Ali Umri, and this support was perceived to be based
on material benefits.161
However, Truna also had a close personal relationship with Syamsul
Arifin. Because of this, Truna did not attack Syamsul during the campaign. After Syamsul’s
victory, Truna defected to Syamsul without discrediting Ali Umri, and the reasons for this
shift of support were presented in his newspaper.162
We may thus conclude that patronage networks have functioned by combining the
material or transactional bases and affective bonds. Political actors have bound themselves to
this network not only for material reasons, but also out of respect and ethical concerns. These
findings suggest that patronage in democratic regimes adopts a more problematic and
complex nature.
Conventional wisdom among scholars regards patronage, personal networks and
informal institutions as impairing democratic consolidation (O’Donnell 1996; Fox 1994).
According to these beliefs, patronage and informal institutions strongly erode formal
democratic institutions. However, less attention has been paid to the social construction of
patronage itself. The phenomenon of patronage in North Sumatra cannot be considered
without a discussion on the concept of populism (a more in-depth discussion can be found in
the subsequent section on ideational contestation). An anthropologist, Usman Pelly, best
captured this aspect on the relation of patronage and populist leadership of Syamsul Arifin
and Abdillah as follows:
“… So, we have to make a difference between Robin Hood and the mafia. Syamsul is
a Robin Hood who robs money and shares it. Most of those who received that money
were religious leaders. And they just simply thought that the money was useful for the
good of everyone, to build mosques, and other things. So, they thought it was not
important to talk about from where that money came. The most important thing was
that we need that money for people who are sick and poor. They need help. Syamsul
was also aware that the money came from corruption. Therefore, for the religious
leaders, that money was not forbidden (haram) and not un-forbidden (halal), that was
money in the middle. So, it was unclear (makruh) money and could be justified to be
used and just take it. Therefore, Syamsul offered this unclear money. So, he was
known as a Robin Hood although he was not our man, but his disappearance made us
miss him. This is like solidarity. There was no mosque without attention, no religious
leader who died because of hunger, same for the poor. So, these kindnesses have
161
Interview with Ahmad Taufan Damanik, Medan, 30 April 2011. 162
Interview with Ahmad Taufan Damanik, Medan, 30 April 2011.
136
dominated the religious consciousness …”163
“… Abdillah, in the perception of religious leaders, was a Godfather. There were no
activities in the mosques without his donation, no difficulties without solution, and
also the attention to the poor and the religious leaders. In this context, he was seen not
as the mafia, but as a Robin Hood …”164
Usman Pelly’s account of the religious leaders’ perception of Syamsul Arifin and Abdillah
shows the deeply rooted societal consciousness regarding patronage. Relevant to this context,
public perception of local elites was highly dependent on whether and how far they provided a
rapid solution for the basic needs of the people through their patronage network. This means
that patronage has emerged and survived because the patrons have offered a shortcut that is
perceived as legitimate, could be normatively accepted, and is not sophisticated.165
Moreover,
patronage more likely flourished due to the weak capacity of the state to provide the basic
needs and care for the social welfare of the people. Yet, democracy is seen simply as
complicated and failing to accommodate the urgent and real needs of the people. In short,
patronage could be treated as one solution to provide for the basic needs of the people. Usman
Pelly continues his description as follows:
“… He [Syamsul Arifin, P.A.] was always been seen as a solution to the problems
which could not be solved by the central government, and the central government was
regarded as paying no attention to the people in the region …”166
Furthermore, religious leaders and informal leaders as well as ordinary people by their
prayers showed their sympathy and attention for Syamsul Arifin and Abdillah when they were
charged with corruption.167
The affective relationship was manifested the moment Abdillah
was freed from prison in Jakarta. His arrival at the Polonia Airport in Medan was greeted by
an enthusiastic and emotional response from the gathered crowd.168
Some of the people even
cried. It is entirely clear that populist leadership coupled with a strong personal network has
become one important indicator for the success of local elites in the region. This populism,
combining the characteristics of personal generosity, the lack of state distributive capacity,
and the corruptive local elites, resembling the story of Robin Hood, emerged in the era of
democratization. Despite the fact that clientelism is generally viewed as endangering the
163
Interview with Usman Pelly, Medan, 25 April 2011. 164
Interview with Usman Pelly, Medan, 25 April 2011. 165
Interview with Usman Pelly, Medan, 25 April 2011. 166
Interview with Usman Pelly, Medan, 25 April 2011. 167
“Jamaah Haji Doakan Syamsul,” available at: www.waspada.co.id, 24 October 2010 (accessed 12 December
2011); “Langkat Doakan Syamsul Arifin,” available at: www.waspada.co.id, 1 November 2010 (accessed 12
December 2011); “Tukang Becak Doakan Syamsul,” available at: www.waspada.co.id, 24 October 2010
(accessed 12 December 2011). 168
“Abdillah Masih Dicintai,” Waspada, 3 June 2010.
137
future of democracy, its structure still works at least unconsciously in the minds of elites and
the masses.
One can thus state that patronage is a product of the inadequate distributive capacity of
the state. The patrons did not behave as the representatives of the state, but rather as leaders
relying on their personal charisma. Therefore, the services of patrons providing material
incentives and protection elicit a response in the form of client loyalty. Additionally, since
patronage networks were not established in the short term and require a reciprocal and
continuous relationship, the notion of material interest as the one and only independent
baseline of these social ties seems to be an oversimplification. These networks are intertwined
with both instrumental and affective motives. On the one hand, this becomes evident when
local elites provide material benefits for clients; on the other, clients express their sympathy to
their patron when they face legal issues.
4. The Hobbesian Nature of Inter-Elite Competition
As previously described, competition among local political elites became more evident
following the process of democratization. Mietzner concludes that “the local elections
empowered Indonesian voters to have a significant say in the outcome of inter-elite
competition for political and economic power” (Mietzner 2010, 189). In the New Order era,
political recruitment for formal political offices was largely restricted to military officers and
local bureaucrats. In the post-New Order era, the candidates who competed in the direct local
elections came from various backgrounds ranging from local bureaucrats, military officers,
businesspersons, politicians, professionals, academicians, and NGO activists. However, this
enhanced political opportunity did not translate into an equal chance of winning the contest.
The reason behind this is that direct local elections demand superior financial resources,
popularity of the candidate, an established social network, and a trustworthy track record of
the candidate. As a result, most local chief executives came from the established groups of
local elites.
Inter-elite competition had a character of open competition that often led to a zero-sum
game situation. The corruption of local elites that emerged during the process of
democratizing the local political arena is one crucial instrument in the competition. In
Syamsul Arifin’s corruption case, two relevant issues of inter-elite competition could be
identified. The first issue is connected to the conflict between Syamsul and his vice governor,
Gatot Pujo Nugroho, which also involved their supporters, in particular the Golkar Party and
PKS. The second issue is related to the conflict between Syamsul and Rahmat Shah, a
138
businessperson from the Shah family and a member of the National Senate (Dewan
Perwakilan Daerah/DPD) from North Sumatra.
The charge of corruption against Syamsul began with the findings of the Financial
Inspection Board (Badan Pemeriksa Keuangan/BPK) regarding the misuse of the local budget
of the Regency of Langkat where Syamsul held the position of Regent for two terms from
1999 to 2007. The embezzled money amounted to about 98.7 billion rupiahs, and according to
the prosecutor, Syamsul used the money for personal and family purposes as well as sharing it
with local politicians, leaders of social organizations, local journalists, and other people in his
political network.169
After the investigation of the BPK, his case was later transferred to the
Corruption Eradication Commission (Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi/KPK) and this
commission investigated Syamsul in October 2010, convicting him of corruption related to
the local budget of Langkat.170
As a result of the trial, the KPK decided to send him to jail on
22 October 2010.171
Responses from local politicians, leaders of social organizations, and
common people emerged regarding Syamsul’s detention. Most of them expressed their
sympathies to Syamsul, and some local politicians and local leaders came to Jakarta to visit
him in prison.172
Beyond the fact that Syamsul was convicted and sentenced by the court,173
there were
rumors and speculation among political actors in the region about the desire of Syamsul’s
political enemies to outmaneuver him and take advantage of his corruption case. Gatot Pujo
Nugroho, the vice governor, his party leaders of PKS, and Rahmat Shah stood to benefit from
Syamsul’s demise. Beyond these two parties, several local elite personalities promoted the
169
“Syamsul Arifin Didakwa Korupsi Rp. 98.7 M,” available at: www.suarapembaruan.com, 14 March 2011,
(accessed 12 December 2011)). 170
“KPK Periksa Tersangka Syamsul Arifin 11 October,“ available at: www.news.detik.com, 7 October 2010,
(accessed 12 December 2011). 171
“Syamsul Arifin Akhirnya Ditahan,” available at: www.kompas.com, 22 October 2010, (accessed 12
December 2011)). 172
“Sejumlah Tokoh Terkejut Syamsul Arifin Ditahan,” available at: www.antaranews.com, 22 October 2010,
(accessed 12 December 2012); “Penanahan Syamsul Arifin Tuai Keprihatinan,” available at:
www,waspada.co.id, 24 October 2010, (accessed 12 December 2011); “DPRD Sumut dan MUI Prihatin,”
www.seputar-indonesia.com, 24 October 2010, (accessed 12 December 2011); “I miss governor Syamsul’s
figure, Gatot says,” www.waspada.co.id, 28 October 2010 (accessed 12 December 2011); “Langkat Doakan
Syamsul,”www.waspada.co.id, 1 November 2010 (accessed 12 December 2011); “Jamaah Haji Doakan
Syamsul,” www.waspada.co.id, 24 October 2010 (accessed 12 December 2011); “Langkat Doakan Syamsul
Arifin,” www.waspada.co.id, 1 November 2010 (accessed 12 December 2011); “Tukang Becak Doakan
Syamsul,” www.waspada.co.id, 24 October 2010 (accessed 12 December 2011). 173
Syamsul was sentenced for two-and-a-half years in the corruption court (Pengadilan Tindak Pidana Korupsi)
on 15 August 2011. After his appeal to the court, the court’s sentence was extended to 4 years. Finally, in the
Supreme Court (Mahkamah Agung), his case was rejected, and the Court issued an even longer sentence of 6
years. For all this information, see, “Syamsul Arifin Divonis 2 Tahun 6 Bulan,” www.kompas.com, 16 August
2011 (accessed 13 December 2011); “Hukuman Syamsul Arifin Jadi 4 Tahun,” www.kompas.com, 13 December
2011 (accessed 13 December 2011); “MA Perberat Hukuman untuk Syamsul Arifin,” www.kompas.com, 5 May
2012 (accessed 2 April 2013); “Divonis Korupsi, Gubernur Sumut Diberhentikan,” www.kompas.com, 1
November 2012 (accessed 13 December 2012).
139
charge of corruption against Syamsul such as Abdul Wahab Dalimunthe who was defeated by
Syamsul in the gubernatorial election of 2008. Nevertheless, the behavior of Gatot and
Rahmat is quite illustrative for the discussion of local elite competition.
Under the slogan of Syampurno (an abbreviation of their two names), the pair of
candidates Syamsul Arifin and Gatot Pujo Nugroho ran for gubernatorial election in 2008.
However, the tension between them and their supporters began already during the candidacy.
Responding to the rejection of the Golkar Party, Syamsul tried to build a new coalition of
political parties to nominate him in the election. Major support came from Islamic parties, in
particular PPP, the Crescent Moon and Star Party/ Partai Bulan Bintang (PBB), PAN and
PBR, but another nationalist party (the Patriot Party) also initially supported Syamsul’s
candidacy. Nevertheless, PAN and PBR eventually moved their support to Abdul Wahab
Dalimunthe. The problem came when the coalition discussed the candidates for vice
governor. PKS itself was the party that seriously built the coalition among the Islamic
political parties, and therefore had to decide whether to support Syamsul Arifin or Abdul
Wahab Dalimunthe. After negotiation, PKS joined the coalition of Islamic parties and
proposed Gatot Pujo Nugroho as a candidate for vice governor. At that time, Gatot held a
strategic position in PKS as the Regional Chairman of the party. The nomination of Gatot
itself was seen as a success of PKS in the negotiation, because other parties such as PPP and
PBB, which had joined the coalition earlier, failed to promote their candidates. It is widely
believed that Syamsul spent a large amount of money to buy the ticket from the coalition and
Gatot’s proposal to be his running mate seemed to be an optimal political bargain for PKS.
This initial phase of the candidate recruitment triggered a side effect. While Gatot and
PKS had profited from the deals described above, the other members of the coalition became
envious. With the inclusion of one of their members in the election ticket and material
inducements, in the view of some political parties (particularly PPP-affiliated local elites)
PKS gained too much, whereas other parties only obtained minor pay-offs for supporting the
Syamsul-Gatot ticket. For Syamsul, the benefits given to Gatot and PKS were meant as the
ultimate compensation. With this, Syamsul hoped that PKS would support the government
under his rule and that they would not get involved in politicking and interfere in the
distribution of governmental largesse that he would allocate to his clients.174
Syamsul’s choice of Gatot as his running mate might also be related to the fact that
Gatot was a political novice. Gatot’s lack of political experience could benefit Syamsul as it
174
Interview with Syamsul Arifin, Jakarta, 12 May 2011; interview with Ahmad Taufan Damanik, Medan, 24
April 2011.
140
would impair risky political maneuvers by his running mate once they were in power.175
It
seemed that Syamsul sought to control all strategic decisions in the province and hoped that
Gatot would follow his instructions. But also for Gatot and the PKS the decision to choose
Syamsul as a partner was a cunning move which was seemingly related to Syamsul’s
readiness to provide a dowry (mahar) as reward for their support. Syamsul was perceived as a
popular figure with strong political networks, which would increase the prospects for victory.
In short, the relationship between Syamsul, on the one hand, and Gatot-PKS, on the other,
was strongly motivated by pragmatic reasons, rather than personal or ideological ties.
Nevertheless, after the Syamsul-Gatot ticket was eventually elected and started to
govern, Syamsul’s original high expectations of Gatot did not materialize. Gatot and the PKS
behaved disloyally towards him and wanted a greater part in managing governmental affairs.
This feeling increased when Syamsul was charged with corruption. In his view, and that of his
supporters, Gatot and PKS politically maneuvered to increase the difficulties for Syamsul.
More than that, they perceived Gatot and the PKS as playing an active role in discrediting
Syamsul.176
This perception was discussed among political actors and even published in the
local media, even though Gatot and PKS refuted these allegations.177
However, the conflict
between these two political camps could not be resolved easily, even with Syamsul in prison.
Several issues emerged following the transfer of power from Syamsul Arifin to Gatot
Pujo Nugroho. The central issue was the replacement of personnel in the local bureaucracy.
After taking the position of Acting Governor, Gatot replaced some of the heads of provincial
offices (Kepala Dinas/Kepala Satuan Kerja Perangkat Daerah). According to him, they were
not qualified for office.178
Gatot’s decision to replace his bureaucratic subordinates and
initiate bureaucratic reform gave credence to the widely circulating rumor that under his
predecessor bureaucratic offices were for sale.179
Syamsul and his supporters denied these
accusations. Syamsul and his supporters considered Gatot’s own political scheming as a form
of disloyalty and opposition to Syamsul.
However, Syamsul’s rift with Gatot was related also to other issues with financial and
political implications. Control over bureaucratic structures has long been perceived as
strategic in the allocation of local government projects as the heads of provincial offices may
175
Interview with Ahmad Taufan Damanik, Medan, 24 April 2011. 176
Interview with Syamsul Arifin, Jakarta, 12 May 2011; interview with Hardi Mulyono, Medan, 3 May 2011;
see also “Syamsul Dicekal, KPK Asal-Asalan!,” Waspada, 10 May 2010; Riza Fakhrumi Tahir, “Disharmoni
Gubsu-Wagubsu,” Waspada, 3 March 2011. 177
Interview with Gatot Pujo Nugroho, Medan, 3 May 2011, interview with Sigit Pramono Asri, Medan, 3 May
2011, interview with Ahmad Taufan Damanik, Medan, 26 April 2011 and 30 April 2011. 178
Interview with Gatot Pujo Nugroho, Medan, 3 May 2011. 179
Interview with Ahmad Taufan Damanik, Medan, 30 April 2011.
141
create new projects or at least retain their previous programs. This means that the position of
Head of Provincial Offices (Kepala Dinas) under the governor’s authority was an important
post to control. Among political observers it was widely believed that local political elites had
intervened in the bureaucratic projects for the benefit of their political and economic interests.
This became especially evident as money politics and the sale of strategic positions grew.180
In addition, when corruption charges against Syamsul emerged, observers believed that gains
derived from the recruitment of top-level local bureaucrats were on the rise. This assumption
was further confirmed by the fact that Syamsul had to return the money which had been
embezzled - more than 60 billion rupiahs from the total of 98.7 billion rupiahs (approximately
US$8.6 million) allegedly squandered.181
This means that bureaucratic posts had become an
important commodity that could generate additional revenues for political elites. Accordingly,
the projects allocated by these officials would also contribute to the long-term financial gain
of political elites.
The conflict between these two political camps spread to another issue. After
criticizing Gatot’s decision to replace some heads of provincial offices, Syamsul’s supporters
publicly portrayed Gatot as a disloyal person182
who could not show gratitude in response to
the kindness of Syamsul, his political superior, who promoted Gatot’s political career. More
than that, Gatot was branded a traitor,183
who lacked political ethics because he did not come
and visit Syamsul in jail, even just to show his sympathy. These charges circulated in the local
media and seemed to be an effective instrument for politically pressuring Gatot and the PKS.
Gatot and the PKS elites responded by stating that this political attack was related to a hidden
agenda of preserving the economic interests of Syamsul’s group.
Consequently, the conflict following the change in the position of governor dragged
on for quite some time and eventually led to a new political equilibrium. Initially Gatot’s
camp guaranteed Syamsul’s group a part in the allocation of projects in exchange for not
openly attacking Gatot in the public media. Yet since Gatot held the formal position of Acting
Governor, slowly but surely his grip on power strengthened. Contributing to this situation was
the fact that most of the big political parties in the provincial parliament, such as the PDI-P,
the Demokrat Party, or the PPP, tended to be more willing to accept Gatot’s leadership. In the
180
Interview with Ahmad Taufan Damanik, Medan, 30 April 2011. 181
“Gubernur Sumut Syamsul Arifin Pernah Kembalikan Uang Rp. 60 M,“ available at: www.news.detik.com, 20
April 2010, (accessed 2 April 2013); “KPK Dalami Kasus Syamsul Arifin,” available at:
www.suaramerdeka.com, 22 April 2010, (accessed 2 April 2013). 182
Interview with Syamsul Arifin, Jakarta, 12 May 2011; interview with Hardi Mulyono, Medan, 3 May 2011;
Riza Fakhrumi Tahir “Miskalkulasi Syamsul Terhadap Gatot,” Harian Analisa, 14 May 2011. 183
Interview with Syamsul Arifin, Jakarta, 12 May 2011; interview with Hardi Mulyono, Medan, 3 May 2011;
see also Riza Fakhrumi Tahir, “Miskalkulasi Syamsul Terhadap Gatot,” Harian Analisa, 14 May 2011.
142
Golkar Party, of which Syamsul was the leader, his die-hard followers still took a defying
stance toward Gatot. However, the political situation became more difficult for them when the
central party appointed Andi Ahmad Dara as Acting Regional Chairman, replacing Syamsul.
Andi himself was neither a local politician from North Sumatra, nor a person who had a
personal relation with Syamsul. This condition led to an internal conflict between Syamsul’s
followers in the party and Andi Ahmad Dara who was supported by a set of new functionaries
loyal to him. Under the leadership of Hardi Mulyono, Syamsul’s followers responded to this
unfavorable situation by demanding that the central party convene an extraordinary party
congress (Musyawarah Daerah Luar Biasa) to replace the leadership of Andi.184
The conflict
ended with the dismissal of Syamsul’s followers in the party shortly before the nomination for
the candidates in the gubernatorial election of 2013.185
These developments suggest that following his imprisonment Syamsul’s and the
Golkar Party’s power dwindled. This development was further corroborated by the permanent
verdict of the court to punish Syamsul for corruption, which consequently led to the
enactment of the Presidential Decision No.95/P/2012 in October 2012 to formally dismiss
Syamsul Arifin from the position of governor. This decision further accelerated Syamsul’s
political decline.186
It led to the need for the inauguration of Gatot as Governor which was
approved in the plenary session of the provincial parliament on 27 November 2012. All
factions in the provincial parliament agreed to inaugurate Gatot as Governor.187
However, it is worthwhile taking a closer look at the opinions of local legislators.
Some of them still had esteem for Syamsul. Parluhutan Siregar from PAN, for instance,
agreed to support the presidential decision, but expressed his thanks for Syamsul’s
commitment for the province. Similarly to Siregar, one PPP politician, Ahmad Hosen
Hutagalung, also complied, but urged Gatot to keep open communication channels
(silaturahmi) with Syamsul Arifin. Yan Syahrin from the Gerindra Bulan Bintang Reformasi
faction likewise agreed to vote for Gatot as governor.188
Yet he thanked Syamsul for his
leadership and insisted that the provincial parliament should also take note of Syamsul’s legal
fight to prove his innocence in the corruption case. In short, it can be stated that although
184
“Kelompok 55 Desak Musdalub,” Sumut Pos, 4 April 2012, “Golkar Sumut Terbelah Tiga,” Sumut Pos, 3
April 2012. 185
“12 Pengurus Golkar Sumut Dipecat,” 5 May 2012, available at: www.jppn.com, (accessed 2 April 2013);
“Belasan Pengurus Harian Golkar Sumut Diberhentikan,” available at: www.analisadaily.com, 5 May 2012,
(accessed 2 April 2013). 186
“Syamsul Arifin Dicopot dari Jabatan Gubernur Sumut,” available at: www.us.nasional.news.viva.co.id, 1
November 2012 (accessed 2 April 2013). 187
“DPRD Sumut Usulkan Gatot jadi Gubsu,” available at: www.inimedanbung.com, 27 November 2012
(accessed 2 April 2013). 188
Ibid.
143
Syamsul’s political influence lessened due to the loss of his formal position as Governor, he
still commanded respect from local politicians in the region. This fact confirms the paramount
aspect of longstanding and affective relational ties among political actors to which I have
referred already above.
Furthermore, the corruption case of Syamsul cannot be discussed in isolation from his
conflict with Rahmat Shah, a member of the National Senate (DPD) from North Sumatra.
Rahmat was known as a businessperson who came from a wealthy business family. During
the gubernatorial election in 2008, the members of this family supported different candidates.
According to some local politicians and political observers, the oldest member, Anif Shah,
supported many candidates, but particularly showed his support to Syamsul.189
Maherban
Shah, his younger brother and leader of the youth organization Community for Indonesian
National Principles (MPI/Masyarakat Pancasila Indonesia) supported Ali Umri. Anuar Shah
(the leader of the Pancasila Youth/Pemuda Pancasila) and Ajib Shah (a local legislator)
reportedly supported Syamsul, while Rahmat Shah supported Abdul Wahab Dalimunthe.190
Conflict between Syamsul and Rahmat was triggered by a land dispute. North Sumatra
is one of the regions with a high rate of land disputes that are either fought between the state
and its citizens or citizen against citizen. Arguments regarding land ownership between
Rahmat (a private citizen) and Syamsul (the Governor) led to a personal conflict. The conflict
peaked when local media published a story stating that Rahmat came to meet Syamsul in his
office and brandished a gun as a means to threaten Syamsul.191
After this event, both men
attacked each other in the local media. Syamsul claimed that Rahmat threatened him with a
gun, while Rahmat denied the allegations, calling Syamsul a liar.192
Their conflict intensified
when Rahmat became one of Syamsul’s detractors.193
More than that, Rahmat even admitted
that he took an active role in publishing Syamsul’s corruption case and being the one who
sent the report to the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK).194
For Rahmat, Syamsul
was not only a corrupt politician but also a public liar and one who created disunity among
189
Interview with Fadly Nurzal, Medan, 28 April 2011; interview with Muryanto Amin, Jakarta, 1 March 2012. 190
Interview with Rahmat Shah, Medan, 20 February 2012, this information was also confirmed by Syamsul
Arifin in an interview with Syamsul Arifin, Jakarta, 12 May 2011. 191
“Pistol Rahmat Shah untuk Syamsul,” available at: www.waspada.co.id, 22 April 2010 (accessed 2 April
2013). 192
“Syamsul ‘anaktirikan’ Sumut,” available at: www.waspada.co.id, 30 April 2010, (accessed2 April 2013);
“Rahmat Shah: Syamsul Arifin Pemfitnah, Pantas Diadili,” available at: www.medanpunya.com, 24 April 2010,
(accessed 2 April 2013); “Rahmat Shah: Fitnah Syamsul akan Terungkap,” available at: www.waspada.co.id, 29
April 2010, (accessed2 April 2013); “Rahmat Shah: Syamsul Munafik,” available at: www.sumutcyber.com, 24
April 2010, (accessed 2 April 2013); “Rahmat Shah vs Syamsul Arifin,” available at: www.medansatu.com, 23
April 2010, (accessed2 April 2013). 193
“Anggota DPD Sumut Ikut Beberkan Bukti Korupsi Syamsul Arifin,” available at: www.news.detik.com, 24
April 2010, (accessed 2 April 2013). 194
Interview with Rahmat Shah, Medan, 20 February 2012.
144
social leaders.195
The conflict ended, as we have seen, with the decision of the KPK to
examine Syamsul as a suspect charged with corruption and, later, the central board of the
Golkar Party temporarily discharging him as the party’s Regional Chairman in April 2010.
Syamsul believed that his imprisonment was celebrated by Rahmat and his brother, the leader
of MPI, Maherban Shah:
“… when I got arrested, there was one youth organization which held a celebration of
‘cut the buffalo’. Was it the Pancasilaist attitude? Was it in consonance with religious
values? And I read in a newspaper that one senator even paid for the meal for one
week in a tavern because he was happy that I was discharged as the Chairman of the
Golkar Party. What was his business; he was not a member [of the Golkar Party,
P.A.]. And this was connected to the ‘cut the bull’ celebration …”196
The celebration over Syamsul’s prosecution as a suspect of corruption and his discharge from
the leadership of the Golkar Party was published in the local media. The Branch of Langkat of
the Community for Indonesian National Principles (Masyarakat Pancasila Indonesia, MPI),
the region where Syamsul had served as Regent, celebrated Syamsul’s prosecution and
discharge from the Golkar Party by distributing food (sembako) to the poor.197
However,
Rahmat retorted by stating that the celebration never occurred.198
To conclude, Syamsul
Arifin’s corruption case cannot be isolated from the political interests of local elites in the
region. In this corruption case, various political enemies had a single short-term goal: the
removal of Syamsul from his position as Governor.199
IV. Elite and Ideational Contestation
The following section – in line with the theoretical framework outlined in chapter 2 – leaves
the material perspective of analysis highlighted by structural and actor-centered approaches to
the theme of elite adjustment. It argues that elite behaviour also strongly rests on ideas and
norms, which in a dynamic process are negotiated among elites and which, hence, are prone
to change. In how far elite adjustment after the fall of the authoritarian New Order regime is
also the result of ideational change is discussed in this section.
A. Proximity to the People
North Sumatra is home to various local beliefs stemming from its cultural diversity.
Therefore, it is difficult to simply state that one cultural identity is representative of the whole
195
Interview with Rahmat Shah, Medan, 20 February 2012. 196
Interview with Syamsul Arifin, Jakarta, 12 May 2011. 197
“MPI Buat Syukuran Untuk Syamsul,” available at: www.sumutcyber.com, 9 August 2010, (accessed2 April
2013). 198
“Rahmat Shah Membantah,” www.medansatu.com, 23 April 2010, (accessed 2 April 2013). 199
Interview with Syamsul Arifin, Jakarta, 12 May 2011.
145
population. However, people in North Sumatra share, to some extent, a general normative
baseline, particularly with regard to political issues and their elites. Moreover, social norms
and traditional customs are not only naturally present in politics, but have also influenced it.
Inter-generationally inherited local traditions are preserved as standard norms and have
become a part of local social identity. These local norms have entered, influenced and
determined political activities including the daily political activities of political actors, their
political communication, political competition, the working of formal institutions, and the
decision-making process. Moreover, these local traditions and norms have influenced the
public mindset toward elites, including how the public interprets the behavior of political
elites.
Based on the empirical findings, I argue that the region has particularly important local
norms regarding the relationship between elites and the masses. The most important cognitive
element in the region is proximity to the people, which is strongly interconnected with other
local norms: the notion of generous leaders, the centrality of egalitarian social relations,
informality and simplicity in the communication, shared identities for the achievement of
symbolic legitimacy, the image of elites as religious persons, and a non-offensive political
approach.
In direct local elections in the region, proximity to the people and elite social
engagement are identified as being among the most important aspects in gaining popular
support. This means that neither the strength of political machines such as political parties,
mass organizations, or media support, nor the involvement in transactional politics alone, are
considered sufficient for the success of local elites in their competition. The local political
actors usually expressed this condition in simple terms: “... although everything needs money,
money obviously is not everything …”200
Proximity to the people and people-orientation can be seen as a paramount feature of
social relations in most collectivist societies (see above, Chapter 3). In this type of society,
leaders are perceived as “fathers” by members of the community. As the fathers, elites are
considered to be social protectors and economic helpers of the people. This local conception
is considerably different from the Western concept of political elites, who normally work as
public servants and are bound by impersonal and legal-formal regulations. This idea of
proximity to the people has emerged in local elections where local elites have attempted to
build social engagement and personal intimacy with the people in the region. During the
gubernatorial election of 2008, almost all candidates cultivated an image of people-oriented
200
Interview with Hasrul Azwar, Medan, 24 April 2011.
146
leadership through discursive political practices, trying to make the impression that they were
attentive to the poor and would improve their condition. The pairing of Syamsul Arifin and
Gatot Pujo Nugroho promised that their leadership would create conditions where people
were not hungry, sick, or uneducated, and where they have a future.201
Of all the candidates,
Syamsul was the one with the strongest image as a people-oriented leader. During the
campaign he not only delivered political messages through words and promises, but he also
dramatized his populist character by shedding tears to show his sympathy for the poor, eating
food that is usually consumed by the poor, and talking about his past personal story of poverty
when he worked as a street cake seller or a skiff cleaner.202
Similarly to Syamsul, and to a
lesser degree, Ali Umri, developed an image of caring for the poor as shown in their
campaign to help the poor get medical treatment in Penang or to finance pilgrimages to
Mecca.203
Pro-poor leadership is strongly related to the notion of generous and benevolent
leaders which is evident in a characteristic social custom: gifts. In North Sumatran local
tradition and social norms, gifts are perceived as one important aspect that cannot be
separated from the spirit of social benevolence and collectivism. In the context of North
Sumatra, the Malay tradition, for instance, places a high value on this practice as a part of the
religious belief that “the giver” should thank God for his or her prosperity and fortune. As part
of their gratitude to God, they share their prosperity with others. In the tradition of the
Malay’s kampung world, the social account of community members is determined by their
attention to their social surroundings, social attachment and engagement, as well as social
benevolence.204
Under these conditions, as explained by Willner (1966), somebody who holds
a prominent position in the community is socially expected to pay attention to his or her
surroundings by sharing prosperity.
Furthermore, the norm of giving has infiltrated everyday political activities and
consequently this practice is envisioned as befitting the values of North Sumatran societies.
Two of the most influential local elites in North Sumatra, Abdillah (former Mayor of Medan)
and Syamsul Arifin (former Governor) are noted in the region as being generous personalities.
201
“Rakyat Sumut Tak Butuh Pemimpin yang Pura Pura,” Analisa, 5 April 2008; “Ribuan Massa Hadiri
Kampanye Syamsul-Gatot,” Waspada, 5 April 2008. 202
“Syamsul Arifin Pemimpin yang Merakyat, Ingin Bangkit Bersama Rakyat,” Analisa, 9 April 2008; “Syamsul
Arifin Diyakini Bawa Pencerahan Bagi Masyarakat Sumut,” Analisa, 31 March 2008; “Cagubsu Syamsul Arifin
Diarak Ratusan Abang Becak,” Analisa, 24 March 2008; “Pilih Syamsul Arifin Melalui Tahapan Demokratis,”
Waspada, 28 March 2008. 203
“Orang Madina Optimis Umri Pembela Masyarakat Miskin,” Waspada, 5 April 2008; “Sumut Rindu
Pemimpin Muda, Intelektual,” Waspada, 3 April 2008; “Umri Kembali Berangkatkan 40 Warga Sumut Umroh,”
Waspada, 6 April 2008. 204
Interview with Ahmad Taufan Damanik, Medan, 26 April 2011.
147
Their kindness is devoted not only to their supporters, inner circles, bureaucratic officials,
local politicians, the leaders of mass organizations, and mass media, but also to ordinary
people. Additionally, their practice of sharing is not just employed during the time in which
they hold office, but is also anchored in their family tradition. The father of Abdillah, H. Said,
is known as a generous traditional merchant who regularly assisted the dakwah activities of
the Al-Washliyah organization.205
The evidence of local elites’ generosity was also manifested in the direct local
elections. In the North Sumatran gubernatorial election of 2008, for instance, almost all
candidates had a similar program of distributing food (bagi-bagi sembako) or money to the
people in the region.206
However, elections are only one opportunity for the local elites to
portray themselves as generous and attentive to the people in order to get public sympathy.
Therefore, local elites’ generosity prior to the local elections is regarded as important
information for gauging if a candidate possesses a genuinely generous attitude. The tendency
of Syamsul Arifin to give money to the people, for instance, was known long before the
gubernatorial election of 2008.207
While generous local elites obtained public appreciation,
others who are labeled as “stingy” earned antipathy. One who was perceived as stingy,
arrogant, and rude in his communication style received rejection from political actors or from
a wider public audience.208
Thus, the practice of transactional politics in the local elections
cannot be understood without recourse to local norms, social customs, and traditions which
have been evident for a long period in the region.
The idea of giving or sharing material properties to or with ordinary people could
simply be regarded as the practice of transactional politics, which creates a modicum of
egalitarianism. The people of North Sumatra are stereotypically considered to have egalitarian
characters and to be overt in their social relations. This can be linked to their heterogeneous
social backgrounds and the lack of a dominant ethnic group in the region. Moreover, the
stereotype can also be linked to the large numbers of Batak people, who are usually
characterized as being overt, dominant, egalitarian, and even aggressive in their social
relations (van Langenberg 1982, 25).209
This egalitarian credo might correspond to two antecedents. The first condition
205
Interview with Ahmad Taufan Damanik, Medan, 26 April 2011. 206
“Triben Serahkan Bantuan Sembako Bagi Korban Kebakaran di Belawan,” Analisa, 5 April 2008; “Bantuan
1.2 Ton Beras dan Uang Tunai Rp. 2 Juta dari Ali Umri di Tegal Sari Mandala,” Analisa, 1 April 2008;
“Syamsul Arifin Diyakini Bawa Pencerahan bagi Masyarakat Sumut,” Analisa, 31 March 2008. 207
Interview with Fadly Nurzal, Medan, 28 April 2011; “Tokoh Pemuda Dirikan Tim Kota Matsum Bersatu,”
Analisa, 10 March 2008. 208
Interview with Muryanto Amin, Jakarta, 1 March 2012. 209
See also Usman Pelly, “Mengapa Harus Jawa dan Batak Toba?,” Waspada, 27 March 2008.
148
considers the nature of the Batak’s social system. In contrast to the Malay, who had a strong
feudal system through the existence of kingships in their history, the Batak people had,
according to Castles, a nearly stateless system and a somewhat loose social structure of
chieftainships (Castles 1972). The second condition involves the events of national and social
revolution in the region after Independence. These two revolutions resulted in both the
collapse of colonial power and the feudal-traditional structure. The social revolution can be
seen as a critical juncture in which the people in the region radically transformed the previous
feudal system into a modern republican setting. Included in this transformation were the more
equal positions of social classes following the removal of the Malay aristocratic class, the
change of land ownership, and the increased balance of ethnic configurations in social life.
Social revolution also led to a decline in the social status of the Malay and the rise of non-
Malay groups, in particular the Batak.210
Therefore, shared ideas of egalitarianism have
strengthened the important values of people-oriented leadership and social intimacy between
the leaders and their followers.
In most direct local elections in the region, local elites tried to portray themselves as
being close to the people, having informal relationships and being part of grassroots
movements. This was intended to create an image of egalitarianism. This combination of
social engagement, informality and simplicity of communication style can be seen in the
gubernatorial election in 2008. Based on several accounts by local political actors, Ali Umri
stood out as a financially extraordinarily well-positioned candidate and he accepted support
from the long-established Golkar political party, which also obtained wide popular support at
the national and regional level. Nevertheless, Umri was defeated by Syamsul Arifin who had
previously been discharged from his position as Chairman of the Regional Advisory Council
of the Golkar Party in the region. During the election, Syamsul’s popularity could not be
tarnished due to his ability to gain public sympathy. His informal communication style, using
simple and clear language, further supported by his humility and friendliness, were perceived
by some local elites as the keys to his victory.211
In other words, Syamsul succeeded in
developing an emotional bond with the voters by employing what he termed his “natural”
style.212
It was not only his populist leadership style that contributed to the success, but also
his widespread personal networks and social engagement with various community
organizations.213
These networks with variegated groups of local politicians, local
210
Interview with Ichwan Azhari, Medan, 4 May 2011. 211
Interview with Hasrul Azwar, Medan, 24 April 2011; Interview with Fadly Nurzal, Medan, 28 April 2011. 212
Interview with Syamsul Arifin, Jakarta, 12 May 2011. 213
Interview with Hasrul Azwar, Medan, 24 April 2011.
149
bureaucrats, leaders of social organizations, religious and ethnic group leaders, journalists,
and with the ordinary people, were based on long-term relationships. Moreover, he did not
allow any distance in his personal relations. In short, it can be said that Syamsul had the
complete package of political tools ranging from a people-oriented style of leadership to
social engagement and financial capital.
Furthermore, more than any other candidate, Syamsul had an ability to “touch the
heart of the people”214
with his style of communication and informal-personal approach. His
people-oriented style contributed to his success in competing with the more experienced and
senior figures, such as Abdul Wahab Dalimunthe. Although Wahab had much political
experience as well as personal and social networks, he lacked the populist demeanor and
personal and informal style of communication of his opponent. Syamsul, in contrast, rejected
a formal style of communication. He embarked on the political campaign with simple and
understandable speeches including some humorous stories. The sources of his political
communication were not academic literature or formal regulations, but primarily religious and
ancestral messages and traditional proverbs which were anchored in the daily life of the
people.215
With this style of communication, Syamsul was closely connected to the people.
Moreover, in order to stress his emotional bond with the people, and in addition to his
short and simple campaign slogans, Syamsul also emulated the physical appearance and
dress-style of ordinary people. One of the local elites, PPP-member Fadly Nurzal, who had a
close personal relationship with Syamsul, illustrated this in the following manner:
“… Syamsul reached out to the hearts of the people. So, his language is a popular
language and his appearance is a people’s appearance. At home, he usually wears a
sarong and also uses it when he receives visitors. Unlike public officials who usually
wear a batik, he wears a sarong. However, people do not complain because they feel
accepted, and they feel proudly treated by his humility. And after that, people go home
and Syamsul gives them money. Therefore, in the local election, he did not need to
distribute a lot of money, because he had been distributing it for long time (even
before the local election) …”216
Another element of this proximity to the people is the use of shared identities in order
to generate the symbolic legitimacy of local elites, with the objective of achieving popular
support. As was explained in the previous section, the religious and ethnic backgrounds of
candidates are among the most important aspects of mobilization. Local elites not only
connected their various backgrounds with their own original identities, but also tried to
strengthen their affiliations with other ethnic groups. Syamsul Arifin, for instance, who is an
214
Interview with Hasrul Azwar, Medan, 24 April 2011. 215
Interview with Fadly Nurzal, Medan, 28 April 2011. 216
Interview with Fadly Nurzal, Medan, 28 April 2011.
150
ethnic Malay, tried to affiliate himself with the Toba Batak’s Silaban clan.217
Ali Umri
exhibited similar behavior. Ali traced his ethnic affiliation not only to his Malay ancestry, but
also to the Mandailing Batak, Karo Batak and Javanese ethnic groups.218
Another Javanese
candidate, Tri Tamtomo, added to his name the name of one of Toba Batak’s big clans,
namely the Panggabean.219
Another aspect regarding the question of symbolic legitimacy was the elites’ attempt
to present themselves as devout people. The devotion and attachment of local elites to
religious faith seemed to be a symbolic attempt to create the impression of being a good and
trustworthy person. In this setting, if one is perceived as religious, it means that he or she can
hold a social mandate as a good political leader. The evidence of this symbolic legitimacy can
be traced to various manifestations in local elections: the adoption of religious language in the
campaign, direct involvement in religious activities, the use of houses of worship such as
mosques and churches as locations for campaigning, candidates supporting religious
activities, support from religious organizations toward candidates, etc.220
The last attribute of local norms is a non-offensive political approach. In the new
democratic era, the local political arena was characterized by a high degree of elite
competition. This competition often led to violence, the mobilization of the masses, or attacks
on political contenders through the use of direct and offensive language. Following the
breakdown of the New Order, political violence overshadowed the process of transition in the
region. North Sumatra is known as a region with various mass and youth organizations, some
of which were associated with thugs, and these organizations were actively involved in the
local political arena. These organizations survived during the New Order regime (Amin 2007;
Ryter 1998; Hadiz 2003) and continued their political involvement in the transitional phase.
However, this became less important after transition, in particular in the gubernatorial election
of 2008. Some local elite members who were believed to be involved in acts of violence, or at
least in the mobilization of the masses for their political objectives, obtained less public
sympathy in local elections. According to Ahmad Taufan Damanik, the public remembered
this and responded negatively to their involvement in violence, physical encounters, and mass
217
“Pengetua Adat Negeri Limbong Restui Raja Batak H. Syamsul Arifin, SE Jadi Gubsu,” available at:
www.silaban.net, 21 May 2007, (accessed 11 October 2009); “Syamsul Arifin Silaban Ziarah ke Makam Raja
Silaban,” Analisa, 5 April 2008. 218
“UMMA Prioritaskan Pembangunan Infrastruktur, Pendidikan Gratis dan Kesehatan,” Analisa, 9 April 2008;
“Cagubsu Ali Umri Ditabalkan Marga Daulay,” Analisa, 10 March 2008. 219
Interview with Ahmad Taufan Damanik, Medan, 26 April 2011. 220
“Abah Wahab Berzikir Bersama Ribuan Kaum Ibu,“ Waspada, 25 February 2008; “Umri Kembali
Berangkatkan 40 Warga Sumut Umroh,“ Waspada, 6 April 2008; “Syamsul Arifin Silaturahmi di Ponpes AHJ,“
Waspada, 26 March 2008; “Syamsul-Gatot Jadikan Masjid Raya Sebagai Titik Awal Pemasangan Alat Peraga,“
Analisa, 1 April 2008; “Forum Umat Muhammadiyah Medan Dukung UMMA,” Waspada, 15 March 2008; “Al
Washliyah Siap Menangkan Abdillah-Ramli,” Waspada, 9 June 2005.
151
exposure as crude and aggressive political expressions.221
Furthermore, several examples of elite competition showed elites’ efforts to adopt a
non-offensive political approach in dealing with their contenders. Rather than being labeled as
superior, aggressive, crude, or as having an unpolished manner, local elites tried to represent
themselves as victims and weak in order to get public sympathy. In the conflict between
Syamsul Arifin and Rahmat Shah, Rahmat’s political attacks in the local media and the
alleged incident where he threateningly pointed a gun at Syamsul generated antipathy rather
than an affirmative response, at least from political actors.222
In another case of conflict
between Syamsul Arifin and Gatot Pujo Nugroho, the former’s supporters tried to depict
Syamsul as a victim, while at the same time branding Gatot as disloyal and a hypocritical
traitor.223
Included in this image-building was the issue of disharmony between Syamsul and
Gatot in which the latter was described as ungrateful and attention was drawn to the fact that
he did not show his sympathy by visiting Syamsul in prison. According to Ahmad Taufan
Damanik, in order to dramatize Gatot’s negative image and build up public sympathy,
Syamsul caustically stated that if Gatot would not meet him because of his body odor, Gatot
could come to the prison with a closed nose.224
This construction of a negative image of Gatot continued in the build up to the
gubernatorial election of 2013. Syamsul delivered a message advising the electorate not to
elect a hypocritical, ungrateful, and avaricious leader, an allusion believed to refer to Gatot.225
Rather than being provoked by Syamsul’s group, Gatot and his entourage responded to the
attack circumspectly, unemotionally, and even with silence. This attempt can be seen as a way
of preventing them from invoking public antipathy and of impeding Syamsul’s attempts to
gain the public's sympathy. The source of this response can be traced back to other ideational
elements. This might relate to the personal affection of Gatot to Javanese values in which
harmony, loyalty, and emotional detachment were paramount.226
As described by Willner
(1966), traditional Indonesian society is influenced by two interrelated shared ideas: control
and minimization of conflict; and control and restraint of emotions (Willner, 1966). The first
221
Interview with Ahmad Taufan Damanik, Medan, 26 April 2011. 222
Interview with Ahmad Taufan Damanik, Medan, 30 April 2011; “Pistol Rahmat Shah untuk Syamsul,”
available at: www.waspada. co.id, 22 April 2010, (accessed 2 April 2013). 223
Interview with Syamsul Arifin, Jakarta, 12 May 2011; interview with Hardi Mulyono, Medan, 3 May 2011;
see also “Syamsul Dicekal, KPK Asal-Asalan!” Waspada, 10 May 2010; Riza Fakhrumi Tahir, “Disharmoni
Gubsu-Wagubsu,” Waspada, 3 March 2011; Riza Fakhrumi Tahir “Miskalkulasi Syamsul Terhadap Gatot,”
Harian Analisa, 14 May 2011. 224
Interview with Ahmad Taufan Damanik, Medan, 26 April 2011. 225
Waspada, 12 January 2012. 226
Interview with Ahmad Taufan Damanik, Medan, 26 April 2011; Interview with Gatot Pujo Nugroho, Medan,
2 May 2011.
152
norm is aimed at maintaining harmony and unity, while the second is involved in seeking
social agreement and inhibiting possible frictions (Willner, 1966). Consequently, a person
who can achieve this emotional detachment is considered to have spiritual force and moral
strength (Willner, 1966; Magnis-Suseno 2001), and this can potentially result in gaining
public sympathy.
The above examples strengthen the argument that the use of transactional politics is
not a sufficient condition for success in local elections. Public preferences are not necessarily
driven only by material considerations at the time of local elections. A fitting example here is
the success of Syamsul Arifin in the gubernatorial election of 2008. Syamsul - who is
acknowledged as being a generous leader - had made use of material incentives for a long
time, and this was not limited to the time of the elections. He later combined this strategy with
a communication approach (i.e. informality and personal relationship), and added a cultural
dimension (i.e. the use of ethnicity and religion in the campaign), and popular symbolism (i.e.
people-oriented campaign slogans). It can be stated that proximity to the people is a social
construct that amalgamates the dimensions of material inducement, cognitive elements, and
historical artifacts of social events through the continued process of social interactions. In
short, the social construction of popular leadership cannot immediately emerge at the time of
local elections alone.
Furthermore, the social construction of popular leadership in the region leads to the
issue of interactions between the elites and the masses. The masses’ perceptions of elites are
rooted in their traditional beliefs. The people have perceived their elites as the figures who
possess some extraordinary capacities and as being protective, generous, populist, people-
oriented, and part of their own identities. In short, elites must be a reflection of the people and
mirror their own identity. This means that elites can be successful if they can appropriately
conform to the social norms. Elites must achieve popular sympathy, represent the people, and
exploit the symbolic images that are of concern for the people.
Nevertheless, people-oriented leadership can be a paradox when political elites are
corrupt. North Sumatra is also a province where corruption is endemic: as a matter of fact, the
political elite members, Syamsul Arifin and Abdillah, were recalled from their office because
of corruption and were imprisoned in Jakarta. Although they were convicted of corruption,
they were still popular as local leaders, but the motivation behind their popularity has been
questioned by their detractors: their opponents argue that their popularity is supported by
those groups that benefit materially from Syamsul Arifin and Abdillah.227
This argument can
227
Interview with Ahmad Taufan Damanik, Medan, 30 April 2011.
153
be accepted if the massive transactional politics which allow local elites to buy public support
are taken into account. Nevertheless, if one examines public support of elites, a transactional
motive alone seems insufficient. One example in this respect is the moment when Abdillah
was released from jail in early June 2010. Thousands of people gave him a hero’s welcome at
the Polonia Airport in Medan.228
For these supporters, the popularity of Syamsul and Abdillah
persisted due to the emotional bond they had created with the people. Therefore, they were
still perceived as good leaders, even though they had been charged with corruption.
Subsequently, corruption was euphemistically labeled as “sharing with the people.”229
The traditional conception of local elites as generous and attentive “fathers” providing
social protection became intertwined with changes in the political system. As part of the new
system, direct local elections demanded that elites gain a certain degree of popularity in order
to increase their chances of being elected. This mechanism paved the way for local elites who
held formal bureaucratic positions or prominent positions in political institutions and social
organizations to pursue greater social engagement. In addition, those positions have helped
them to build positive images as sympathetic leaders and thereby elevate their popularity.
This section showed that popularity and eligibility are important features with regard
to local political competition. In general, local elites managed their image in accordance with
popular ideas. For the grassroots, it seemed that several local norms existed, such as the
importance of social engagement, a close and generous relationship with the people, and a
communicative and informal leadership style with an emphasis on religion and humility.
B. The Rise of Oppositional Ideas
Despite the continued impact of traditional norms and beliefs on political life in Sumatra,
democratization paved the way for the rise of new ideas. Political change provided an
opportunity for new elites to emerge, who had no links to the past and even represented ideas
opposed to traditional notions. They believed that local government functioned as a public
service agency which had the responsibility of guaranteeing the smooth running of
governmental affairs. Rather than rhetorically using the paternalistic rhetoric of “father” of a
community, they frequently identified themselves as modern organizers of local government.
Other issues important to note are the ideas of entrepreneurial leadership, pluralism, and anti-
228
“Abdillah Masih Dicintai,“ Waspada, 3 June 2010; “Abdillah Disambut Bagai Pahlawan,” Harian Sumut Pos,
3 June 2010; “Kepulangan Mantan Walikota Medan Abdillah Disambut Ribuan Warga,” available at:
www.news.detik.com, 2 June 2010, (accessed 13 December 2011); “Abdillah Disambut Ribuan Warga,”
available at: www.sumutcyber.com, 3 June 2010 (accessed 13 December 2011). 229
Interview with Hasrul Azwar, Medan, 24 April 2011.
154
corruption campaigning.
Political reforms facilitated the emergence of a wide variety of elite backgrounds.
With direct local elections, political privileges enjoyed by local executives were no longer the
sole domain of bureaucrats or military officers. In terms of elite backgrounds, the emergence
of businesspeople as local executives was a foreseeable development. This, in particular,
might correspond to the fact of high costs in local elections. The impact of the involvement of
businesspersons in local politics is twofold. On the one hand, it invigorated transactional
politics since the group had strong financial leverages. On the other hand, their involvement
led to new perspectives with regard to governing the public sector. The diffusion of
entrepreneurial ideas into governmental affairs can be traced back to several local elections in
the region. Several local elites who were once businesspeople, such as Abdillah, Rudolf
Pardede, Tengku Eri Nuradi and Ali Umri, cultivated the image of successful businesspeople
in their campaigns. In his debut in the mayoral election of 2000, Abdillah's image as a
successful businessperson strongly influenced public opinion.230
In one poll, businesspeople
were perceived as being innovative and energetic.231
This helped Abdillah win against two
local bureaucrats.232
During his rule, infrastructure development in Medan progressed
enormously and this became one underlying source of his popularity. This success
strengthened the positive image of businesspeople in managing bureaucracy, as evidenced by
the success of Abdillah in his re-election bid in 2005.233
The diffusion of entrepreneurial ideas into the bureaucracy can also be seen in the
example of how local executives with a background in business supervised the lower-ranking
bureaucrats. Tengku Eri Nuradi, Regent of Serdang Bedagai, for instance, always supervised
his staff to make the work of the bureaucracy more efficient.234
Nevertheless, according to
Eri, the work of the public sector was different to that of the private sector. Hence, Eri claimes
that a businessperson can work faster in the private sector, since there are no significant
barriers comparable to the regulations which the public sector has.235
Therefore, once
businesspeople are elected into public office, they have to adjust to regulation, hierarchy, and
the institutional arrangement of government. This means that they cannot tangibly accelerate
the development in the region, though they might have a chance of introducing and insisting
on entrepreneurial ideas.
230
“Abdillah di Atas Angin,” Waspada, 8 March 2000; “Abdillah Menang Mutlak,” Waspada, 21 March 2000. 231
“Abdillah-Maulana Pasangan Walikota Paling Diinginkan,” Waspada, 18 March 2000. 232
“Pemilihan Abdillah Sah,” Waspada, 23 March 2000. 233
“Orang Medan Inginkan Pengusaha,” Waspada, 10 June 2005; “Dukungan Terhadap Abdillah dan Ramli
Semakin Meluas,” Mimbar Umum, 13 June 2005. 234
Interview with Tengku Eri Nuradi, Serdang Bedagai, 26 April 2011. 235
Interview with Tengku Eri Nuradi, Serdang Bedagai, 26 April 2011.
155
In contrast to entrepreneurial ideas, which were only relevant for the local bureaucratic
organization, the new ideas of pluralism were much more influential for the public discourse.
As was elucidated above, in order to gain large popular support, several local elites tried to
enlarge their association with various ethnic groups in the region. This was not the case for
Sofyan Tan, who had a Chinese identity. Although the Chinese had settled in the region for a
long time, their involvement in politics was marginal compared to other ethnic groups.
Therefore, Sofyan Tan’s candidacy in the mayoral election of Medan in 2010 was surprising.
More than that, Sofyan brought the idea of pluralism to his campaign. Seeking to overcome
the obstacles created by his personal background, Sofyan proposed the idea of choosing a
leader based on his or her program rather than identity. He did not deny his Chinese identity,
but claimed that he was also an indigenous Indonesian.236
Through his slogan of “renewal and
assimilation” (pembaruan dan pembauran), Sofyan posited the new idea of pluralism in an
attempt to fight discrimination.237
As previously stated, this mayoral election was
overshadowed by the ethnic slights against Sofyan, intended to exploit anti-Chinese
sentiment.238
In order to counter this sentiment, during the campaign Sofyan not only posited
the idea of pluralism, but also grafted it onto the local belief of “Bhineka Tunggal Ika” (unity
in diversity).239
For Sofyan, his defeat in this election was caused by a combination of
electoral fraud by his opponent and the negative campaign in regard to his Chinese identity.240
Nevertheless, he believed that election itself would become an arena for ideational discourse
about pluralism. According to Sofyan, this mayoral election was “the largest seminar in the
world on pluralism” where citizens could freely discuss their choice and debate the possibility
of choosing a person belonging to an ethnic minority like him as the local leader.241
Although
he was defeated, he felt he was successful in bringing pluralism into public discourse. For
Sofyan, his attempt was effective due to enthusiastic public support, and he believed that had
this election been held fairly, he would have achieved a better result. Throughout this mayoral
election, Sofyan believed that people could accept difference. However, major obstacles in
bringing people towards accommodating pluralist ideas are: elite unfairness in political
competition, low educational levels and poor living standards of the people.242
The strongest oppositional idea to local normative orthodoxies was the norm of anti-
236
“Sofyan Tan Menjawab,” Waspada, 16 June 2010. 237
Interview with Sofyan Tan, Medan, 21 February 2012; “Sofyan Tan: Tak Mau Tendang Kaki Orang,”
Waspada, 1 June 2010. 238
“Calon Walikota Medan Mainkan Isu SARA,” Waspada, 14 June 2010. 239
“Sofyan Tan Siap Kalah secara Kesatria,” Waspada, 20 June 2012. 240
Interview with Sofyan Tan, Medan, 21 February 2012. 241
Interview with Sofyan Tan, Medan, 21 February 2012. 242
Interview with Sofyan Tan, Medan, 21 February 2012.
156
corruption and the concomitant campaign to develop a clean government. There was no
significant anti-corruption campaign in the local elections under study (gubernatorial elections
and mayoral elections of Medan) from 1998 to 2005. Although there was a strong tendency
towards money politics (between candidates and local legislators) in the mayoral election of
Medan in 2000 and in the gubernatorial election of 2003, complaints about the practice were
only voiced by small groups of NGOs, students, and local media.243
A similar situation occurred in the mayoral election of Medan in 2005, where the
newly-introduced local elections led to the widespread practice of vote buying. In the
gubernatorial election of 2008, few candidates engendered the idea of anti-corruption and the
need for a clean government in their campaign. Several candidates grafted the idea of “anti-
corruption” with local norms, such as developing an image as an honest (jujur), a truthful
(amanah), or a whole-hearted (ikhlas) leader.244
Syafii, the running mate of Abdul Wahab
Dalimunthe, for instance, stated during his campaign that the two candidates would refuse to
accept financial assistance in their campaign. He continued that if they received financial
support, they would most likely become corrupt because their financiers would expect
something in return for their money.245
The framing of anti-corruption in terms of orthodox
local notions of leadership, to some extent, might correspond to the rise of candidates for
governorship with a background as reformists ankered in civil society. While – as shown
above - corresponding with entrenched local norms, it gives the populist tendencies in North
Sumatra a new meaning, making them more palatable or a modern democracy.
The most momentous event of the campaign against corruption occurred in the
mayoral election of Medan in 2010. Sofyan Tan and his running mate Nelly Armayanti stated
in their campaign that they would start bureaucratic reform by introducing a clean
government. Part of this program was combating the practice of nepotism as the mechanism
of bureaucratic recruitment. In the region, it was widely believed that fundamental or personal
bonds were essential for bureaucratic recruitment and promotion. Since there were almost no
Chinese people in the city’s bureaucracy, Sofyan guaranteed that there would no nepotism if
he governed the city.246
243
“Pemilihan Abdillah Sah,” Waspada, 23 March 2000; “Abdillah Menang Mutlak,” Waspada, 21 March 2000;
“Pelantikan Gubsu-Wagubsu 16 Juni 2003, Penggunaan HP Foto Melanggar Hukum,” Waspada, 14 May 2003;
“Uji Publik Terbatas Pada Pengaduan Politik Uang,” Waspada, 28 May 2003; “Rizal-Rudolf Bakal Lolos Uji
Publik,” Waspada, 29 May 2003. 244
“Pilih Pemimpin yang Amanah, Jujur, dan Teruji,” Analisa, 3 April 2008; “Hadi Utomo: Waras Pasangan
Paling Tepat Pimpin Sumut ke Depan,” Analisa, 9 April 2008; “Kaum Ibu Diimbau Memilih Calon Gubsu yang
Ikhlas,” Analisa, 4 April 2008. 245
“Pilih Pemimpin yang Amanah, Jujur, dan Teruji,” Analisa, 3 April 2008; “Hadi Utomo; Waras Pasangan
Paling Tepat Pimpin Sumut ke Depan,” Analisa, 9 April 2008. 246
“Kampanye Sofyan Tan Membludak,” Waspada, 3 May 2010.
157
Another issue that is important to note is the campaign to combat the sale of
bureaucratic positions. Sofyan was committed to stop this practice and to promote a merit
system in which the recruitment and promotion of local bureaucrats would be determined by
bureaucratic capability and professional assessment.247
Sofyan and Nelly also framed the anti-
corruption norm by demanding the cessation of the practice of illegal levies (pungutan liar),
which refers to illegal transactions between bureaucrats and businesspersons. This may cause
a high economic cost which would negatively affect the business climate, create
unemployment, and contribute to increasing criminality.248
Prior to the second round of the election, Sofyan dramatized his anti-corruption
agenda. In the presence of thousands who attended his campaign rallies, he exhibited a replica
of a gallow and stated that he would be ready to be hanged if he was found guilty of
corruption.249
This statement and his symbolic exposure strengthened his anti-corruption
rhetoric.250
However, in contrast to the more established local elites, the advocates of new
oppositional ideas had less popularity and weaker personal networks in the political arena.
Although they proposed more substantial reformist agendas, such as that of anti-corruption (as
in the case of Sofyan Tan in the Medan mayoral election), they were defeated by established
local elites who abused traditional local norms or propagated and reproduced old-fashioned
issues of social identity.
C. External Challenge and Elite Perception: Local Elites as Ideational
Carriers and Barriers
Since local elites have a prominent position in society and a capacity to sway public opinion
on political change, it is important to examine the perception of local elites regarding political
change. In local politics, political change is associated with three major aspects: democracy
and democratization, decentralization policy, and the local electoral system. In this section, I
will discuss these three dimensions of local political change, with local elites being at the
centre of the analysis.
Most local political elites believed that the new democratic political system needed a
gradual process of adjustment. However, within this general perspective two different
247
“Sofyan Tan Janji Hapuskan Jual Beli Jabatan PNS,” Waspada, 14 June 2010. 248
“Sofyan Tan-Nelly Akan Gerakan Perekonomian,” Waspada, 1 May 2010. 249
“Sofyan Tan Tunjukkan Tiang Gantungan Kalau Korupsi,” Waspada, 16 June 2010. 250
“Sofyan Tan Siap Digantung Jika Korupsi,” Waspada, 8 May 2010.
158
viewpoints can be found: those of old established elites and those of the new local elites.
Although both shared the opinion that democracy required a long-term transitional stage, the
majority of old elites viewed democracy with skepticism. By contrast, the new local elites
held an optimistic view of democracy. Generally, most old elites refer to the basic
prerequisites of socio-economic conditions and citizens’ educational level as the major
impediments to installing democracy. This typical argument was best expressed by Syamsul
Arifin:
“… something right is not necessarily appropriate, but what is appropriate usually is
right. That is the simple solution that I have from our ancestors. What is right from our
perspective is not necessarily appropriate based on others. Nowadays, we talk about
the condition of the state, while at the same time others talk about their families’ basic
needs and that is hard for them. This means it is not appropriate; people are still
talking about how they can buy the food for today’s afternoon and the food is still
absent …”251
Other established local elites saw the problem as essentially due to the inadequate
level of education of the masses, which also contributed to the lack of a democratic culture.
Hasrul Azwar of the PPP viewed the relationship between democracy and education in these
terms:
“… democracy relates to people’s education. We are still reluctant to accept
differences, (so that) defeat in competition becomes revenge, the office of KPU was
burnt, and students damaged their campus. Why? Because we are not ready to accept
defeat. Democracy requires a gradual process after the people have been well-
educated. See what happened in America, just at the moment of Obama’s victory,
McCain congratulated him. What is more, Obama appointed Hillary Clinton as the
Minister of Foreign Affairs even though she was his contender. We still have difficulty
understanding those differences, and what is the source of problem? Our education,
more specifically our political education …”252
Furthermore, a well experienced local bureaucrat, Affifudin Lubis, believed that there
is a problem of assumptions with regard to the implementation of democracy in Indonesia.
Democracy assumes that people know their leaders well. However, this assumption is not
relevant on a practical level due to the common practices of transactional politics and money
politics in almost all elections in Indonesia. It is the power of money that has significantly
decided about success or failure of many local leaders.253
Therefore, this contradictory
assumption leads to the widespread belief that the good leaders are those who are able to
provide money for the people, and not those who have clear political ideology or political
251
Interview with Syamsul Arifin, Jakarta, 12 May 2011. 252
Interview with Hasrul Azwar, Medan, 24 April 2011. 253
Interview with Affifudin Lubis, Medan, 20 February 2012.
159
program.254
As a consequence, according to Affifudin Lubis, democratization in the post-New
Order era can be interpreted as a serious political set-back in terms of the absence of political
ideologies, values, ethics and morals of the politicians. What is more, compared to the Old
Order in the Soekarno era or the New Order of Soeharto, transactional politics and the decline
of ideology are regarded as the worst in the history of the Indonesian political system.255
Accordingly, this creates a snowball effect in the wider public across the country, giving rise
to the belief that elected local leaders lack credibility and would win local elections only
because they have strong financial support. It seems that transactional politics is perceived as
an instant way for political elites to win elections and at the same time to create a justification
for corruption. Additionally, the reiteration of the practice in every election has influenced the
meaning of corruption itself. Popular local leaders who were incriminated in cases related to
corruption were not necessarily portrayed as enemies of the people. Instead they continued to
be welcomed by the people as previously pointed out in the cases of Syamsul and Abdillah
(see sub-chapter IV. A). In this context, it is clear that public perception of corruption is
ambiguous, or that people tend to have permissive attitudes. Corruption is not, in many cases,
recognized as a crime but it can be re-interpreted as a consequence of elite competition. Thus,
corrupt leaders can be perceived as (more or less) the victims of the political process.256
Finally, for most long-established local elites, who are generally skeptical of
democratization, its various problems are rooted in the radical mode of transition. They regard
political change in Indonesia as a deep break from the past and the implementation of a new
political format without any consideration of the past political structure and traditional norms
as elaborated before. Thus, in their view, Indonesian democracy suffered from contradictions:
freedom of speech was used as a means for character assassinations, while freedom of the
press was employed without any public responsibility.257
In contrast to the aforementioned skeptical perspectives, most new local elites were
more optimistic. Although most of them were still addressing some major impediments to the
process of change, they generally viewed these problems as a natural challenge. While taking
these problems seriously, they emphasized the opportunities for political change. Most were
reform-oriented and shared a greater appreciation of recent political change. At least three
developments were noted by this group of elites as a result of democratization: the progress in
political participation and political openness, positive developments in elite recruitment, and
254
Interview with Affifudin Lubis, Medan, 20 February 2012. 255
Interview with Affifudin Lubis, Medan, 20 February 2012. 256
Interview with Affifudin Lubis, Medan, 20 February 2012; “Golkar Yakin Syamsul Korban Konspirasi
Politik,” Waspada, 1 May 2010. 257
Interview with Affifudin Lubis, Medan, 20 February 2012.
160
the improvement of political accountability.
Sigit Pramono Asri, a young politician from PKS, three-time member of the provincial
legislature and two-time mayoral candidate in Medan, appraised democratization as an
opportunity for political change that was characterized by flourishing political participation
and increasing political openness. However, he argued that nevertheless the system needed
simultaneous improvements to curtail its negative effects such as social disorder, a long
period of transition, and the high cost of the political process.258
Furthermore, Sigit stated that
the conservative elites still had political power, but their attempt to retain an authoritarian
milieu in which political stability is the basis of political order weakened as a result of the
advancement of information and technology, and the rise of a new, dynamic generation of
political leaders.259
However, the old conservative ideas were also transmitted to the more
recent generation of politicians through communication. Nonetheless, Sigit believed that
conservative ideas would gradually be weakened because most local politicians understood
that the new political environment needed fresh political ideas.
Other members of the new local political elite focused on the progress made in elite
recruitment and elite mobilization. For them, democratization opened the way for political
mobilization and elite circulation. In other words, it facilitated the birth of a new generation of
political leaders with variegated social backgrounds and hence made the political contest
more inclusive.260
Political reform had given people the sovereignty to elect their leaders and
the selection of candidates from which to choose was not as restricted as it had been in the
past. Political reform, strictly speaking, ended the era of discrimination in electing local
leaders. A good example is Sofyan Tan, who previously could not have imagined that, as an
ethnic Chinese, he would ever have the opportunity to compete in local elections.261
What is
more, for Sofyan, democratization is an important part of the people’s political education for
the purpose of electing their leaders, although there are still the serious problems of poverty
and low levels of education. Sofyan believed that people would gradually learn from their
mistakes in electing irresponsible leaders.262
More important for him is that the role of the
idealist elements in the middle classes needed to be strengthened to defend democracy from
its enemies.263
Another element of progress is related to the political accountability of local leaders.
258
Interview with Sigit Pramono Asri, Medan, 3 May 2011. 259
Interview with Sigit Pramono Asri, Medan, 3 May 2011. 260
Interview with Gatot Pujo Nugroho, Medan, 2 May 2011; Interview with Ali Umri, Medan, 29 April 2011. 261
Interview with Sofyan Tan, Medan, 21 February 2012. 262
Interview with Sofyan Tan, Medan, 21 February 2012. 263
Interview with Sofyan Tan, Medan, 21 February 2012.
161
Democratization and political openness have impelled local executives to conduct their
governmental affairs in line with public demands and in a more transparent way. This has also
induced local leaders to try to work competently and avoid mistakes. Nowadays, political
accountability must be established in conditions where the local political scene is markedly
influenced by other political players such as political parties, parliaments, local NGOs, and
mass media. This means that the structure of domination by the executive, as had been evident
in the New Order era, has disappeared and been replaced by competition between many
political players. Tengku Eri Nuradi, the Regent of Serdang Bedagai, acknowledged this
aspect as follows:
“… nowadays it is certainly difficult to hold a position as local executive, we live like
in the aquarium. Everybody can see everything and we are forced to be perfect,
although we are not perfect …”264
Regarding decentralization, local elites interpreted it differently. They were concerned
with several issues, such as the conditions under which this policy was started, the problems
of its design, the problems of its implementation, and its revision. Several local elite members
considered the growing concern over the issue of federalism in the last days of the New Order
as the catalyst for decentralization. At the local level, the idea of federalism has had a
considerable resonance that local elites thought could not be restrained.265
On the other hand,
concern about federalism stimulated the central government to create the decentralization
policy, which redistributed local political power from the provincial government to the
district/municipality level.266
This is also related to the historical fact that almost all separatist
movements in Indonesia had emerged at the regional/provincial level.
Nevertheless, focusing on the district level, some local elites found several dilemmas.
Some of them argued that decentralization would be better if it applied to the provincial level,
since it would provide more effective control and central supervision. With more than 500
regencies and municipalities in Indonesia, it is difficult to implement, evaluate and control the
policy.267
Others argued that it should be implemented gradually, starting at the provincial
level and progressing to regency level afterwards.268
Furthermore, by strengthening the regency level, the problem of coordination between
provincial and regency governments emerged. Provincial governments had no strong
authority with which to implement central government policy due to the fact that regency
264
Interview with Tengku Eri Nuradi, Serdang Bedagai, 26 April 2011. 265
Interview with Hasrul Azwar, Medan, 24 April 2011. 266
Interview with Usman Pelly, Medan, 25 April 2011. 267
Interview with Hasrul Azwar, Medan, 24 April 2011. 268
Interview with Gatot Pujo Nugroho, Medan, 2 May 2011.
162
governments had their own political power. As a consequence, the appreciation of the
provincial government is low, particularly in response to its regional policies and coordinating
function.269
As a solution to this problem, they suggested the idea of strengthening the
authority of the governor.270
Others argued for replacing direct local elections with a system
where the governor is appointed by the president and is the representative of the central
government.271
Numerous problems also surfaced in implementation. Most local elites who had been
affiliated with the New Order argued that decentralization, in general, failed to improve local
governmental affairs, particularly when compared with the New Order system. They claimed
that the system of local autonomy in the New Order era was better than the present system.
The rampant corruption and collusion between local executives, local legislatures, and local
bureaucrats was widely considered to be the most annoying problem resulting from the
implementation of decentralization, particularly in its initial phases. By assessing political
power and budgetary authority, local elites had unlimited freedom in deciding upon the use of
the local budget, which was frequently employed for non-public purposes. With their
privileges, they allocated the money for personal use.
Another problem was the practice of misallocating funds to programs that had no
relation to public services.272
Additionally, Law No. 22/1999 had given enormous power to
the local legislatures, and the members could freely criticize local executives and local
bureaucrats. With the involvement of local media as an instrument of control, politicians in
parliaments could easily intimidate local officials. As a result, in order to prevent unwanted
media exposure, local officials tended to compromise with the local legislators. Before public
hearings in the local legislatures, local bureaucrats would meet the local politicians in order to
“synchronize the perception” (menyamakan persepsi) of the policy issues, which inevitably
involved a material transaction.273
However, the practices of corruption, collusion or
backstage deals were not restricted to only one region, but rather took place in nearly every
region in the country. This was also intensified by the lack of supporting regulations of the
decentralization policy itself.274
An additional aspect of implementation was related to the deficiencies in the planning
system. One experienced career bureaucrat, Amrun Daulay, stated that compared to the
269
Interview with Tengku Eri Nuradi, Serdang Bedagai, 26 April 2011. 270
Interview with Rahudman Harahap, Medan, 17 February 2012; Interview with Affifudin Lubis, Medan, 20
February 2012. 271
Interview with Affifudin Lubis, Medan, 20 February 2012. 272
Interview with Hasrul Azwar, Medan, 24 April 2011. 273
Interview with Affifudin Lubis, Medan, 20 February 2012. 274
Interview with Usman Pelly, Medan, 25 April 2011.
163
planning system of the New Order, the recent system of decentralization could be seen as a
setback. In the New Order era, the government had developed a well-devised planning
system, and this was carried out at the levels of villages, sub-districts, districts, provinces and
central government.275
This planning system had succeeded through the implementation of the
Deliberation Planning of Development (Musyawarah Perencanaan Pembangungan,
Musrenbang) and the central role of the Planning Board (Badan Perencanaan Pembangunan
Daerah/Bappeda and Badan Perencanaan Pembangunan Nasional/Bappenas) at all levels of
government. In contrast to that mechanism, the planning system under the decentralization
policy of the post-New Order era seems to be without any guidelines, coordination, or
institutional support. Each local government tended to develop its own policies and programs
without any clear consideration for the national interest.
Nevertheless, the decentralization policy also had advocates in North Sumatra such as
academician Usman Pelly and politicians Chairuman Harahap and Sofyan Tan. Yet the latter
shared with opponents the critique of the way the policy was implemented. For these
advocates of decentralization, the decentralization policy, and in particular its radical form
established in Law No. 22/1999, failed due to the half-hearted implementation by the central
government. This policy was not supported by thorough regulations and this led to chaotic
implementation.276
Eventually, this caused problems in the financial sector, particularly in
terms of local elite corruption.
The central government’s and, here, especially the Ministry of Home Affairs’ half-
hearted reforms, may have come about for at least two reasons. On the one hand, the lack of
supporting regulation was part of an attempt of Jakarta-based officials to discredit
decentralization and bring local elites into disrepute. Jakarta would then have a valid reason
for taking away regional authority and restoring power to the central government.277
Jakarta,
according to the advocates of decentralization, was not seriously willing to transfer the power
to manage the economic resources and political authority of the regions because this meant
that the power of national political elites would be reduced significantly. The motives of these
national political elites were in sync with the interests of central bureaucrats, who also lost
their authority in administrative affairs, personnel and budgets through the implementation of
decentralization.278
On the other hand, the failure of the decentralization policy was also
275
Interview with Amrun Daulay, Jakarta, 11 May 2011. 276
Interview with Usman Pelly, Medan, 25 April 2011; interview with Chairuman Harahap, Jakarta, 10 May
2011. 277
Interview with Usman Pelly, Medan, 25 April 2011; interview with Chairuman Harahap, Jakarta, 10 May
2011. 278
Interview with Chairuman Harahap, Jakarta, 10 May 2011.
164
related to the persisting ideational structure of the New Order regime, which had mostly been
adopted by bureaucrats and politicians at the regional and central government levels.279
In
their minds, they were still living in the centralistic order, with stability and hierarchy. In
short, for the proponents of the decentralization policy, the replacement or the re-
conceptualization of Law No. 22/1999 into Law No. 32/2004 represented political regression
in the regulation of central-local relations.280
Finally, the last subject of ideational change to be discussed is the mechanism of local
elections. Since the political restructuring in Indonesia, local elections have become one of the
primary issues in the project of democratization. After the implementation of direct local
elections as prescribed by Law No. 32/2004, this subject became a topic of intense debate in
the public sphere. In general, there are two opposing views related to the electoral system:
either direct local elections are defended, or a return to the previous practice of election by
local parliaments is demanded. However, either solution represents a compromise as each has
its political trade-off. The former mechanism seems to be good at guaranteeing popular
participation and people’s political education. However, this system has also created the
massive transactional politics which reach down to the grassroots. In contrast, the latter
system is perceived as imposing greater restrictions on the rampant transactional politics, but
is lacking in popular participation. The more variegated perspectives of local elites on the
mechanisms are illustrated in the subsequent paragraphs.
The high cost of politics is the most noticeable pitfall of direct local elections, as stated
by local political elites - in particular the old, established ones. According to them, part of
these costs stems from national or local budgets that are formally regulated by law. One local
elite member noted that the implementation of direct local elections has resulted in the
wasteful spending of local budgets.281
Other parts of electoral expenses are covered by the
candidates, political parties, and supporters. The costs are not only incurred in the course of
campaign activities, paying political parties to gain support, or distributing money to social
organizations and local media, but also as a result of legal challenges in the Constitutional
Court (Mahkamah Konstitusi) in cases where the candidates dispute the election results. This
assessment is corroborated by data from 2010, which stated that 94 percent of local elections
end with legal disputes in the Court, although this number decreased to 76 percent in 2012.282
279
Interview with Chairuman Harahap, Jakarta, 10 May 2011. 280
Interview with Chairuman Harahap, Jakarta, 10 May 2011. 281
Interview with Hasrul Azwar, Medan, 24 April 2011. 282
“Sengketa Pilkada Harus tetap di MK,” available at: www.kompas.com, 12 April 2011, (accessed 24 May
2013); “MK Keteteran Sidangkan Gugatan Pilkada?” available at: www.republika.co.id, 8 January 2013,
(accessed 24 May 2013).
165
This illustrates how in the midst of poor electoral management or the existence of electoral
fraud, there is also an indication of the refusal of candidates to accept the defeat in the race.
This unfair attitude, according Syamsul Arifin, was also driven by the high costs that the
candidates have incurred.283
Moreover, as he pointed out, in order to avoid litigation, the
losers and the winners of local elections can negotiate financial settlements.284
Commenting
on this problem, he demanded that the mechanism of direct local elections should be
terminated and replaced by the mechanism of appointment by the central government:
“… so it can be simply done by appointment, if we still cannot do that (direct local
elections). Our people still do not understand and we don’t force ourselves to follow
what others can do …”285
The high cost of direct local elections has resulted in the misuse of local budgets by
local elites. Since the candidates need a huge amount of money, they are usually forced to go
into debt. Most local elites who had experience in direct local elections acknowledged this
practice as an instant solution for the need of huge amounts of cash.286
Therefore, as pointed
out by interview respondents, for the public officials who run in the election, stealing from the
local budget is the most feasible way to pay back their debts or to finance their election
campaign.287
One of the categories of local budgets most vulnerable to manipulation is the
social services’ budget (anggaran bantuan sosial).288
However, malpractices allegedly do not only occur during the election, but also after
the event. In order to pay back their debts, candidates who were elected as the local chief
executive might sell bureaucratic positions like the heads of district-level offices (Kepala
Dinas) or even those of civil servants (Calon Pegawai Negeri Sipil).289
Critics of
decentralization thus see the qualities of the system of recruitment and the professionalism of
local level bureaucrats compromised. From their view, in comparison to the recruitment
system in the New Order era, this last development is a serious setback. What they overlook
thereby is that already during the New Order the sale of bureaucratic positions was endemic in
Indonesia (McLeod 2000, 101-103; McLeod 2011, 45-63; Kristriansen and Ramli 2006;
Goodpaster 2002; Cassing 2000).
Another negative perspective of the conduct of direct local elections is related by local
283
Interview with Syamsul Arifin, Jakarta, 12 May 2011. 284
Interview with Syamsul Arifin, Jakarta, 12 May 2011. 285
Interview with Syamsul Arifin, Jakarta, 12 May 2011. 286
Interview with Rahudman Harahap, Medan, 17 February 2012; interview with Danny Setiawan, Medan, 28
April 2011. 287
Interview with Rahudman Harahap, Medan, 17 February 2012. 288
Interview with Amrun Daulay, Jakarta, 11 May 2011. 289
Interview with Amrun Daulay, Jakarta, 11 May 2011.
166
elite members to the potential for horizontal conflicts. One long-established elite member,
Hasrul Azwar, stated that the direct local elections may damage the kinship system in North
Sumatra.290
This may occur when members of a similar kinship group (marga) support
different candidates in local elections. This assessment contrasts sharply with the political
situation as perceived under the floating mass system of the New Order, in which people at
the grassroots level were not actively involved in politics. In short, most old elites had an
embedded idea of political stability and sometimes had a more positive view of the socio-
political situation during the period of authoritarianism compared to the Reform Era. This
phenomenon is best captured by Huntington as “authoritarian nostalgia” (Huntington 1991),
one feature of democratic transition.
Another problem that has been addressed by skeptical local elites is that of local
executives’ capabilities and experiences. In their view, direct local elections cannot
systematically and persistently provide candidates with bureaucratic skills and experience in
governmental affairs. Candidates can simply gain the political support of political parties
which, in fact, select their candidates based on popularity, electability, or financial capacity.
The condition sometimes even worsens when the candidates are nominated without a basic
assessment of their popularity or eligibility, but merely based on material transaction. If this
happens persistently, the circle of transactional politics and corruption cannot be broken. If
these elite perceptions are valid, a paradox exists in the case of elite recruitment in direct local
elections: On the one hand, it paves the way for more inclusive elite recruitment from various
backgrounds compared to the New Order system, but, on the other, it is an exclusive
mechanism of elite recruitment for the reason that most of the candidates must have huge
financial resources (Mietzner 2008; Mietzner 2011, 123-138).
However, the professional career path requirements of the local chief executives in
direct local elections become uncertain. In the New Order era, in contrast, someone who was
nominated as a local chief executive had to qualify in terms of their career path, educational
background, rank in the system, or track record in a bureaucratic or military career.291
For
local executives, instantly making a career in the New Order era was very difficult, if not
impossible. The New Order had developed a closed-recruitment system, but also paid
attention to the criteria of bureaucratic skills, administrative capability, and work experience
in governmental affairs (Emmerson 1978, 82-136; Emmerson 1983; Logsdon 1992).
Furthermore, as pointed out by Rahudman Harahap, the mayor of Medan, introducing
a pair of local chief executives created other problems. Since both leaders command political
290
Interview with Hasrul Azwar, Medan, 24 April 2011. 291
Interview with Amrun Daulay, Jakarta, 11 May 2011.
167
legitimacy that was obtained in direct local elections, the relationship between the head and
the vice head of executive tend to be characterized by disharmony, friction, and this
sometimes lead to open political competition.292
As a result, it may be concluded, the
programs of local governments were not well implemented. This problem occurred not only
in one region, but spread to almost all regions of the country. Finally, another doubtful
perspective on the conduct of direct local elections is the cliché of the low level of education
and the poor economic condition of the people. Generally speaking, most old elites have
argued that the solution for the above mentioned problems is the termination of the
mechanism of direct local elections and a return to the previous system of election by local
parliament or simply by appointment from the central government.293
Nevertheless, besides the skeptical arguments, some more optimistic perspectives
were articulated by a few local elites. Responding to the issue of the direct local elections,
they generally agreed with the obstacles as previously described. However, they believed that
most of the problems have emerged as a consequence of political changes that required taking
into account the behavior of local actors, the process of political education of the people, and
also the search for the appropriate political format. Direct local elections for this group of
local elites cannot be separated from the wider project of democratization. Chairuman
Harahap, for instance, disagreed that direct local elections had to be replaced by the previous
system of elections by local parliaments. To solve the problem of high costs in direct local
elections, he suggested a more serious approach to law enforcement. If necessary, political
actors or candidates who conduct money politics should be disqualified from the
competition.294
Moreover, for Chairuman, high cost may not be a problem where candidates
have a high reputation from their previous career and a track record of strong social
engagement.295
In addition, he rejected the argument that people are not ready to be involved
in direct local elections due to lacking education and economic prosperity. For him, people
can be persuaded by money politics because they see this practice as an instantaneous way
through which to interact with political elites.296
In general, Chairuman argued that direct
local elections provided a good opportunity for the people to learn how to choose their
leaders. He optimistically commented that political change could occur successfully if it was
292
Interview with Rahudman Harahap, Medan, 17 February 2012. 293
Interview with Syamsul Arifin, Jakarta, 12 May 2011; interview with Hasrul Azwar, Medan, 24 April 2011,
interview with Ali Umri, Medan, 29 April 2011. 294
Interview with Chairuman Harahap, Jakarta, 10 May 2011. 295
Interview with Chairuman Harahap, Jakarta, 10 May 2011. 296
Interview with Chairuman Harahap, Jakarta, 10 May 2011.
168
supported by law enforcement.297
Another positive assessment of direct local elections came from Sofyan Tan. In his
opinion, the new electoral system has compelled local leaders and politicians, who want to be
elected, to become acquainted with the people.298
However, this system still had its
drawbacks, in particular for the process of candidate recruitment in political parties. If the
political parties continued to engage in transactional practices in recruiting candidates, it
would be difficult to obtain qualified candidates with integrity.299
Therefore, he suggested
reforming the recruitment system in political parties in order to improve the quality of local
elections.
V. Conclusion: Tracing the Process of Elite Adjustment in North Sumatra
This conclusion will summarize the causal mechanisms and causal configurations which lead
to the outcome of this study: local elite adjustment in the region. As previously argued in the
hypothesis of this study, local elite adjustment, in general, is influenced by the interaction of
institutional structure, actors’ strategic moves, and ideational contestation.
From the perspective of the institutional structure, there are three conditions important
to note: historical antecedent, authoritarian collapse, and democracy and decentralization. The
historical antecedent of social revolution in the region and the political structure under
authoritarianism provide a distinctive basis for regional socio-political structures. With the
withdrawal of old aristocracies, social revolution provides a more balanced social structure, in
particular with regard to ethnicities and religion. In addition, the revolution brought ethnic and
religious sentiments in the local political arena to the fore, and these sentiments have become
greater in the post-New Order setting. This historical antecedent was strengthened by the fact
that after Independence there were no political parties (except Golkar under the authoritarian
New Order) that could attain a dominant position. The conjunction of these two conditions
leads to the competing nature of regional socio-political power.
Furthermore, the collapse of the authoritarian New Order was followed by two
conditions. On the one hand, the established local elites responded to the regime change by
activating three forms of initial adjustment. When the institutional pressure on authoritarian
elements was strong, as shown in the moment of authoritarian regime breakdown, established
local elites demonstrated the strategy of acquiescence (conformity). In other words,
297
Interview with Chairuman Harahap, Jakarta, 10 May 2011. 298
Interview with Sofyan Tan, Medan, 21 February 2012. 299
Interview with Sofyan Tan, Medan, 21 February 2012.
169
established local elites conformed to democratic aspirations. After the euphoria had
disappeared and the local political arena was brought back to its political equilibrium, the
established local elites began to utilize strategies of persuasion, inducement, and absorption of
oppositional power. Once institutional pressure weakened, established local elites became
more actively involved in the local political arena by infiltrating new political institutions and
retaking strategic positions in local parliament and bureaucratic structures. But the
authoritarian collapse also resulted in the persistence of old political beliefs and norms. This
condition stems from the mode of negotiated transition in which political reform was the
product of cooperation between reformers and authoritarian defenders.
The third and final institutional context is the nature of the installation of
democratization and decentralization in the region. This is characterized by three basic
elements: the negotiated democratic transition, the hurried and emotional political reform,
which consequently impacted on the third and final element: a negotiated and pragmatic
democratic arrangement. This negotiated transition has resulted in the absence of intrinsic
elements of democracy and thus led to what in theoretical terms was described as isomorphic
change (Meyer and Rowan 1977; DiMaggio and Powell 1983).
Nevertheless, the above institutional context (in particular democratization and
decentralization) paved the way for a significant change of local elite adjustment. The critical
juncture is here the changing mechanism of local elections into direct local elections.
Therefore, direct local elections can be treated as a crucial intervening variable within the
category of institutional contexts.
Direct local elections generate three conditions related to the circumstances which
define actors’ material interest. First, direct local elections significantly influence the change
of local elite configuration. The first change in the local election mechanism (the decentralist
election in local parliaments) created the opening space for elite recruitment, but direct local
elections have a tremendous effect on creating an inclusive form of elite recruitment from
varying backgrounds.
As a result, local elites can be classified into two groups of elites based on their track-
record: the old and the new. The old consists of local elites who had political experience from
the authoritarian New Order in various strategic positions. Benefitting from their long
involvement in the local political arena, this group of local elites has strong political networks
and political skills. Furthermore, the new elites can be divided into two groups. The first
group of new elites is the one, which entertained patronage relationships with the old elites,
were members of established families, or were a product of the state corporatism of the New
170
Order. The second group is the group of “genuine” new elites, which had no connection to the
previous political system and its authoritarian elements. Compared to the old elites, this group
is much weaker in terms of its political networks and skills. The reconfiguration of local elites
has contributed to the process of ideational contestation which is based on different cognitive
maps in perceiving political change.
The second impact of the conduct of direct local elections is the widespread practice of
transactional politics. By and large, transactional politics can be seen as a consequence of the
candidates’ campaign expenditures, buying the ticket of political parties, and bribing voters
by conducting money politics. The logical consequence of this practice is an extensive
political corruption which creates a Hobbesian nature of inter-elite competition.
However, direct local elections are not the only supporting factor for this “zero-sum
game” situation. Contributing to the high degree of elite competition are socio-political
characteristics of candidates such as ethnicity, religion, and party composition, which h are
instrumentalized in electoral campaigns. Paradoxically, however, the high degree of inter-elite
competition drives actors to scrutinize the abusive and corrupt behavior of their contenders
and leads to a situation where the track record of political elites has become important to be
publicly known.
Furthermore, the second category of circumstances defining actor’s behaviour (the
change of elite configuration, widespread transactional politics and political corruption,)
provides a necessary condition for the subsequent pathway of ideational contestation. As
previously described, two groups of elites have their own peculiar perception of political
change. For the old, established elites and the new elites with close connections to the ancien
régime, their political experience during the New Order era became a “manual” of reference
on how to behave in the local political arena. They had deeply absorbed the core values of
authoritarianism at the time regime change took place. The internalization of this authoritarian
tradition is evidenced in the use of money politics and other forms of political corruption in
direct local elections or in other political events. In contrast, the more “genuine” new local
elites, who had fewer cognitive distractions from the authoritarian culture, faced fundamental
political barriers in terms of their weaknesses in political networks and experiences.
Nevertheless, this group of local elites has started to reconstruct the new oppositional ideas,
particularly in direct local elections. As a result, conflicts occur between the cognitive prior
and new oppositional ideas.
Following another path, widespread transactional politics and political corruption -
which is generally conducted by old, established elites - caused a situation which did not meet
171
“social expectation or the socially desired result” (Legro 2000). This situation can be treated
as the second critical juncture that potentially leads to a new form of local elite adjustment,
namely a situation in which political corruption - as generally practiced by long-established
elites - and the local established elite’s use of traditional norms are strongly related to this
unmet social expectation. This situation can lead to significant decrease in the social
legitimacy of old elites and traditional norms simultaneously. Meanwhile, this situation can
have a stronger impact on substantial change of elite adjustment if new local elites can
strengthen and enrich the method of propagating the new oppositional ideas into society.
Finally, the crucial condition for new local elites to obtain symbolic legitimacy rests on their
ability to fulfill social expectations by creating good local government.
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Chapter Five
Elite and Democratization in East Java
I. Introduction
This chapter examines elite adjustment in East Java. Like in the previous chapter, the analysis
takes into account the institutional structure, actors’ strategies and ideational contestation. The
chapter will be organized into five sections. The introductory section will be followed by a
section studying the socio-economic condition of the region, the dynamics of local political
power, elite continuity, and the early processes of elite adjustment as an outcome of a
changing institutional structure. The third section portrays elite behavior from an actor-
centered perspective and the “material basis” of elite interactions. Therefore, the analysis will
provide an in-depth look at pact- and alliance building and strategies of local elites. The
fourth section discusses the ideational dimension, including the idea of Javanese ideas of
stability and harmony, paternalistic leadership, the rejection of the notion of liberal
democracy by local elites, and the new “oppositional” ideas. Finally, the last section will
summarize the results and provide a pattern of local elite adjustment in the region.
II. Elite and Institutional Context
This section discusses as to what extent local politics in the province of East Java is
determined by structural factors. It provides some overview about the provinces socio-
economic and socio-cultural background data before it turns to the government structures and
electoral regulations shaping the outcome of local elections, before finally the impact on elite
composition is discussed.
A. Socio-Economic Condition
East Java is one of the most populous provinces in Indonesia. With 37.68 million inhabitants
East Java is the second largest province in Indonesia after West Java (BPS Provinsi Jawa
Timur 2012, 46).300
In terms of religion, Islam is the majority in the province with 95.53
percent of the population, while Protestants make up for 2.20 percent of inhabitants and
Catholics 1.32 percent of inhabitants. Other religions are not significant as they only make up
for 0.62 percent of the population (BPS Provinsi Jawa Timur 2012, 74). Geographically, the
province can be divided into two main regions: the mainland and Madura Island. The
mainland covers 90 percent of the total area of the province, Madura only 10 percent (BPS
300
The largest province is West Java with a population of 43,053,732 (BPS, Statistik Indonesia 2011, 74).
173
Provinsi Jawa Timur 2012, 3). These two regions are subdivided into twenty-nine regencies
and nine cities, making East Java the largest province in the country in terms of the number of
regencies or cities. Surabaya, the capital, is the biggest city with 2.798 million inhabitants and
the second largest city in Indonesia (BPS Provinsi Jawa Timur 2012).
The economic performance of the province is relatively good compared to other
provinces. For example, the province enjoyed the highest economic growth in 2011 with 7.22
percent and also has strong financial capacity with total local government revenues of 11.49
trillion rupiahs (approximately US$1 billion).301
77.42 percent of the total revenue is locally-
generated revenue (Pendapatan Asli Daerah), while 22.32 percent is made up of transferred
revenues, including revenue from the central government such as block grants and specific
allocation funds (BPS Provinsi Jawa Timur 2012). The province is still dominated by
agriculture, although industry is growing. Around 39.70 percent of the population still work in
the agricultural sector, compared to the sectors of trade and industry that contribute around
20.36 percent of employment, followed by the mining sector which makes up 13.81 percent
(BPS Provinsi Jawa Timur 2012).
However, despite its economic success, the province still faces problems of
unemployment with a rate of 4.16 percent (open unemployment, tingkat pengangguran
terbuka) (BPS Provinsi Jawa Timur 2012). In education the record is also mixed. The
province enjoys a high rate of school attendance of 90.04 percent of the population. In fact,
the figure is only for those who attended elementary-secondary school in 2011 (BPS Provinsi
Jawa Timur 2012). Looking at the level of higher education, the figure fell to 5.55 percent in
2011 for those who obtained a degree in higher education (BPS Provinsi Jawa Timur 2012).
These factors contributed to the high poverty rate as 13.40 percent of the population was
categorized as poor in 2012 (BPS 2012, 111).
While the province is dominated by Javanese and Madurese, there are also several
distinctive sub-cultures, although scholars differ in identifying their exact number (Zuhro
2009; Pribadi 2013).302
Broadly speaking, there are three dominant sub-cultures that should be
mentioned here. The first sub-culture is Madurese and Pandalungan which refers to the sub-
culture of the Madurese in Madura Island and the Madurese who migrated to the “boundary
areas” in the north coast of East Java (called Tapal Kuda region).303
Several regencies are
included in this Tapal Kuda region such as Pasuruan, Probolinggo, Bondowoso, and
301
Based on a currency rate of 1 USD= 11,490 rupiahs. 302
Interview with Airlangga University sociologist Hotman Siahaan, Surabaya, 25 January 2012. 303
Tapal Kuda literally means horseshoe. This name refers to the north coast region of East Java which
resembles a horseshoe.
174
Situbondo (Zuhro 2009, 38). The second sub-culture is called Mataraman which refers to the
people of East Java who speak Javanese with central Javanese dialect. This sub-culture exists
in some districts, including Pacitan, Magetan, Madiun, Bojonegoro, Tuban, Nganjuk, Kediri,
Blitar, Tulungagung, Trenggalek, and Ponorogo (Zuhro 2009, 38). The last sub-culture is
Arek which refers to several regions around Malang, Mojokerto, Sidoarjo, Lamongan, Gresik,
and Surabaya (Zuhro 2009, 38) where different dialects of Javanese language are found.
According to Pribadi (2013), the areas of Mataraman are influenced by syncretic Islam
or abangan (Geertz 1976) as a result of the long rule of the Mataram Kingdom (sixteenth to
nineteenth century). The Madurese and Pandalungan are more influenced by more orthodox
or santri Islam (Geertz 1976; Hefner 1987), while the Arek sub-culture is placed in a
metropolitan or urban area that other sub-cultures migrate to and have a more rational and
pragmatic religious orientation (Pribadi 2013, 58). Although there is a belief that the regions
of Mataraman and Arek are historically influenced by nationalist and communist political
ideologies, the areas of Madurese and Pendalungan are strongly connected to the traditional
Islam.304
However, it is not entirely clear what the relationship between the above sub-
cultures and their political orientation is. Abdul Chalik (2010 cited in Pribadi 2013, 59), for
instance, found that the religious teachers of the NU – dependent upon the respective sub-
culture - have distinctive preferences when they support political parties (Pribadi 2013, 59).
However, according to sociologist Hotman Siahaan, the distinctive feature of sub-cultures in
East Java is that they only provide a cultural orientation, but they do not serve as a yardstick
for any kind of political orientation, let alone political competition.305
B. The Dynamics of Local Political Power: Parties and Elections
1. General Elections
The General Election of 1955
East Java is the province where the Nahdlatul Ulama, the biggest Islamic organization with a
traditionalist stream (aliran), obtained the largest popular support in the first general election
in 1955. In contrast to the results at the national level where the Indonesian Nationalist Party
(PNI) became the strongest political party, in this province the Nahdlatul Ulama ranked first
with 34.13 percent of votes. The PNI was positioned third with 22.79 percent of votes after
the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) with 23.38 percent of votes. With 11.24 percent, the
Consultative Council of Indonesian Muslims (Majelis Syuro Muslimin Indonesia, Masyumi),
304
Interview with Hotman Siahaan, Surabaya, 25 January 2012. 305
Interview with Hotman Siahaan, Surabaya, 25 January 2012.
175
a modernist-Islamist party, came in fourth. Based on these figures, the province shows two
distinct characteristics. First, East Java is home for the “green” and the “red” political parties
in Indonesia.306
Second, despite the existence of the Masyumi with its significant votes, East
Java was the home-base for the traditionalist Islam. Table 1 below exhibits the result of the
1955 general election, both at the national level and the result in East Java.
Table 5. 1 The Result of 1955 General Election, National Level and East Java
(in percent)
Political Parties National Level East Java
PNI 22.32 22.79
Masyumi 20.92 11.24
Nahdlatul Ulama 18.41 34.13
PKI 16.36 23.38
Source: Indonesian National Election Commission (KPU) 2000, 18, 25.
The General Elections in the New Order Era
During the six general elections of the New Order period, Golkar always won.
However, the support of the Golkar in East Java was always below its votes at the national
level. Golkar’s main competitors were the NU and later on the United Development Party
(PPP),307
which commanded a large number of followers in the region irrespective of the fact
that Golkar was backed by the regime. Given the fact that the New Order’s elections were
manipulated in many ways, this achievement is outstanding. The performance of the NU and
later on the PPP in general elections cannot be separated from the support of the abundant
Islamic boarding schools (pesantren) and their religious teachers (kyai) which were affiliated
with the Nahdlatul Ulama (Ward 1974; Hefner 1987; Liddle 1988; Jones 1984).
In the first general election under the New Order in 1971, as a new party Golkar won
the election in East Java with 54.91 percent of popular votes. However, despite the clear
Golkar victory, the NU still obtained 35.17 percent of votes. Therefore, the NU had shown its
enduring influence in the province as the party’s support even increased compared to the
general election of 1955 where it had gained 34.13 percent of the votes. However, in the
election, the gap between its national and provincial support was quite significant. At the
national level, the NU only received 18.68 percent of votes. The results for its nationalist
contender, the PNI, were disastrous as the latter only received 5 percent of the votes.
306
In Indonesian political terminology (particularly in the 1950s), “green“ usually refers to the Islamist parties,
while ”red“ refers to nationalist or communist parties. For political streams in Indonesia in the 1950s, see Feith
and Castles 1970. 307
In 1973, the regime merged all Islamic parties into the PPP, including the Nahdlatul Ulama (Haris and Saidi
1991; Mandan 2009, 91-114; Radi 1984, 61-103).
176
Compared to the 1955 general election, when it had obtained 22.79 percent of votes in East
Java, this was a steep decline.
These two conditions, the relatively persistent performance of the NU and the sharply
decreased number of votes for the PNI, led to the assumption that Golkar successfully
mobilized the supporters of the PNI to vote for Golkar. Also the former supporters of the PKI
are believed to have shifted their support to Golkar after the Soeharto government banned the
party in 1965, accusing it of orchestrating the aborted communist coup (G/30S-PKI) in 1965.
Mercilessly prosecuted by the emerging New Order regime, PKI sympathizers might have
thought that the only possible way to avoid state repression or becoming a victim of military-
orchestrated massacres was joining Golkar as the government’s party. According to Kenneth
Ward who investigated the general election of 1971 in East Java, it is undeniable “that
Golkar’s vote was derived in good measure from the PKI constituency, and from the
supporters of the PNI” (Ward 1974, 165). He also stressed that “Golkar’s inheritance of the
PKI vote was evident in all other regencies,” where PKI had attained majorities in 1955”
(Ward 1974, 166). Hence the result of the 1971 general election in East Java could not
guarantee Golkar to fully control the local political arena, even though the party attained a
convenient majority. The reason is simply that it could not make inroads into the support base
of the NU. Table 12 shows the result of the 1971 general election both at the national and
provincial levels.
Table 5. 2 The Results of 1971 General Election, National Level and East Java
(in percent)
Political Parties National Level East Java
Golkar 62.82 54.91
NU 18.68 35.17
Parmusi 5.36 2.73
PNI 6.93 5
PSII 2.39 1.24
Parkindo 1.34
Katolik 1.10
Perti 0.69 0.95
IPKI 0.61
Murba 0.08
Source: Indonesian National Election Commission (KPU) 2000, 52-63.
In 1973, the New Order regime implemented a policy for political parties to merge. Only
Golkar was exempted from this policy. As a result, there were only two political parties and
one functional group (Golkar) to contest in the next general election in 1977 until the last
elections took place under the regime in 1997. All Islamic parties (the NU, Parmusi, PSII, and
PERTI) were forced to merge into the United Development Party (PPP), while the nationalist
177
and Christian parties (the PNI, Parkindo, Katolik, IPKI, and Murba) were forced to merge into
the Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI). However, this fusion did not significantly change the
general pattern of popular support as shown in the 1971 general election. In East Java, Golkar
increased its support by almost 4 percent in the general election of 1977. The increase of
Golkar came at the expense of a decrease for the Islamic parties (PPP) and the nationalist and
Christian parties (PDI). However, the results of the general election in 1977 and 1982
appeared to be similar to the 1971 general election (before the fusion). In these two general
elections, Golkar could not significantly increase its votes, and support for the Islamic parties
(PPP) and the nationalist and Christian parties (PDI) also remained stable.
A significant change occurred in the subsequent general election in 1987. At the
national and provincial levels, the support for Golkar increased significantly (by almost 15
percent), while at same time the PPP lost almost 16 percent of votes, and the PDI increased by
only 1.5 percent. One of the reasons for this change is strongly related to the shifting political
stance of the Nahdlatul Ulama as a social organization. In 1984, the Nahdlatul Ulama under
the leadership of Abdurrahman Wahid proclaimed to return to its basic mission (khittah) as a
socio-religious organization (Anam 2010). The NU subsequently took an equidistant position
towards all political parties and would not give political support to a specific political party as
it did to the PPP. The political impact of this decision was significant as the improved
performance of Golkar and the decreasing support for the PPP suggest. The decision of the
NU to return to a socio-religious organization was also driven by its disappointment over the
dominant position of the Muslimin Indonesia faction within the PPP, following the fusion
(Haris and Saidi 1991). Benefitting from this situation, the regime persuaded the NU to
support Golkar in the general election of 1987 (Liddle 1988, 184).
In the general election of 1992, there was another change in terms of the electoral
performances of the three contestants. Golkar lost almost 13 percent of support in East Java.
In contrast, the votes for the PPP increased slightly and even more significantly for the PDI,
which obtained more than of 8 percent in the province. The growing popularity of the PDI
seemed related to a clearer position of this party as opposition to the regime as well as the
involvement of Soekarno family members in the party, particularly Soekarno’s daughter
Megawati Soekarnoputri. The involvement of the Soekarno family in the PDI as the vote-
getter succeeded in elevating the party’s performance in this general election. Supported by
the young generation with anti-establishment sentiment, this party became an irritant for
Golkar and the regime.
178
The popularity of the PDI became even greater when Megawati got elected as the
Chairman of the party in an Extraordinary Party Congress (Kongres Luar Biasa) in 1993 in
Surabaya, the capital of East Java. Responding to this development, the regime tried to
obstruct the increasing popularity of Megawati and the PDI. By supporting a rival, that is,
Soerjadi as the new Chairman in the National Congress in 1996 in Medan, the regime
succeeded in splitting the party into two groups: Megawati’s group and Soerjadi’s group. This
internal conflict culminated in the riots on 27 July 1996 in Jakarta where the supporters of
these two groups fought over the headquarters of the party in Menteng, Jakarta (Bhakti 2001,
Priyono 2001, 199-228; Putranto et.al. 2006, 71-110).308
As a consequence of this conflict, the
votes of the PDI in the general election of 1997 decreased dramatically, and in East Java, the
party lost more than 12 percent of the votes. However, the decreasing votes of the PDI did not
correlate with a significant increase on the side of Golkar. The votes for Golkar increased by
only 4 percent in the region. A significant increase occurred for the PPP with more than 11
percent additional votes in the region. Many loyalists and sympathizers of Megawati were
disappointed when the regime intervened in the internal affairs of the PDI, and they
subsequently supported the PPP. This support was for example expressed in the slogan of
“Mega-Bintang,” which also became a symbol for the “informal” coalition between Megawati
supporters and the PPP (Legowo and Harjanto 1997). Table 13 below details the result of
general elections during the New Order (from the general election of 1977 to general election
of 1997).
Table 5. 3 The Results of The New Order’s General Election, National Level and East
Java (in percent)
Political
Parties
1977 1982 1987 1992 1997
National
Level
East
Java
Nat.
Level
East
Java
Nat.
Level
East
Java
Nat.
Level
East
Java
Nat.
Level
East
Java
Golkar 62.11 58.84 64.34 56.78 73.16 71.21 68.10 58.82 74.51 62.97
PPP 29.29 36.05 27.78 36.63 15.97 20.78 17.01 25.21 22.43 33.88
PDI 8.60 5.11 7.88 6.59 10.87 8.01 14.89 15.97 3.06 3.15
Source: Indonesian National Election Commission (KPU) 2000, 73- 174.
The General Elections in the Post-New Order Period
After the fall of the New Order regime, the political constellation in the province changed
markedly. With the introduction of a democratic system, the dominant role of Golkar as the
government’s party in the New Order collapsed. With the new multi-party system, political
competition among political parties became much more open. Benefitting from its role as the
308
It was widely believed that the regime was actively involved in this conflict when military officers backed
Soerjadi’s group during the riots.
179
strongest opposition party in the last days of the New Order regime, the PDI-P309
won the
general election of 1999 at the national level with 33.7 percent of votes. However, in East
Java, with 35.41 percent the PKB as the main political representation of the Nahdlatul Ulama
obtained the highest popular support. This result was significantly higher than its national
result which was only 12.6 percent of votes. In the province, the PDI-P came in second with
33.81 percent of votes, slightly higher than its national result. Meanwhile, the Golkar Party
only obtained 12.66 percent in the province, which was notably lower than its national result
with 22.4 percent of popular support. In short, this first general election in the post-New
Order established the PKB and the PDI-P as the two most powerful political powers in the
region.
In the general election of 2004, the results were quite different compared to the 1999
general election, particularly for the PDI-P. The party lost more than 13 percent of its votes in
the province, down from 33.81 percent in 1999 to 20.56 percent in 2004 and paralleling the
results at the national level. By contrast, the PKB remained stable and repeated its success as
the most popular party in the province, although the party lost about 4 percent of its votes.
The Golkar Party also stayed in third place with 13 percent of votes. The results for some
medium-sized parties such as the PAN and the PPP also remained stable. The PAN was
relatively constant with 4.64 percent (compared to 4.74 percent in 1999), while the PPP
slightly increased the votes from 6.09 in 1999 to 7.32 percent in 2004. At the same time, the
province also witnessed the emergence of a new political party - the Democrat Party - that
obtained significant support in its first election with 7.52 percent of popular support.
After two elections in the post-New Order era with the domination of the PKB and the
PDI-P, the province experienced dramatic changes in the 2009 national election. The
popularity of the Democrat Party increased markedly to win the greatest support in the region
with 21.99 percent of votes. It is not surprising that the rise of the party occurred at the
expense of other major parties. The PDI-P was still able to finish in the second place with
16.16 percent although it lost more than 4 percent compared to 2004. The impact was even
more pronounced in the case of the PKB because, for the first time, the party was forced to
accept defeat and came in third with only 11.83 percent. The party lost more than 20 percent
of votes compared to the previous election.
There are several explanations for the decline of the PKB in the province. The most
obvious is the severe conflict within the party since 2008. This conflict has divided the party
into three camps, led by three prominent figures: Muhaimin Iskandar, Abdurrahman Wahid
309
The PDI-P (the Indonesian Democratic Party-Struggle) is the continuation of a party’s faction under
Megawati’s leadership following the internal conflict of the PDI from 1993 to 1997.
180
(Gus Dur), and Choirul Anam who then established his influence in the Ulema National
Awakening Party (Partai Kebangkitan Nasional Ulama/PKNU).
Also other parties suffered major setbacks. The result of the Golkar Party was also
worse compared to the 2004 election. In 2009, the party only garnered 9.69 percent of the
votes, which means that it lost more than 3 percent. This is surprisingly different from the
performance of some medium-sized parties such as the PAN and the PPP whose electoral
results were relatively stable, hovering around 5 percent of popular votes. The PKS, a new
party with modernist Islamic orientation, improved its performance in the region in 2004 from
0.34 percent in 1999 to 5.33 percent of the votes.
New parties that emerged in the 2008 election were the Greater Indonesia Movement
Party (Partai Gerakan Indonesia Raya/ Gerindra) and the People’s Conscience Party (Partai
Hati Nurani Rakyat/ Hanura), both led by the former high ranking military officers. In East
Java, Gerindra obtained 5.06 percent of votes, while Hanura got 3.5 percent of votes in the
province. Table 14 provides an overview about the performance of the parties in the three
general elections of the post-New Order period (at the national level and East Java).
Table 5. 4 Results of the General Elections in the Post-New Order Era, National Level
and East Java (by percent of popular vote
Political
Parties
1999 2004 2009
National
Level
East Java National
Level
East Java National
Level
East Java
Demokrat * * 7.5 7.52 20.81 21.99
Golkar 22.4 12.66 21.6 13 14.45 9.69
PDI-P 33.7 33.81 18.5 20.56 14.01 16.16
PK(S)** 1.35 0.34 7.3 2.9 7.89 5.33
PAN 7.1 4.74 6.4 4.64 6.03 5.58
PPP 10.7 6.09 8.2 7.32 5.33 5.31
PKB 12.6 35.48 10.6 31.11 4.95 11.83
Gerindra * * * * 4.46 5.06
Hanura * * * * 3.77 3.5
Other 12.15 19.9 12.95 18.2 15.55
Sources: Indonesian National Election Commission (KPU) 1999, 1999a, 2000, 2004, Yatim et.al.
2010; The Provincial Agency for Social and Political Affairs of East Java (Badan Kesatuan Bangsa
Jawa Timur) 2007, 2010; Ananta et. al. 2004.
*Did not participate.
** In the 1999 general election, the name of the party was PK (Partai Keadilan), while in the
subsequent general elections of 2004 and 2009, it was changed to PKS (Partai Keadilan Sejahtera)
181
2. Local Elections
The Gubernatorial Election in 1998
The gubernatorial election of 1998 was held based on the Law No. 5/1974. According to the
Law, local legislatures elect three to five candidates and they must report the result to the
central government. The central government via the Ministry of Home Affairs then chooses
one of the candidates as a local chief executive. The result was a “central-ordered candidate”
(calon pesanan dari pusat, see also Chapter 4) with great involvement of the President, the
Ministry of Home Affairs, and the Military Headquarters (Markas Besar ABRI).
In the initial phase, there were five candidates who took part in the gubernatorial
election of 1998. They were Major General (ret.) Basofi Sudirman (the incumbent Governor),
Major General Imam Utomo (former Regional Commander of Brawijaya and member of the
national legislature/ DPR), Major General (ret.) Haris Sudarno (former Regional Commander
of Brawijaya), Prof Dr Bambang Rahino (former Rector of the University of Airlangga and
member of DPR), and Syumli Syadli (Vice Chairman of the Provincial Legislature/ DPRD
and the politician from the PPP). These five candidates were the result of a pre-selection in
the provincial legislature. However, after this pre-selection had been conducted, the central
government only approved three candidates that could continue. The candidates for election in
the local legislature were Imam Utomo, Syumli Syadli, and Bambang Rahino. Imam was
supported by the factions of PDI, ABRI, and the Golkar Faction. The latter supported Imam
after the failure of Basofi’s candidacy. Syumli Sadli was the candidate of the PPP, while
Bambang Rahino was the candidate of some members in the Golkar Faction.310
During the downsizing of the number of five candidates to three, local politics was
quite dynamic. After his rejection by the central government, Basofi Sudirman mobilized his
supporters to demonstrate in front of the building of the provincial legislature. They
demanded the provincial legislature to accept Basofi as one of the three candidates. Their
demand was not only voiced in Surabaya, but they also went to the Ministry of Home Affairs
in Jakarta. Nevertheless, his strategic position as incumbent could not help Basofi to get the
ticket from Jakarta. The Minister of Home Affairs, Syarwan Hamid, stated that the reason
behind Basofi’s rejection was related to the central government’s decision to support a
governor for only one period of governorship. Only for those showing an excellent
performance, the central government would support them for the second term, as in the case
of the governor of East Nusa Tenggara (Nusa Tenggara Timur).311
The other reason was
310
“Dan, Pemenangnya Adalah…,” Jawa Pos, 31 July 1998, ”Terobosan Pada Injury Timepun Gagal,“ Jawa
Pos, 5 August 1998, “Syumli ‘GR’, Bambang Emoh Disebut Pendamping,” Jawa Pos, 5 August 1998. 311
“Dicoret Bukan Berarti Basofi Gagal, Syarwan: Untuk Dua Kali Harus Excellent,” Jawa Pos, 28 July 1998.
182
related to the consultation between the Minister of Home Affairs with the Commander of the
Armed Forces (Panglima ABRI) who proposed only one military/ former military officer in
the competition, and Basofi was not chosen.312
The three remaining candidates fiercely competed for the support of the provincial
legislators. At that time, the provincial legislature consisted of four factions: Golkar’s
Functional Group Faction (Fraksi Karya Pembangunan) with fifty members, the United
Development Faction (Fraksi Persatuan Pembangunan) with twenty-seven members, the
Indonesian Democratic Party Faction (Fraksi Partai Demokrasi Indonesia) with three
members, and the Military Faction (Fraksi ABRI) with twenty members. Altogether, these
four factions made up for the 100 members of the provincial legislature (see Table 15 below).
In the final stage, members of the local parliament voted on each candidate and the result of
this election that was held on 5 August 1998 showed that the majority of provincial legislators
supported Imam Utomo. Imam received 65 votes, Syumli Syadli 25 votes and Bambang
Rahino obtained ten votes (see Table 16 below). The result demonstrated a solid support of
the factions of PDI and ABRI to Imam, a dominant support of the Golkar Faction to Imam,
and possibly the disloyalty of some members of the PPP faction toward their candidate,
Syumli Sadli.313
With this result, Imam Utomo was inaugurated as a new leader, replacing
Basofi Sudirman as the governor of East Java.
Table 5. 5 Composition of Political Parties/ Factions in the Provincial Legislature in the
Gubernatorial Election of 1998
Political Parties/ Factions Number of Seats
The Functional Group Faction (Fraksi Karya Pembangunan) 50
The United Development Faction (Fraksi Persatuan Pembangunan) 27
The Indonesian Democratic Party Faction (Fraksi Partai Demokrasi
Indonesia)
3
The Military Faction (Fraksi ABRI) 20
Total Seats 100
Source: Document of Gubernatorial Election, Period 1998-2003, the Regional People’s Representative
Council/ the Provincial Legislature of East Java Province (DPRD Provinsi Jawa Timur), 1998.
312
In an interview Imam Utomo acknowledged that he accepted the order from the Commander of Armed Forces
to run in this gubernatorial election. Interview with Imam Utomo, Surabaya, 30 January 2012. 313
“Pembelot dan Pengkhianat FPP Terus Dilacak,” Jawa Pos, 7 August 1998.
183
Table 5. 6 The Results of the Gubernatorial Election of 1998
Candidates Votes
Imam Utomo 65
Syumli Syadli 25
Bambang Rahino 10
Total Votes 100
Source: Document of Gubernatorial Election, Period 1998-2003, the Regional People’s Representative
Council/ The Provincial Legislature of East Java Province (DPRD Provinsi Jawa Timur), 1998.
The Gubernatorial Election in 2003
The gubernatorial election of 2003 was held in more complex circumstances than the one in
1998. This condition, to a certain degree, was related to the enactment of the Decentralization
Law No. 22/1999, by which central government has lost its authority to intervene in the
electoral process. The provincial legislature, the political parties (at the provincial level and
the national level) and candidates then became the main actors of the election, replacing the
dominance of the central government. Yet elites of the political parties in Jakarta still
possessed crucial power in deciding which candidates could run in the race.
Competition among candidates to receive party support was particularly high in three
major political parties in the region: the PKB, the PDI-P, and the Golkar Party. However, in
the PDI-P and the Golkar Party, the tension among their politicians in promoting their
candidates was significantly less compared to what happened in the PKB. In the Golkar Party,
the Regional Chairman of the party, Ridwan Hisyam received the ticket as candidate of vice
governor, running with his partner, Abdul Kahfi who was supported by the PKB. For the
Golkar Party, the decision to offer Ridwan Hisyam the position of vice governor can be seen
as the maximum bargaining position since the party had only eleven seats in the parliament,
far behind the seats of the PKB which possessed thirty-three seats. In the PDI-P, the party’s
decision to support Imam Utomo-Soenarjo did not get significant resistance from the party’s
politicians, although some party cadres expressed reservation that Imam was not a party
member and recalled his repressive attitude towards the party at the time when Imam held the
position of the Regional Military Commander.314
Tension in selecting candidates was greater in the PKB. In order to find candidates, the
party formed a selection committee which was called the 10 Team of the PKB-NU (Tim 10
PKB-NU). This team had chosen ten candidates from the members of the party, members of
the Nahdlatul Ulama, and candidates from outside of the party and the NU. Amongst the
314
“Posisi Imam Utomo Terancam dalam Bursa Gubernur,” available at: www.tempo.co.id, 5 May 2003,
(accessed 6 August 2013).
184
candidates were Imam Utomo, Soenarjo, Saifullah Yusuf, Choirul Anam, and Ali Machsan
Musa. The first two were the incumbent governor and the secretary of the provincial
government, while the others were members of the party and the Nahdlatul Ulama. The work
of the team then converged on two candidates: Imam Utomo for the candidate of governor,
and Saifullah Yusuf, the Secretary General of the party as the candidate of vice governor. A
report on the committee’s deliberations was then sent to the Central Board of the party in
Jakarta. Responding to this report, the Central Board, in particular the Chairman of the
Supreme Board of the PKB (Ketua Dewan Syuro PKB), former Indonesian President
Abdurrahman Wahid (Gus Dur), rejected the proposal and proposed other candidates: Abdul
Kahfi, the former vice governor of Jakarta, as candidate for the position of governor, and
Ridwan Hisyam, the Regional Chairman of the Golkar party as candidate for the position of
vice governor. Gus Dur’s proposal to pair Abdul Kahfi with Ridwan Hisyam also signaled the
beginning of a coalition of the PKB with the Golkar Party. This decision was taken to enlarge
the parliamentary support by arranging a coalition from which the PKB (thirty-three votes)
could add the eleven votes from members of the Golkar Party in the local parliament. The
coalition was formally formed during a meeting between Gus Dur and Akbar Tanjung (the
National Chairman of the Golkar Party) in Jakarta.315
Nevertheless, Gus Dur’s proposal met resistance from some members of the party. The
Secretary General of the party, Saifullah Yusuf - the nephew of Gus Dur - stated that Gus
Dur’s proposal had violated party procedures. Further, Saifullah said that Abdul Kahfi was
unknown to the people in East Java. In fact, it was not only Saifullah alone who refused the
proposal, but also some influential local religious teachers (kyai). One among them was Kyai
Masduki Mahfudz, the Chairman of the Provincial Supreme Board of Nahdlatul Ulama
(Ketua Syuriah Pengurus Wilayah NU). Masduki stated that the Nahdlatul Ulama did not
approve of Abdul Kahfi yet and continued his covert resistance by saying that Abdul Kahfi
was neither a member of the NU nor the PKB, but that, in contrast, he was believed to be a
member of Muhammadiyah.316
Despite internal disputes and divisions, the PKB and the Golkar Party continued to
support the Abdul Kahfi-Ridwan Hisjam candidacy. This unfavorable situation improved the
chances for their contenders, the Imam Utomo-Soenarjo team. Imam Utomo could also build
on his active engagement with religious teachers, the NU and the Islamic boarding schools
315
“Gus Dur-Akbar Bertemu Membahas Calon Gubernur Jatim,“ available at: www.news.liputan6.com, 7 July
2003, (accessed 6 August 2013). 316
“Calon Gubernur Jatim Abdul Kahfi, Belum Minta Restu NU,“ available at: www.tempo.co, 18 June 2003,
(accessed 6 August 2013).
185
(pesantren) during his governorship. Kyai Masduki Mahfudz, the Chairman of the Provincial
Supreme Board of NU, acknowledged that Imam frequently met him and requested his
support, and he approved Imam’s leadership. For Masduki, one of the reasons behind his
support for Imam was that Imam had never disappointed the members of the NU.317
As a result of the selection process, by the end of June 2003, five factions in the
provincial legislature formally decided on their candidates. The PDI-P and the Joint Factions,
composed of PPP, PAN and several six small parties, proposed Imam Utomo-Soenarjo as
their candidates.318
The PKB and the Golkar Party factions submitted the Abdul Kahfi-
Ridwan Hisjam ticket.319
The Military and Police Faction took a neutral position without
proposing any candidates.320
In the 100-member provincial legislature (see Table 17 below), the PKB was the
strongest faction with thirty-three seats and followed by the PDI-P with thirty-one seats. The
Golkar Party (previously the biggest faction in parliament with fifty seats) had only eleven
seats, an almost comparable number of seats to that of the Military-Police Faction (ten seats).
The fifteen remaining seats belonged to the Joint Faction (Fraksi Gabungan) in which the
PPP had five seats, PAN four seats, and the other six parties one seat each.
Table 5. 7 Composition of Political Parties/ Factions in the Provincial Legislature in the
Gubernatorial Election of 2003
Political Parties/ Factions Number of Seats
The PKB Faction (Fraksi Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa) 33
The PDI-P Faction (Fraksi Partai Demokrasi Indonesia Perjuangan) 31
The Golkar Party Faction (Fraksi Partai Golkar) 11
The Military-Police Faction (Fraksi TNI-POLRI) 10
The Joint Faction (Fraksi Gabungan) 15
Total Seats 100
Sources: Document of Gubernatorial Election, Period 2003-2008, the Regional People’s
Representative Council/ The Provincial Legislature of East Java Province (DPRD Provinsi Jawa
Timur), 2003, various media sources.
The election result was consistent with the dynamics and tensions in political parties as
317
“Calon Gubernur Jatim Abdul Kahfi, Belum Minta Restu NU,“ available at: www.tempo.co, 18 June 2003,
(accessed 6 August 2013). 318
Document of Letter Number 104/Ex/F.PDI-P/DPRD JATIM/VI/2006 on “Penetapan Pasangan Calon
Gubernur dan Wakil Gubernur Jawa Timur Periode 2003-2008 dari Fraksi DPI Perjuangan,” 27 June 2003;
Document of Letter Number 46/F.Gab/DPRD/VI/2003 on “Nama Pasangan Calon Gubernur dan Wakil
Gubernur Jawa Timur periode 2003-2008,“ Surabaya, 26 June 2003. 319
Document of Letter Number 127/ FKB/ DPRD-JATIM/ VI/ 2003 on “Penetapan Pasangan Calon Gubernur
dan Wakil Gubernur Jawa Timur 2003-2008,” Surabaya, 26 June 2003; Document of Letter Number 215/ FPG/
DPRD Jatim/ VI/ 2003 on “Penetapan Pasangan Calon Gubernur dan Wakil Gubernur Jawa Timur Periode 2003-
2008,” Surabaya, 26 June 2003. 320
Document of Letter Number B/ 85/ VI/ 2005 on “Penetapan Pasangan Calon Gubernur dan Wakil Gubernur
Jawa Timur Periode 2003-2008 Fraksi TNI & POLRI,“ Surabaya, 26 June 2003.
186
previously described. Abdul Kahfi and Ridwan Hisjam only obtained thirty-four votes out of
100. This result was lower than the number of seats which the PKB and the Golkar Party
factions actually had in the parliament. The two factions should have obtained at least forty-
four seats in total. In fact, the pair did not only fail to broaden political support from other
factions, but also lost coalition support. In contrast to the results of Abdul Kahfi and Ridwan
Hisjam, Imam Utomo-Soenarjo received more votes from the members of the legislature than
their coalition should have received. The pair received sixty-three votes which was a higher
number than the actual seats of the PDI-P and the Joint-Faction which only had forty-six
seats. It is clear that the pair could enlist political support from the Military-Police Faction
and some politicians from the PKB and the Golkar Party. Table 18 below exhibits the result of
the gubernatorial election of 2003.
Table 5. 8 The Result of the Gubernatorial Election of 2003
Candidates Votes
Imam Utomo-Soenarjo 63
Abdul Kahfi-Ridwan Hisjam 34
Abstain 1
Invalid 2
Total Votes 100
Source: Document of Gubernatorial Election, Period 2003-2008, the Regional People’s Representative
Council/ The Provincial Legislature of East Java Province (DPRD Provinsi Jawa Timur), 2003.
The Gubernatorial Election in 2008
The gubernatorial election of 2008 was the first direct election of governor in East Java. It
was held in the new atmosphere of democratization. Based on the general election in 2004,
the PDI-P and the PKB were the two most powerful political parties in the region. However,
their domination was overshadowed by the rapid rise and increasing popularity of the
Democrat Party, following the election of Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono as the President who
was also the figurehead of the party. While the popularity of the Democrat Party grew, the
PDI-P and the PKB faced a decline. In contrast to the Democrat Party, the PDI-P encountered
a lack of political and economic resources as an opposition party. The PKB had to deal with
serious internal friction of its elites both at the national level and provincial branch in East
Java.
The election was also characterized by the absence of Imam Utomo (the incumbent
governor) as one of the most prominent local elites. Imam Utomo had been in office for two
terms and thus reached the maximum duration a local chief executive could hold office. Also,
187
this gubernatorial election had its peculiarity compared to other gubernatorial elections in the
country because it went into three “rounds.” In addition, this gubernatorial election was not
only the most exhausting, but also the most expensive local election since the enactment of
direct local elections. Total government expenses for this gubernatorial election amounted to
more than 830 billion rupiahs (US$72.2 million),321
not including the expenses of candidates
and political parties for campaigning.
There were five pairs of candidates who participated in this gubernatorial election in
the first round. Looking at their background, six of them were politicians, while the other four
were senior local bureaucrats and former high-ranking military officers. Two candidates were
former ministers (Khofifah Indar Parawansa and Saifullah Yusuf) and the other four were
member of national parliament (Sutjipto), the incumbent vice governor (Soenarjo), the
Secretary of the provincial government (Soekarwo) and the regent of Mojokerto (Achmady).
One candidate was the former regional chairman of the Golkar Party who was also a member
of the provincial legislature (Ridwan Hisyam). In addition to the civilian candidates, there
were two former military officers who were former Chiefs of Staff of the Military Regional
Command of Brawijaya (Mujiono and Soehartono). Among these ten candidates, four
candidates were affiliated with the biggest Islamic organization in Indonesia, the Nahdlatul
Ulama (Khofifah, Ali Machsan Musa, Achmady, and Saifullah Yusuf). Only four out of ten
candidates can thus be classified as new elites (Khofifah, Saifullah, Ali, and Soetjipto) who
were not involved in, or had any connections to, the political institutions of the New Order. In
the case of Soetjipto, he was an experienced politician of the PDI-P and became the
opposition leader to the regime, in particular in the last days of the New Order.
Competition among candidates started with the process of nomination by political
parties. Based on the Law No. 32/2004, candidates must be nominated by a political party or
coalition of political parties with at least fifteen percent of total votes or fifteen percent of
total seats in the local parliament based on the previous general election. According to this
regulation, there were only three parties that could nominate candidates without forming a
coalition: the PDI-P, the PKB, and the Golkar Party. In the Golkar Party, the decision to
nominate candidates was not so problematic. The regional chairman of the party, Soenarjo
had secured his position as the strongest candidate of the party. Nevertheless, another party
leader, Ridwan Hisjam who held the position of Vice Chairman of the Provincial Legislature
and who was also a former Chairman of the Provincial Board of the Golkar Party, was
nominated by the PDI-P as candidate of vice governor, to be paired with Sutjipto as the
321
Based on a currency rate of 11,490 Rupiah for 1 US$. See also “Biaya Pilkada Berlebihan,” Kompas, 24
January 2009.
188
candidate of governor of the PDI-P.
The constellation was even more complex in the PKB and the PDI-P. In 2008, the
PKB experienced an internal conflict, in particular between the Chairman of the Advisory
Board (Ketua Dewan Syuro) Abdurrahman Wahid (Gus Dur) and the Chairman of the
Executive Board (Ketua Dewan Tanfidz) Muhaimin Iskandar.322
This conflict had resulted in
dual management structures in the party. The Gus Dur’s camp appointed Ali Masykur Musa
as the Chairman of the Executive Council, while Muhaimin Iskandar’s camp chose Muhaimin
as the Chairman. The impact of this conflict at the national level influenced the composition
of the provincial board in East Java. Gus Dur’s camp chose Hasan Aminudin as the Chairman
of the Provincial Board, while his opponent decided that Nahrawi was the chairman in the
province. This conflict eroded the internal cohesion of the party.323
It significantly influenced
the nomination of candidates in the gubernatorial election where each conflicting group
supported different candidates. Muhaimin proposed Syamiatun (a businesswoman and the
Chairwoman of the Indigenous Cooperative Association, Asosiasi Koperasi Pribumi, IKOPI)
and Arifin Darmawan, a university professor, as candidates of governor and vice governor of
East Java, while Gus Dur nominated Achmady and Soehartono as the candidates.324
After
legal verification, the Local Election Commission (KPUD) eventually decided that Achmady
and Soehartono are the authorized candidates of the PKB.325
Achmady had eliminated other
candidates from Gus Dur’s camp such as Haris Sudarno and Djoko Subroto (both were former
Regional Military Commanders of Brawijaya), Hermawan Sulistyo (researcher at LIPI) and
Ali Machsan Musa (former Chairman of the Regional Board of Nahdlatul Ulama/ PWNU).326
Following the the KPUD’s decision, Muhaimin’s camp supported Soekarwo-Saifullah
Yusuf.327
While the PKB encountered internal conflict and split support, the PDI-P faced similar
tensions. Key competitors for the party’s ticket were Sutjipto and Soekarwo. Sutjipto was the
322
“Jalan Panjang Konflik PKB,” available at: www.kompas.com, 19 July 2008, (accessed 4 September 2013);
Yohan Wahyu, “Pertarungan Popularitas dan Ujian PKB,” available at: www.kompas.com, 7 July 2008,
(accessed 4 September 2013); “Didera Konflik, PKB Tetap Yakin Menang di Pilgub Jatim,” available at:
www.newsdetik.com, 27 April 2008, (accessed 4 September 2013). 323
“PKNU Resmi Dideklarasikan,” available at: www.arsip.gatra.com, 31 March 2007, (accessed 4 September
2013). 324
“Tandingi Khofifah, PKB Muhaimin Calonkan Bu Syam,” available at: www.news.detik.com, 12 May 2008,
(accessed 4 September 2013) 325
“KPUD Tetapkan 5 Pasangan Cagub,” available at: www.news.detik.com, 15 June 2008, (accessed 4
September 2013). 326
“Gus Dur ‘Jatuh Hati’ ke Bupati Mojokerto?” available at: www.news.detik.com, 15 July 2007, (accessed 4
September 2013); “Daftar Cagub Jatim Lewat PKB Hanya Rp. 999.000,” available at: www.news.detik.com, 18
April 2007, (accessed 4 September 2013). 327
“PKB Muhaimin Dukung Karsa, Gus Dur Abstain,” available at: www.tempo.co, 26 October 2008, (accessed
4 September 2013).
189
former Chairman of the Provincial Board of the PDI-P, who was serving as the Secretary
General of the party, and member of the national parliament. Meanwhile, Soekarwo was the
Secretary of the Provincial government who had no formal position in the party, although he
was a former activist of the National Student Movement of Indonesia (GMNI) that was
closely linked to the PDI-P and the PNI in the past. Both local politicians possessed political
channels to the Central Board of the party and to the cadres of the party at the local branches.
In the case of Sutjipto, he was the leader of the supporters of Megawati and the
Chairman of the Central Board, when the New Order regime tried to annul the victory of
Megawati as the chairman of the party in the Extraordinary Congress (Kongres Luar Biasa) in
1993 and proposed Soerjadi as the chairman 3 years later in the party congress in Medan.
Sutjipto and his followers under the banner of the “PDI Promeg” (PDI Pro-Megawati)
continued their resistance towards Soerjadi and the regime until the conflict culminated in the
riots of 27 July 1996 in Jakarta between Megawati’s supporters and Soerjadi’s supporters
(Bhakti 2001; Priyono 2001, 1999-228; Putranto et.al., 2006, 71-110).328
With this emotional
and personal relationship between Sutjipto and Megawati, it was not surprising to see Sutjipto
serving several strategic positions in the party after the fall of the New Order. Given this
background, the chance to get the party’s ticket was relatively great.
Nevertheless, Soekarwo had also his “trump card” to get PDI-P support as he was
close to the incumbent governor, Imam Utomo. In the previous gubernatorial election, Imam
was supported by the PDI-P and his relationship with the party’s national leadership was
good. Having a direct access to Megawati, it was believed that Imam could promote
Soekarwo as his successor. By pledging that Imam and Soekarwo would support Megawati
and the PDI-P in the upcoming 2009 general election and presidential election, the prospects
of Soekarwo for getting Megawati’s blessing seemed favorable.329
Furthermore, Soekarwo’s
good position was not only a result of securing his support by the national party elite; he also
travelled around the local party branches, drumming up support from party’s cadres.330
As a
result, in the Special Regional Meeting (Rapat Kerja Daerah Khusus/ Rakerdasus) on 24
February 2007, the Provincial Board of the party (DPD PDI-P) decided to nominate Soekarwo
and Sutjipto as candidates. In this meeting, Soekarwo won the branches’ support over
Sutjipto. From the thirty-eight branches of the party, Soekarwo obtained the support of
twenty-two branches, while Sutjipto received only support from eleven branches. Five
328
See also footnote 308 above. 329
Interview with Imam Utomo, Surabaya, 30 January 2012. 330
Interviews with Soekarwo, Surabaya, 26 January 2012 and Hotman Siahaan, Surabaya, 25 January 2012.
190
branches supported both candidates.331
This result has shown the positive impact of
Soekarwo’s persistent efforts in approaching party cadres at the local level, although he was
not a member of the party. Nevertheless, Soekarwo’s victory did not mean that he would get
the party’s ticket, since the final decision was in the hands of the party’s Central Board.
Almost a year after this meeting and marked by tension between Soekarwo and
Sutjipto and their followers, on 26 January 2008, the Central Board decided that Sutjipto
would be the candidate of the party. According to Pramono Anung, the General Secretary of
the party, Sutjipto got the party ticket as he was a cadre of the PDI-P and had served in
strategic positions in the party, especially as General-Secretary and the regional head.332
One
month later, the Central Board nominated Ridwan Hisyam as the candidate for vice
governor.333
After having been rejected by the PDI-P, Soekarwo tried to marshal support from
different parties, and he finally received it from the Democrat Party and PAN. Another
candidate, Khofifah, received party support from a coalition of PPP and eleven smaller
political parties (Hasan, 2010, 31-38).
After the pre-election when candidates sought party support, the Local Election
Commission admitted five pairs of candidates on 15 June 2008.334
Khofifah and Mudjiono
were nominated by a coalition of political parties (Partai Persatuan Pembangunan/United
Development Party, PPP; Partai Persatuan Nahdlatul Ummah/United of Nahdlatul Ummah
Party, PPNU; Partai Nasional Indonesia Marhaen/Indonesian National Party-Marhaen; PNI-
Marhaen); Merdeka Party; Pelopor Party; Partai Perhimpunan Indonesia Baru/New
Indonesia Alliance Party, PIB-Party; Partai Nasional Banteng Kemerdekaan/Freedom Bull
National Party, PNBK; Partai Keadilan dan Persatuan Indonesia/Indonesian Justice and
Unity Party, PKPI; Partai Bintang Reformasi/Star Reform Party; PBR; Partai Damai
Sejahtera/Prosperous Peace Party, PDS; Partai Karya Peduli Bangsa/Concern for the Nation
Functional Group Party, PKPB; and Patriot Pancasila Party), Soenarjo and Ali Machsan Musa
were backed by the Golkar Party, Sutjipto and Ridwan Hisjam were supported by the PDI-P,
Achmady and Soehartono were nominated by the PKB, and Soekarwo and Saifullah Yusuf
were promoted by the Democrat Party and PAN.335
In the first round of the gubernatorial elections, Soekarwo and Saifullah won the
331
“PDI-P Jawa Timur Tetapkan Calon Gubernur,” available at: www.tempo.co, 25 February 2007, (accessed 5
September 2013). 332
“Sutjipto, Cagub Jatim dari PDIP,” available at: www.nasional.kompas.com, 26 January 2008, (accessed 5
September 2013). 333
“PDIP Tetapkan Ridwan Hisyam Cawagub Jatim,” available at: www.news.okezone.com, 26 February 2008,
(accessed 5 September 2013). 334
“KPU Jawa Timur Tetapkan Lima Pasangan Calon Gubernur,” available at: www.tempo.co, 15 June 2008,
(accessed 5 September 2013). 335
Ibid.
191
election with 26.44 percent of votes. Since the regulation stated that the winner must obtain a
minimum of 30 percent of votes, they had to run in a second round of elections. Their
contenders were Khofifah and Mujiono (Kaji) who received 24.82 percent of the popular vote.
Sutjipto and Ridwan Hisjam who were backed by the PDI-P received 21.19 percent of votes,
while the Golkar Party’s candidates, Soenarjo and Ali Machsan Musa, garnered 19.34
percent. The candidates of the PKB, Achmady and Soehartono only gained 8.21 percent of
votes, far from the PKB’s result in the 2004 general election which was 31.11 percent. On the
one hand, the results of the first round revealed the impact of the internal conflict within the
PKB that significantly influenced the support at the ballot box. On the other hand, the victory
of Soekarwo demonstrated a partial support from the PDI-P, particularly from the local
branches where disappointment over the nomination of Sutjipto by the Central Board was
sizeable. Saifullah as the leader of the Ansor Youth Movement (Gerakan Pemuda Ansor), one
of the mass organizations of the Nahdlatul Ulama, also contributed to their victory. In
addition, the success of Khofifah in the first round proved that she was in possession of wide
networks and support, in particular from Nahdlatul Ulama’s religious teachers (kyai). Besides,
Khofifah could effectively mobilize the organization under her leadership, the Muslimat NU,
another sub-organization of the Nahdlatul Ulama in which the members were women and had
a strong presence in East Java.
In the second round, party support changed. After its defeat in the first round, the PDI-
P supported Khofifah in the second round.336
This support cannot be separated from the
upcoming presidential elections in 2009, when Megawati as the leader of the party was
expected to run against Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY) of the Democrat Party who
backed Soekarwo.337
Another factor behind the PDI-P’s support to Khofifah was related to the figure of
Hasyim Muzadi, the National Chairman of the Nahdlatul Ulama, as the main-supporter of
Khofifah. Hasyim was the running mate (and candidate for vice president) of Megawati in the
presidential election of 2004. Other parties - the Golkar party (in particular with support from
the local branches) and the PKB - supported Soekarwo in the second round, although there
were rifts within both parties.338
Therefore, in Khofifah’s camp, the PPP and several small
336
“PDIP Dukung Khofifah-Mujiono,” available at: www.nu.or.id, 24 October 2008, (accessed 6 September
2013). 337
“PDIP Dukung Khofifah, Agar Megawati Sukses Jadi RI 1,” available at: www.kompas.com, 27 October
2008, (accessed 6 September 2013); “PDIP Dukung Khofifah Untuk Muluskan Megawati,” available at:
www.tempo.co, 23 October 2008, (accessed 6 September 2013). 338
“Golkar Dukung Karsa,” available at: www.regional.kompas.com, 17 October 2008, (accessed 6 September
2013); „PKB Resmi Dukung Karsa,“ available at: www.m.inilah.com, 16 October 2008, (accessed 6 September
2013); “PKB Nachrawi Dukung Karsa,” available at: www.nasional.kompas.com, 31 October 2008, (accessed 6
192
parties built a coalition with one of the largest parties in the region, the PDI-P. In the case of
Soekarwo, the coalition of the Democrat Party and PAN was strengthened by new partners,
namely the PKB and the PKS. With the composition of party supporters and the strong
popularity of the candidates, the second round of the gubernatorial election was predicted as
becoming highly competitive and outcome uncertain.
This prediction came true on the voting day of 4 November 2008 when some pollsters
announced the result, based on both real count and quick count. The Indonesian Survey
Institute (Lembaga Survey Indonesia), for instance, announced the result with 50.44 percent
of votes for Khofifah and Mujiono and 49.56 percent of votes for Soekarwo and Saifullah.339
Other pollsters such as the Indonesian Survey Circle (Lingkaran Survei Indonesia) announced
as result 50.76 for Khofifah and Mujiono and 49.24 percent for Soekarwo and Saifullah, while
the National Survey Institute (Lembaga Survei Nasional) saw Khofifah and her running mate
win the elections with 50.71 percent against 49.29 percent for the Soekarwo and Saifullah
team.340
A week after voting day, the Local Election Commission eventually announced the
final result: The Soekarwo-Saifullah ticket obtained 50.2 percent of votes, while Khofifah and
Mujiono received 49.8 percent of the votes.341
This formal result contradicted the results of
the pollsters and became one of the reasons why Khofifah complained that the election was
rigged.342
Khofifah therefore filed a lawsuit at the Constitutional Court (Mahkamah
Konstitusi) against the Local Election Commission.
In early December 2008, the Constitutional Court decided to accept the lawsuit, even
though not ruling on all complaints of Khofifah. It ruled that the Local Election Commission
had to re-conduct the vote (re-election) in the two regencies of Bangkalan and Sampang, and
that it should organize the process of re-counting of ballots in the regency of Pamekasan. All
of these regencies were located on Madura Island which was found by the Court to have been
the place of a systematic, structured, and massive electoral fraud (Hasan 2010, 106). The two
re-elections were to be held during one month, from the end of December 2008 to the end of
January 2009, and it ended with a victory of Soekarwo and his running mate, although their
votes slightly decreased. In this final round, Soekarwo and Saifullah obtained 50.11 percent of
September 2013); “ PDIP, Golkar, dan PKB Terbelah di Putaran II,” available at: www.nasional.kompas.com, 23
October 2008, (accessed 6 September 2013). 339
“Quick Count: Jawa Timur,” 5 November 2008, available at: http://www.lsi.or.id/riset/353/quick-count-jawa-
timur, (accessed 5 September 2013). 340
“Pasangan Kaji Unggul Sementara Atas Karsa,” available at: www.suarakarya-online.com, (accessed 19
September 2013). 341
“Karsa Menang!” available at: www.megapolitan.kompas.com, 11 November 2008, (accessed 7 September
2013). 342
“Menang-Kalah Kaji Akan Gugat ke MK,” available at: www.megapolitan.kompas.com, 11 November 2008,
(accessed 7 September 2013).
193
votes, while their opponents received 49.89 percent. Again, Khofifah’s side rejected the result
and filed another lawsuit at the Court. This second lawsuit was also filed because the Chief of
Provincial Police (Kepala Kepolisian Daerah), Herman S. Sumawireja, had found indications
of fraud in the final round.343
However, the Court rejected this second lawsuit and this
decision finally ended the longest, the most expensive and the most exhausting local election
ever held in the country with the victory of Soekarwo and Saifullah Yusuf. The following
Table 9 details the results of this gubernatorial election.
Table 5. 9 The Results of the Gubernatorial Election of 2008 (in percent)
No. Candidates Political Parties Votes (1st
Round)
Votes (2nd
Round)
Re-Voting
and Re-
Counting
1 Khofifah IP
Mujiono
PPP and others 24.82 49.80 49.89
2. Sutjipto
Ridwan Hisjam
PDIP 21.19 - -
3. Soenarjo
Ali Machsan Moesa
Golkar Party 19.34 - -
4. Achmady
Soehartono
PKB 8.21 - -
5. Soekarwo
Saifullah Yusuf
Democrat Party,
PAN 26.44 50.20 50.11
Sources: The Election Commission of East Java (KPUD Jawa Timur) 2009, The Provincial Agency
for Social and Political Affairs of East Java (Badan Kesatuan Bangsa Jawa Timur) 2010.
The Mayoral Elections of Surabaya in 2000, 2005, and 2010
This section will discuss three mayoral elections in the capital of the province, Surabaya. The
mayoral election of 2000 was held in the city parliament where the members of parliament
elected the mayor, while the mayoral elections of 2005 and 2010 were based on direct local
elections. The city parliament elected a single candidate of mayor, while in the direct
elections a pair of candidates (mayor and vice mayor) was up for voting.
The mayoral election of 2000 was conducted during the era of democratic transition.
After the breakdown of the New Order regime, the general election of 1999 had resulted in a
significant change of the political constellation in Surabaya. The New Order’s ruling party,
Golkar, was no longer dominant and was replaced by the PDI-P as the leading party. The
latter was perceived as the main opposition party under the ancien régime. Prior to the 2000
elections, the PDI-P controlled twenty-four seats (53.3 percent) in the city parliament. Second
rank was the PKB, which had seven seats (15.6 percent). The Golkar Party had only two
343
“Irjen Herman Bertemu Parpol,” Kompas, 19 March 2009; “KPU Tetap Ragukan DPT yang Dilaporkan,”
Kompas, 21 March 2009; “Istana Panggil Pejabat Polkam,” Kompas, 20 March 2009.
194
seats, less than PAN and the PPP that controlled three seats, respectively. The remaining five
seats were reserved seats of the Military and Police Faction and hence not up for election. The
PDI-P thus enjoyed a simple majority in the parliament and the party seemed geared for
victory in mayoral elections.
Nevertheless, the political situation at that time was more complex than the
composition of the local parliament suggested. The incumbent mayor, Sunarto Sumoprawiro,
a former military officer who later on joined the Golkar Party, remained strong as a candidate.
More than that, one year before the election, the city parliament started the nomination
process. This nomination had resulted in three mayoral candidates: Sunarto Sumoprawiro,
Mukayat, and Prof Muchsin. These candidates were also approved by the Ministry of Home
Affairs. However, the nomination by the “old parliament” raised criticism from the PDI-P, its
sub-organizations, and some NGOs as well as student organizations. Their basic objection
was related to the transitional status of the old parliament and that it did not have the authority
to decide on mayoral candidates. Others criticized Sunarto’s background as a military officer
and accordingly called for a civilian leader. Also, charges of corruption were aired against
Sunarto’s administration by NGOs, students and PDI-P followers. As a result of these
criticisms, the new city parliament elected in the 1999 election annulled the previous
nomination and began a new nomination.
Following the new nomination, the PDI-P faced internal frictions, in particular
between Sutikno and Bambang Dwi Hartono. Sutikno was the then-Chairman of the District
Board (DPC) and Bambang was the Secretary of the District Board of the PDI-P of Surabaya.
Both were willing to be nominated by the party and competed for internal support. After the
internal selection, the party decided that Sutikno would be the candidate and this decision was
approved by the Central Board (DPP) of the party in Jakarta. Bambang subsequently crossed
over to Sunarto and became the candidate of vice mayor. This pair of candidates was
supported by the PKB and the Golkar Party. Furthermore, the candidacy of Sutikno - the
candidate of the PDI-P - was annulled due to criminal indictments in his past (Nurhasim et. al
2005, 105). The annulment of Sutikno’s candidacy forced the party to find a replacement. The
Central Board of the party (DPP) then recommended Bambang as the only candidate (for
mayor or vice mayor), but the District Board under its new leader Basuki did not follow this
instruction (Nurhasim et. al. 2005, 109-110). Basuki and his group supported other candidates
– i.e. Mukayat and Unggul Ruseno - who were initially supported by the Joint Faction (Fraksi
Gabungan). The internal conflict of the PDI-P could not be resolved, and some of the
members supported Bambang, while others backed Mukayat and Unggul. As a result of this
195
election, the pair of Sunarto-Bambang won the election by obtaining eighteen votes, narrowly
defeating Mukayat and Unggul by only one vote. Other pairs - Budhiarto Machruf and Gatot
Sudjito of the Military and Police Faction gained ten votes, while the Muchsin-Ismail Syarif
team did not even obtain a single vote. The Table 10 below lists the result of mayoral election
of Surabaya in 2000.
Table 5. 10 The Results of the Mayoral Election of Surabaya in 2000
No Candidates Political Parties/ Factions Votes
1. Sunarto Sumoprawiro
Bambang DH
PKB and Golkar Party (and later on
the PDI-P)
18
2. Mukayat
Unggul Ruseno
Joint Faction 17
3. Budhiarto Machruf
Gatot Sudjito
Military and Police Faction 10
4. Muchsin
Ismail Syarif
Joint Faction (except the Golkar
Party)
0
Source: Nurhasim et al. 2005, 111
The mayoral election of Surabaya in 2000 showed the political proficiency of the long-
established elite (Sunarto Sumoprawiro) in gaining political support in the city parliament. In
addition, the Golkar Party as the representation of the ancien régime also showed its
capability to manage local power, although the party had only two parliamentarian seats at
that time. With the support of the PKB that had seven seats, Sunarto and the Golkar Party
were able to take away support from the PDI-P, benefitting from the conflict in the latter. By
having Bambang join his camp, Sunarto obtained more political support from Bambang’s
supporters in parliament. The success of Sunarto and the Golkar Party proved that there was a
lack of political experience in the PDI-P and its local elites. It also showcased that obtaining a
simple majority in the city parliament did not automatically guarantee the success in a
political contest. In addition, the defeat of the PDI-P in this mayoral election indicated that
Sunarto and his camp including some local leaders of the PDI-P had resorted to money
politics. This issue emerged at least once when two members of the city parliament from the
PDI-P - Baktiono and Heru Rusianto – were beaten by party’s cadres after rumors surfaced
that they had supported a different candidate in the election (Nurhasim et al. 2005, 111). It
was assumed that they were involved in money politics to support Sunarto-Bambang
(Nurhasim et al. 2005, 112).
After the mayoral election of 2000, Sunarto tried to accommodate his contender in the
election, in particular inside the PDI-P under its leader Basuki. Sunarto succeeded in his
efforts by using material inducements. However, the situation changed after two important
196
events: Basuki was charged with corruption and Sunarto’s illness that led to the change of the
political constellation in 2002. The serious illness of Sunarto led to the impeachment of
Sunarto in the city parliament.344
Bambang subsequently replaced him. With this situation,
Bambang had the opportunity to prepare for the next mayoral election in 2005 as an
incumbent. With his new position as mayor of Surabaya, Bambang installed himself as a new
local elite member in Surabaya. In addition, after Basuki’s imprisonment due to the corruption
charges, Bambang’s group faced no rival in the PDI-P. With the support of Soetjipto,
Chairman of the Provincial Board of the party (DPD PDI-P), the party came under the
leadership of the group of Soetjipto-Bambang, which was known as the Pandegiling group.345
The mayoral election of 2005 was conducted through direct local elections. With this
mechanism, members of the city parliament were no longer playing a fundamental role in
deciding who would govern the city. Nevertheless, this mechanism still gave a crucial
function to political parties in the nomination of the candidates. After the search for
candidates ended, the political parties or a coalition of political parties promoted their
candidates. The PDI-P proposed the pair of Bambang Dwi Hartono and Arif Afandi. The PKB
nominated Alisyahbana and Wahyudin Hussein, while a coalition of the Democrat Party (PD)
and PAN supported Erlangga Satriagung and AH Thony. The last pair of candidates was
Gatot Sudjito-Benyamin Hilli who were nominated by the Golkar Party and the PDS. Most of
these candidates were politicians (Bambang, Erlangga, AH Thony, Wahyudin Husein and
Gatot Sudjito), while others were either professionals or bureaucrats. Arif Afandi was a
journalist and editor-in-chief of the Jawa Pos, the biggest daily newspaper in East Java.
Alisyahbana was the former Secretary of the City (Sekretaris Kota) of Surabaya, while
Benyamin Hilli was an elder of the Protestant Church and also a city planning expert. Without
any significant difficulties, Bambang-Arif won the election and obtained a simple majority
with 51.34 percent of votes already in the first round.346
The candidates of the PKB, the
Alisyahbana-Wahyudin Hussein ticket received 20.73 percent, while the Erlangga-Thony
team garnered 18.67 percent of the votes. The Gatot-Benyamin team obtained only 9.26
344
“Cak Narto Dipecat, Wakil Walikota Naik,” available at: www.arsip.gatra.com, 15 January 2002, (accessed
on 25 August 2013). 345
Pandegiling is the name of region in Surabaya where the PDI-P’s headquarter is located. During the New
Order regime, this place became the center of opposition for the supporters of Megawati (Promeg), in particular
when the regime imposed a new leadership on the party and met resistance from Megawati’s supporters.
Pandegiling refers to a group of Megawati’s loyalists and Soetjipto and Bambang Dwi Hartono were among the
leaders of this group. 346
”KPUD Tetapkan Bambang Walikota Surabaya,“ available: www.tempo.co.id, 7 July 2005, (accessed 26
August 2013). There is a slight difference in the results of the mayoral election between what was published in
this source (media) and the official result of the provincial government. For the official result, see Table 11
below.
197
percent of the votes.347
With this result, Bambang got a “second term” as mayor. Table 20
details the election results.
Table 5. 11The Results of the Mayoral Election of Surabaya in 2005 (in percent)
No Candidates Political Parties Votes
1. Bambang DH
Arif Afandi
PDI-P 51.39
2. Alisyahbana
Wahyudin Hussein
PKB 20.87
3. Erlangga Satriagung
AH Thony
Democrat Party and PAN 18.6
4. Gatot Sudjito
Benyamin Hilli
Golkar Party and PDS 9.14
Source: The Provincial Agency for Social and Political Affairs of East Java (Badan Kesatuan Bangsa
Jawa Timur) 2007.
The mayoral election of 2005 stood for the rise of new elites in Surabaya. Most candidates
were new politicians in the local political arena. Bambang and Thony were known as PDI-P
acdres and were opposition leaders during the New Order regime in Surabaya. Wahyudin was
the leader of the PKB, a new party that was established after the breakdown of the New
Order. Arif and Benyamin had no previous political experience, while some other candidates
did have. Erlangga and Gatot were politicians of the Golkar Party, Alisyahbana was a career
bureaucrat. In addition, this mayoral election strengthened the domination of the PDI-P and
Bambang as the leader in Surabaya.
The mayoral election of 2010 was preceded by a changing political constellation in the
city. The PKB and the PDI-P could no longer maintain their domination in the local political
arena. The PDI-P, which received the strongest support in the general elections of 1999 and
2004, lost its dominant position to the Democrat Party in the 2009 general election. In the
general election of 2009, the Democrat Party obtained 31.35 percent of the votes, while the
PDI-P gained only 19 percent. However, the PKB suffered a shock decrease of votes, from 22
percent in 2004 to 6.46 percent in 2009. Therefore, the result of the 2009 general election
influenced the composition of candidates as described in the following paragraphs.
Five pairs of candidates participated in the mayoral election of 2010. The first pair was
Bagio Fandi Sutadi and Mazlan Mansur who were supported by the PKB and the Gerindra
Party. The second pair was Fandi Utomo and Yulius Bustami, the candidates from the
coalition of the PKS, the PPP, the Partai Kebangkitan Nasional Ulama/Ulema National
347
”KPUD Tetapkan Bambang Walikota Surabaya,“ available at: www.tempo.co.id, 7 July 2005, (accessed 26
August 2013).
198
Awakening Party, (PKNU), and the Partai Damai Sejahtera/Prosperous Peace Party (PDS).
The third pair was Arif Afandi and Adies Kadir, candidates of the Democrat Party and the
Golkar Party. The fourth pair was Tri Rismaharini and Bambang Dwi Hartono from the PDI-
P. The last pair of candidates included Fitradjaja Purnama and Naen Soeryono as non-party
candidates. Their backgrounds varied, ranging from local bureaucrats (Bagio, Tri
Rismaharini), local politicians (Bambang DH, Mazlan Mansur, Adies Kadir, Fandi Utomo,
Arif Afandi), a former military officer (Yulius Bustami), a lawyer (Naen Soeryono), to a
former student activist (Fitrajaya Purnama). Almost all candidates were new elites, although
some had connections with the New Order. Bagio and Tri Rismaharini (Risma) were career
bureaucrats, while Yulius was an officer in the navy during the New Order.
This mayoral election was characterized by a unique phenomenon as Bambang DH,
the incumbent mayor, was nominated as the candidate of vice mayor. Bambang was formerly
officiating as mayor for two terms: the first when he continued the office after the
impeachment of Soenarto in 2002, and the second when he won the 2005 mayoral election.348
Nevertheless, Bambang and the PDI-P did not accept that he was prohibited from running in
the 2010 elections due to the fact that he had served already two terms. They filed a lawsuit
with the Constitutional Court (Mahkamah Konstitusi). The Court ruled that Bambang had
already served two terms as mayor. After the court’s decision, the PDI-P sought other
candidates and this task was not easy since Bambang had become an icon of the party in
Surabaya. The popularity of some PDI-P’s leaders such as Saleh Ismail Mukadar and Wisnu
Sakti Buana was considered as trailing the one of Bambang. Based on the Special Branch
Meeting of the party (Rapat Kerja Daerah Khusus), Bambang, Saleh, and Wisnu were
nominated as prospective candidates for the position of mayor or vice mayor by the PDI-P.
Responding to this dilemma of the branch party’s decision on the one hand and the low
popularity of its local elites (except Bambang) on the other, the PDI-P nominated Tri
Rismaharini (Risma) as mayoral candidate. This was decided after pairing Bambang and
Saleh under the slogan of “Saleh Bambang Yes (SBY)” failed, a thinly veiled attempt of
benefiting from the then high popularity values of Indonesian President Susilo Bambang
Yudhoyono.349
Risma who at that time belonged to Bambang’s staff at the city government, held a
position as one of the heads of the city agencies (Kepala Dinas) and enjoyed popularity as a
348
Law No. 12/2008 on the Revision of Law No. 32/2004 stated that one requirement for being a candidate of
mayor or vice mayor is that the person never held a similar position for two terms. 349
This slogan must appear as even more odd as the PDI-P at the time stood in opposition to the SBY
administration.
199
successful bureaucrat with her programs, particularly in managing the parks of the city and
maintaining the cleanliness of the city. Since Risma was not a PDI-P cadre, the decision about
the candidate of vice mayor became a contentious issue. According to Bambang, his name
emerged as the strongest candidate for this position, based on a survey of a pollster.
According to this particular survey, he even obtained high approval rates when he paired with
Risma.350
Bambang himself could not reject the candidacy as vice mayor either, because it
was an official decision by the Central Board of the party (DPP).
Another strong pair was Arif Affandi-Adies Kadir. Arif was the incumbent vice mayor
with a long experience as a local journalist and Adies was a politician of the Golkar Party.
With the support of the Democrat Party (which was the strongest political party at that time)
and the Golkar Party (the party with the longest experience), this pair was regarded as the
strongest contender for Risma-Bambang. The candidacy of Arif from the Democrat Party
thwarted the effort of Wisnu Wardhana, the chairman of the party’s branch, to run as a
candidate. While Wisnu Wardhana could accept the party’s decision to propose Arif and
Adies, another politician of the Democrat Party, Fandi Utomo, ran with the support from the
PKS, PPP, PKNU and PDS. Fandi Utomo was then the Secretary of the Provincial Board of
the party (Sekretaris DPD), while Arief was the Vice Head of the Division of Information and
Public Relation at the Provincial Board (Wakil Ketua DPD Bidang Informasi dan Humas).351
The result of the mayoral election of 2010 was unsurprising. Risma and Bambang
obtained 39.62 percent of the votes, Arif and Adies received 34.42 percent, Fandi and Yulius
13.84 percent, Bagio and Mazlan 6.55 percent, and Fitradjaya and Naen 5.58 percent. With
this result, Risma and Bambang won the electoral contest. However, the pair of Arif and
Adies challenged the election result. Their objection was based on the suspicion that Risma
and Bambang, the winners of the election, mobilized local civil servants to support them.
Therefore, Arif and Adies filed a lawsuit with the Constitutional Court. Responding to this
lawsuit, the Court decided that the Local Election Commission (KPUD) had to organize a re-
vote in several city sub-districts (kecamatan) and a re-count of the ballots.352
However, the re-
election did not change the previous results significantly. Risma and Bambang still won the
election and in total received 38.45 percent of the votes. The following Table 12 shows the
results of the mayoral election of Surabaya in 2010.
350
Interview with Bambang Dwi Hartono, Surabaya, 1 February 2012. 351
”Fandi Utomo Jadi Sekretaris PD Jatim,“ Radar Surabaya, 24 February 2010. 352
”Lebih Dalam Tentang Putusan MK Soal Pilwali Surabaya (1),“ available at: www.jawapos.com, 7 July 2010,
(accessed 4 February 2012); “Lebih Dalam Tentang Putusan MK Soal Pilwali Surabaya (5),“ available at:
www.jawapos.com, 11 July 2010, (accessed 4 February 2012).
200
Table 5. 12 The Results of the Mayoral Election of Surabaya in 2010 (in percent)
No Candidates Political Parties Votes Re-Voting and
Re-Counting
1. BF. Sutadi
Mazlan Mansur
PKB and Gerindra Party 6.55 1.70
2. Fandi Utomo
Yulius Bustami
PKS, PPP, PKNU, and PDS 13.84 4.21
3. Arif Afandi
Adies Kadir
Democrat Party, Golkar
Party, and PAN
34.42 43.13
4. Tri Rismaharini
Bambang DH
PDI-P 39.62 49.51
5. Fitradjaya Purnama
Naen Suryono
Independent 5.58 1.46
Source: The Provincial Agency for Social and Political Affairs of East Java (Badan Kesatuan Bangsa
Jawa Timur) 2010.
Notes: The result of re-voting and re-counting is only for the city sub-districts affected by the
Court decision.
The mayoral election of 2010 paved the way for the rise of Risma as a new elite member in
Surabaya. Although her previous position as a career-bureaucrat provided her with a certain
degree of political experience, her position as mayor posed new political challenges. After
assuming office she had to grapple with a much more experienced vice mayor. Another
problem arose due to the fact that the success of Risma was due to the support of the PDI-P
which had resulted in unrest within the party. On the one hand, Risma faced resistance from
some PDI-P leaders who failed to become candidates. On the other hand, she had to deal with
a potential threat from the local parliament because the PDI-P was not in a dominant position.
Contenders from other political parties, in particular the Democrat Party as the biggest party,
could also pose a threat to her position as mayor, as the analysis of section 5.3 shows.
C. Elite Continuity
One important feature of the transition from the New Order to democratic regimes in East
Java was elite continuity, which is exemplified by the perseverance of two prominent local
members: Imam Utomo and Soekarwo. The former was a two-term governor from 1998 to
2008, and the latter was his successor, who was elected in the direct gubernatorial election in
2008. During Imam’s governorship, Soekarwo was one of his assistants, first as the Head of
the Provincial Revenue Service (Kepala Dinas Pendapatan Daerah/ Kepala Dispenda) and
then as the Secretary of the Province (Sekretaris Daerah/ Sekda). However, the transfer of
power from Imam to Soekarwo was conducted by by-passing Soenarjo, Imam’s vice
governor.
The entrance of Imam Utomo into the political arena started when he received a
201
formal recommendation from the military (ABRI) commander to run as a candidate for
governor in 1998. The recommendation was a requisite for a military officer for being able to
run. Previously, Imam had been the Regional Commander of Brawijaya, the military region of
East Java. This recommendation crushed the ambitions of Basofi Sudirman (the incumbent
governor at that time) to run for re-election in 1998 as a tradition existed in the military to
recommend only one candidate. After the recommendation, the military headquarters
organized the election strategy through Golkar. As a result of the firm support from the
TNI/Police and Golkar factions, Imam won the race in 1998 and repeated this success in the
gubernatorial election of 2003.353
During his 10 years of governorship, Imam’s achievements included not only
maintaining political stability during the process of transition, but also improving the
economic condition of the people in the province and accelerating economic growth,
particularly by giving more attention to the agricultural sector.354
However, of all his
achievements, his most significant one was his ability to develop social and political
networks. The latter became his social and political capital, which could be used to engineer
the succession as he wished. Imam was known as a leader who had close relationships with
local politicians from various political parties, religious teachers (kyai) of the Nahdlatul
Ulama (NU), local media and also academicians. He routinely visited various social groups in
the community, in particular the religious teachers.
In the beginning of his second term as governor (2003-2008), Imam started to pave the
way for his anointed successor. Imam and his vice governor Soenarjo had a prolonged
discussion about possible future candidates and the first choice for Imam’s successor was
Soenarjo himself.355
This option appeared plausible since Soenarjo was Imam’s vice governor
during his second term. Imam introduced Soenarjo to various local leaders in East Java as his
successor.356
Nevertheless, this option changed after both leaders fell out with each other in a
silent conflict. Imam blamed Soenarjo for disloyalty as the latter always attacked his policies
in the provincial legislature, thereby using his position as the Regional Chairman of the
Golkar Party.357
Commenting on his strained relationship with Soenarjo, Imam stated:
“… Initially I said to Mr. Vice Governor (Pak Wagub) to replace my position and I
would pair him with Soekarwo. However, after only one year (of our governorship),
353
Interview with Imam Utomo, Surabaya, 30 January 2012. 354
Interview with Imam Utomo, Surabaya, 30 January 2012. 355
Interviews with Imam Utomo, Surabaya, 30 January 2012 and Soenarjo, Surabaya and Jakarta, 6 February
2012. 356
Interviews with Imam Utomo, Surabaya, 30 January 2012 and Soenarjo, Surabaya and Jakarta, 6 February
2012. 357
Interview with Imam Utomo, Surabaya, 30 January 2012.
202
Mr. Vice Governor was always attacking us through the Golkar Party. He did that by
using the position as the Regional Chairman of the Golkar Party and he thought that I
did not support him. Previously I was quite calm and I would support him because I
promised him already. However, since he behaved like that, I searched for another
candidate …”358
Imam concluded that Soenarjo’s attacks expressed distrust about his commitment to promote
him as successor.359
Nevertheless, Soenarjo believed that Imam was half-hearted in
supporting him as the successor for governor. Soenarjo believed that Imam and Soekarwo
were in collaboration since Imam’s first term governorship.360
In addition, one scholar who
was close to Soekarwo stated that in the position as the Head of the Provincial Revenue
Service, Soekarwo financially supported the candidacy of Imam and Soenarjo in the
gubernatorial election of 2003.361
Furthermore, the political attacks of Soenarjo and the
Golkar Party alone did not irritate Imam, but also Soenarjo’s personal statements and sarcastic
comments about Imam accelerated the deterioration of their personal relationship.362
Soekarwo described the relationship between Imam and Soenarjo as follows:
“… Besides being a soldier, Mr. Imam was also a man of Javanese culture. He wanted
that the person to replace him either be like a “son,” or at least like a “young brother.”
This was very natural. But Mr. Naryo’s words were usually harsh. As a soldier,
(Imam) did not like it …”363
Following the political and personal tensions between Imam and Soenarjo, Imam shifted his
support to Soekarwo as his successor. Afterwards, Imam frequently gave Soekarwo the task
of representing the governor in many governmental programs.364
Soekarwo described the
delegation of these tasks to him as follows:
“… Mr. Imam, the governor, delegated all managerial affairs to me. For me, I was
appointed in order to help the principal. I did not come to ask his direction, but I came
when everything was solved. There was a task to talk to the Chief of Provincial Police,
the Military Commander, the Ministry of Home Affairs, this was the task of the
governor. We prepared it …”365
Moreover, Imam began to introduce Soekarwo as his successor to local leaders in East Java,
particularly to the NU’s religious teachers. Soekarwo himself started to prepare campaigning
for the upcoming gubernatorial election in 2008 by promoting his popular name of “Pakde”
358
Interview with Imam Utomo, Surabaya, 30 January 2012. 359
Interview with Imam Utomo, Surabaya, 30 January 2012. 360
Interview with Soenarjo, Surabaya and Jakarta, 6 February 2012. 361
Interview with Hotman Siahaan, Surabaya, 25 January 2012. 362
Interview with Soekarwo, Surabaya, 26 January 2012. 363
Interview with Soekarwo, Surabaya, 26 January 2012. 364
Interview with Imam Utomo, Surabaya, 30 January 2012. 365
Interview with Soekarwo, Surabaya, 26 January 2012.
203
through local media, governmental programs, sports tournaments, and even as a brand of
peanuts.366
Therefore, the introduction of Soekarwo to Imam’s political networks can be seen
as a preliminary stage of the transfer of local leadership in East Java.
This first phase of building up Soekarwo’s candidacy was followed by Imam’s support
for Soekarwo in the nomination process. Soekarwo himself described this second phase as
follows:
“… I was the Secretary of the Province and I was unpopular. I was pushed to run as
the governor. When Mr. Imam asked me, I did not want, I felt unable, because in the
survey I had only 0.4 percent (of support) in the beginning. That was in August. In
November, I was summoned again (by Mr. Imam), (and he said) bismillah [In the
name of God, P.A.] wo …”367
After convincing Soekarwo, Imam then became involved in the seeking of political parties (as
the political vehicle) that could formally support him. Imam started with the PDI-P, the party
that had supported him in his two previous elections. The prospect of getting the support of
this party was quite high since Soekarwo had won the majority votes as the party’s candidate
in 2007. However, he needed to get the approval of the Central Board of the party (DPP PDI-
P), particularly Megawati Soekarnoputri as the National Chairman. Thinking that he had a
good personal relationship with Megawati, Imam directly asked her to support Soekarwo as
the party’s candidate. Iman described these efforts as follows:
“… in the last gubernatorial election (of 2008), Soekarwo (was initially supported) by
the PDI-P. I was in agreement with Bu Mega, I recommended him to Bu Mega. I
guaranteed her that I could keep Soekarwo. It was like begging Bu Mega, but she did
not give in …”368
As his effort failed and Megawati lent her support to Sutjipto, a party cadre and Megawati
loyalist, who had served as the Regional Chairman of the party in East Java and the General
Secretary of the party, not discouraged, Imam sought another option and the most feasible
choice was seeking the support of the Democrat Party (PD). Therefore, he approached
Indonesian President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY), the figurehead of the Democrat
Party, and persuaded him to support Soekarwo. Since the Democrat Party could not single-
handedly support the candidates, it was necessary to build a coalition and find a running mate
for Soekarwo. The first offer for coalition came from the Chairman of the United
Development Party (PPP), Suryadharma Ali. Suryadharma offered Imam a coalition with the
366
Interviews with Soekarwo, Surabaya, 26 January 2012 and Hotman Siahaan, Surabaya, 25 January 2012;
“Turnamen Sepakbola Pakde Open U-17 Dibuka,” Bhirawa, 11 April 2006; “Pakde Karwo Dikukuhkan Bapak
Pendidikan Jatim,” Bhirawa, 4 August 2006. 367
Interview with Soekarwo, 26 January 2012. Bismillah in this context means “go ahead.“ 368
Interview with Imam Utomo, Surabaya, 30 January 2012.
204
PPP and suggested Khofifah Indar Parawansa as a candidate for vice governor. Imam agreed
to this proposal, but Khofifah refused to become the candidate for vice governor, because she
wanted to run as a candidate for governor.369
After this proposal failed, Imam accepted a
proposal from Sutrisno Bachir, the National Chairman of the National Mandate Party (PAN)
to pair Soekarwo and Saifullah Yusuf.370
Therefore, the candidacy finally succeeded when
Soekarwo-Saifullah were supported by the Democrat Party and the National Mandate Party
and later on the Prosperous Justice Party/ PKS also joined the coalition. Khofifah herself was
supported by the PPP and several small parties and thus also met the requirements for the
candidacy to governor (Hasan 2010, 31-38).
This description of Soekarwo’s candidacy displays the crucial role of Imam in
supporting Soekarwo. What is more, this support was continued by Imam’s support in
campaigning and voting. He travelled and campaigned in the region to support Soekarwo, by
approaching politicians and the NU’s religious teachers. Moreover, Imam was believed of
helping Soekarwo in the second and third rounds of the election when the financial resources
of Soekarwo significantly decreased.371
In short, according to a local scholar who was also
involved in the campaign of Soekarwo, Imam was the real head of the support team for
Soekarwo.372
In other words, Imam played a crucial role of in Soekarwo’s candidacy.
After Soekarwo won the election in 2008, the relationship between Imam and
Soekarwo entered a new phase. Although they kept a formally harmonious relationship and
there was no significant conflict among them, many believed that their coalition weakened.
Although Imam played a significant role in supporting Soekarwo during the election,
Soekarwo slowly but surely became more independent from Imam.373
According to one local
elite member and political observer, Soekarwo seemed to abandon Imam as his political
mentor.374
More than that, after taking over power, Soekarwo replaced several heads of
provincial offices (kepala dinas) who were known for having close relations with Imam.375
This action raised speculation that Soekarwo had acted against Imam’s interests and that
tensions between them mounted.
The climax of the growing tensions between these two local elites occurred with the
election of the Regional Chairman of the Democrat Party of the Province (Ketua DPD Partai
Demokrat) in 2011. In this event, although Soekarwo was running, Imam supported another
369
Interview with Imam Utomo, Surabaya, 30 January 2012; see also Hasan 2010, 19-20. 370
Interview with Imam Utomo, Surabaya, 30 January 2012. 371
Interview with Hotman Siahaan, Surabaya, 25 January 2012. 372
Interview with Hotman Siahaan, Surabaya, 25 January 2012. 373
Interview with Choirul Anam, Jakarta, 13 May 2011. 374
Interviews with Kresnayana Yahya, Surabaya, 2 February 2012 and Choirul Anam, Jakarta, 13 May 2011. 375
Interview with Kresnayana Yahya, Surabaya, 2 February 2012.
205
candidate, Bagus Haryo Suseno. Imam’s support for Bagus was highlighted in the local media
and became especially apparent when Imam attended the official declaration of Bagus’
candidacy.376
Since Soekarwo was running as a candidate, other local party elites such as
Fandi Utomo, Imam Sunardhi and also Bagus Haryo Suseno withdrew their candidacies.377
As a result, Soekarwo was elected as the regional chairman of the party without voting since
he was the only candidate for the position. Nevertheless, Soekarwo’s new position raised
objections from his supporters and political allies. Some leaders of the political parties in East
Java took issue with Soekarwo’s decision to become regional chairman of the Democrat Party
since they worried that Soekarwo could no longer maintain his fairness in treating all political
parties equally within the coalition.378
Especially Imam believed that it would be better if Soekarwo played a role as a patron
or “umbrella” for all political parties, without taking up the leadership of a particular one.379
Imam expected Soekarwo to behave like him during his governorship, being neutral to all
political parties.380
Although Soekarwo’s decision did not seriously harm his relationship with
Imam, this political event was believed by several observers of having been the one important
moment that marked the beginning of their estrangement. This was exacerbated by
Soekarwo’s decision to invite some of his competitors in the 2008 gubernatorial election into
his camp.381
The aforementioned events showed that Soekarwo attempted to emancipate
himself from his erstwhile political mentor.
In sum, the examination of the structural conditions for elite adjustment in East Java
shows that - unlike in North Sumatra – there was a much greater continuity of the old
established elite. Also in the new electoral system inaugurated in 2005 political leaders
prevailed who were politically socialized during Soeharto’s New Order period. In
combination with other factors as will be elaborated in the subsequent sections, the greater
continuity of political elites in this province contributes to a peculiar pathway of elite
adjustment.
376
“Bagus Haryosuseno, Calon Kuat Ketua PD Jatim,” available at: www.jurnalberita.com, 27 February 2011,
(accessed on 18 October 2013); “Imam Utomo Dukung Bagus Rebut Demokrat Jatim,” available at:
www.surabayapagi.com, 12 May 2011, (accessed on 18 October 2013). 377
„Soekarwo, Calon Ketua Demokrat Jatim?“ available at: www.regional.kompas.com, 12 May 2011, (accessed
9 October 2013); “Musda Partai Demokrat Jatim, Soekarwo vs Bagus Haryosuseno?” available at:
www.news.detik.com, 9 June 2011, (accessed 9 October 2013); “Gubernur Soekarwo Bakal Mulus Jadi Ketua
Demokrat Jatim,” available at: www.poskota.co.id, 8 June 2011, (accessed 9 October 2013). 378
Interview with Soekarwo, Surabaya, 26 January 2012. 379
Interview with Imam Utomo, Surabaya, 30 January 2012. 380
Interview with Imam Utomo, Surabaya, 30 January 2012. 381
Interviews with Kresnayana Yahya, Surabaya, 2 February 2012 and Hariadi, Surabaya, 19 January 2012.
206
III. Elite and Strategic Actions towards Democratization
While structural factors have a sizeable impact on local politics in the province, they are less
decisive than in the North Sumatran case. Yet structural factors are only one determinant of
elite adjustment to major political change. Also central for elite responses is the behavioral
dimension and the strategies they apply either to preserve their privileges or to gain a foothold
in the political system as newcomers. This section chiefly shows that especially the old elites
in East Java sought to retain their grip on power in local institutions to the best of their
abilities by at least formally complying with the political requirements of the new democratic
order.
After the breakdown of the New Order, most local political elites “accepted” the
agenda of political reform. This position was driven by the fact that democratization was seen
as given, and opposing political reform was seen as futile. In other words, local elites who
resisted reform and preserved anti-democratic behavior would be criticized by the people.382
As a consequence, they felt it necessary to convey a democratic political attitude, at least in
their gestures and rhetoric. From this standpoint, (old) local political elites changed their
direction and approach from what they had done in the previous authoritarian regime.
The re-orientation of local elites in responding to political change can be observed
in the political views and attitudes of two prominent local elites during the transition, Imam
Utomo and Soekarwo. According to Imam, as a governor in the transitional period he could
not continue to behave like a military officer giving commands to his subordinates, as the
previous governors had done or as he was used to do as a military-officer in the New Order.383
He therefore altered his behavior to be more appropriate with the spirit of democratization and
freedom.384
Imam stated that since beginning a civilian life (as governor), he had removed all
his military approaches in dealing with political actors.385
As stated by Imam, during the
transition period, he sought to maintain political stability and overcome the economic crisis.
The most effective way of moving toward this goal was by approaching local leaders and
religious teachers in all areas of East Java, no matter how far away these were. He routinely
met them, communicated with them intensely, and listened to the wishes of his constituents.
In dealing with political parties, Imam maintained a neutral position towards all.386
Communication and participatory government (although limited to local leaders) seemed to be
382
Interview with Arif Afandi, Surabaya, 19 January 2012. 383
Interview with Imam Utomo, Surabaya, 30 January 2012. 384
Interview with Imam Utomo, Surabaya, 30 January 2012. 385
Interview with Imam Utomo, Surabaya, 30 January 2012. 386
Interview with Imam Utomo, Surabaya, 30 January 2012.
207
the salient characteristics of Imam’s governorship.
Soekarwo also adopted these two basic leadership traits. According to Soekarwo, he
always sought communication and dialogue with various groups in society. He was known as
a member of the local elite employing a democratic approach in accommodating public
demands, including demonstrators.387
According to Soekarwo, the rule of the people was vital
in the era of democratization. The manifestation of this development was enormous public
demands that needed to be accommodated and channeled by provincial governments in the
form of public policies.388
In order to comply with these expectations, Soekarwo started his
governorship by coming to an agreement with the demonstrators, as shown when he dealt
with the labor movement. He requested that the demonstrators inform him about their
problems so that they could discuss their complaints,389
and if their demands were related to
the authority of the provincial government, he could directly take action. If the protests were
directed at local government authorities (at the regencies or municipality), he could put them
into contact with the local governments. But if the protests were addressed to the central
government, he advised and enabled them to go to Jakarta.390
In short, Soekarwo believed that
the local government could not prohibit demonstrations. Therefore, accommodation or
channeling was the way to deal with public aspiration.391
This example shows how local elites responded to political change. Local elites, in
particular local established elites, adapted to democracy in different political situations.392
Political change chiefly influenced their attitude, although – as shown in section 5.4 - it
cannot be deduced that they fully accepted democracy. To some degree, established local
elites accepted democracy because it became unavoidable and this acceptance was combined
with their political maneuvering to serve their political and economic interests.393
Following
this argument, established local elites could adopt this political attitude by applying a double
standard. In other words, their political attitude could be different or flexible depending on
with which social or political groups they interacted. This group of political elites presented
themselves as democrats and used the rhetoric of democracy such as participation,
accountability, transparency, and freedom towards pro-democratic activists or social groups
which had a high commitment to democracy.394
Vice-versa, they could also behave extremely
387
Interviews with Soekarwo, Surabaya, 26 January 2012 and Faishal Aminuddin, Surabaya, 24 January 2012. 388
Interview with Soekarwo, Surabaya, 26 January 2012. 389
Interview with Soekarwo, Surabaya, 26 January 2012. 390
Interview with Soekarwo, Surabaya, 26 January 2012. 391
Interview with Soekarwo, Surabaya, 26 January 2012. 392
Interview with Martono, Surabaya, 24 January 2012. 393
Interview with Faishal Aminuddin, Surabaya, 24 January 2012. 394
Interview with Choirul Anam, Jakarta, 13 May 2011.
208
skeptically towards democracy when they interacted with anti-democratic elements.395
One
local politician and the leader of the Ulema National Awakening Party (Partai Kebangkitan
Nasional Ulama/PKNU), Choirul Anam, concluded:
“… So, these elites were clever. Toward one group, they behaved like this, but to
another group they behaved differently. They collaborated with different groups and
they could be accepted because they knew the characters of each group.”396
This kind of chameleonic adjustment of the local established elites was possible by political
cooptation and personal approaches to each social group such as student movements,
university intellectuals, religious teachers, and NGOs. As a consequence, they pre-empted the
criticism of social movements, and they were able to co-opt potentially critical intellectuals
through inclusion in expert teams, advisory bodies and the allocation of research projects.397
In the case of religious teachers, established local elites approached them by providing
facilities, such as financial assistance for the development and modernization of Islamic
schools or for supporting Islamic school-teachers to continue their studies.398
The most
important aspect for the religious teachers of the NU was that the political elites were able to
protect Islamic law (syariah) and they would not permit any religious heresies.399
Therefore,
it can be concluded that the local political arena in East Java lost its socio-political dynamics
compared to the initial phase of the transition in 1998 when the original demand for political
reform and criticism towards authoritarian elements were strong.
Nevertheless, some political actors argued that the structural factors (political change
or political reform) cannot be treated as the only factors for elite’s adaptation to democratic
notions, as mentioned above. Some referred to the personality of local elites as another
important factor. One of the local elites, Arif Afandi, highlighted the personality of local elites
as one of the core reasons for their approach towards democracy. For instance, Arif assumed
that Soekarwo’s ability to adjust to the new democratic environment was driven by his open
and accommodating personality.400
This argument was supported by Martono, the regional
head of the Golkar Party, who argued that the success of local elites in surviving in the local
political arena was highly dependent on their personality and style of leadership, and these
elements were even more important than the issues of political and bureaucratic
395
Interview with Choirul Anam, Jakarta, 13 May 2011. 396
Interview with Choirul Anam, Jakarta 13 May 2011. 397
Interview with Choirul Anam, Jakarta, 13 May 2011. 398
Interview with Choirul Anam, Jakarta, 13 May 2011; “Kyai Kampung Dirikan Posko Karsa,” available at:
www.surabayapagi.com, 4 April 2013, (accessed 23 December 2013); “Jatim Kembangkan Sekolah Mini di
Pondok Pesantren,” available at: www.republika.co.id, 3 November 2013, (accessed 23 December 2013). 399
Interview with Choirul Anam, Jakarta, 13 May 2011. 400
Interview with Arif Afandi, Surabaya, 19 January 2012.
209
experiences.401
A. Political Networks: Local Elites and Three Political Machines
As has been discussed in chapters 1 and 3, democratic transition in Indonesia has contributed
to the changes in local political constellations. During the New Order when the political
structure was predominantly centralized, local elites strongly depended on the central
authority and bureaucracy, central military headquarters, and Golkar. During the process of
political transition, this political structure changed dramatically, mainly due to the changes in
the party system, the reform of the electoral system and the introduction of direct local
elections. The change from a “hegemonic party system” into a multi-party system in
Indonesia has resulted in political power being more fragmented, and a system in which the
domination of a political party in the political arena is determined by popular support. One
major impact of this change was that Golkar did no longer obtain political privileges.
Moreover, the return of the military to the barracks also markedly influenced the political
setting in the local political arena (Honna 1999, 2006; Mietzner 2003, 245-258). The last
element of structural change is the influence of the decentralization policy in which the
central authority does not have the authority to dictate local government, as was the case
during the New Order (Aspinall and Fealy 2003, 1-11; Rasyid 2003, 63-71; Crouch 2010).
Yet, as we have seen in the previous section, the composition of the local elite in East Java
did not change decisively. How established elites in the province managed to remain in
power, how they built their alliances and which strategies they applied to stay in power, will
be the theme of this section.
Based on observations of the two governors in the era of transition, the new political
format in East Java was predominantly determined by three political machines. These three
political machines were the local bureaucracy, the PDI-P, and the Nahdlatul Ulama.402
Local
bureaucracy was always important in all situations since it had a monopoly on information,
knowledge of regulations, and access to resources. Its importance is even greater in the
context of electoral politics. The access to information, in particular the database of elections,
could help local elites in the campaign to win local elections. However, the greatest influence
of bureaucracy on the electoral process was due to its function as an instrument of political
mobilization. In general elections during the New Order, the success of Golkar also relied on
the use of the bureaucracy as an electoral mobilization machine (Emmerson 1978, 105-109;
401
Interview with Martono, Surabaya, 24 January 2012. 402
Interview with Faishal Aminuddin, Surabaya, 24 January 2012.
210
Suryadinata 1992, 52-53; Boileau 1980; Fatah 1994, 191-192). This practice has continued in
the era of democratization. The difference in the use of the bureaucracy as an electoral
instrument in the Post New Order centered on the access local elites had in appropriating the
services of the local bureaucracy. The second political machine - the PDI-P - had always
come in second in all three general elections in East Java in the post-New Order period. This
achievement could be seen as evidence that the party had a strong political organization and
solid support at the grassroots. Although the PKB had achieved two consecutive successes in
the general elections of 1999 and 2004, internal conflicts led to its declining political
influence in the province. Therefore, rather than the PKB, it is the patron organization of the
PKB, the Nahdlatul Ulama, which can be seen as the key political player in the local political
arena alongside the local bureaucracy and the PDI-P.
Since Imam Utomo was sworn into office, these three political machines have been the
political base of his political alliances. Soekarwo continued this tradition by also maintaining
a good relationship with these three political machines. Soekarwo was a career bureaucrat, but
neither a member of the PDI-P nor the Nahdlatul Ulama. Soekarwo started his career in the
bureaucracy after he graduated from the Faculty of Law, the University of Airlangga,
Surabaya. He was first a junior staff in 1979, and between 1983 and 1994 he served as the
Head Office of the Revenue Service of the Local Government of Surabaya. After 11 years of
service in this position, he continued as the Head of the Sub-office of Planning and
Development at the Provincial Government (Kepala Sub-Dinas Perencanaan dan
Pembangunan) from 1994 to 1997. This position enabled him to attain a more influential post
as Head Office of Revenue Service at the Provincial Government (Kepala Dinas Pendapatan)
from 1997 to 2003. He accomplished his highest achievement in the civil service by serving
as the Secretary of the Province (Sekretaris Daerah) from 2003 to 2008.
Soekarwo’s remarkable career in the local bureaucracy not only provided him with
many experiences, knowledge, and a better understanding of norms, conduct, and regulations,
but also gave him an understanding of bureaucratic organizational culture and how to deal
with it. During his 5-year position as the Secretary of the Province, he was able to become
familiar with - and consolidate his influence in - the local bureaucracy. His position as the
East Java Chairman of the Indonesian Civil Service Corps (Korp Pegawai Negeri Republik
Indonesia/ KORPRI) along with his position as the Secretary of Province in 2003-2008
strengthened these efforts.403
The KORPRI organization itself, particularly in the New Order,
became an effective instrument for Golkar in its mobilization strategy in electoral
403
“Tentang Soekarwo,” Jawa Pos, 5 July 2008.
211
competition.
However, there was not only Soekarwo who had a long experience as a civil servant,
but Soenarjo also had it. The difference in influence between them seemed to relate to the role
of Imam Utomo in supporting Soekarwo and the more comprehensive approach of Soekarwo
in gaining the support of the local bureaucracy. Imam’s support became apparent by his
delegation of certain governor’s tasks to Soekarwo as the Secretary of the Province, a few
years before the 2008 gubernatorial election. The competition between Soekarwo and
Soenarjo resulted in a split of support from the local bureaucracy, particularly from the mid
and high levels of local bureaucrats. Many heads of provincial offices (kepala dinas) were
believed to have given support to Soenarjo in the gubernatorial election, while others backed
Soekarwo.404
Nevertheless, with his position as the Secretary of the Province, Soekarwo
intensely built political networks especially with the low-ranking “bureaucrats” in the
villages. Although they had no formal position as civil servants, the village headmen (kepala
desa) had direct access to the people in the rural areas. Soekarwo approached the village
headmen almost every weekend, particularly in the 2 years prior to the election.405
With this
network, he got an important instrument for mobilizing the grassroots as in the rural areas of
East Java, the authority and legitimacy of village headmen were still strong.406
In short,
compared to Soenarjo, Soekarwo seemed to be better positioned since he projected his
influence not only to the top-ranks of the local bureaucracy as Soenarjo did, but also to the
lower ranks of the local bureaucracy.
Furthermore, the relationship between Soekarwo and the second political machine, the
PDI-P has to be considered. As previously mentioned, Soekarwo was not a member of the
party, but there was a connection with the party from the time in which he was actively
involved as an activist of the National Student Movement of Indonesia (Gerakan Mahasiswa
Nasional Indonesia, GMNI), a mass organization of the party. During his time as a student at
the University of Airlangga, Soekarwo was the Coordinator of the GMNI between 1976 and
1978. However, his involvement in political activism continued in Golkar because of his
status as a civil servant.407
His activity in this party facilitated his appointment to Head of the
Bureau of Internal Education for Cadres (Ketua Biro Kaderisasi) between 1983 and 1997.408
404
Interview with Hotman Siahaan, Surabaya, 25 January 2012. 405
Interview with Hotman Siahaan, Surabaya, 25 January 2012. 406
The involvement of village headmen in the gubernatorial election of 2008 became evident when the
Constitutional Court confirmed that the village headmen and the association of village headmen also committed
electoral fraud, see Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi No. 41/PHPU.D-VI/2008 (point 3.24.1; 3.24.2; 3.24.3;
3.24.4), 2 December 2008. 407
During the New Order, civil servants could only be (formally) affiliated with Golkar. 408
“Tentang Soekarwo,” Jawa Pos, 5 July 2008.
212
Nevertheless, his involvement in Golkar did not interfere with his relationships with
local party elites of the PDI-P. Imam as the governor and Soekarwo as the Secretary of the
Province were known as formal leaders who had a close relationship with the PDI-P. As one
of the strongest political parties in the region, it made sense that both local elites treated the
party in a special manner. In fact, according to one scholar, Soekarwo supported the PDI-P
even before he ran as a candidate of governor.409
In addition, Imam and Soekarwo did not
take on any formal positions in any political parties during this time. Thus, they could be
considered “neutral” leaders. The situation was very different in the case of Soenarjo who
served as the Regional Chairman of the Golkar Party from 2004 to 2009.410
The strong influence of Soekarwo within the PDI-P became evident when he won
against the leader of the party, Sutjipto, in the Special Regional Meeting (Rapat Kerja Daerah
Khusus/ Rakerdasus) of the party in 2007. Due to this meeting, he was nominated as a
prospective candidate of the party for the gubernatorial election of 2008. This victory
demonstrated the extent of Soekarwo’s influence on the party grassroots in East Java. Even
after the Central Board of the party rejected his nomination as a candidate, Soekarwo still
engaged with local party’s elites and the branches.411
From this it can be concluded that
although he did not obtain the party ticket, he could, at least, siphon off support from this
political machine.
The third significant political machine is the Nahdlatul Ulama. The statistical data
from the previous section show a significant position of the Nahdlatul Ulama in East Java’s
electoral politics. The organization won the general election of 1955 and contributed to the
survival of the PPP during the New Order.412
The disengagement of Nahdlatul Ulama from
the electoral politics in 1984 resulted in the significant decrease of the electoral power of the
PPP, in particular in the 1987 general election. This pattern of political influence of the NU
repeated itself in the post-New Order. In the province, the PKB, which was created by the
Nahdlatul Ulama, won the two general elections in 1999 and 2004. The significant loss of the
PKB in the general election of 2009 must be seen in light of the fact that some influential
religious teachers of the Nahdlatul Ulama withdrew their support from the party. In short, the
Nahdlatul Ulama was clearly important for the success of local elites in the process of
governing, as well as during electoral competition.
Soekarwo also successfully applied the strategy of taking away support from the
409
Interview with Faishal Aminuddin, Surabaya, 24 January 2012. 410
”Mantan Pelawak yang Jadi Pejabat,“ Jawa Pos, 3 July 2008. 411
Interview with Soekarwo, Surabaya, 26 January 2012. 412
In 1973, the NU merged into the PPP, see the discussion on this issue in the previous section.
213
Nahdlatul Ulama. This was due to the fact that there were several members of this
organization who ran as candidates in the gubernatorial election in 2008. Moreover, internal
conflict within the PKB, particularly in 2008, resulted in Nahdlatul Ulama splitting its support
among several candidates. Among the candidates in the gubernatorial election of 2008, four
candidates were affiliated with the Nahdlatul Ulama: Khofifah Indar Parawansa, Saifullah
Yusuf, Achmady (as the formal PKB’s candidate),413
and Ali Maschsan Moesa.414
In the case
of Soekarwo, he could not expect full support of this organization since he had no direct
affiliation. Nevertheless, he benefitted from his access to the NU by activating two major
political channels. The first was the network that had been maintained by Imam Utomo during
his governorship. Imam was known as having a close relationship with influential religious
teachers of the Nahdlatul Ulama ever since he had served as the Regional Commander. As
Soekarwo stated, he was introduced to the religious teachers of the Nahdlatul Ulama by Imam
before he ran for office.415
According to Soekarwo, the political support of the religious
teachers of the Nahdlatul Ulama was divided between himself and Khofifah.416
However,
Soekarwo claimed that, in contrast to Khofifah, he was backed by those religious teachers
who had no interest in political activities.417
The second channel was Saifullah’s networks
within the Nahdlatul Ulama. Being a descendant of a religious teacher, Saifullah could claim
a genuine proximity to the Nahdlatul Ulama. Saifullah was also the Chairman of the Ansor
Youth Movement (Gerakan Pemuda Ansor), one of the mass organizations of the Nahdlatul
Ulama. With these two political assets, Soekarwo and Saifullah could expect to gain political
support from the religious teachers and Islamic boarding schools (pesantren) of the Nahdlatul
Ulama, which were believed to have a significant number of followers. The decision to
choose Saifullah as Soekarwo’s running mate was intended to increase their electoral appeal,
in particular with the followers of the Nahdlatul Ulama. Only by joining Saifullah, Soekarwo
could balance the popularity of Khofifah within this organization.
Furthermore, beyond these three electoral machines, the Democrat Party’s position as
the winner of the general election in 2009 needs to be taken into account. As a new party,
whose growing popularity relied on the personal charisma of President Yudhoyono, the
413
When he ran as candidate of governor, Achmady was the regent of Mojokerto. Achmady had a background as
a career bureaucrat and claimed to be a member of the NU, “Cagub Achmady Juga Mengaku Yakin Didukung
Warga NU,” available at: www.nu.or.id, 26 April 2008, (accessed 7 November 2013). For the background of
Achmady, see “Bupati yang Mantan Tukang Sapu Pasar,” Jawa Pos, 4 July 2008. 414
Ali Maschan Moesa was a candidate for vice governor and he ran with his running mate Soenarjo. When he
ran as a candidate, Ali held a position as the Regional Chairman of the Nahdlatul Ulama, see “Tentang Ali
Maschan Moesa, Jawa Pos, 3 July 2008. 415
Interview with Soekarwo, Surabaya, 26 January 2012. 416
Interview with Soekarwo, Surabaya, 26 January 2012. 417
Interview with Soekarwo, Surabaya, 26 January 2012.
214
Democrat Party faced various problems such as the lack of qualified cadres, loose party
discipline, and weak organization and management. However, the existence of this party is for
Soekarwo important on three accounts. The first concerns Soekarwo’s need to get on the
party’s ticket as the basic requirement for his candidacy. His chances were high since he was
a popular figure and served as the Secretary of the Province, something that the party
searched for given its lack of popular cadres. The second aspect is related to the position and
power of Yudhoyono as the President. With the support of President Yudhoyono, Soekarwo
could expect many things ranging from the involvement of Yudhoyono, his family and aides
in his campaign,418
the support of Yudhoyono in approaching other national and local elites,
to the possible mobilization of the state apparatus to support his candidacy. Finally, the third
point concerns Soekarwo’s search for a political buffer in the formal political process,
particularly in the provincial parliament. Soekarwo had no formal affiliation to any political
parties and by joining the Democrat Party and becoming its regional chairman, he seemed to
be more secure in his position. Another reason for joining the party was his anticipation that
once direct local elections were replaced by a mechanism of local elections of the provincial
parliament, as currently discussed in the Indonesian legislature,419
he could secure re-election
more easily.
B. Personal Networks: Friends and Alliances
It was not just the above mentioned political machines which influenced the political
strategies of local elites. In the case of Soekarwo, he also encroached on the other political
parties and infiltrated strategic groups in the society in the gubernatorial election of 2008. In
order to achieve this objective, he relied on his personal relationship with the local party
elites, the religious teachers of the NU, university scholars, business people, regents, and local
media. Therefore, the Golkar Party was the most logical political party that could be
influenced as Soekarwo had a long experience as a party member during the New Order. In
the post-New Order general elections in East Java, the Golkar Party consistently ranked as the
third or the fourth largest party. As a consequence of more than three decades as the ruling
party during the New Order, its political infrastructure and organization was seen as one of
the strongest. Thus, gaining support from elites of this party was a necessary strategy for
ruling elites.
In the party itself, an important division occurred when two local party elites ran as
418
“Putra SBY Kampanye Untuk Duet Karsa,” Jawa Pos, 15 July 2008. 419
See The Jakarta Post, 11 September 2014.
215
candidates: Soenarjo (the Regional Chairman) and Ridwan Hisjam (the former Regional
Chairman). Soekarwo himself had no formal position in the party anymore, stemming from
the fact that the only way of gaining support was through personal ties. He possibly had had
such personal ties ever since he had served as the Head of the Bureau of Internal Education of
the Cadres (Ketua Biro Kaderisasi) in the party for 14 years. Evidence of this was that
Martono, a leader of the Golkar Party,420
became the head of the campaign team for Soekarwo
and Saifullah Yusuf in the gubernatorial election of 2008. The personal connection of
Soekarwo and Martono was not new. Since the New Order they had had a close relationship
and both regarded each other as close friends.421
According to Martono, he and Soekarwo
were actively involved in one political discussion forum in Surabaya in which the participants
came from various backgrounds and which had been maintained since 1994.422
Another important point was that local politicians, local bureaucrats, businesspersons,
local journalists, university scholars, and members of other professions participated in this
discussion group. This forum was held in an informal style, but it discussed many political
issues such as democratization and political party reform.423
Soekarwo had been actively
involved in this group since he had served as the Head of the Revenue Office (Kepala Dinas
Pendapatan Daerah).424
Thus, it seemed that this group was founded in the New Order era
and continued its existence at the beginning of the transition. According to Hariadi, it became
an important strategic group which later supported Soekarwo, both during the candidacy and
his governorship as well.425
The involvement of Soekarwo in this group led to a personal
relationship with some prominent scholars of the University of Airlangga such as Hotman
Siahaan, Priyatmoko, and Hariadi. Hotman, the former Dean of the Faculty of Social and
Political Science, was one of the main supporters of Soekarwo during the election campaign.
According to Hotman Siahaan, he and Soekarwo initially built a relationship through a group
discussion called the Study Group for Social Change (Lembaga Studi Perubahan Sosial/
LSPERS).426
This relationship became increasingly closer when Soekarwo announced his
intention to run for office of governor. Along with several scholars, they developed a strategy
for Soekarwo’s campaign, for instance, socializing in the media, building social and political
420
Martono was the head of the campaign team during Soekarwo’s candidacy. After the gubernatorial election in
2008, Martono was elected as the regional chairman of the Golkar Party. 421
Interview with Soekarwo, Surabaya, 26 January 2012, Interview with Martono, Surabaya, 24 January 2012. 422
Interview with Martono, Surabaya, 24 January 2012. 423
Interview with Martono, Surabaya, 24 January 2012. 424
Interview with Martono, Surabaya, 24 January 2012. 425
Interview with Hariadi, Surabaya, 19 January 2012. 426
Interview with Hotman Siahaan, Surabaya, 25 January 2012.
216
networks, and promoting Soekarwo through a media called “Derap Desa.”427
Included in this
was a discussion of how to gain the recommendation from the Central Board of the PDI-P and
approaching the thirty-eight local branches of the party.428
After the victory, Hotman went on
to hold a position as the Chairman of the Provincial Research Council (Dewan Riset Daerah/
DRD). He was also included as a social expert in a poverty alleviation program of the
provincial government, called “Another Way to People Welfare” (Jalan Lain Menuju
Kesejahteraan/ Jalinkesra). In addition, because of Soekarwo’s involvement in this
discussion group, he was able to come close to another figure such as Anton Prijanto who was
the former Rector of the University of Surabaya and a Golkar politician in the New Order.
The personal connections with the members of this strategic group suggest that the
networking of Soekarwo was not simply restricted to the circles of political parties, but also
extended to the various groups mentioned above. He indeed believed that this network could
help him in regards to public opinion making, business and financial support, and association
with local and national political elites. According to one member of this group, Martono, this
group still existed during the governorship of Soekarwo and played a role in providing policy
recommendations to the provincial government.429
The personal relationship of Soekarwo with some university scholars was not a new
phenomenon in the transitional setting. During the New Order, local elites, including the
governors or regional commanders of the military, considered the universities as one of the
supporting bases for their power. There were two forms of relationships which existed during
that time. First, the local elites would intervene in the selection of university leadership and
second, they co-opted the university scholars through their involvement in the government’s
projects by serving, for example, as an expert team.430
This pattern of co-optation, according
to one university scholar, Kresnayana Yahya, was a replication of the regime (at the national
level) where academicians from universities formed the linchpin of the regime’s
technocracy.431
Another strategic relationship existed with the mass media in its role as public opinion
maker. In East Java, and in particular in the capital, Surabaya, the media group of Jawa Pos
played a role as one of the most important public opinion makers. Soekarwo followed in the
footstep of Imam Utomo and previous governors who always tried to form good relationships
with the leaders of this media group, whose owner, Dahlan Iskan, was known as a “silent
427
Interview with Hotman Siahaan, Surabaya, 25 January 2012. 428
Interview with Hotman Siahaan, Surabaya, 25 January 2012. 429
Interview with Martono, Surabaya, 24 January 2012. 430
Interview with Kresnayana Yahya, Surabaya, 2 February 2012. 431
Interview with Kresnayana Yahya, Surabaya, 2 February 2012.
217
supporter” of Imam and Soekarwo. Besides his position as owner, Dahlan held a position as
the President Director of the Wira Jatim Group (Panca Wira Usaha), a holding company with
interests in property (hotels), medical equipment, port development, rubber products, agro
industry and printing owned by the provincial government.432
The appointment to this
position depended on the governor. After the retirement of Dahlan from this holding company
and his discontinued involvement in the Jawa Pos, the relationship between the Jawa Pos and
the local elites was continued by Arif Afandi. Arif, who was the editor in chief of the Jawa
Pos newspaper and later on became the vice mayor of Surabaya in 2005, had also a close
connection with Soekarwo and his political circles. Both Soekarwo and Imam Utomo
supported Arif in the Surabaya’s mayoral election in 2010.433
After Arif was defeated by
Rismaharini-Bambang DH in this mayoral election, he no longer had a position, so Soekarwo
gave him a post as the President Director of the Wira Jatim Group, the post that Dahlan had
occupied in the past.434
Another important strategic alliance existed with businessmen. Direct local elections
required greater reliance on financial capital compared to the local elections in the local
parliaments. In order to get financial support for their campaign, candidates had to maintain
good relations with businesspeople. East Java is a province where big companies and
businessmen had interests in different sectors. Among others, two business groups were
known as having an especially close relationship with Soekarwo and his circles: the Maspion
Group, owned by Alim Markus with interests in economic sectors such as plantations, timber,
consumer goods, engineering, information technology, power plant energy, heavy equipment,
manufacturing and trading and the Murdaya Group owned by Murdaya Poo with interests in
consumer products, trading, construction material, property and industry.435
However, there
were not only pure businessmen such as Alim and Murdaya who maintained a close
relationship with the local elites. Other businessmen-cum-politicians such as the Chairman of
the Golkar Party, Aburizal Bakrie - who owned the Bakrie Group -, had business interests in
the region. In the case of the mudflow disaster in Sidoarjo for which PT Lapindo Brantas (one
branch of the Bakrie Group) was widely held responsible, a long process of negotiations
between Bakrie and the central government took place. This negotiation over the relief
432
“Dahlan Iskan Mundur Sebagai Dirut PT Panca Wira,” available at: www.tempo.co, 24 November 2004,
(accessed 8 November 2013); “Dewan Desak Pengganti Dahlan Iskan,” available at: tekno.kompas.com, 26 July
2010, (8 November 2013). 433
Interviews with Arif Afandi, Surabaya, 19 January 2012 and Imam Utomo, Surabaya, 30 January 2012. 434
“Arif Afandi Gantikan Dahlan Iskan Pimpin BUMD,” available at: us.politik.news.viva.co.id, 23 September
2010, (accessed 8 November 2013); “Penunjukan Arief Afandi Jadi Dirut PWU Lewat Fit and Proper Test,”
available at: kominfo.jatimprov.go.id, 29 September 2010, (accessed 8 November 2013). 435
Interview with Kresnayana Yahya, Surabaya, 2 February 2012.
218
process of the victims could not be separated from “the context of elite political interests and
competition” (Schiller, Lucas, Sulistiyanto 2008, 59).
The relationship between local elites and businesspeople is an important aspect with
regard to strategic decisions of the provincial government. During his governorship,
Soekarwo was known as a local elite member who opposed the central government’s policy
regarding importing agricultural products such as sugar, garlic, and beef. This policy of the
governor was praised in some circles, insinuating that this was a pro-poor vision or a
nationalist policy orientation.436
Nevertheless, besides this positive appraisal, there is another
possible explanation regarding the governor’s policy in terms of connections with business
circles. A more skeptical assessment came from Kresnayana Yahya who argued that the
governor’s policy to block the import was related to his intention to provide protection to
some industrialists in the region, particularly those who produce sugar.437
According to
Kresnayana, East Java is the greatest producer of sugar in Indonesia (around 70-80 percent of
the total production) and the price setter for this industry were Chinese businessmen, known
as “the Nine Samurai.”438
A similar treatment, though with a different objective, took place in the case of the
provincial government’s rejection of beef imports. East Java is known for being an important
supplier of beef in Indonesia. In the past, people in the region used cows for plowing rice
paddies, but nowadays cows are also used as an investment.439
In the region, people in the
rural area are usually affiliated with the Nahdlatul Ulama, and the religious teachers of the
organization, usually wealthy persons, possess cows in large numbers. In short, Soekarwo’s
rejection of the imports can best be interpreted with his intention to please his mass supporters
in the villages and his supporters of the Nahdlatul Ulama.440
However, this case is not directly
connected to any business personalities and thus cannot be considered as favoritism. In this
case, Soekarwo might have gotten political credit, but he might also have intended to protect
the economic wellbeing of the people in the region.
A final important aspect regarding Soekarwo’s personal networks concerns the figure
of Fuad Amin, Regent of Bangkalan (Madura), who became his strong supporter in the
gubernatorial election of 2008. Fuad served as regent for two terms and had a strong position
in Madura, particularly in Bangkalan regency. He inherited this strong influence in Madura
from his late grandfather, Kyai Muhamad Kholil (Bangkalan), who was the teacher of many
436
Interviews with Sirmaji, Surabaya, 27 January 2012 and Choirul Anam, Surabaya, 30 January 2012. 437
Interview with Kresnayana Yahya, Surabaya, 2 February 2012. 438
Interview with Kresnayana Yahya, Surabaya, 2 February 2012. 439
Interview with Kresnayana Yahya, Surabaya, 2 February 2012. 440
Interview with Kresnayana Yahya, Surabaya, 2 February 2012.
219
religious teachers, including the founders of the Nahdlatul Ulama such as Kyai Muhammad
Hasyim Asy’arie.441
Because of this anchestry, Fuad Amin was actively involved in the
Nahdlatul Ulama and the PKB. In the latter and during the time of conflict in the PKB, Fuad
Amin served as the Chairman of the Regional Advisory Council (Ketua Dewan Syuro, DPW
PKB Jawa Timur) from the camp of Abdurrahman Wahid, although he later resigned from
this position following an unresolved internal conflict in the party.442
After he retired as
regent, his son Muhammad Makmun Ibnu Fuad took over the position after winning the
regent election in 2012.443
Afterwards, Fuad Amin joined the Gerindra Party and became a
candidate for local legislature for this party in 2013.444
In the gubernatorial election of 2008, Fuad Amin supported Soekarwo.445
This support
was not only a result of his influence in the NU, but also of his position as regent. According
to a report from “Kaji’s” legal team to the Constitutional Court, Fuad Amin intervened in the
local bureaucracy and instructed the village headmen to support the Soekarwo-Saifullah
ticket. It was believed that he had given instructions to commit electoral fraud (Hasan 2010,
213-214). Bangkalan itself was among the regions where elections had to be re-conducted
after the Constitutional Court had ruled that the second round of elections had suffered from
massive, systematic, and structured electoral fraud.446
However, after the elections had been
re-conducted, the Soekarwo-Saifullah team still dominated the votes in Bangkalan (KPUD
2009) and thus demonstrated the strong influence and political basis of Fuad Amin in this
regency. According to Khofifah, Fuad Amin asked for her forgiveness for the electoral fraud
after the election was over.447
After Soekarwo ran for governor, the relationship with Fuad deteriorated. In 2008, the
central government initiated the establishment of the Regional Development Agency
Surabaya-Madura (Badan Pengembangan Wilayah Surabaya-Madura/ BPWS). The objective
of this organization was to accelerate socio-economic development and to upgrade spatially
lagging regions in Madura Island.448
Bangkalan is the region that was directly influenced by
441
Kyai Hasyim Asy’arie is the founder of the Nahdlatul Ulama, see Anam 2010, 61-116. On Kyai Cholil, see
also Anam 2010, 14. 442
“Fuad Amin Surati Gus Dur, Mundur dari Ketua Dewan Syuro PKB Jatim,” available at:
surabaya.tribunnews.com, 8 June 2009, (accessed 7 November 2013). 443
“Anak Bupati Bangkalan Dipastikan Menang,“ available at: www.tempo.co, 18 December 2012, (accessed 7
November 2013). 444
“Mantan Bupati Bangkalan Daftar Caleg Gerindra,” available at: www.antarajatim.com, 27 April 2013,
(accessed 7 November 2013). 445
“Tanpa Restu Gus Dur PKB Jatim Dukung Karsa,” available at: www.m.inilah.com, 2 November 2008,
(accessed 7 November 2008); “Kyai Khos dan Ulama Semadura Dukung Penuh Pasangan Karsa,“ available at:
www.berita8.com, 17 January 2009, (accessed 7 November 2013). 446
Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi No. 41/PHPU.D-VI/2008, 2 December 2008. 447
Personal communication with Khofifah Indar Parawansa, Jakarta, 25 May 2010. 448
“Background of BPWS” available at: www.pu.go.id/satminkal/index, (accessed 7 November 2013).
220
this initiative as it is the region closest to Java Island. Problems occurred when the BPWS
began with land acquisition from the people of Bangkalan the land price was higher than
previously predicted by a standard measurement. It was believed that Fuad Amin owned a
large amount of land in Bangkalan which he had collected or bought from the people.449
Therefore, he could increase and dictate the price once the BPWS wanted to buy the land.
Since there was no consensus about the price, Fuad Amin opposed the project and asked the
provincial and local governments to take over the initiative.450
The progress of this initiative
was unclear, but Fuad Amin consistently rejected the project, and a mass demonstration at the
office of the governor was organized.451
The demonstration resulted in the destruction of
some office facilities.452
This incident upset Soekarwo and he wondered why he was blamed
for the project since it was the initiative of the central government.453
Many believed that
Fuad Amin was behind this protest.454
Although he was upset with the demonstration,
Soekarwo stated that the initiative should be delegated to the local government (city and
regency level), including the negotiation for the land acquisition.455
The impact this event had
on the relationship between Soekarwo and Fuad Amin can be seen in the nomination of the
candidates for the 2013 gubernatorial election. Fuad Amin did not clearly state whom he
would support, even if he initially wanted to support Khofifah to whom, as he claimed, he felt
guilty.456
C. Party Networks: Inclusion and Accommodation
The success of Soekarwo in the gubernatorial election of 2008 raised questions of how he
managed his government politically. During the elections, he effectively activated powerful
political machines, alliances and personal ties and thereby won the contest. During his term as
governor his approach to manage politics basically relied on accommodation. Starting his
term with a “controversial victory,” he began to follow an approach of inclusion towards
449
Interview with Soekarwo, Surabaya, 26 January 2012 and interview with Hariadi, Surabaya, 9 January 2012. 450
“Regencies fear massive authority of new body,” available at: www.thejakartapost.com, 15 July 2009,
(accessed 7 November 2013); “Pengembangan Suramadu Lamban, BPWS Tidak Becus,” available at:
www.surabayapagi.com, 20 January 2011, (accessed 7 November 2013). 451
“Ratusan Santri se Kabupaten Bangkalan Tuntut Pembubaran BPWS,” available at: news.detik.com, 19
January 2012, (accessed 7 November 2013). 452
“Demo Penolakan BPWS Suramadu di Kantor Gubernur Ricuh,” available at: news.detik.com, 16 January
2012, (accessed 7 November 2013). 453
Interview with Soekarwo, Surabaya, 26 January 2012. 454
Interviews with Soekarwo, Surabaya, 26 January 2012, Hotman Siahaan, Surabaya, 25 January 2012 and
Hariadi, Surabaya, 19 January 2012. See also ”Gus Ipul Minta Fuad Amin Redakan Situasi,” available at:
jatim.tribunnews.com, 20 January 2012, (accessed 7 November 2013). 455
Interview with Soekarwo, Surabaya, 26 January 2012. 456
“RKH Fuad Amin All Out Menangkan Khofifah!” available at: beritajatim.com, 29 April 2013, (accessed 7
November 2013); “Khofifah Gandeng Herman, Fuad Amin Cabut Dukungan,” available at: jaringnews.com, 15
May 2013, (accessed 7 November 2013); “Fuad Amin: Tunggu Istikharah, Saya Netral Dulu,” available at:
beritajatim.com, 15 May 2013, (accessed 7 November 2013).
221
political parties and build a grand coalition. Most local elites who competed against him in the
race were included in the coalition and invited to contribute to his government. An exception
in this case was Khofifah who, according to Soekarwo, was redirecting her activity to Jakarta
after the election.
Nevertheless, before he began the process of accommodation towards political parties,
he paid special attention to three political parties which were in fact instrumental in
determining formal political decisions in the provincial parliament. These three political
parties were the Democrat Party, the PDI-P, and the Golkar Party. In the case of the Democrat
Party - before he held a position as the Regional Chairman -, he had joined the party as the
member of the National Advisory Council and the Chairman of the Advisory Council in the
province.457
However, both positions did not provide him with executive power in the party,
unlike his position as chairman of the party. This lack of executive power can be seen as one
of Soekarwo’s motives to become the regional chairman of the party in 2011. Some political
observers argued that the reasons behind Soekarwo’s decision were driven by two intentions.
Firstly, he tried to secure his political position in the provincial parliament. Secondly, this
decision could be seen as indicating Soekarwo’s anticipation that once the mechanism of local
elections was replaced by a return to elections in the local parliaments, he would gain more
power.458
By taking the position as the leader of the largest party in the region, Soekarwo felt
that he could hold onto power more firmly, a position he however denied in the interview with
me.459
Initially, he refused Yudhoyono’s offer of becoming the Democrat Party’s regional
chairman, but as a Javanese he did not want to be judged as being impolite after being offered
the position several times. Despite his unwillingness, he accepted the request of Yudhoyono
to manage the party at Yudhoyono’s “home.” Soekarwo claimed that Yudhoyono’s request
showed that Yudhoyono had trust in him.460
His decision was rejected by his supporters and
the coalition of political parties, but he intended to show his loyalty to Yudhoyono. In short,
Soekarwo’s intention to lead the Democrat Party highlights two interrelated aspects: first, he
tried to secure his position in the local political arena, and second, he wanted to maintain his
personal relationship with Yudhoyono.
In the PDI-P, the intention of Soekarwo in gaining its support did not succeed quite as
smoothly. However, he benefitted from the internal factionalism within the party. In the
457
“Maju Ketua PD Jatim, Soekarwo Tunggu SBY,” available at: vivanews.co.id, 20 May 2011, (accessed 29
October 2013); “Soekarwo ‘Pamerkan’ Kartu Anggota Demokrat, Siap Dicalonkan Ketua DPD,“ available at:
www.republika.co.id, 13 May 2011, (accessed 29 October 2013). 458
Interview with Hariadi, Surabaya, 19 January 2012. 459
Interview with Soekarwo, Surabaya, 26 January 2012. 460
President Yudhoyono was born and grew up in Pacitan, a small regency in East Java. Interview with
Soekarwo, Surabaya, 26 January 2012.
222
gubernatorial election of 2008, the party was divided in its support of Sutjipto and Soekarwo,
with the Central Board finally giving a formal endorsement for Sutjipto. According to one
party elite member, Bambang DH, the defeat of Sutjipto in the race could not be separated
from the defection of some party leaders.461
His statement can be interpreted as referring to
the regional chairman of the party, Sirmaji, who was known as having a close relationship
with Soekarwo. Nevertheless, Sirmaji refuted the speculation that he was supporting
Soekarwo in the gubernatorial election. He only gave his assessment of Soekarwo and
Sutjipto to the Central Board in very general and vague terms. According to him, Soekarwo
had a greater chance to win the election, but if the PDI-P nominated him, it would give the
impression of a party sell out. On the contrary, there was little possibility for Sutjipto of
getting elected, but when the party chose him as a candidate there was no risk of being
accused of selling out the party.462
Sirmaji assumed that the decision by the central board to
back Sutjipto was driven by Sutjipto’s militancy and loyalty to the party and in order to
maintain the party’s cohesion.463
According to his observation, all branches of the party were
all-out in supporting Sutjipto, although there was a possibility that some supported
Soekarwo.464
Furthermore, the death of Sutjipto in 2011 had further weakened the Pandegiling
Group, a faction within the regional PDI-P. The only prominent figure of this group was
Bambang DH, who had served as the mayor of Surabaya for two terms. This condition also
strengthened the position of Sirmaji in the party, as was shown in his successful re-election as
the regional chairman of the party in 2010.465
With this result, Soekarwo could benefit from
the connection with the PDI-P. Nevertheless, the relationship between Sirmaji and the
Pandegiling Group was not good and tensions between them existed due to at least three
factors. The first was related to the disappointment of the Pandegiling Group over the half-
hearted support of Sirmaji towards Sutjipto’s candidacy in the gubernatorial election of 2008.
The second was related to the refusal of Sirmaji to participate in the impeachment attempt of
Rismaharini which was believed to have been initiated by Bambang DH and Wisnu Shakti
Buana.466
The last factor seems related to Sirmaji’s close relationship with Soekarwo. These
461
Interview with Bambang DH, Surabaya, 1 February 2012. 462
Interview with Sirmaji, Surabaya, 27 January 2012. 463
Interview with Sirmaji, Surabaya, 27 January 2012. 464
Interview with Sirmaji, Surabaya, 27 January 2012. 465
“Sirmaji Kembali Pimpin PDIP Jatim,” available at: viva.co.id, 7 March 2010, (accessed 29 October 2013);
“Sirmaji Kembali Terpilih Sebagai Ketua DPD PDIP Jatim,” available at: www.news.detik.com, 7 March 2010,
(accessed 29 October 2013). 466
Both are leaders of the PDI-P from the Pandegiling Group. While Bambang served as mayor of Surabaya,
Wisnu Shakti Buana was the Branch Chairman of the PDI-P in Surabaya, the Vice Chairman of the Local
Legislature (DPRD Surabaya) and a son of Soetjipto.
223
tensions culminated when some members of the party demonstrated against Sirmaji’s
leadership and demanded his resignation from the position of regional chairman. This
demonstration turned violent and resulted in the destruction of the regional headquarters of
the party. This event could not be separated from activities of some party leaders from the
Pandegiling Group who were believed to support a mass demonstration against Sirmaji.
Nevertheless, it was not just the Pandegiling Group which had a political interest in
Sirmaji’s resignation. At that time, the chairman of the Malang party branch and the mayor of
this city - Peni Suparto - competed with Sirmaji. After being elected for two terms, Peni
proposed his wife to run as mayoral candidate to replace him.467
Additionally, Sirmaji’s wife
who was also the member of the national parliament nominated herself to run in the race.468
Both wives were intent on getting the party ticket. Against this backdrop, Peni backed the
demonstration and criticized the leadership of Sirmaji.469
Nevertheless, the central board
decided to fire Peni from the party and gave the ticket to Sirmaji’s wife.470
The conflict ended
with Sirmaji keeping his position of regional chairman and indirectly influenced the good
relationship between the PDI-P and the provincial government.
Compared to the case of the PDI-P above, Soekarwo was more involved in the Golkar
Party. Having a track record as a functionary of the party during the New Order, Soekarwo
was still connected to several party leaders. In 2009, his long-time friend and head of
campaign team in the gubernatorial election, Martono, was elected as the regional chairman of
the party. It cannot be denied that the success of Martono to be elected as the regional
chairman of the party had also to be attributed to Soekarwo. According to Hotman Siahaan,
Soekarwo’s aide-de-camp, Martono became the chairman with the help of Soekarwo and
himself.471
It was believed that the position of Martono came about as part of the negotiation
between Soekarwo and Aburizal Bakrie, the Chairman of the Golkar Party. This was a move
to protect Bakrie’s business projects in East Java, particularly a project of geothermal energy
in Trenggalek.472
For Soekarwo himself, the appointment of Martono strengthened his
political coalition since the latter was his close friend and loyalist.
The ascension of Martono as the regional chairman, nevertheless, resulted in internal
467
“Berkampanye Dukung Istri, Walikota Malang Ajukan Cuti,” available at: www.tempo.co, 30 April 2013,
(accessed 8 November 2013). 468
“Istri Ditarget Malang 1, Sirmaji Diusulkan Dipecat,” available at: surabayapagi.com, 18 April 2013,
(accessed 8 November 2013). 469
“31 DPC PDIP Kompak Lengserkan Sirmaji,” available at: surabaya.tribunnews.com, 3 February 2013,
(accessed 8 November 2013). 470
“Peni Suparto Dipecat, DPP PDIP Rekom Istri Sirmaji Jadi Cawali Malang,” available at:
www.lensaindonesia.com, 17 February 2013, (accessed 8 November 2013); “Sri Rahayu Resmi Mendaftar Calon
Walikota Malang,” available at: www.tempo.co, 18 February 2013, (accessed 8 November 2013). 471
Interview with Hotman Siahaan, Surabaya, 25 January 2012. 472
Interview with Hotman Siahaan, Surabaya, 25 January 2012.
224
conflict within the party. His rival, Gatot Sudjito, resisted the leadership of Martono.473
One
indication of the conflict among them was the replacement of Gatot by Hasan Arsyan as the
Head of Faction of the Golkar Party in the provincial parliament in February 2012.474
In
addition, further tensions also occurred between Martono and Ridwan Hisjam regarding the
support of Golkar Party for Soekarwo and Saifullah Yusuf in the gubernatorial election of
2013. Martono insisted on supporting both leaders, while Ridwan preferred to support only
Soekarwo.475
However, several months prior to the gubernatorial election of 2013, Martono
was fired by the central board of the party when he resisted their direction regarding the
arrangement of candidates in the legislatures for the 2014 general election.476
The dismissal of
Martono as regional chairman occurred during the run-up to the gubernatorial election of
2013, when Soekarwo ran again and Martono became the head of campaign team of
Soekarwo for a second time.477
Additionally, the dismissal of Martono elevated his opponents
in the party – such as Gatot Sudjito - to be nominated as the regional chairman. By and large,
Martono’s dismissal weakened the political alliance of Soekarwo, in particular in the Golkar
Party.
Besides the above-mentioned three political parties, Soekarwo was actively engaged
with other political parties, in particular the political parties which nominated him as
governor. In order to keep close contacts with political parties, Soekarwo held regular
meetings. There were two types of meetings which were conducted. The first meeting was
among political parties that had seats in the provincial parliament (twelve political parties),
which was held once a month and attended by the chairmen and the general secretaries of
each party. In this forum, Soekarwo placed himself as the chairman of the Democrat Party and
not as the governor.478
The second was the meeting of all political parties in East Java (either
with seats or no seats in the provincial parliament) and was held once every 2 months. In this
forum, Soekarwo acted as the governor.
473
In the regional party meeting, Gatot Sudjito withdrew his candidacy as the regional chairman of the party, see
“Ketua DPD Golkar Jatim Resmi Dilantik,” available at: www.tempo.co, 29 November 2009, (accessed 30
October 2013); “Aklamasi Bukan Berarti Nafikan Beda Pendapat,” available at: www.suarakarya-online.com,
(30 November 2009, (accessed 31 October 2013). 474
“Ketua Fraksi Golkar Diganti,” available at: www.surabayapost.co.id, 22 February 2012, (accessed 24
September 2013). 475
“Tak Gubris Ancaman Ridwan Hisjam, Martono Mantap Dukung Karsa,” available at:
www.lensaindonesia.com, 1 February 2013, (accessed 24 September 2013). 476
“Ketua DPD Golkar Jatim Dinonaktifkan Gara-Gara DCS,” available at: regional.kompas.com, 16 July 2013,
(accessed 30 October 2013); “Gara-Gara Tak Mau Ubah DCS, Ketua DPD Golkar Jatim Dipecat,” available at:
www.lensaindonesia.com, 16 July 2013, (accessed 30 October 2013); “Martono Dicopot, Kerugian Besar Bagi
Golkar Jatim,” available at: beritajatim.com, 17 July 2013, (accessed 30 October 2013). 477
“Dicopot Dari Ketua Golkar Jatim, Martono Angkat Bicara,” available at: news.detik.com, 16 July 2013,
(accessed 30 October 2013). 478
Interview with Martono, Surabaya, 24 January 2012.
225
In both forums, several strategic decisions of the provincial government were
discussed and Soekarwo frequently became the target of criticism of political parties.479
Martono played a crucial role in the first forum as the coordinator of the meeting, and
afterwards when the Golkar Party dismissed him, Soekarwo took over this position.480
In
addition, during his governorship, Soekarwo organized informal meetings with the members
of the national parliament (DPR) who represented East Java.481
The topics in these meetings
were usually over issues of development in East Java, such as a plan for the development of
the “South Ring Road Highway” (Jalur Lingkar Selatan/ JLS).482
Organizing regular meetings of political parties in East Java seems to be one
distinctive approach of Soekarwo in managing the local political arena in an informal and
personal manner. Furthermore, this approach demonstrates Soekarwo’s political agility and
his flexibility in running the local government. Not only could he control criticism which
could eventually galvanize into political actions, but he could also understand what the
interests and needs of major local political actors were and accommodate them accordingly.
This assessment is also shared by Arif Afandi, one of Soekarwo’s supporters, who stated that
Soekarwo had the ability to accommodate the interests of political parties and other
institutions such as the police and the military in the distribution of government funding.483
This ability was strongly related to his expertise and past experience.
According to Martono, the aforementioned manner of communication among political
parties could be applied smoothly since most political parties did not have any concise
political ideologies.484
Since then, rivalries among political parties have not led to a zero-sum
situation or, according to Martono, “cut-throat political competition.”485
The parties could
cooperate as long as their interests were accommodated.486
This cooperation through regular
communication with political parties contributed to political stability in the local political
arena. However, this form of cooperation among political parties tended to create a local
oligarchy. The cooptation of political parties into the decision-making process had the
potential to limit critical views of political parties towards the provincial government. As a
consequence, it became difficult to develop a democratic regime in the absence of political
competition.
479
Interviews with Soekarwo, Surabaya, 26 January 2012 and Martono, Surabaya, 24 January 2012. 480
“Soekarwo Pegang Kendali,” available at: www.surabayapagi.com, 18 July 2013, (accessed 31 October
2013). 481
Interview with Soekarwo, Surabaya, 26 January 2012. 482
Interview with Martono, Surabaya, 24 January 2012. 483
Interview with Arif Afandi, Surabaya, 19 January 2012. 484
Interview with Martono, Surabaya, 24 January 2012. 485
Interview with Martono, Surabaya, 24 January 2012. 486
Interview with Martono, Surabaya, 24 January 2012.
226
Several members of the local elite confirmed that this grand-coalition type of
governance487
jeopardized democratic government in the region. Soenarjo, for instance,
claimed that the political conditions in East Java resembled more a “guided democracy”
where all political parties were obedient to the provincial government.488
As a result, it was
difficult to find fair evaluations or critical assessments from political parties toward the
provincial government.489
In addition, the local media and university intellectuals were also
included in this development which, as Soenarjo stated, had become less critical towards the
provincial government.490
In the case of university scholars, Soekarwo provided material
incentives in the form of research projects which were connected to government programs.491
As a result, this group was less critical since they were absorbed in the local oligarchy.492
According to Soenarjo, this high level of political inclusiveness had contradictory effects: on
the one hand, it created political stability; on the other hand, it caused a setback for local
democratic life.493
Soekarwo for his part rejected the notion that cooperation among political parties and
the existence of his political networks would lead to the formation of a local oligarchy.494
He
argued that his rule relied on the political participation of as many groups as possible.495
He
emphasized that his governorship paid attention to the involvement of political parties and the
public in the decision-making process since it had become a way of gaining “political
trust.”496
Soekarwo even stated that although participatory democracy was exhausting, time-
consuming, and needed the competence of a leader, he did not question participatory
democracy because he was the elected official who had gained a political mandate from the
people.497
Soekarwo also mentioned that he always put emphasis on implementing public
participation during his governorship and stated that “the potential victims should be asked
first.”498
487
For the role of grand coalitions in Indonesian Era Reformasi politics, see Slater 2004. 488
Interview with Soernarjo, Surabaya and Jakarta, 6 February 2012. 489
Interview with Soenarjo, Surabaya and Jakarta, 6 February 2012. 490
Interview with Soenarjo, Surabaya and Jakarta, 6 February 2012. For the detail analyses on the alliance of
ruling elites, local media, and university intellectuals, see Kusman 2015, in particular his chapter four and five. 491
Interview with Choirul Anam, Surabaya 30 January 2012. See also Kusman 2015, chapter four and five. 492
Interview with Choirul Anam, Surabaya 30 January 2012. See also Kusman 2015, chapter four and five. 493
Interview with Soenarjo, Surabaya and Jakarta, 6 February 2012. 494
Interview with Soekarwo, Surabaya, 26 January 2012. 495
Interview with Soekarwo, Surabaya, 26 January 2012. 496
Interview with Soekarwo, Surabaya, 26 January 2012. 497
Interview with Soekarwo, Surabaya, 26 January 2012. 498
Interview with Soekarwo, Surabaya, 26 January 2012.
227
D. Elite Cunning, Money Politics, and Political Corruption
The coalitions and political networks of Soekarwo were an outcome of his political
skills and experiences, material cunnings, and strategic capacities to accommodate many
political and economic interests around him. He cleverly accumulated political capital through
the networks of local political machines as well as friends and alliances. As described above,
his political networks ranged from the local bureaucracy, the Nahdlatul Ulama, mass media,
business groups, university intellectuals to the leaders of numerous political parties.
These wide-ranging political networks severely weakened political opposition in the
province. It was this oligarchical network controlled by Soekarwo that, by and large,
contributed to the lack of legal or formal evidences of political corruption. According to
Choirul Anam, the critical groups such as intellectuals, NGOs, and religious teachers (kyai)
had been absorbed into the political power and therefore behaved pragmatic.499 With this,
there was no significant contender who could assail or exploit political mistakes or blunders
in managing local government.
Nevertheless, coalition building and political networks of Soekarwo are not the only
factors explaining the success in preserving political power. His bureaucratic capabilities,
expertise, and experiences also served well his ability of managing power. Soekarwo
capitalized on his expertise and experience in bureaucratic matters (as an expert of financial
management) in maintaining his political position and avoiding the traps caused by a jungle of
bureaucratic regulations. Having long experiences as a career bureaucrat, he was highly
versatile in managing local government, in particular the local budget.
Both factors - strong coalition and personal networks as well as bureaucratic
capabilities and experiences - explain why there is less evidence of legal prosecution of
established local elites in East Java. Yet less legal evidence does not mean that the provincial
ruling elites were free of allegations of corruption and money politics. It is entirely clear and
has become a consensus among students of local politics in Indonesia that one remarkable
problem following decentralization and direct local elections are corruption and money
politics in local authorities (Hidayat 2009; Mietzner 2011; Buehler 2007; Hadiz 2007; Tans
2011; Hadiz and Robison 2013). Therefore, it is important to consider the question of how the
ruling elites that ruled in the province financed their political campaigns and maintained their
political networks.
While corruption and money politics were much less an issue in the local governments
of East Java than in North Sumatra, their complete absence would be an anomaly in
499 Interview with Choirul Anam, Jakarta 13 May 2011.
228
Indonesian politics. Indeed, there are allegations suggesting that they are a reality in East Java
as well. For instance, Khofifah’s lawsuits in the Constitutional Court suggest that the
gubernatorial elections of 2008 and 2013 were not free from money politics. Other allegations
included electoral fraud in several districts in the 2008 gubernatorial election, alleged money
politics in the 2013 gubernatorial election through the social assistance fund (bantuan
sosial/bansos), suspected budgetary mismanagement in the “Socio-Economic for Community
Treatment Program” (Program Penanganan Sosial Ekonomi Masyarakat/P2SEM) and the
“Another Way to People Welfare” (Jalan Lain Menuju Kesejahteraan/Jalinkesra) program.
Finally, there is the statement of the Chairman of the Corruption Eradication Commission
(Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi/KPK), Abraham Samad, claiming that “there is a number
one class robber in East Java.”500
Allegations of political corruption and money politics towards Soekarwo surfaced for
the first time in the gubernatorial election of 2008. It was the tight electoral contest between
Soekarwo and Khofifah which raised the specter of money politics. Such allegations not only
appeared in the national and local mass media,501
but also became an issue in the lawsuits
which Khofifah and her lawyer team filed with the Constitutional Court. The Court
eventually decided that there were indeed occurrences of systematic, structured, and massive
electoral fraud in three Maduran districts of Bangkalan, Sampang, and Pamekasan. Evidence
to which the Court referred was the contract program between Soekarwo and Moch.
Moezamil, the Secretary General of East Java Association of Village Heads, transcripts of
telephone communication, and testimonies of some witnesses in the trial.502
Allegations of
money politics occurred when Soekarwo promised to allocate public funds to villages, if the
village heads supported him in the race. The financial support would range from 50 to 150
million rupiahs (approximately 4.351-13.054 US$),503
depending on the vote percentage that
village heads could garner in their villages.504
In the process village heads were confronted
with charges accusing their staff with partisanship or casting blank ballot papers for the
500
“Abraham: Ada Perampok Kelas Wahid di Jawa Timur,” 12 December 2013, available at:
www.nasional.kompas.com, (accessed 9 November 2016). 501
See among others “Abraham: Ada Perampok Kelas Wahid di Jawa Timur,” 12 December 2013, available at:
www.nasional.kompas.com, (accessed 9 November 2016); “Abraham Samad Beri Penjelasan Lagi Soal Koruptor
Kakap di Jatim,“ available at: www.jppn.com, 30 December 2013, (accessed 9 November 2016); “Misteri
Koruptor Kelas Wahid Jawa Timur,” Gatra, 6 January 2014; “Kasus P2SEM Fathorrasjid Tuding Gubernur dan
Mantan Kejati Terlibat,” 27 January 2015, available at: www.surabayanewsweek.com, (accessed 9 November
2016); “Giliran Samad-Zul Dipolisikan,” Duta Masyarakat, 27 January 2015; “Dituduh Suap Zulkarnain KPK,
Begini Kata Soekarwo,” available at: www.m.tempo.co, 27 January 2015, (accessed 10 November 2016). 502
Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi No. 41/PHPU.D-VI/2008, 2 December 2008. 503
Based on a currency rate of 1 USD= 11,490 rupiahs. 504
Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi No. 41/PHPU.D-VI/2008, 2 December 2008.
229
advantage of Soekarwo.505
The Chairman of Local Electoral Commission, Wahyudi Purnomo,
was also reported to the police for manipulating the voters list (Daftar Pemilih Tetap,
DPT).506
However, the decision of the Chief of Provincial Police, Herman S. Sumawireja, to
declare Wahyudi a criminal suspect resulted in his replacement from the position as the Chief
of the Provincial Police.507
Some police leaders in Jakarta immediately responded to
Herman’s decision of declaring Wahyudi a suspect by stating that the decision was premature
and thereafter annulled Wahyudi’s statust as suspect.508
The replacement of Herman,
therefore, raised speculation that something went wrong with Herman’s attempt to uncover
the fraud. The case also suggested that Jakarta’s police leaders and ruling elites intervened the
process of election in East Java in favor of Soekarwo.509
The involvement of Jakarta’s elites in
East Java’s 2008 election was also explained in the light of the fact that the event was very
close to the 2009 national legislative and presidential elections. The vote-rich province was
seen as an important electoral battleground, especially by Megawati Sukarnoputri’s PDI-P
and Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono’s Democrat Party.510
Their competition was foreshadowed
by their support for their local allies in the province: while Megawati supported Khofifah,
SBY backed Soekarwo in the race.
The rematch of the gubernatorial contest in 2013 between Soekarwo and Khofifah
reactivated the issue of money politics. With her running mate, the former Chief of Provincial
Police, Herman S. Sumawireja,511
Khofiffah filed a lawsuit challenging the electoral result in
the Constitutional Court after their defeat in the 2013 gubernatorial election by the incumbent
pair, Soekarwo and Syaifullah Yusuf. At that time, Khofifah’s camp attacked Soekarwo for
his alleged involvement in money politics as practiced in the allocation of the social
assistance fund (bantuan sosial/bansos) prior to the gubernatorial election. In particular,
Khofifah’s lawsuits targeted a program called “Another Way to People Welfare” (Jalan Lain
505
Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi No. 41/PHPU.D-VI/2008, 2 December 2008. 506
“Ketua KPU Jatim Jadi Tersangka,“available at: www.kabarbisnis.com, 18 February 2009 (accessed 31
October 2016). 507
“Mabes Polri: Mutasi Herman Tak Terkait Pilkada Jatim,” available at: www.kompas.com (accessed 31
October 2016), “Mantan Kapolda Jatim Mundur dari Polri,” available at: www.kompas.com, 16 March 2009
(accessed 31 October 2016). 508
“Kapolda Baru Anulir Status Tersangka Ketua KPU Jatim,” available at: www.kompas.com, 27 February
2009 (accessed 31 October 2016), “Kapolda: Mantan Ketua KPU Jatim Belum Tersangka,” available at:
www.republika.co.id, 28 February 2009 (accessed 31 October 2016), “Polri: Bukti Pemalsuan DPT Tak Cukup
Kuat,” available at: www.kompas.com, 17 March 2009 (accessed 31 October 2016). 509
“Irjen Herman SS: Saya Kecewa Diintervensi,” available at: www.kompas.com, 17 March 2009 (accessed 31
October 2016). 510
This perspective was, at least, reflected in Khofifah’s view, as available in Hasan 2010, 163. See also “Pilgub
Jatim Jadi Patokan untuk Pileg dan Pilpres,” available at: www.rmol.co, 19 August 2013 (accessed 7 November
2016). 511
After his replacement as the Chief of Provincial Police in 2009, Herman resigned as a police officer in the
same year. In the gubernatorial election of 2013, Herman ran as a candidate of vice governor, pairing with
Khofifah Indar Parawansa.
230
Menuju Kesejahteraan/Jalinkesra), the implementation of which started in 2010.512
In her
lawsuit, Khofifah claimed that the allocations of the provincial budget for the social assistance
fund increased substantially, from only 800 billion rupiahs (approximately more than 69
million US$) in 2010 into 5 trillion rupiahs (approximately more than 435 million US$) in
2013.513
According to Khofifah’s lawsuit, the fund had been utilized for Soekarwo’s personal
advantage (by declaring it as the Governor’s Social Fund, rather than the Provincial
Government’s Fund) close to the election.514
Yet the Court rejected Khofifah’s lawsuits and
stated in its ruling that the program has a legal basis and that no evidence exists that the
program influenced the voters’ choice in the gubernatorial election.515
The last allegation of political corruption and money politics of the ruling elite was
raised by the Chairman of the Corruption Eradication Corruption (Komisi Pemberantasan
Korupsi/KPK), Abraham Samad, who somewhat cryptically stated that “there is a number one
class robber in East Java.”516
The statement was made on 12 December 2013, only two
months after the Court decision on Khififah’s law suit. It is interesting that Abraham made the
charge during a year-end meeting of the International Conference of Islamic Scholars (ICIS).
The meeting was chaired by Hasyim Muzadi, the former Chairman of Nahdlatul Ulama, who
also became a supporter of Khofifah and opponent of Soekarwo since the gubernatorial
election of 2008. Clarifying his statement, Samad said that it was related to the question of a
participant in the ICIS meeting and also the question of Hasyim Muzadi who asked him why
the KPK could not arrest corruptors in East Java. Samad replied that professional,
sophisticated, and well-planned corruption seems to exist in the province. As the corruptor
perfectly anticipated all possibilities, he did not leave any accurate evidence for corruption.517
Given the context the remark was made, speculation subsequently abounded whether
Soekarwo was the target of the allegations.
Only two weeks after Samad’s statement, Fathorrasjid, the former chairman of the
provincial legislature, who was convicted and imprisoned for mismanaging the Socio-
512
Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi Nomor 117/ PHPU.D-XI/2013, 7 October 2013, see also “Khofifah Resmi
Gugat Hasil Pilgub Jatim ke MK,” available at: www.daerah.sindonews.com, 11 September 2013 (accessed 8
November 2016), “Ini Alasan Khofifah Gugat Hasil Pilgub Jawa Timur,” available at: www.m.tempo.co, 24
September 2013 (accessed 8 November 2016), “Mainkan Bansos Jelang Pilkada,” Gatra, 6 January 2014. 513
Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi Nomor 117/ PHPU.D-XI/2013, 7 October 2013. 514
Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi Nomor 117/ PHPU.D-XI/2013, 7 October 2013. 515
Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi Nomor 117/ PHPU.D-XI/2013, 7 October 2013, see also “MK Tolak Gugatan
Khofifah,” available at: www.sindonews.com, 7 October 2013 (accessed 8 November 2016), “MK Tolak
Gugatan Khofifah-Herman,” available at: www.antarajatim.com, 7 October 2013 (accessed 8 November 2016). 516
“Abraham: Ada Perampok Kelas Wahid di Jawa Timur,” 12 December 2013, available at:
www.nasional.kompas.com, (accessed 9 November 2016). 517
“Abraham Samad Beri Penjelasan Lagi Soal Koruptor Kakap di Jatim,“ available at: www.jppn.com, 30
December 2013, (accessed 9 November 2016).
231
Economic Community Treatment Program (Program Penanganan Sosial Ekonomi
Masyarakat/P2SEM) was released from prison.518
He vowed that he would expose the
P2SEM corruption case, including the involvement of ruling elites. Fathurassjid claimed that
there was bribery to stop the case of P2SEM between Soekarwo and Zulkarnaen, who at the
time held the position of the High Attorney (Kepala Kejaksaan Tinggi) of East Java and later
became the Vice Chairman of KPK.519
Soekarwo responded calmly to Samad’s allegations,
stating that he would help KPK to find the aforementioned corruptor in East Java.520
Later he
went on to declare that the provincial government had received technical assistance from KPK
and cooperated with it to develop an anti-corruption zone.521
With this statement, he indirectly
whitewashed the provincial government from corruption because KPK had been involved in
the former’s activities. Responding to Fathurrosjid, Soekarwo noted that the program was
launched by the previous governor, Imam Oetomo. Therefore, he stated that he was not
familiar with the case and felt not responsible for what later occurred.522
As a matter of fact,
there was no further investigation following Samad’s statement and Fathorrosjid’s corruption
charges, suggesting that beyond allegations legally relevant evidence for corrupt practices and
money politics did not exist.
IV. Elite and Ideational Structures
A. The Traditional Javanese Ideas of Stability and Harmony
The rise of Imam and Soekarwo and their political networks cannot be discussed without also
focusing on the ideational structures with regard to the Javanese conception of power and
leadership. As a person who came from the Javanese tradition and grew up in the
bureaucracy, Soekarwo’s political attitudes were influenced by traditional Javanese norms.
Nevertheless, not only Soekarwo alone was influenced by age-honored Javanese norms, also
his predecessor, Imam Utomo, was. Several Javanese traditional norms can be seen as having
provided guidance for Soekarwo and Imam for ruling. These beliefs were, among others, the
ideas of harmony and stability in managing power, the importance of gaining consensus from
518
“Misteri Koruptor Kelas Wahid Jawa Timur,” Gatra, 6 January 2014. 519
“Kasus P2SEM Fathorrasjid Tuding Gubernur dan Mantan Kejati Terlibat,” 27 January 2015, available at:
www.surabayanewsweek.com, (accessed 9 November 2016), “Giliran Samad-Zul Dipolisikan,” Duta
Masyarakat, 27 January 2015. 520
“Soekarwo Akan Bantu KPK Bongkar Koruptor Wahid di Jatim,” available at: www.daerah.sindonews.com,
13 December 2013, (accessed 10 November 2016), “Gubernur Dukung KPK Bongkar Korupsi di Jatim,”
available at: www.jatim.antaranews.com, 13 December 2013, (accessed 10 November 2016). 521
“Soekarwo Akan Bantu KPK Bongkar Koruptor Wahid di Jatim,” available at: www.daerah.sindonews.com,
13 December 2013, (accessed 10 November 2016), “Gubernur Dukung KPK Bongkar Korupsi di Jatim,”
available at: www.jatim.antaranews.com, 13 December 2013, (accessed 10 November 2016). 522
“Dituduh Suap Zulkarnain KPK, Begini Kata Soekarwo,” available at: www.m.tempo.co, 27 January 2015,
(accessed 10 November 2016).
232
political actors, and the concept of Javanese organicism which treats the leader as a “father.”
The Javanese conception of managing power is related to the objective of maintaining
a harmonious relationship among leaders, political actors, and the people. As a consequence
of this worldview, leaders usually try to minimize open conflict among political actors,
maintain political stability, and absorb as many political or social groups into their camp as
they can (Anderson 1972). Imam Utomo, for instance, confirmed the application of these
traditional beliefs into his leadership style. As he was taught by his parents, Imam
implemented the traditional Javanese doctrine of “among roso, noto roso, mijil tresno, gawe
karyo” during his leadership in East Java. “Among roso” (managing the sense) means that as a
leader, he should appreciate the ideas of others, even when the ideas are different from his
own. As a good leader, he always tried to prioritize other people’s ideas and accommodate
them. “Noto roso” (controlling the sense) means that as a leader, he should control his
personal emotions, trying not to impose his will on others. If a leader consistently combines
both qualities, these would lead to “wijil tresno” (love) between the leader and the people.
Beyond the feeling of love, this special relationship between the leader and the people can
create a good basis for effective work and cooperation (gawe karyo).
Political observers confirmed Imam’s personal attachment to the aforementioned
doctrine. According to them, he was a good listener, irrespective of his military
background.523
Because of this trait of his personality, anybody who knew Imam did respect
him. In addition, his personality enabled him to develop wide social networks.524
He was a
leader who actively built and maintained personal and social networks through permanent
communication, even after his retirement as the governor.525
Imam stated that he would
always first ask the people and find a solution based on communication, and this came from
his personal belief to the traditional Javanese values.526
According to Imam, all of the
problems during his governorship were solved by relying on this approach. These problems
included the implementation of the central government’s decentralization policy, the building
of the Suramadu Bridge, which connects East Java and Madura Island, and the aspirations of
several regencies in Madura Island such as Bangkalan, Sampang, and Pamekasan regencies to
create their own province (pemekaran).527
Imam’s successor, Soekarwo, continued to practice this style of leadership, although
he did not openly claim compliance with traditional Javanese norms. However, his political
523
Interviews with Hariadi, Surabaya, 19 January 2012 and Taufik Lamade, Surabaya, 30 January 2012. 524
Interview with Hariadi, Surabaya, 19 January 2012. 525
Interview with Hariadi, Surabaya, 19 January 2012. 526
Interview with Imam Utomo, Surabaya, 30 January 2012. 527
Interview with Imam Utomo, Surabaya, 30 January 2012.
233
behavior and leadership style were clearly an expression of these traditional norms. Three
examples showed the existence of Javanese norms in his political behavior. First, Soekarwo
emerged as a new leader by representing himself as a “father,” “social protector,” and a
“helper” of the people. He started his public appearances by introducing himself with the title
of “Pakde” (the Javanese’s name for uncle). For the Javanese, this greeting is very popular
(particularly in the Mataraman region) and to some extent “Pakde” is used for a person who
provides a solution.528
In Javanese families, when children have a problem and cannot ask
their parents for help, they could ask their Pakdes. Pakde simply means the closest family
member after the parents.529
As stated by Martono, the leader of Soekarwo’s campaign team
and also a close aide to Soekarwo, the emergence of Soekarwo as a candidate of governor
occurred at a time of an economic and leadership crisis.530
This crisis led to a decrease of trust
of the people in the government, in particular the central government in Jakarta. Therefore
Soekarwo’s self-styled role as “Pakde” attracted people’s attention. In order to give a positive
“branding” to his appearance, Soekarwo added the Pakde title with other physical images
such as a moustache (popular in East Java, called brengos), the use of a Muslim cap (called a
kopiah), and the use of eyeglasses.531
All these physical attributes were utilized to give the
impression of Soekarwo as a charismatic, religious, and educated leader. These elements were
related to the idea of Javanese organicism, albeit in its modern interpretation.
Second, the manifestation of Javanese beliefs can also be traced back to Soekarwo’s
political attitudes, both to his political supporters and contenders. After his victory, he
continued to keep a good relationship with those political parties and strategic groups who
had supported him in the 2008 gubernatorial election. Rewards were given to his proponents
by involving them in policymaking, government projects, and their appointments to strategic
positions. However, his opponents in the race were not left out either. After the election, he
appointed La Nyala Mattaliti, a supporter of Khofifah, as the East Java Chairman of the
Indonesian Chamber of Commerce and Industries (Ketua KADIN Provinsi Jawa Timur).
Soekarwo claimed that he had always been open to accommodating his former contenders and
including them in policymaking or in business projects. His efforts included helping Sutjipto
(his contender in the gubernatorial election in 2008) when he came down with a serious
illness in the hospital. Soekarwo also played an important role in helping Soenarjo to be
elected as the vice chairman of the provincial legislature after he was defeated in the
528
Interview with Martono, Surabaya, 24 January 2012. 529
Interview with Martono, Surabaya, 24 January 2012. 530
Interview with Martono, Surabaya, 24 January 2012. 531
Interviews with Soekarwo, Surabaya, 26 January 2012 and Martono, Surabaya, 24 January 2012.
234
gubernatorial election.532
According to Soekarwo, his aforementioned behavior was driven by
two reasons. First, he took the role of the “parent” of the people – or the local equivalent,
Pakde, as a close relative next to the parents - and therefore he was obliged to stay in contact
and look after them, even if they were his former opponents.533
Moreover, most of the
politicians or people in charge in various strategic groups in East Java were his friends or
juniors, and they had had personal relationships in the past.534
Third, the notion of managing power through a harmonious relationship is also
displayed in the relationship between Soekarwo and his vice governor, Saifullah Yusuf. These
two politicians were among a small number of local executives who could rule the local
government without serious conflict. During the direct local elections in Indonesia, a
disharmonious relationship between local heads and their deputies occurred frequently. With
regard to the ability of this tandem in managing a harmonious relationship, Soekarwo stated
that he positioned himself as an older man who nurtured the younger Saifullah.535
However,
according to Soekarwo, managing a harmonious relationship with Saifullah was relatively
easy since the latter filled the position of vice governor in a loyal manner. In Soekarwo’s
opinion, Saifullah had a positive attitude towards developing communication (silaturahmi)
with various social groups such as the Islamic boarding schools (pesantren), local NGOs,
mass media, and he always extended Soekarwo’s greeting, thereby suggesting that he acted in
consonance with him.536
Therefore, Soekarwo felt comfortable to work with Saifullah.537
The
harmonious relationship between these two leaders was one important factor that strengthened
their resolve to re-run in the gubernatorial election in 2013.538
B. The Bureaucratic Politician
The era of democratization produced a new style of leadership compared to the previous
political system. The authoritarian system of the New Order and its politicians were closely
associated with a repressive or coercive approach to governing (Liddle 1992). In contrast to
the New Order, in the era of democratization, local elites could no longer use repressive
instruments in managing the local political arena. In this era, local elites had to rely on
persuasion as the main instrument of power. According to Arif Afandi, local elites who can
532
Interviews with Soekarwo, Surabaya, 26 January 2012 and Hotman Siahaan, Surabaya, 25 January 2012. 533
Interview with Soekarwo, Surabaya, 26 January 2012. 534
Interview with Soekarwo, Surabaya, 26 January 2012. 535
Interview with Soekarwo, Surabaya, 26 January 2012. 536
Interview with Soekarwo, Surabaya, 26 January 2012. 537
Interview with Soekarwo, Surabaya, 26 January 2012. 538
Interview with Soekarwo, Surabaya, 26 January 2012.
235
effectively persuade other political actors usually have an excellent knowledge of local
problems, a good capacity in understanding regulation and policy issues, and good
bureaucratic and policymaking skills.539
Without these qualities, it would be difficult for local
elites to influence other political actors. However, for those who possess these qualities but
are poor communicators, it is also difficult to mobilize political support.540
According to some political actors such as Arif Affandi, Soekarwo undoubtedly
possessed these qualities.541
He developed his bureaucratic career from a low rank up to the
position of the Secretary of the Province. With this background, he understood regulations,
policymaking, and the technicalities of the bureaucracy. Further supporting his leadership
qualities was his educational background which included a doctoral degree in Law from the
University of Diponegoro.542
Soekarwo also had previous political experiences. He was the
activist of the Indonesian Nationalist Student Movement (Gerakan Mahasiswa Nasional
Indonesia, GMNI), he joined the organization’s alumni (IKA-GMNI), he was a member and
functionary of the Golkar Party during the New Order, and he was actively involved in a
broad array of discussion groups. He built personal connections with non-state political
activists, politicians, student groups, and religious leaders during his formal duty as a career
bureaucrat. Hence he possessed the flexibility, informality and good communication skills
required for a successful politician. With this combination of bureaucratic capabilities and
political skills, Soekarwo was endowed with “political maturity” as a leader in managing local
power.543
Both personal qualities were rarely found among local chief executives in other
regions.
With a long experience as a civil servant, Soekarwo knew the basic problems in the
bureaucracy. According to him, bureaucracy in Indonesia had always faced two interrelated
fundamental problems. First, bureaucracy has a paternalistic character, and second, there is,
according to Soekarwo, a “normative-structural” problem. The first problem is connected to
the paternalistic culture of major parts of the Indonesian society, in which the lower ranking
bureaucrats are highly dependent on their superiors, which creates a bureaucracy with a low
potential for innovation. The second problem is related to the rigidity of the bureaucracy in
applying rules and norms without being able to find a solution. This rigidity often results in a
mechanistic and dysfunctional bureaucracy. With these fundamental problems, Soekarwo
mentioned that the key to improving the bureaucracy is strong leadership and a profound
539
Interview with Arif Affandi, Surabaya, 19 January 2012. 540
Interview with Arif Affandi, Surabaya, 19 January 2012. 541
Interview with Arif Affandi, Surabaya, 19 January 2012. 542
“Tentang Soekarwo,” Jawa Pos, 5 July 2008. 543
Interview with Arif Affandi, Surabaya, 19 January 2012.
236
understanding of the problems.544
In addition, the leader should shift the mindset from a
structural one (i.e. rigidity towards the application of regulations and norms) to a more
functional one (function and results-oriented).545
This statement refers to the impact of his
wide social network with various social groups in the local political arena, as he gained a lot
of knowledge from his interaction with non-bureaucratic circles.
The above combination of personal characteristics of Soekarwo made him a public
figure which possessed all necessary qualities of leadership. He was a professional career
bureaucrat and a politician who developed good personal relationships and possessed great
communication skills.546
In short, the combination of his notions of traditional Javanese
beliefs and his bureaucratic and political capacities made Soekarwo a leader who practiced a
new style of leadership.
C. Elite Resistance towards Liberal Democratic Ideas and Elite Perception
towards Political Reforms
Besides these traditional norms, local elites in East Java had their own understanding of
democracy as a political system. Although the majority of local elites accepted democracy
and political reform, either as a result of the pressures of political reform or as a personal
belief, they generally preferred a more collectivist/ consensual model of democracy to be
adopted in Indonesia (see chapter 3). The majority of local elite members from different
backgrounds rejected - or at least were skeptical about - the idea of majoritarian democracy,
which basically relies on individualism. However, this resistance had a variety of reasons,
although almost all local elite figures preferred consensual democracy in the form of the
Indonesian mutual consultation (musyawarah-mufakat) as the best model. One of the local
elite members, Arif Afandi, argued that the format of majoritarian democracy and the one
man, one vote voting system is inappropriate for the Indonesian culture which relies on
consensus.547
Along the lines of Arif’s reasoning, Soekarwo claimed that “the numerical
democracy” with a voting system as the basic element had resulted in the elimination of small
political parties. However, he believed that the aspirations of these groups should be taken
into account,548
and therefore he tried to accommodate the parties not represented in the
544
Interview with Soekarwo, Surabaya, 26 January 2012. 545
Interview with Soekarwo, Surabaya, 26 January 2012. 546
Interview with Martono, Surabaya, 24 January 2012. 547
Interview with Arif Afandi, Surabaya, 19 January 2012. 548
Interview with Soekarwo, Surabaya, 26 January 2012.
237
provincial parliament (around twenty-two political parties) in regular meetings.549
In addition,
Soekarwo stated that democracy deals with values and it does not make any sense to quantify
values, as the majoritarian democracy tends to do.550
He considers mutual consultation
(musyawarah-mufakat) as a form of participation in which everybody can express ideas and
opinions as the basic norm to be implemented in Indonesian democracy. 551
Also Imam Utomo emphasized the importance of mutual consultation (musyawarah-
mufakat). According to him, the core idea behind mutual consultation was the process of
communication (in his traditional Javanese belief, among roso).552
As a leader, he always
tried to avoid voting in decision-making. He argued that decision-making through voting
expressed the failure of a leader to communicate properly.553
The suitability of the mutual consultation principle was also addressed by politicians
who had a background as former activists in the pro-democratic movement, such as Bambang
DH and Choirul Anam. Bambang stated that the Pancasila (the Indonesian Five Principles),
mutual cooperation (gotong royong) and mutual consultation (musyawarah-mufakat) should
become the basic principles of Indonesian democracy. Comparable to a continuum in which
liberalism constitutes one extreme and socialism the other, these principles are positioned
somewhere in the middle of these extremes. According to Bambang, liberalism denies social
rights and socialism denies individual rights.554
In addition, the culture of the Indonesian
society relies on mutual cooperation and collectivism, which means that the notion of
individualism will at best only gradually gain acceptance while Indonesia is becoming
democratic.555
A similar perspective was also taken by Choirul Anam who rejected the notion
of majoritarian democracy and a voting system, which he regarded as the Western model of
democracy. He argued that Indonesian democracy should be based on Pancasila which is
determined by the search of the truth (hikmah) and not by judgments which rely on the
majority-minority principle.556
Based on this idea, he claimed that Indonesian democracy
should be based on the idea of mutual consultation (musyawarah-mufakat).557
The support of local elites for the Indonesian consensual model of democracy can be
549
The non-parliamentary parties (parties who have not be able to get seats in parliament) in East Java
established their own organization, called “The Alliance of Non-Parliamentary Parties of East Java” (Aliansi
Partai Politik Non Parlemen Provinsi Jawa Timur, APNP), consisting of twenty-two political parties. See
http://www.apnpjatim.com/2013/01/data-aliansi-partai-politik-non_13.html, (accessed 19 December 2013). 550
Interview with Soekarwo, Surabaya, 26 January 2012. 551
Interview with Soekarwo, Surabaya, 26 January 2012. 552
Interview with Imam Utomo, Surabaya, 30 January 2012. 553
Interview with Imam Utomo, Surabaya, 30 January 2012. 554
Interview with Bambang DH, Surabaya, 1 February 2012. 555
Interview with Bambang DH, Surabaya, 1 February 2012. 556
Interview with Choirul Anam, Surabaya, 30 January 2012. 557
Interview with Choirul Anam, Surabaya, 30 January 2012.
238
traced back to those political reforms that had elements of individual rights. Martono gave the
example of the judicial reform where the rights of citizens were given legal status.558
The
individual right of judicial review, for instance, had never existed in the history of Indonesia’s
legal system, and it became a new legal right in which an individual citizen could appeal
decisions of the president and the parliament and have them annulled by the Court.559
This
change can be interpreted as the replacement of collectivism by individualism in the process
of democratization.560
Therefore, the era of transition, according to Martono, was
characterized by adaptation and the interplay between the old norm of collectivism and the
new norm of individualism.561
The general objection to the principles of liberal democracy and individualism as one
of its basic elements was not only aired by local elites or politicians. One academician,
Hotman Siahaan, argued that one fundamental problem in Indonesia’s democratization,
including East Java, was the use of individualism as its foundation. However, people were
still connected by communal bonds through religion or ethnicity. A long and difficult period
of adaptation was necessary in order to change people’s orientation. Thus, the most realistic
model for Indonesia was the communitarian or the consensual model of democracy.562
Furthermore, the aforementioned reluctance toward liberal democracy was strongly
related to the impact of the latter’s implementation, such as massive transactional politics
among political actors and the voters. One PDI-P local leader, Sirmaji, criticized the
majoritarian model of democracy as inappropriate for the social conditions of the people.
Since the majority of people were still struggling to meet their basic needs, democracy in
Indonesia only resulted in an increase of the number of vote-buyers in the local political
arena.563
Hotman Siahaan also supported this argument and claimed that the Indonesian
democracy was captured by elites and capitalists. Democratization in Indonesia had to
reconcile the existing economic scarcity of the people on the one hand and the interests of
political elites and capitalists on the other. During this time, the design of the political system
also dramatically increased the occurrence of money politics.564
Therefore, money politics can
be interpreted as a byproduct of structural change in Indonesia. Political elites themselves
could not avoid money politics, and they could not succeed in electoral mobilization without
558
Interview with Martono, Surabaya, 24 January 2012. 559
Interview with Martono, Surabaya, 24 January 2012. 560
Interview with Martono, Surabaya, 24 January 2012. 561
Interview with Martono, Surabaya, 24 January 2012. 562
Interview with Hotman Siahaan, Surabaya, 25 January 2012. 563
Interview with Sirmaji, Surabaya, 27 January 2012. 564
Interview with Hotman Siahaan, Surabaya, 25 January 2012.
239
financial support.565
An important aspect with regard to the effects of liberal democracy concerned the
enactment of direct local elections since 2005. Although most local elites resisted the idea of
the majoritarian principle and the voting system - as was clearly shown in the direct local
elections -, their opinions on the conduct of direct local elections were divided. Several local
elites voiced critical views about the impact of direct local elections on money politics.
Although most local elites criticized this aspect, they also considered the positive impact of
the direct local elections. These were believed to be an effective mechanism in developing
political accountability of leaders towards their voters. Because of this mechanism, local
leaders were driven to create populist and development-oriented policies.566
Direct local
elections were credited for creating opportunities for people to choose local leaders, and to
build trust between them.567
Other advantages of direct local elections were the promotion of
public participation and the stimulation of political education for the people.568
Nevertheless, most local elites also highlighted the shortcomings of direct local
elections. The problems ranged from the lack of law enforcement, especially in connection
with the rampant practices of money politics and vote buying to problems of recruiting
qualified candidates for public offices and the high potential for social conflict among
supporters.569
Moreover, according to Martono, without a serious and comprehensive reform
of the political party system, in particular regarding party financing and candidate
recruitment, direct local elections would always result in money politics. If a reform could not
be implemented, the reasonable choice, in his opinion, was to return to the previous
mechanism of elections by the local parliament.570
In short, direct local elections needed
systematic improvements.
Another crticial issue related to decentralization entails the implementation of the
liberal model of democracy. Two critical issues arose when local elites evaluated the
enactment of this policy: its design and the disharmony between the chief executive and
his/her deputy. Regarding the design, one local elite, Soenarjo, argued that the focus of this
policy should have been on the provincial level, not the regency level.571
The reason for this
argument was that strengthening the provinces would allow for better coordination and would
565
Interview with Hotman Siahaan, Surabaya, 25 January 2012. 566
Interview with Arif Afandi, Surabaya, 19 January 2012. 567
Interview with Soekarwo, Surabaya, 26 January 2012. 568
Interviews with Soenarjo, Surabaya and Jakarta, 6 February 2012 and Bambang DH, Surabaya, 1 February
2012. 569
Interviews with Arif Afandi, Surabaya, 19 January 2012, Soekarwo, Surabaya, 26 January 2012, Soenarjo,
Surabaya and Jakarta, 6 February 2012 and Choirul Anam, Jakarta, 13 May 2011. 570
Interview with Martono, Surabaya, 24 January 2012. 571
Interview with Soenarjo, Surabaya and Jakarta, 6 February 2012.
240
facilitate development. However, as a consequence of focusing on the wrong level, the
implementation of the decentralization became uncoordinated and erratic. The provincial
government had only limited power in managing or coordinating regencies, and regencies
could completely ignore the governor’s directives since the exact nature of their relationship
was not stipulated in the decentralization law. Besides this problem, Soenarjo stated that the
source of all the problems in decentralization was a half-hearted commitment of the central
government in delegating its political authority.572
This low commitment of the central
government can be seen in the lack of supporting regulations for this policy. In addition, this
problem of low commitment was aggravated by the hurried implementation, without paying
sufficient attention to its weaknesses.573
Soenarjo also mentioned that particularistic political
interests among political elites were behind the failure of the decentralization policy.574
However, in order to deal with these weaknesses, some local elite members preferred to
strengthen the political authority of the provincial government (governor), and they also
wanted the central government to produce national guidelines for local development.575
The second issue dealt with the disharmonious relationship between the local chief
executives and their deputies. This issue was one among various problems in decentralization
and referred to the fact that many local leaders experienced conflicts after they ran local
governments. The local chief executives usually succeeded in cooperating with each other
during the election, but failed to maintain a good relationship upon getting elected. Assessing
the cause of this problem, Arif Afandi referred to two important factors: the first was the
absence of regulations which delineate the division of power among them, and the second was
the personal capacity of local leaders. With regard to the personal capacity, local executives
should avoid personal conflict by using accommodation and persuasion among each other.
Other local elite members such as Soekarwo and Soenarjo proposed the idea of eliminating
the position of deputies as elected officials. This means that only the positions of governor,
major, and regent should be up for direct election.576
The position of deputy of local chief
executives should be selected (one or two officials), depending on the size of the population
of the region. The candidates (vice head/ deputy head) themselves should be proposed by the
elected local chief executives to the provincial or local legislature, and the central government
572
Interview with Soenarjo, Surabaya and Jakarta, 6 February 2012. 573
Interview with Soenarjo, Surabaya and Jakarta, 6 February 2012. 574
Interview with Soenarjo, Surabaya and Jakarta, 6 February 2012. 575
Interviews with Soenarjo, Surabaya and Jakarta, 6 February 2012, Arif Afandi, Surabaya, 19 January 2012
and Soekarwo, Surabaya, 26 January 2012. 576
Interviews with Soekarwo, Surabaya, 26 January 2012 and Soenarjo, Surabaya and Jakarta, 6 February 2012.
241
would decide on one of them.577
This solution can be seen as a middle-way between
guaranteeing the political legitimacy of the elected officials and accommodating the aspect of
a “limited participation” by involving the local legislatures.
D. The Outsiders and Oppositional Ideas
Although East Java was characterized by elite continuity and witnessed the formation
of a local political oligarchy, this did not hinder the emergence of oppositional groups as
contenders for the ruling elites. These elite groups also differ in terms of their ideas. Although
limited, oppositional ideas have emerged to challenge traditional norms that stress stability,
harmony, consensus and deal-making, and resistance towards liberal ideas as paramount
beliefs and attitudes of established elites. There were at least two prominent figures who
became the “ideational opponents” of Soekarwo and his political networks: Khofifah Indar
Parawansa (Khofifah) and Tri Rismaharini (Risma). These two woman politicians have
become the bearers of oppositional ideas that stand in contrast to the ideational orthodoxies
discussed previously. The discussion of their oppositional ideas, however, will be related to
their political career and the political contest in East Java.
Khofifah was a persistent opponent of Soekarwo and his political networks. Their
political conflict started in the gubernatorial election of 2008. After they failed to join forces
as candidates, both ran in this election for governor. After her defeat, Khofifah claimed that
the election had been marred by electoral fraud. Therefore, she was convinced that as the
elected governor, Soekarwo would start his governorship with a tarnished reputation.578
Khofifah firmly believed she would have been elected as governor if there had not been a
high degree of money politics, the mobilization of the local bureaucracy, and the manipulation
of registered voters.579
Her complaint partially proved to be true when the Constitutional
Court upheld her lawsuits and stated that the election had been affected by a systematic,
structured and massive electoral fraud.580
But even after she was defeated again in the third
round, Khofifah continued to claim that the re-vote and re-count had been fraudulent.
Nevertheless, she could not file another constitutional complaint since the Court’s previous
decision was final.581
After the gubernatorial election of 2008, Soekarwo was able to improve his personal
577
Interview with Soenarjo, Surabaya and Jakarta, 6 February 2012. 578
Personal communication with Khofifah Indar Parawansa, Jakarta, 25 May 2010. 579
Personal communication with Khofifah Indar Parawansa, Jakarta, 25 May 2010. 580
Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi No. 41/PHPU.D-VI/2008, 2 December 2008. 581
Ketetapan Mahkamah Konstitusi No.41/PHPU.D-VI/2008, 3 February 2009.
242
relationship with all his previous electoral contenders, except Khofifah. According to
Soekarwo, it might be because Khofifah spent more time in Jakarta than in Surabaya or East
Java after her defeat.582
Nevertheless, after I met Khofifah three times and had other meetings
with her circle, I assume that a different reason than just Khofifah’s physical absence, had
been responsible for the bad relationship between the two leaders. While Khofifah did not
seem to be involved in the local political arena after her defeat, she nevertheless retained her
position as the leader of the NU’s women’s organization Muslimat NU. Through this
organization and her personal relationship with some of the NU’s leaders and religious
teachers, she could continue to cultivate her political networks in East Java.
In the gubernatorial election of 2008 Khofifah was only narrowly defeated by
Soekarwo, a fact that hinted at Khofifah’s strong political appeal. She was the former Minister
for Women Empowerment in President Abdurrahman Wahid’s cabinet, she was the leader of
the Muslimat NU, and she had wide political connections with national elites, local leaders,
and religious teachers. This all could be seen as political capital which could not easily be
marshalled by other political leaders in the region. Her political resources and her deep
disappointment with the result of the previous gubernatorial election were the basic reason for
her to run again in the gubernatorial election of 2013. Yet Soekarwo and his supporters
became aware of her intentions. Considering the result of the previous gubernatorial election,
it would have been very difficult for Soekarwo to beat Khofifah as a candidate in the
gubernatorial election of 2013. Therefore, the political strategy of Soekarwo and his
supporters was to gain the support of as many political parties as they could. In addition, they
tried to take away the support of political parties for Khofifah.583
Accordingly, it became clear
that political inclusion of political parties was one important part of Soekarwo’s electoral
strategy. In the gubernatorial election, there were only the PKB and several small political
parties without parliamentary seats which supported Khofifah. This resulted in a situation
where Khofifah almost failed to fulfill the minimum requirement of political party support
necessary to run as a candidate.584
The gubernatorial election of 2013 thus became a rematch
between Khofifah and Soekarwo.
582
Interview with Soekarwo, Surabaya, 26 January 2012. 583
“Hasyim Muzadi Tuding Soekarwo Jegal Khofifah,” available at: www.tempo.co, 26 May 2013, (accessed 12
November 2013); “Khofifah-Herman Dijegal Soekarwo?” available at: www.daerah.sindonews.com, 15 July
2013, (accessed 12 November 2013); “Soekarwo Bantah “Jegal” Khofifah-Herman,” availanble at:
www.daerah.sindonews.com, 5 June 2013, (accessed 12 November 2013); “Khofifah Buka-Bukaan Soal Politik
Borong Partai Jelang Pilgub Jatim,” available at: www.news.detik.com, 24 July 2013, (accessed 13 November
2013). 584
“Pasangan Kandidat Ini Terancam Batal Ikut Pilgub Jatim,” available at: www.metrotvnews.com, 7 June
2013, (accessed 12 November 2013); “Khofifah: Kenapa Takut Pada Saya?” available at. www.tempo.co, 12 July
2013, (accessed 12 November 2013).
243
Although Khofifah’s ideas and political actions have included political reform, anti-
corruption, and good governance, her name is always strongly associated with the idea of
women empowerment. The affinity of Khofifah to the idea of women empowerment was even
strengthened through her position as the leader of Muslimat NU and as the former Minister
for Women Empowerment.585
Her political communication style was persuasive, easily
understood by the people, and outspoken. In the last days of the New Order, as PPP legislator
in the DPR, Khofifah bravely criticized the New Order in the parliament and demanded
political reform (Hasan 2010, 6-9).
Khofifah’s ideas on women empowerment can be found in her writings on this theme
as well as in statements in the national parliament and as minister, candidate in gubernatorial
elections and leader of Muslimat NU. Her concern for women issues includes the need for
increasing the role of women in politics, gender equality and the patriarchal culture in
Indonesia, gender-based violence, women migrant workers, women education and health
(Parawansa 2003). Her ideas on women’s political participation ranged from increasing the
representation of women in political parties and legislatures through the quota system and
ensuring women’s access to strategic decision-making positions to enhancing women’s access
to media, and empowering women through education and training (Parawansa 2005, 88-89).
When she was appointed as the minister in Abdurrahman Wahid’s cabinet, Khofifah proposed
to change the name of the ministry from Women Ministry into the more dedicated and reform
minded title Ministry of Women Empowerment (Robinson 2004, 194).
Khofifah’s concerns for the idea of women empowerment, in particular the increasing
participation women in politics, was illustrated by her support of Megawati Sukarnoputri,
when the latter ran as the candidate in the presidential election of 2004. The issue of women
leadership had already emerged after the 1999 election where Megawati’s PDIP won the
election, but several Islamic political parties and mass organizations rejected a woman to be
the president. As a result, Abdurrahman Wahid was eventually elected by the People’s
Consultative Assembly as the president and Megawati took the position as the vice president.
At that time, Muslimat NU, Khofifah’s organization, represented a different position
compared to the majority of Islamic organizations (in particular the Indonesian Council of
Ulama/MUI), by declaring its support for women as national leaders (Robinson 2004, 189-
190; Blackburn 2008, 98). In a large Muslim populated country such as Indonesia, women
leadership in politics was and is still contested. As the leader of Islamic women organizations
and a politician of an Islamic party, Khofifah disagreed to the idea of exclusion of women
585
Interview with Khofifah Indar Parawansa, Jakarta, 3 June 2010.
244
from leadership. She clearly argued that the standpoint of the religious scholars (ulama) in the
MUI rejecting woman leadership was inconsistent with the decision of the Musyawarah
Nasional Alim Ulama (National Committee of Ulama) of the NU, which allowed women to
be a leader. She criticized the MUI’s recommendation to oppose woman leadership as a step
backwards, stating that “I am of the view that many of our ulama have not kept up with the
development of jurisprudence in relation to women (fiqh perempuan). They interpret the
Hadith (the sayings of Prophet Muhammad) without taking contemporary conditions into
consideration” (Robinson 2004, 190).
The issue of women leadership in politics was not exclusively experienced by
Megawati when she was nominated as the presidential candidate in 1999 and 2004. In the
East Java gubernatorial election of 2008, the issue re-appeared with the target of Khofifah
herself. In some districts such as Pasuruan, Probolinggo, Situbondo and Madura posters
appeared, stating that “it is prohibited (haram) to elect a woman as a leader” (Hasan 2010,
61). The sentiment against women leadership in the gubernatorial election of 2008 became
clearly evident, when some religious teachers (kyai) and leaders of Islamic boarding schools
(pesantren) held a meeting in Surabaya on 20 August 2008 and declared their rejection of a
woman leader in the election (Hasan 2010, 62-66). Khofifah replied calmly, believing that
voters will respond wisely to the hostility aired against women leadership (Hasan 2010, 66).
Khofifah is not the only elite member in East Java who represented oppositional ideas.
Rismaharini (Risma), who became the Mayor of Surabaya in 2010, also differs in her political
ideas from established local elites in the province. The most important idea of Risma is her
strong commitment to bureaucratic reform. With her experience as a career bureaucrat, she
fully understood that local developmental progress is highly dependent on the performance of
the local bureaucracy.586
In order to strengthen the capacity of the local bureaucracy, Risma
devised bureaucratic reform programs before and during her mayorship in Surabaya. With her
emphasis on reforming the local bureaucracy through digital systems, Risma acquired a
reputation as a leader successfully eliminating corruption and red tape in local governmental
institutions. She has utilized digital systems in managing business permits or licenses,
population and demography database, and the public school registration system.587
Risma’s dedication to bureaucratic reform can also be associated with her track record
as career bureaucrat. In this position, she initiated several programs, such as e-procurement in
governmental expenditures which minimized collusion between local bureaucrats and
586
Interview with Rismaharini, Surabaya, 2 February 2012. 587
“Reformasi Birokrasi Melalui Inovasi Pelayanan Publik” available at: humas.surabaya.go.id., 8 January 2015,
(accessed 16 October 2016).
245
businesspeople, and she continued to develop an e-government system during her time as
mayor (Amalia 2011, 54).588
Furthermore, she was known for her gardening program in the
parks of the city which made Surabaya more green, livable and beautiful (Amalia 2011,
54).589
She also had a program to empower the poor through an urban-community pilot
project (program kampung binaan) and was actively involved in the program of returning
childhood dropouts to school (Amalia 2011, 54).590
Risma was known as a hard-working
bureaucrat with a solid educational background, who had work experience in various strategic
positions in the local bureaucracy.591
With this qualification, she emerged as a new political
elite figure in the provincial capital, which coincided with the inability of Bambang to run for
re-election.
Risma’s commitment to bureaucratic reform caused serious tensions with other
political elites, both with the provincial elites and the local legislature. The tension with the
provincial government occurred in the case of a highway development project in Surabaya
(Tol Tengah Kota). This project was initiated by the central government through the Ministry
of Public Works, with the provincial government assisting in its coordination. Risma opposed
the project and did not attend the meeting initiated by the governor, even though she was
invited.592
According to Risma, her opposition was based on her belief that the project lacked
feasibility and could potentially lead to an increase in traffic jams.593
Risma’s refusal
strengthened her image as a “stubborn” and uncompromising leader.
Previously, there had been an attempt to impeach her, on grounds of the rejection by
the local legislature of her decision to increase taxes on advertisement (Amalia 2011). In fact,
the PDI-P - the party who had supported Risma in the 2010 mayoral election - was involved
in the impeachment attempt. This lack of political loyalty of the PDI-P was caused by Risma
who disappointed some local PDI-P’s leaders, who felt that she had become quite detached
588
“Peneliti: Tri Rismaharini Sukses Mereformasi Birokrasi,” available at: www.republika.co.id, 10 September
2013, (accessed 8 November 2013); “Sistem Monitoring Pemkot Surabaya Diadopsi Pusat,” available at:
regional.kompas.com, 9 January 2012, (accessed 8 November 2013). 589
“Ini Cara Risma Sulap Surabaya Jadi Bersih dan Indah,” available at: news.detik.com, 28 October 2013,
(accessed 8 November 2013). 590
“Surabaya Raih Kota Layak Anak Tiga Kali Beruntun,” available at: humas.surabaya.go.id, 23 July 2013,
(accessed 8 November 2013); “Rismaharini: Kesempatan Wirausaha Milik Semua,” available at:
www.surabayapagi.com, 18 July 2013, (accessed 8 November 2013); Fu Handi, “Tri Rismaharini, Menata
Surabaya Dengan Konsep Home,” available at: beritadaerah.com, 29 October 2013, (accessed 8 November
2013). 591
Risma completed her bachelor degree in architecture and her master degree in Management of City
Development, both from the Sepuluh November Institute of Technology, Surabaya. Since 1997, she had
positions as head of division of the city government and also as head of city agencies in Surabaya. 592
“Pansus Gagal Lobi Risma,” available at: www.jawapos.co.id, 8 October 2010, (accessed 8 November 2013);
“Risma: Mau Bicara Apa Lagi?” available at: www.jawapos.co.id, 9 October 2010, (accessed 8 November
2013); “Tolak Tol Tengah, Titik!”, available at: www.jawapos.co.id, 3 August 2011 (accessed 8 November
2013). 593
Interview with Rismaharini, Surabaya, 2 February 2012.
246
from the party.594
In the end, the impeachment failed, due to its weak legal basis and lack of support by
the central boards of some political parties, among them the PDI-P and the Democrat Party
(Amalia 2011). In addition, the attempt was not supported by the central government, and the
Minister of Home Affairs had stated that it constituted an overreaction to the decision of the
mayor which could be revised.595
This argument was also supported by the governor,
Soekarwo, who facilitated a dialogue.596
The impeachment attempt, therefore, on the one
hand, was related to politico-economic interests of some members of the local legislature, in
particular local taxation. But, on the other hand, this experience also displayed Risma’s
stubbornness, since she was unwilling to communicate with the local legislature.597
Although Risma was perceived as lacking political skills and had little support from
political elite circles, she managed to gain sympathy from some political leaders, journalists
or academicians. Most local elite members who were skeptical of Risma stated that her
stubbornness added to her arrogant character and that this could create a difficult relationship
with political players in Surabaya.598
In addition to this argument, her refusal to establish
political communication with other political elite members showed her lack of understanding
of how politics worked.599
Nevertheless, some sympathizers pointed out that the impeachment
attempt showed that members of the local legislature suffered from political immaturity.
Rather than supporting the move, some observers defended Risma and stated that she had
been collectively attacked by local parliamentary politicians.600
Choirul Anam stated that
Risma was “threatened” by members of the local parliament, but that she demonstrated her
astuteness by opposing local politicians and that this made Risma obtain public support.601
According to Anam, Risma’s political attitude was driven by her resistance to accommodate
594
Interview with Bambang DH, Surabaya, 1 February 2012 and interview with Wisnu Shakti Buana, Surabaya,
2 February 2012. 595
“Mendagri Desak DPRD dan Walikota Rekonsiliasi,” available at: jawapos.co.id, 3 February 2011, (accessed
8 November 2013); “Konflik Walikota vs DPRD Surabaya: Mendagri Meminta Gubernur Jatim Soekarwo
Mengupayakan Rekonsiliasi,” available at: www.korannusantara.com, 2 February 2011, (accessed 8 November
2013). 596
“Gubernur Damaikan Walikota dan DPRD Surabaya,” available at: www.tempo.co, 25 January 2011,
(accessed 8 November 2013). 597
Interview with Hotman Siahaan, Surabaya, 25 January 2012; interview with Faishal Aminuddin, Surabaya, 24
January 2012; Interview with Whisnu Sakti Buana, Surabaya, 2 February 2012; interview with Bambang DH,
Surabaya, 1 February 2012. 598
Interview with Whisnu Sakti Buana, Surabaya, 2 February 2012, 599
In an interview,Rismaharini refused to be called “political official,” referring to her position as the elected
mayor. She was of the opinion that she was elected as mayor by the people and she did not credit the political
party that gave her a formal recommendation because she never asked for it. Interview with Rismaharini,
Surabaya, 2 February 2013. 600
Rohman Budijanto, “Risma Setelah Ontran Ontran,” available at: www.jawapos.co.id, 8 February 2011,
(accessed 8 November 2013). 601
Interview with Choirul Anam, Jakarta, 13 May 2011.
247
the demands of political parties (in particular the PDI-P) and local parliament who asked for
favors in terms of projects and strategic positions in the bureaucracy.602
It is clear, according
to Anam, that the motive of pairing Bambang with Risma as candidates of the PDI-P was
driven by an intention to control and steer her once she had assumed office as mayor.603
However, this intention failed since Risma exhibited ideas and attitudes that were at variance
with traditional elite behavior. For Anam, Risma was a successful mayor, had a clean track-
record, and was not “contaminated” by the networks of the political oligarchy in East Java.604
For local politicians, Risma’s clean background made it difficult to topple her.605
Therefore,
from a political standpoint, she had nothing to lose. She refused political communication and
interaction with other local politicians that could be interpreted as political bargaining.606
Risma herself mentioned this last point, stating that she preferred to refuse the demands of
local politicians at whatever cost if these created drawbacks for public interests.607
Another of Risma’s advocates was Kresnayana Yahya, a university academician of the
Sepuluh November Institute of Technology (ITS). Kresnayana’s opinion of Risma’s political
prospects was even more favorable than the one of the aforementioned observers. For
Kresnayana, Risma could be seen as one potential challenger of the network of the political
oligarchy in East Java, based on her performance and political attitude. 608
He believed that it
was possible for Risma to move to higher political positions in the future. Therefore,
according to Kresnayana, Risma’s supporters requested her to stay in the position as mayor.609
This prospect became particularly evident when the PDI-P considered Risma as one of the
candidates for the gubernatorial election of 2013, although Risma refused to run and chose to
concentrate on her responsibilities in Surabaya.610
Kresnayana’s views on Risma’s promising
political future seemed reasonable, but it is also evident that if Risma decides to pursue higher
political office, she needs to “invest” more in her political skills and must broaden her socio-
political networks.
The above description of two East Java elite members, Khofifah and Risma, shows
that the oppositional ideas have grown in the province. The ideas of women empowerment,
602
Interview with Choirul Anam, Jakarta, 13 May 2011. 603
Interview with Choirul Anam, Jakarta, 13 May 2011. 604
Interview with Choirul Anam, Jakarta, 13 May 2011. 605
Interview with Choirul Anam, Jakarta, 13 May 2011. 606
Interview with Choirul Anam, 13 May 2011. 607
Interview with Rismarahini, Surabaya, 2 February 2012. 608
Interview with Kresnayana Yahya, Surabaya, 2 February 2012. 609
Interview with Kresnayana Yahya, Surabaya, 2 February 2012. 610
“Tri Rismaharini Menolak Dicalonkan Sebagai Gubernur Jatim,“ available at: www.tempo.co, 27 February
2013, (accessed 8 November 2013).
248
bureaucratic reform, and anti-corruption have become alternatives, challenging established
local norms such as political stability, harmony, and mutual consultation (musyawarah-
mufakat). Nevertheless, the achievements of these two leaders differ. Khofifah failed to
become governor even after her almost endless court cases challenging the election result and
challenging the power of Soekarwo. Risma, in contrast, succeeded to achieve the position of
mayor in the provincial capital. However, the effort to implement political and bureaucratic
reform as a part of her personal belief provoked resistance from other politicians, ranging
from the creation of a negative image as “stubborn leader” who lacked communication skills
to the local legislature’s attempt to impeach her. However, Risma rejected to join the deal-
making with other local political leaders and stood for faithfully implementing existing
regulations and her firm motivation to work for public interests.
V. Conclusion: Tracing the Process of Elite Adjustment in East Java
This chapter dealt with local elite adjustment in East Java which took place in a new political
setting after the breakdown of the authoritarian New Order. The new political setting has
largely been determined by political reforms at the national level, such as the introduction of a
multi-party system, the withdrawal of the military from politics, the decentralization policy,
and the enactment of direct local elections. However, this radical change in the political
system could not completely eliminate the previous political structures. In short, a new
political setting in the region was characterized by both continuity and change.
This institutional context of continuity and change has manifested itself in the
constellation of local political power. As the second largest province in Indonesia, East Java
has always been the center of attention for political parties in the history of modern Indonesia.
In the 1950s, the Nahdlatul Ulama dominated the local political arena, followed by the PKI
and the PNI in the second and third rank. In the New Order, although Golkar won the simple
majority in all general elections in the region, the political influence of the Nahdlatul Ulama
survived. In the post-New Order, the PKB and the PDI-P replaced the dominant position of
Golkar, and both were then replaced by the Democrat Party in the last general election of
2009. However, the changing constellation of local political power in the post-New Order
period did not diminish the significance of the Nahdlatul Ulama. In the post-New Order, the
constellation of the local political arena in the post-New Order was influenced by the three
largest political powers: the Nahdlatul Ulama, the PDI-P, and the local bureaucracy. As a
consequence, these political structures were always of utmost importance for local political
elites who ruled the provincial government and in the context of electoral competition. The
closer they engaged with these political machines, the better were the political positions of the
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local elites.
In terms of the configuration of local elites, the change of political system created
mixed results. Direct local elections, no doubt, paved the way for new elites from various
backgrounds to enter the local political arena. Politicians from different political parties,
businesspeople, journalists, and former pro-democratic activists have emerged in the electoral
competition and even succeeded in taking on position as local chief executives, replacing the
established backgrounds of local elites such as former military officers and local bureaucrats.
Nevertheless, for the provincial elites, former military officers, bureaucrats and politicians
due to their widely intact networks had a stronger position in electoral politics. By and large,
the longevity of this group of local elite groups was greatly influenced by their previous
alignment with the New Order regime.
Furthermore, local elite adjustment in the region was strongly influenced by two
distinctive characteristics. The first was related to the strong evidence for elite continuity,
meaning that the established local elite guarded and orchestrated succession. Elite continuity
itself was characterized by four phases of succession. First, coming from Imam’s political
circle or from his loyalists, the predecessor started to consider and, later on, nominate a
potential candidate as his successor, i.e. Soekarwo. Furthermore, Imam tried to convince
Soekarwo to run in the direct local election. Therefore, the second phase was the process of
“inducting” the successor to the predecessor’s political networks. A decade of experience as
governor in the region contributed to Imam’s large social and political networks, a factor
which was vital in the era of open competition and popular democracy. This phase was
followed by the third stage when Imam actively groomed Soekarwo in the process of
candidacy, in particular by seeking the support of political parties and the running mate in the
race. The last phase was the support in the election itself, in the form of campaigning,
lobbying with other political elites, and financial assistance. The fact of elite continuity, in
turn, resulted in a low degree of political replacements, either in terms of people or networks
of local elites.
The second aspect, which largely contributed to the process of elite adjustment in the
region, is elite behavior in response to political change. Here, three interrelated elements of
elite behavior can be identified: formal acceptance of democracy, opportunistic behavior, and
resistance to the ideas of liberal democracy. The acceptance of democracy and political
change is part of the strategy of “acquiescence” (Oliver 1991, 152-153) when the public
demand for political reform was strong. Elites agreed to support political reform and behaved
democratically because they understood that democratization was unavoidable and resistance
250
towards political change would cause public antipathy. However, this conformist behavior
was not only the product of a strong structural pressure on local elites, but also related to their
personal qualities. Several established local elite members, including the ruling elite
personalities, were believed to have been convinced democrats.
The strategy of acquiescence was followed by the strategy of “compromise” or “partial
conformity” (Oliver 1991, 153-154) in which local established elites partially conformed to
democracy and treated various local actors differently. They applied a form of chameleonic
adjustment: they presented themselves as liberal and progressive towards the idea of
democracy when they discussed with pro-democratic groups, but they could also become
conservative and skeptical of democracy when talking to remnants of the ancien régime. Part
of this strategy of compromise was also the accommodation and absorption of various societal
groups into the camp of the local established elites. This was possible by applying “political
cooptation” and intensifying personal relationships.
Once political reforms were implemented, local elites realized that there was a gap
between institutional expectations (the democratic political system) and actual conditions.
Here, several political reforms, such as direct local elections, were perceived as leading to
excessive change. The source of the problem, according to most local political elite figures in
the region, was the model of liberal-majoritarian democracy, which relied on the fundamental
belief of individualism. Almost all local elites rejected this notion, although they could not
resist it openly and preferred the model of a consensual democracy and mutual consultation
(musyawarah-mufakat) as the most appropriate model of democracy to be implemented. This
rejection strengthens the above argument about local elites’ partial conformity towards
democracy. In addition, this resistance towards the liberal democratic model strengthened the
position of local established elites who, as will be explained below, managed their power by
applying a more consensual approach.
The success of local established elites in managing succession and their smooth
political adjustment was followed by their mastery in running local government. Here, the
ruling elites employed the strategies of political inclusion and accommodation towards
political parties and the provincial legislature in the local political arena. Rather than relying
on governorship to exercise a formal political approach, ruling elites created a regular,
informal, and more personal way of political control. Consistent with this approach, a series
of regular meetings were held as a method of building a grand coalition, which would greatly
contribute to political stability in the region. This political accommodation also created
benefits for ruling elites by avoiding potential critics and conflicts among the government, the
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provincial legislature, and political parties. In addition, the ruling elites maintained personal
networks with various strategic groups in society, ranging from religious teachers,
businesspeople, local media, university scholars, and other local chief executives. As a result,
political inclusion and accommodation brought about political stability and a strong position
of the ruling elites.
The mastery of local elites in managing government is also supported by a set of
ideational structures which are strongly related to maintaining a stable government. The
traditional Javanese notions of harmony, stability, a non-combative political style, and
communicative action became the ideational basis for their success in preserving local
political power. Ruling elites not only wooed their friends and political alliances to join their
camp, but political contenders were also invited and persuaded to join the coalition. This
development, consequently, minimized potential hostilities from growing stronger and
hindered opponents in building their own political block.
Nevertheless, the political skills of achieving political consensus can not only be seen
to be an important political resource of the ruling elite, but the bureaucratic skills also play a
significant role in their success. With a long experience in local bureaucracy, ruling elites
understood local problems, regulations, and how to find solutions for governmental issues.
This also included bureaucratic skills, which largely impacted on the ruling elite’s ability to
prevent themselves from the “trap” of violating the law, such as corruption. From the
aforementioned description, two particular masteries of the ruling elite in managing local
power can be clearly seen: political skills for building political consensus and bureaucratic
skills which aided them in avoiding breaking the law. In addition, the ruling elite succeeded in
implementing populist policies, such as an import barrier for domestic products, which was
greatly appreciated by local entrepreneurs and the majority of people.
The above development determined the circumstances in regards to ideational
contestation. Without any significant failure of established elites in managing the local
government and with a strong coalition building among local political players, it is difficult to
identify the ideational contestation in the region. Without high corruption incidence that could
be legally proven, for instance, there is no room for new opposition leaders or norm
entrepreneurs to “dramatize, call public attention” (Finnemore and Sikkink 1998, 257) or
incite public outrage for the new norm emergence. In other words, there is no situation
favorable for a contradiction between the ideational orthodoxies and new norms. The survival
of the local established elites and the less favorable conditions for ideational contestation are
supported by a condition where local established elites were to a large extent able to fulfill the
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“social expectation or socially desired result” (Legro 2000, 424-425). With the capability of
governing local politics seemingly without corruption or any other serious blunders, the local
established elites could avoid a condition of “unmet social expectation” (Legro 2000, 425-
426) which theoretically plays a role as a critical juncture for the emergence of the new norms
and ideational contestation. As in the case of the continuity in personnel, the process of elite
adjustment in the region is also strongly characterized by continuity in terms of ideational
structures, although – as we have seen above – alternative leadership with ideas deviating
from established elites also emerged.
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Chapter Six
Conclusion
The objective of this study was to explore the adjustments of political elites at the local level
in the provinces of North Sumatra and East Java during the period of democratization in
Indonesia. The time frame the research covered ranged from the collapse of the New Order
over the initial phase of transition in 1998 to recent developments of democratization in the
regions in 2013. Within this time frame, the study covered crucial events of institutional
reforms in Indonesia: constitutional amendments, the change of the party and electoral
systems, the enactment of the decentralization policy, and also the introduction and
implementation of direct local elections in the regions.
The research relied on the assumption that democratization does not occur in a
unidirectional and monolithic style. In other words, the implementation of democracy can
produce different outcomes in different contexts. Therefore, this research assumed that three
causal factors contributed to the process of elite adjustment, namely the institutional context
of democratization and changing socio-political structures, actor’s strategic action and
coalition building, and ideational structures.
With regard to the institutional context, I argued that the mode of transition in
Indonesia was characterized by a negotiated transition, a declining antagonism between
democrats and their opponents, the legacy of the authoritarian networks, and the impact of
these democratic arrangements on elite reconfiguration. In addition, institutional context dealt
with the early process of elite adjustment in the regions and examined the dynamic interaction
between the institutional pressure of democratization and the changes in strategic responses of
local elites.
Furthermore, the second causal factor of actor’s strategic actions examined the impact
of founding democratic arrangements, in particular transactional practices during the conduct
of direct local elections; the formation of elite networks, elite strategic actions and
maneuvering, coalitions, and competition; and the interaction of established local elites with
the new ones. The final causal factor investigated the ideational structures, particularly by
examining the dynamics of ideational change in the regions that also contributed to the pattern
of elite adjustment.
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I. Comparative Analyses: Similarities, Differences, and General Patterns
Against the backdrop of the aforementioned research objective, this study investigated two
cases. For this purpose, the study applied the methodology of controlled comparison in the
form of Mill’s most-similar design. Nevertheless, since a most-similar design has basic
weaknesses, it was combined with the method of process-tracing for capturing the rich
textures of causalities and intervening variables. Following this methodological approach, the
study uncovered a range of similarities and differences in both cases. As was explained in
chapter 2 with regard to the most-similar design, the two cases shared a whole range of
similarities, except for the outcome and the proposed independent variable. The following
description recaps their similarities and differences.
The two cases showed basic similarities in terms of their demographic setting since
both provinces had a large number of voters. Major similarity lies in a similar institutional
context, meaning that elite adjustment in both regions cannot be separated from the wider
institutional reform in the national political architecture. North Sumatra and East Java, as
parts of Indonesia, were directly influenced by several political reforms in the national
context, such as constitutional amendments, the changes in the political party system and
electoral laws, the enactment of the decentralization policy, and the implementation of direct
local elections. Both regions were affected by these founding democratic arrangements and
policies in newly democratizing Indonesia.
Another similarity is the high degree of transactional politics, in particular since the
introduction of direct elections in 2005. In addition, the enactment of direct local election in
both regions produced a similar effect in opening spaces for political participation for local
elites through direct local elections. However, this growing participation of elites from
various backgrounds in the election could not markedly alter the strong position of local
bureaucrats and politicians in the electoral competition. A final similarity can be seen in the
pattern of local elite adjustment in the process of transition. Established local elites in both
regions started to respond to the demands of democratization by applying the strategy of
passive conformity, but later on they changed their form of adjustment into a strategy of more
active resistance to political change. The latter was shown by their active involvement in
arranging the rules and conduct in democratic institutions such as local legislatures; actively
participating in gaining strategic positions such as the local chief executives, becoming
leaders of political parties, or chairmen of local legislatures. Their active involvement in the
local political arena became also evident in their infiltration of pro- democratic activist
movements, and they actively built personal networks with social or religious organizations.
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The short period of passive conformity was over after the euphoria of the regime breakdown
had subsided. In short, the strategies of local elites in responding to the demands of
democratization varied from strategies of acquiescence, over conformity, compromise,
absorption, inducement to the strategy of cooptation.
Nevertheless, the process of elite adjustment in both regions was characterized by at
least five major differences. Each case demonstrates its idiosyncratic pathway which
subsequently produced different outcomes of elite adjustment in both cases. First, there are
partial differences in both cases in terms of their historical and socio-structural formation.
North Sumatra has a distinctive configuration of competing cultural identities (ethnicities and
religions) which later on influenced the nature of political competition. East Java, by contrast,
is relatively homogeneous in its ethnicity and religiosity, with a dominating Javanese ethnic
group and Islam. In the case of North Sumatra, ethnicity and religiosity appear as one
important feature in the process of local elite competition and electoral contestation. In
addition, local elites frequently use ethnic and religious backgrounds as one instrument of
political mobilization or of gaining symbolic legitimacy.
The second difference is related to the nature of inter-elite competition. While local
elites in North Sumatra were faced with a high degree of political competition in the local
political arena (both in local elections and in managing local government), elite competition
in East Java was characterized by a comparatively low degree of political conflict. While both
past gubernatorial elections were characterized by a high degree of competition, the ruling
elites in East Java, nevertheless, succeeded in creating mechanisms of political
accommodation and achieving political consensus among major political actors after winning
the election. Different developments occurred in North Sumatra when ruling elites were faced
with personal frictions among themselves and inter-party political tension. The third
difference between the two cases lies in the presence and absence of elite continuity. In North
Sumatra, the ruling elites did not get involved in influencing political succession through local
elections during the transitional phase. The deaths of Raja Inal Siregar and Tengku Rizal
Nurdin (two governors in the New Order and during the era of transition) in 2005 created a
condition of “back to zero” in terms of elite configuration. Although most local elites who
competed in the gubernatorial election in 2008 had personal ties with these prominent figures,
the candidates in this election, in fact, relied on their own political networks to garner popular
support. In short, succession in North Sumatra was characterized by the feature of elite
discontinuity or “de-patronization.”
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In contrast to this feature, East Java’s ruling elite during the era of transition - Imam
Utomo - became actively involved in political succession. He selected the successor, groomed
him, and even used his political influence and networks for the benefit of the successor in
direct local elections. This active engagement of the predecessor elite to maintain the political
succession has resulted in the strong feature of elite continuity, both in terms of elite
personnel as well as elite political networks. The different features of elite continuity in two
regions demonstrated the presence or the absence of the previous prominent figures and their
political networks, which subsequently influenced the different patterns of elite adjustment.
The fourth difference between the two cases can also be found in the aspect of elite
capacities, particularly in their political proficiencies and bureaucratic capability. North
Sumatra’s ruling elites - or more specifically: the elected governor in 2008, Syamsul Arifin
and the mayor of Medan Abdillah -, both had backgrounds as local politicians and
businessmen. Although Syamsul served as the Regent of Langkat before his governorship, his
career developed as a politician of Golkar (in the New Order) and the Golkar Party (in the
post-New Order) and his involvement in this party’s mass organizations or the New Order’s
corporatist organizations such as the Indonesian Development Generation of Youth (Angkatan
Muda Pembaharuan Indonesia/ AMPI) and the National Committee of Indonesian Youth
(Komite Nasional Pemuda Indonesia/ KNPI). Abdillah had no foothold in political activities
during the New Order or afterwards. He was purely a businessman who had become the
business partner of local governments before he took on a position as mayor. This background
of ruling elites in North Sumatra affected their performance as local heads of executive. As in
the case of Syamsul, he might have been able to deal with political affairs and could have
gained political support from major local political players since he had a long experience in
the local political arena. Nevertheless, his non-bureaucratic background, by and large,
contributed to his inability in managing governmental affairs, as was shown by his poor
understanding of regulations and lack of bureaucratic capabilities. This lack of bureaucratic
skills – in combination with a high degree of transactional practices and a high degree of
inter-elite competition - led to their inability to avoid “the corruption trap”. By contrast, a
different feature emerged in the case of local elite performance in East Java. Taking into
account Soekarwo as the most prominent figure of the ruling elite in the region, he possessed
both properties of political skill and bureaucratic capability. Soekarwo started his bureaucratic
career as a junior staff in the local government, but he combined this with his initial political
activity as he was the leader of student activists of the GMNI. Furthermore, he retained a
foothold in the local bureaucracy and political activities. Besides his career in the
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bureaucracy, he left his political footprint in Golkar in the New Order and established his
socio-political networks with strategic groups in the region. Following the collapse of the
New Order, he became a high-ranking bureaucrat and formally left Golkar, but was still able
to maintain good relations with major political parties and strategic groups in the region. As a
result, he possessed both political and bureaucratic skills, which later on determined his
success in electoral competition, managing provincial government, and establishing and
cultivating political coalitions.
The difference analyzed above notably influenced the fifth difference: the presence
and absence of ideational contestation in both cases. The poor performance of North
Sumatran’s local elites in managing local government, which was supported by their
inadequate competence in bureaucracy such as the understanding of its regulations, became an
entry point for ideational contestation. Ruling elites in North Sumatra, as shown in the case of
Syamsul Arifin, committed corruption, partly supported by his poor managerial ability when
he served as Regent of Langkat. It is certainly clear that his lack of bureaucratic capability
could not alone be held responsible as the only one causal factor for his failure. There was a
combination of this factor with the high degree of inter-elite competition and the high degree
of transactional practices that led to his failure in sustaining power. Nevertheless, it seems that
the absence of his bureaucratic expertise and his non-bureaucratic background strongly
affected the “careless” behavior of Syamsul (or Abdillah) in managing local government. As a
result, the failure of ruling elites in managing local government (particularly as evidenced by
their corruption) paved the way for the emergence of new ideas such as anti-corruption or
clean government. But not only these ideas came to the fore; the reliance of local elites upon
the cognitive prior of traditional norms (such as ethnicity and religiosity) also led to the
emergence of oppositional ideas, such as the idea of pluralism. In short, it can be said that in
North Sumatra, the contestation of ideas occurred when the cognitive prior as used by local
elites was stripped of its social legitimacy. This was the case when the defenders of this
ideational legacy could no longer fulfill social expectations, as shown in the case of
corruption.
By contrast to North Sumatra, East Java’s ruling elites demonstrated their capacities in
the political and bureaucratic domains and the ability to avoid law violation such as
corruption. Bureaucratic skills that stemmed from long experience were able to protect them
from making wrong decisions in managing local government. The feature of the “careful fox”
(Pareto 1935, 1788-1795, sec. 2480) was representative for the performance of the ruling elite
in East Java. This situation was supported by their political expertise in maintaining political
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consensus and cooperation among major political actors in the region which led to a relatively
low level of inter-elite competition. Without any “big case” of managerial failure of ruling
elites, the ideational contestation occurred to a lower extent compared to the case of North
Sumatra. The proponents of new ideas faced difficulties in displaying and dramatizing the
need for ideational change, since the defenders of the cognitive prior, i.e. the ruling elites, did
not make any serious mistakes in managing local government. In addition, the ruling elites
could fulfill social expectations by championing populist policies. In short, no condition
existed that would have paved the way for a contradiction between the cognitive prior, the
behavior of its defenders, and events; all features that existed were in consonance with social
expectations.
The aforementioned similarities and differences produced different outcomes in terms
of the pathway of elite adjustment in both regions. After a similar pattern of adjustment
among the local elites had occurred in the early phase of transition (i.e. strategies in
responding to the demands of democratization), both groups of local elites went through a
divergent process of adjustment. Local elites from North Sumatra faced a more fragile elite
coalition which was characterized by high inter-elite competition. This high degree of inter-
elite competition was influenced by the nature of the competitive social structure (in terms of
ethnicity and religiosity) and also by the implementation of direct local elections which
resulted in high political costs for local elites who competed in the race. The high competition
among local elites even continued when the winner began his governorship and this resulted
in the difficult situation of building a robust political coalition. This unfavorable situation was
worsened by an inadequate expertise in managing bureaucracy, which later on led to their
inability to avoid law violations in the form of corruption. However, this pathway of elite
adjustment produced a greater possibility for ideational contestation where the behavior of
local elites was not compatible with social expectations. In short, this first case shows “the
failure” of local elite adjustment in democratization, but later turned out to be beneficial for
the ideational contestation to take place.
In contrast to the North Sumatran case, local elites or ruling elites in East Java could
manage the local political arena in a more firmly way. With dominant Javanese cultural
identities, the fact of elite continuity, the success of ruling elites in managing political
coalition, and the combination of political and bureaucratic skills, ruling elites succeeded in
positioning themselves in the new political system. However, their success in the process of
adjustment stymied ideational contestation.
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After assessing the idiosyncrasies of each case, it is important to highlight the
important generalizable findings in order to answer the basic research questions of how and
under what conditions local elite adjustment has taken place. The first issue relates to the
strategies of elites in responding to the institutional pressure exerted by democratization. For
this issue, it is important to note the general tendency of local elites to choose a strategy of
adjustment appropriate with the degree of institutional pressure: the stronger the institutional
pressure of democratization, the more likely it is for the elite to apply passive conformist
strategies; the weaker the institutional pressure, the more likely it is for the elite to employ
active resistance strategies. Following this first aspect, a major finding is that the process of
elite adjustment followed the range of the strategies of passive conformity to active resistance.
Political elites - and in particular established elites - were aware of how to behave
appropriately in the specific institutional context.
Although established elites generally employed the approach of passive conformity in
the initial transition phase, their more “active” involvement in the subsequent phase of
transition - such as in electoral competition and in managing government - depended on a
range of properties such as their social and political networks, their backgrounds, experiences,
and skills in different fields. Therefore, the second aspect refers to the capacities of political
elites in which their political skills in building political networks and coalition, and masteries
in bureaucratic fields highly influenced their failure or success to adjust in democratic
regimes. Included in this aspect are the networks of the ruling elites with elite predecessors
and the latter’s previous political networks. These qualities (skills, capacities, and
experiences) can produce different responses from political elites in behaving in the new
political environment. The old established elites who had political experiences in the
authoritarian regime possessed greater political resources compared to the new elites;
however, their success or failure in adjustment was also determined by a specific career path
or track record in the past. With this condition, political elites who had long bureaucratic
experiences and strong political networks adapted easier to the new political environment.
Elite capacities in managing the political arena affected ideational change. Political
transition in newly democratic countries such as Indonesia is generally characterized by a
sequence of the following events: a collapse of authoritarian rule, negotiated transition, and
the consolidation of procedural democracy. The authoritarian collapse, however, only resulted
in the revision or replacement of the political format of the authoritarian regime, but the
cognitive prior still persisted and was used by political elites as an instrument of maintaining
legitimacy. However, the use of the cognitive prior in domains such as ethnicity, religion, or
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populist rhetoric cannot solely be regarded as the only supporting factor for the success or
failure of elites in the political arena. This cognitive prior can survive in the political realm if
political elites can avoid conditions that may lead to a contradiction between appropriate
behavior of elites and social expectations. If established elites fail to manage their political
power properly and fail to avoid law violation such as corruption, the emergence of new
norms takes place. In contrast, if ruling elites succeed in reaching political consensus, avoid
excessive law violation, and fuse, that is, localize the democratization with the cognitive prior,
the emergence of new transformative norms and their ideational proponents is more restricted.
II. Understanding Elite Adjustment in Democratic Transition
While much of elite studies operate with one single approach-whether applying rationalist,
structuralist, or ideationalist approach exclusively- the novelty of this study is the eclectic
theorizing in the analysis of elite adjustment to political change. Thus, in this final discussion
I reconsider the contribution of the three major strands of arguing (structure, agency, and
ideas) in explaining elite adjustment. What does this eclectic approach explain well? And how
are these three major theoretical strands interconnected? Why does this approach have more
explanatory power in explaining the complexity of elite adjustment in Indonesia or other
transitional settings?
The merits of eclectic theorizing in understanding elite adjustment in Indonesia’s
democratic transition consist in the way of how causal mechanisms of each causal factors
interconnected. Structural factors originating from historical antecedents of authoritarianism,
its breakdown, and a negotiated transition, were followed by series of institutional reforms.
Here, democratization in Indonesia enabled institutional reforms in the form of constitutional
amendments, the enactment of decentralization policy, and the introduction of direct local
elections. However, this new institutional design, in fact, was double-edged. On the one hand,
it created a more pluralist background of local political elites, more competitive nature of
political contestation among political elites, and more political participation of the electorates.
On the other hand, this study corroborated a general consensus among students of Indonesian
politics that the new institutional design such as direct local elections also produced
transactional politics, money politics, political corruption, and preserving local oligarchical
power. From this point, this study revealed that both provinces under study experienced
similar development. As a result of the implementation of political reform, local political
elites had adjusted to the new political environment. In general, local elites pursued quite
similar responses by applying a high degree of conformity with the new system of
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government including the pertinent norms and values in the initial phase of transition, but then
they eventually changed the response into greater resistance towards democracy by practicing
money politics and political corruption.
Furthermore, from the structural elements, the study found that the institutional reform
starting from 1998 crucially affected the way of elite adjustment in the regions. However,
elite continuity or discontinuity in terms of their structural networks paved different pathways
to elite adjustment. Structural continuity from the elite’s New Order predecessors to their
successors in the democratic regime eased the process of structural adjustment, although it
had an impact on the persistence of local oligarchy. In contrast to this development, structural
discontinuity in terms of elite personnel and political networks had resulted in a high degree
of inter-elite competition. In addition, socio-cultural formation in the form of ethnic and
religious elements was an important source of legitimacy for local political elites, either in
their adjustment in general or in political contestation in particular.
Nevertheless, structural conditions could not throroughly influence elite adjustment to
the new democratic arrangements. Here, elite had to a certain degree their own political
choice. This strategic choice was driven by their capacities, skills, and experiences inherited
in the previous authoritarian regime. Later on, elite skills and capacities determined the ability
of political elites to develop political networks and coalition. All factors related to the agency
of political elites, by and large, determined their capacity to survive, strengthen their role, or
fail to manage their political power. Local elites were thus able to employ the logic of
consequentalism. In other words, they were not only passive actors responding to structural
constraints imposed on them by democratization, but also agents making their own choices
(Acharya 2004, 243-244).
The study also confirmed another aspect of actor-oriented approaches: elite adjustment
was also influenced by elites’ psychological propensities as enunciated by Pareto. To a certain
extent, elite qualities, personalities, and skills affected the success or failure of political elites
in managing their power. This research confirmed the relevance of Pareto’s thought on
“residue” or “sentiments” in assessing the right combination of elite psychological
propensities related to what he conceptualized as “fox and lion” characters. Elites who
possessed the right combination of political skills and bureaucratic capabilities tended to be
more successful in their adjustment and had a greater chance of preserving their political
power. The character of “fox” such as chicanery, guile, manipulation, and cunning had a
consequence not only in sustaining elite political power but also in adjusting to the new
environment and avoiding the “traps” produced by a more competitive local political arena.
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The character of “lion” prevailed when political elites forged coalition among local political
actors, activated political networks, negotiated with other political players, and maintained
political stability by controlling the oppositional potential effectively. Local elites who
possessed the right balance of political skills and bureaucratic masteries, of persuasion and
force, tended to be more successful in preserving their political power, no matter whether they
were committed to democracy or whether they formed a local oligarchy.
The last causal factor to be discussed concerns ideational elements that constitutively
affected the pathways of elite adjustment in democratization. The impact of ideas on elite
adjustment was not straightforward; it was linked to the structural elements and elite strategic
behavior. The way of local political elites adjusted to democracy can be traced to the mode of
negotiated transition following the collapse of authoritarian regime. The legacy of the
authoritarian collapse was “enduring ideas” (Legro 2000, 424), that is, old ideas that persisted
and had adherents and defenders. Authoritarian elements pertained to old elites and the new
elites which emerged from the former’s patronage network. This authoritarian continuity in
terms of ideas and personnel was made possible by the mode of negotiated transition.
One of the major findings of this study was the endurance of the cognitive prior in the
local political arena. Populism served as the dominant ideational structure and was widely
used as discursive practice. These normative frameworks have already been in place in the old
order and still existed after democratization, in North Sumatra and East Java. Although the
cognitive prior itself is not completely anti-democratic, it is nevertheless not conducive for the
development of democratic institutions. Therefore, this partially blurred boundary between
the cognitive prior and the new oppositional ideas had resulted in less antagonism between the
two normative orientations, and eventually led to elites’ ability to generate social legitimacy
for their political purpose. In fact, the endurance of the cognitive prior contributes to the fact
that the position of democratic norm opponents remains stronger than that of the adherents of
democracy, creating ideational barriers rather than facilitating the role of ideational carriers.
In addition, the strong position of the elite defenders of the cognitive prior rests on strong
socio-economic and political resources; they identified themselves as “insider proponents” of
local norms and presented themselves as the representative of the people; they had strong
personal and patronage networks; and they had experience in the local political arena.
Therefore, the symbiosis of the deep-rooted cognitive prior and the combination of strong
material and cognitive resources marshaled by the defenders of old autocratic norms
entrenched the ideational remnants of authoritarianism in the local arenas.
Nevertheless, recent developments in the two regions under study show a
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contradictory direction regarding the argument of enduring authoritarianism. As shown in the
case of North Sumatra and to a lesser degree in East Java, there is a tendency for the rise of
new oppositional democratic ideas, ranging from pluralism, good and clean governance to
entrepreneurial government and anti-corruption campaign. Some local elites tried to employ
these new ideas in the local elections and received a positive response from the public, as
shown by their substantial electoral support. However, the embryonic emergence of
oppositional ideas faced major obstacles on at least two accounts. First, the ideational
advocates of these norms are still limited, weak, and peripheral in the local political arena.
This lack of prominence in the local political arena went hand in hand with a lack of political
experience, weak personal networks, and and effort by established elites to discredit them as
not representing local identities (as in the case of Sofyan Tan as a Chinese). Second, these
carriers of new ideas lacked a method for constituting a process of localization in terms of
how can they frame, graft, or prune the issues in order to amplify the new ideas. The initial
process of ideational contestation, which was indicated by the emergence of new-oppositional
ideas and their advocates, can be seen as the embryonic step toward consolidation.
The above optimistic nature of ideational change is plausible when we discuss another
element of ideational consolidation, that is, the concept of “social expectation” or “socially
desired results to the new norms” (Legro 2000). This condition is important since this can be a
new focal point of consolidation and institutionalization (Legro 2000, 429-430). Assessing the
empirical findings of my study, the concept of social expectation could be significant for two
interrelated circumstances. First, since many old-established elites who used the cognitive
prior as their instrument of legitimacy faced the problem of law violation or charges of
corruption (as in the case of North Sumatran local elites), this might lead to a weakening of
the power of old established elites, and simultaneously delegitimize the cognitive prior. In this
context, law violation, corruption, or bad governance work against social expectations or
socially desired results. We may conclude from this insight that the less prominent the
ideational barriers of democratic ideas, the lower is the legitimacy of the cognitive prior. If
this condition occurs, and if there is a concomitant democratic discourse (for instance, in the
form of an anti-corruption campaign), the credibility of anti-democratic norms will decrease.
Under such conditions, the populist rhetorical jargon of local elites contradicts social
expectations and might be ignored by the people. This first precondition precedes the second
social setting when the norm advocates of new democratic ideas hold local political power. If
they can establish a clean government, increase the quality of life of the people and provide
good public services – goods which society expects -, this condition might lead to a greater
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credibility of democratic ideas and pave the way for their consolidation.
The above discussion shows the interconnectedness of institutions, agency, and ideas
in cases of elite adjustment in transitional settings. The interaction of these three causal
factors provides an explanation on how elite adjustment has taken place. The different
interaction of these three causal factors in the cases under study eventually produced different
outcomes of elite adjustment, although both experience similar democratic institutional
arrangements. Elite adjustment in North Sumatra, by and large, is characterized by “a
turbulent adjustment” indicated by elite discontinuity, heterogeneous socio-cultural structures,
a high degree of inter-elite competition, the lack of elite skills and capacities, but provide an
initially fertile ground for ideational change. East Java, by contrast, is characterized by “a
gentle adjustment” marked by elite continuity, homogeneous socio-cultural structures, a low
degree of inter-elite competition, superiority in political and bureaucratic skills, strong elite
networks and coalition, and a low degree of ideational contestation, thereby fostering the
continuity of a local political oligarchy.
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Zussamenfassung
Local Elite Adjustment in Indonesia’s Democratization:
Case Studies of North Sumatra and East Java, 1998-2013
Nach dem Zusammenbruch des autoritären Orde Baru Regimes von Präsident Suharto im
Jahre 1998 kam es in Indonesien zu einer Reihe grundlegender politischer Reformen.
Umfangreiche institutionelle Veränderungen wie die Durchsetzung eines weitreichenden
Dezentralisierungsprogramms und die Einführung von Direktwahlen auf lokaler Ebene haben
stattgefunden. Als Antwort auf diese Prozesse und um diese Entwicklung zu verstehen, wurde
den Auswirkungen des neuen institutionellen Gefüges auf die Positionen und die Rolle der
Eliten auf der lokalpolitischen Ebene besondere wissenschaftliche Aufmerksamkeit
geschenkt.
Einige Studien unterstützen eine „Oligarchie-These“ und argumentieren, dass das neue
institutionelle Arrangement die oligarchische Struktur des vorherigen Regimes nicht
maßgeblich zu beeinflussen vermochte. Diese Studien betonen also das Phänomen einer
strukturellen Elitenkontinuität.
Im Gegensatz dazu argumentieren andere Studien, dass es signifikante Auswirkungen
des neuen institutionellen Gefüges auf kommunaler Ebene gibt. Diese Auswirkungen werden
durch eine verschärfte Konkurrenz innerhalb der Lokalpolitik, sowie eine gesteigerte
Diversität der lokalen politischen Eliten verkörpert. Während der erste Argumentationsstrang
größtenteils vom Strukturalismus beeinflusst wurde, betonte der zweite einen
akteurzentrierten Ansatz.
Nichtsdestotrotz haben diese Studien - abgesehen von der Annahme der Kontinuität
oder Diskontinuität - größtenteils die dahinterliegende Frage wie sich der Prozess
Elitenanpassung in der Demokratisierung entwickelt hat, übersehen. Diese Studie versucht
daher den Prozess der Elitenanpassung in Indonesien auf lokaler Ebene zu untersuchen.
Hierfür werden verschiedene Arten von Elitenanpassung anhand zweier sorgfältig
ausgewählter Fallstudien – den Provinzen Nordsumatra und Ostjava - betrachtet.
Ausschlaggebend hierbei ist die Frage, warum ähnliche institutionelle Reformen und
Konzepte von Demokratisierungsprozessen auf der lokalpolitischen Ebene zu
unterschiedlichen Resultaten bei der Elitenanpassung geführt haben.
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Um dieses Problem zu beantworten, wendet diese Dissertation den theoretischen
Ansatz des „analytischen Eklektizismus“ an und kombiniert struktur- und akteurzentrierte,
sowie reflexive Forschungsperspektiven, wobei vor allem letztere in der einschlägigen
Forschung bislang keine Rolle spielten und damit einen innovativen konzeptionellen Beitrag
Forschung über lokale Eliten allgemein und in Indonesien im Besonderen darstellen. Ich
argumentiere dabei, dass die Anpassung der lokalen Eliten von drei kausalen Faktorenbündeln
wie den strukturellen Faktoren – dabei insbesondere dem institutionellen Kontext -, den
strategischen Handlungen der Eliten sowie ideellen und kognitiven Prozessen beeinflusst
wird. Obwohl sie einen ähnlichen, durch die Demokratisierung entstandenen institutionellen
Hintergrund haben, führen die verschiedenen Mechanismen der Vernetzung, strategischen
Handlungen und ideellen Konzepte zu signifikant unterschiedlichen Anpassungen der Eliten.
Durch die Überprüfung dieser Zusammenhänge deckt diese Studie ein Muster von
„turbulenter Anpassung“ in einem (Nordsumatra) und „sanfter Anpassung“ im anderen Fall
(Ostjava) auf. Das bedeutet, dass in Nordsumatra Elitendiskontinuität zu konstatieren ist, die
durch die dort identifizierte Struktur politischer Netzwerke, die handelnden Personen,
soziokulturelle Heterogenität, einen hohen Grad an innerelitärer Konkurrenz, einem Mangel
an administrativen Kenntnissen und Fertigkeiten und dem Verlauf der ideellen
Auseinandersetzung zu einer Anpassung geführt hat, welche durch eine fragile Elitenstruktur
charakterisiert ist. Kontrastierend zu diesen Entwicklungen stehen die Bedingungen in
Ostjava, wo Elitenkontinuität, homogene soziokulturelle Strukturen, hohe administrative und
politische Kompetenz der Eliten, ein niedriger Grad an innerelitärer Konkurrenz, starke
Koalitionen und politische Netzwerke und ein geringer Grad an ideeller Auseinandersetzung
den Weg für einen reibungslosen und friedlichen Anpassungsprozess geebnet haben, welcher
allerdings die Herausbildung einer lokalpolitischen Oligarchie begünstigt.
267
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Appendix
(List of Interviewees)
Ichwan Azhari, Historian of Medan State University, Medan, 4 May 2011.
Amrun Daulay, Candidate for North Sumatra Governor 2003, Jakarta, 11 May 2011.
Muryanto Amin, Political Scientist of North Sumatra University, Jakarta, 1 March
2012.
Fadly Nurzal, Regional Chairman of PPP, Medan 28 April 2011.
Gatot Pujo Nugroho, Vice Governor of North Sumatra, 2 May 2011.
Chairuman Harahap, Candidate for North Sumatra Governor 2003 and Member of
DPR, Jakarta 10 May 2011
Sofyan Tan, Candidate for Mayor of Medan 2010, Medan, 21 February 2012
Ahmad Taufan Damanik, Political Scientist of North Sumatra University, Medan, 26
April 2011 and Medan, 30 April 2011.
Ali Umri, Candidate for North Sumatra Governor 2008, Medan, 29 April 2011
Hasrul Azwar, Former Chairman of PPP and Member of DPR, Medan, 24 April 2011.
Affifudin Lubis, Acting Mayor of Medan and Career Bureaucrat, Medan, 20 February
2012
Tengku Eri Nuradi, Regent of Serdang Bedagai, Serdang Bedagai, 26 April 2011.
Usman Pelly, Antropologist of Medan State University, Medan, 25 April 2011
Syamsul Arifin, Governor of North Sumatra, Jakarta, 12 May 2011;
Hardi Mulyono, Politician of Golkar Party, Medan, 3 May 2011
Sigit Pramono Asri, Politicians of PKS and Vice Chairman of North Sumatra DPRD,
Medan, 3 May 2011.
Rahmat Shah, Member of National Senate (Representative for North Sumatra),
Medan, 20 February 2012
Rahudman Harahap, Mayor of Medan, Medan 17 February 2012
Danny Setiawan, Candidate for Mayor of Binjai 2010, Medan, 28 April 2011
Kresnayana Yahya, Academician of ITS, Surabaya, 2 February 2012.
Taufik Lamade, Local Journalist of Jawa Pos, Surabaya, 30 January 2012.
Hariadi, Political Scientist of Airlangga University, Surabaya, 19 January 2012.
Imam Oetomo, Governor of East Java 1998-2008, Surabaya, 30 January 2012.
Sirmaji, Chairman of PDI-P East Java, Surabaya, 27 January 2012.
Martono, Chairman of Golkar Party East Java, Surabaya, 24 January 2012.
Arif Afandi, Vice Mayor of Surabaya 2005-2010 and Candidate for Mayor of
Surabaya 2010, Surabaya, 19 January 2012;
Soenarjo, Vice Governor of East Java and Candidate for Governor of East Java,
Surabaya and Jakarta, 6 February 2012.
Soekarwo, Governor of East Java, Surabaya, 26 January 2012.
Khofifah Indar Parawansa, Candidate for Governor of East Java (2008 and 2013)
Jakarta, 3 June 2010.
Hotman Siahaan, Sociologist of Airlangga University, Surabaya, 25 January 2012;
Faishal Aminuddin, Political Scientist of Brawijaya University, Surabaya, 24 January
2012;
Bambang DH, Mayor of Surabaya and Vice Mayor of Surabaya, Surabaya, 1 February
2012.
Whisnu Sakti Buana, Chairman of PDI-P Surabaya, Surabaya, 2 February 2012,
Choirul Anam, Chairman of PKNU, Jakarta, 13 May 2011 and Surabaya 30 January
2012.
302
Rismarahini, Mayor of Surabaya, Surabaya, 2 February 2012.